Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. II (of 8) - Spanish Explorations and Settlements in America from the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century

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Title: Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. II (of 8) - Spanish Explorations and Settlements in America from the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century
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Spanish Explorations and Settlements in America
from the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century

[Illustration]

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA

Edited by

JUSTIN WINSOR

Librarian of Harvard University
Corresponding Secretary Massachusetts Historical Society

VOL. II

Boston and New York
Houghton, Mifflin and Company
The Riverside Press, Cambridge

CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

[_The Spanish arms on the title are copied from the titlepage of
Herrera._]

INTRODUCTION. PAGE

DOCUMENTARY SOURCES OF EARLY SPANISH-AMERICAN HISTORY. _The
Editor_ i

CHAPTER I.

COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. _The Editor_ 1

ILLUSTRATIONS: Columbus’ Armor, 4; Parting of Columbus with
Ferdinand and Isabella, 6; Early Vessels, 7; Building a Ship,
8; Course of Columbus on his First Voyage, 9; Ship of Columbus’
Time, 10; Native House in Hispaniola, 11; Curing the Sick,
11; The Triumph of Columbus, 12; Columbus at Hispaniola, 13;
Handwriting of Columbus, 14; Arms of Columbus, 15; Fruit-trees
of Hispaniola, 16; Indian Club, 16; Indian Canoe, 17, 17;
Columbus at Isla Margarita, 18; Early Americans, 19; House in
which Columbus died, 23.

CRITICAL ESSAY 24

ILLUSTRATIONS: Ptolemy, 26, 27; Albertus Magnus, 29; Marco
Polo, 30; Columbus’ Annotations on the _Imago Mundi_, 31; on
Æneas Sylvius, 32; the Atlantic of the Ancients, 37; Prince
Henry the Navigator, 39; his Autograph, 39; Sketch-map of
Portuguese Discoveries in Africa, 40; Portuguese Map of the Old
World (1490), 41; Vasco da Gama and his Autograph, 42; Line of
Demarcation (Map of 1527), 43; Pope Alexander VI., 44.

NOTES 46

A, First Voyage, 46; B, Landfall, 52; C, Effect of the
Discovery in Europe, 56; D, Second Voyage, 57; E, Third Voyage,
58; F, Fourth Voyage, 59; G, Lives and Notices of Columbus,
62; H, Portraits of Columbus, 69; I, Burial and Remains of
Columbus, 78; J, Birth of Columbus, and Accounts of his Family,
83.

ILLUSTRATIONS: Fac-simile of first page of Columbus’ Letter,
No. III., 49; Cut on reverse of Title of Nos. V. and VI., 50;
Title of No. VI., 51; The Landing of Columbus, 52; Cut in
German Translation of the First Letter, 53; Text of the German
Translation, 54; the Bahama Group (map), 55; Sign-manuals
of Ferdinand and Isabella, 56; Sebastian Brant, 59; Map of
Columbus’ Four Voyages, 60, 61; Fac-simile of page in the
Glustiniani Psalter, 63; Ferdinand Columbus’ Register of Books,
65; Autograph of Humboldt, 68; Paulus Jovius, 70. Portraits
of Columbus,—after Giovio, 71; the Yanez Portrait, 72; after
Capriolo, 73; the Florence picture, 74; the De Bry Picture,
75; the Jomard Likeness, 76; the Havana Medallion, 77; Picture
at Madrid, 78; after Montanus, 79; Coffer and Bones found in
Santo Domingo, 80; Inscriptions on and in the Coffer, 81, 82;
Portrait and Sign-manual of Ferdinand of Spain, 85; Bartholomew
Columbus, 86.

POSTSCRIPT 88

THE EARLIEST MAPS OF THE SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES.
_The Editor_ 93

ILLUSTRATIONS: Early Compass, 94; Astrolabe of Regiomontanus,
96; Later Astrolabe, 97; Jackstaff, 99; Backstaff, 100;
Pirckeymerus, 102; Toscanelli’s Map, 103; Martin Behaim, 104;
Extract from Behaim’s Globe, 105; Part of La Cosa’s Map,
106; of the Cantino Map, 108; Peter Martyr Map (1511), 110;
Ptolemy Map (1513), 111; Admiral’s Map (1513), 112; Reisch’s
Map (1515), 114; Ruysch’s Map (1508), 115; Stobnicza’s Map
(1512), 116; Schöner, 117; Schöner’s Globe (1515), 118; (1520),
119; Tross Gores (1514-1519), 120; Münster’s Map (1532), 121;
Sylvanus’ Map (1511), 122; Lenox Globe, 123; Da Vinci Sketch of
Globe, 124, 125, 126; Carta Marina of Frisius (1525), 127;
Coppo’s Map (1528), 127.

CHAPTER II.

AMERIGO VESPUCCI. _Sydney Howard Gay_ 129

ILLUSTRATIONS: Fac-simile of a Letter of Vespucci, 130;
Autograph of Amerrigo Vespuche, 138; Portraits of Vespucci,
139, 140, 141.

NOTES ON VESPUCIUS AND THE NAMING OF AMERICA. _The Editor_ 153

ILLUSTRATIONS: Title of the Jehan Lambert edition of the
_Mundus Novus_, 157; first page of Vorsterman’s _Mundus Novus_,
158; Title of _De Ora Antarctica_, 159; title of _Von der neu
gefunden Region_, 160; Fac-simile of its first page, 161;
Ptolemy’s World, 165; Title of the _Cosmographiæ Introductio_,
167; Fac-simile of its reference to the name of America, 168;
the Lenox Globe (American parts), 170; Title of the 1509
edition of the _Cosmographiæ Introductio_, 171; title of the
_Globus Mundi_, 172; Map of Laurentius Frisius in the Ptolemy
of 1522, 175; American part of the Mercator Map of 1541, 177;
Portrait of Apianus, 179.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF POMPONIUS MELA, SOLINUS, VADIANUS, AND APIANUS.
_The Editor_ 180

ILLUSTRATIONS: Pomponius Mela’s World, 180; Vadianus, 181; Part
of Apianus’ Map (1520), 183; Apianus, 185.

CHAPTER III.

THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. _Edward Channing_ 187

ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of Hispaniola, 188; Castilia del Oro, 190;
Cartagena, 192; Balbóa, 195; Havana, 202.

CRITICAL ESSAY 204

ILLUSTRATION: Juan de Grijalva, 216.

THE EARLY CARTOGRAPHY OF THE GULF OF MEXICO AND ADJACENT PARTS.
_The Editor_ 217

ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of the Pacific (1518), 217; of the Gulf of
Mexico (1520), 218; by Lorenz Friess (1522), 218; by Maiollo
(1527), 219; by Nuño Garcia de Toreno (1527), 220; by Ribero
(1529), 221; The so-called Lenox Woodcut (1534), 223; Early
French Map, 224; Gulf of Mexico (1536), 225; by Rotz (1542),
226; by Cabot (1544), 227; in Ramusio (1556), 228; by Homem
(1558), 229; by Martines (1578), 229; of Cuba, by Wytfliet
(1597), 230.

CHAPTER IV.

ANCIENT FLORIDA. _John G. Shea_ 231

ILLUSTRATIONS: Ponce de Leon, 235; Hernando de Soto, 252;
Autograph of De Soto, 253; of Mendoza, 254; Map of Florida
(1565), 264; Site of Fort Caroline, 265; View of St. Augustine,
266; Spanish Vessels, 267; Building of Fort Caroline, 268; Fort
Caroline completed, 269; Map of Florida (1591), 274; Wytfliet’s
Map (1597), 281.

CRITICAL ESSAY 283

ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of Ayllon’s Explorations, 285; Autograph of
Narvaez, 286; of Cabeza de Vaca, 287; of Charles V., 289; of
Biedma, 290; Map of the Mississippi (sixteenth century), 292;
Delisle’s Map, with the Route of De Soto, 294, 295.

CHAPTER V.

LAS CASAS, AND THE RELATIONS OF THE SPANIARDS TO THE INDIANS.
_George E. Ellis_ 299

CRITICAL ESSAY 331

ILLUSTRATIONS: Las Casas, 332; his Autograph, 333; Titlepages
of his Tracts, 334, 336, 338; Fac-simile of his Handwriting,
339.

EDITORIAL NOTE 343

ILLUSTRATIONS: Autograph of Motolinia, 343; Title of Oviedo’s
_Natural Hystoria_ (1526), 344; Arms of Oviedo, 345; his
Autograph, 346; Head of Benzoni, 347.

CHAPTER VI.

CORTÉS AND HIS COMPANIONS. _The Editor_ 349

ILLUSTRATIONS: Velasquez, 350; Cannon of Cortés’ time, 352;
Helps’s Map of Cortés’ Voyage, 353; Cortés and his Arms, 354;
Gabriel Lasso de la Vega, 355; Cortés, 357; Map of the March
of Cortés, 358; Cortés, 360; Montezuma, 361, 363; Map of
Mexico before the Conquest, 364; Pedro de Alvarado, 366; his
Autograph, 367; Helps’s Map of the Mexican Valley, 369; Tree of
Triste Noche, 370; Charles V., 371, 373; his Autograph, 372;
Wilson’s Map of the Mexican Valley, 374; Jourdanet’s Map of
the Valley, _colored_, 375; Mexico under the Conquerors, 377;
Mexico according to Ramusio, 379; Cortés in Jovius, 381; his
Autograph, 381; Map of Guatemala and Honduras, 384; Autograph
of Sandoval, 387; his Portrait, 388; Cortés after Herrera, 389;
his Armor, 390; Autograph of Fuenleal, 391; Map of Mexico after
Herrera, 392; Acapulco, 394; Full-length Portrait of Cortés,
395; Likeness on a Medal, 396.

CRITICAL ESSAY 397

ILLUSTRATION: Autograph of Icazbalceta, 397.

NOTES 402

ILLUSTRATIONS: Cortés before Charles V., 403; Cortés’ Map of
the Gulf of Mexico, 404; Title of the Latin edition of his
Letters (1524), 405; Reverse of its Title, 406; Portrait of
Clement VII., 407; Autograph of Gayangos, 408; Lorenzana’s
Map of Spain, 408; Title of _De insulis nuper inventis_, 409;
Title of Gomara’s _Historia_ (1553), 413; Autograph of Bernal
Diaz, 414; of Sahagun, 416; Portrait of Solis, 423; Portrait of
William H. Prescott, 426.

DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST OF NORTH AMERICA.
_The Editor_ 431

ILLUSTRATIONS: Map from the Sloane Manuscripts (1530), 432;
from Ruscelli (1544), 432; Nancy Globe, 433; from Ziegler’s
_Schondia_ (1532), 434; Carta Marina (1548), 435; Vopellio’s
Map (1556), 436; Titlepage of Girava’s _Cosmographia_, 437;
Furlani’s Map (1560), 438; Map of the Pacific (1513), 440;
Cortés’ Map of the California Peninsula, 442; Castillo’s Map of
the California Gulf (1541), 444; Map by Homem (1540), 446; by
Cabot (1544), 447; by Freire (1546), 448; in Ptolemy (1548),
449; by Martines (155-?), 450; by Zaltieri (1566), 451; by
Mercator (1569), 452; by Porcacchi (1572), 453; by Furlani
(1574), 454; from Molineaux’ Globe (1592), 455; a Spanish
Galleon, 456; Map of the Gulf of California by Wytfliet (1597),
458; of America by Wytfliet (1597), 459; of Terre de Iesso,
464; of the California Coast by Dudley (1646), 465; Diagram of
Mercator’s Projection, 470.

CHAPTER VII.

EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. _Henry W. Haynes_ 473

ILLUSTRATIONS: Autograph of Coronado, 481; Map of his
Explorations, 485; Early Drawings of the Buffalo, 488, 489.

CRITICAL ESSAY 498

EDITORIAL NOTE 503

CHAPTER VIII.

PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT OF PERU AND CHILI.
_Clements R. Markham_ 505

ILLUSTRATIONS: Indian Rafts, 508; Sketch-maps of the Conquest
of Peru, 509, 519; picture of Embarkation, 512; Ruge’s Map
of Pizarro’s Discoveries, 513; Native Huts in Trees, 514;
Atahualpa, 515, 516; Almagro, 518; Plan of Ynca Fortress near
Cusco, 521; Building of a Town, 522; Gabriel de Rojas, 523;
Sketch-map of the Conquest of Chili, 524; Pedro de Valdivia,
529, 530; Pastene, 531; Pizarro, 532, 533; Vaca de Castro,
535; Pedro de la Gasca, 539, 540; Alonzo de Alvarado, 544;
Conception Bay, 548; Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, 550; Peruvians
worshipping the Sun, 551; Cusco, 554; Temple of Cusco, 555;
Wytfliet’s Map of Peru, 558; of Chili, 559; Sotomayor, 562;
Title of the 1535 Xeres, 565.

CRITICAL ESSAY 563

ILLUSTRATION: Title of the 1535 Xeres, 565.

EDITORIAL NOTES 573

ILLUSTRATION: Prescott’s Library, 577.

THE AMAZON AND ELDORADO. _The Editor_ 579

ILLUSTRATIONS: Gonzalo Ximenes de Quesada, 580; Sketch-map,
581; Castellanos, 583; Map of the Mouths of the Orinoco, 586;
De Laet’s Map of Parime Lacus, 588.

CHAPTER IX.

MAGELLAN’S DISCOVERY. _Edward E. Hale_ 591

ILLUSTRATIONS: Autograph of Magellan, 592; Portraits of
Magellan, 593, 594, 595; Indian Beds, 597; South American
Cannibals, 598; Giant’s Skeleton at Porto Desire, 602;
Quoniambec, 603; Pigafetta’s Map of Magellan’s Straits, 605;
Chart of the Pacific, showing Magellan’s Track, 610; Pigafetta’s
Map of the Ladrones, 611.

CRITICAL ESSAY 613

INDEX 619

INTRODUCTION.

BY THE EDITOR.

DOCUMENTARY SOURCES OF EARLY SPANISH-AMERICAN HISTORY.

THE earliest of the historians to use, to any extent, documentary
proofs, was Herrera, in his _Historia general_, first published in
1601.[1] As the official historiographer of the Indies, he had the best
of opportunities for access to the great wealth of documents which the
Spanish archivists had preserved; but he never distinctly quotes them,
or says where they are to be found.[2] It is through him that we are
aware of some important manuscripts not now known to exist.[3]

The formation of the collections at Simancas, near Valladolid,
dates back to an order of Charles the Fifth, Feb. 19, 1543. New
accommodations were added from time to time, as documents were removed
thither from the bureaus of the Crown Secretaries, and from those
of the Councils of Seville and of the Indies. It was reorganized by
Philip II., in 1567, on a larger basis, as a depository for historical
research, when masses of manuscripts from other parts of Spain
were transported thither;[4] but the comparatively small extent of
the Simancas Collection does not indicate that the order was very
extensively observed; though it must be remembered that Napoleon made
havoc among these papers, and that in 1814 it was but a remnant which
was rearranged.[5]

Dr. Robertson was the earliest of the English writers to make even
scant use of the original manuscript sources of information; and such
documents as he got from Spain were obtained through the solicitation
and address of Lord Grantham, the English ambassador. Everything,
however, was grudgingly given, after being first directly refused. It
is well known that the Spanish Government considered even what he did
obtain and make use of as unfit to be brought to the attention of their
own public, and the authorities interposed to prevent the translation
of Robertson’s history into Spanish.

In his preface Dr. Robertson speaks of the peculiar solicitude with
which the Spanish archives were concealed from strangers in his time;
and he tells how, to Spanish subjects even, those of Simancas were
opened only upon a royal order. Papers notwithstanding such order,
he says, could be copied only by payment of fees too exorbitant to
favor research.[6] By order of Fernando VI., in the last century, a
collection of selected copies of the most important documents in the
various depositories of archives was made; and this was placed in the
Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid.

In 1778 Charles III. ordered that the documents of the Indies in the
Spanish offices and depositories should be brought together in one
place. The movement did not receive form till 1785, when a commission
was appointed; and not till 1788, did Simancas, and the other
collections drawn upon, give up their treasures to be transported to
Seville, where they were placed in the building provided for them.[7]

Muñoz, who was born in 1745, was commissioned in 1779 by the King
with authority[8] to search archives, public and family, and to write
and publish a _Historia del nuevo mundo_. Of this work only a single
volume,[9] bringing the story down to 1500, was completed, and it was
issued in 1793. Muñoz gave in its preface a critical review of the
sources of his subject. In the prosecution of his labor he formed
a collection of documents, which after his death was scattered;
but parts of it were, in 1827, in the possession of Don Antonio de
Uguina,[10] and later of Ternaux. The Spanish Government exerted
itself to reassemble the fragments of this collection, which is now,
in great part, in the Academy of History at Madrid,[11] where it has
been increased by other manuscripts from the archives at Seville.
Other portions are lodged, however, in ministerial offices, and the
most interesting are noted by Harrisse in his _Christophe Colomb_.[12]
A paper by Mr. J. Carson Brevoort on Muñoz and his manuscripts is in
the _American Bibliopolist_ (vol. viii. p. 21), February, 1876.[13] An
English translation of Muñoz’s single volume appeared in 1797, with
notes, mostly translated from the German version by Sprengel, published
in 1795. Rich had a manuscript copy made of all that Muñoz wrote of his
second volume (never printed), and this copy is noted in the _Brinley
Catalogue_, no. 47.[14]

[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF MUÑOZ.]

“In the days of Muñoz,” says Harrisse in his _Notes on Columbus_, p.
1, “the great repositories for original documents concerning Columbus
and the early history of Spanish America were the Escurial, Simancas,
the Convent of Monserrate, the colleges of St. Bartholomew and Cuenca
at Salamanca, and St. Gregory at Valladolid, the Cathedral of Valencia,
the Church of Sacro-Monte in Granada, the convents of St. Francis
at Tolosa, St. Dominick at Malaga, St. Acacio, St. Joseph, and St.
Isidro del Campo at Seville. There may be many valuable records still
concealed in those churches and convents.”

The originals of the letters-patent, and other evidences of privileges
granted by the Spanish monarchs to Columbus, were preserved by him,
and now constitute a part of the collection of the Duke of Veraguas,
in Madrid. In 1502 Columbus caused several attested copies of them
and of a few other documents to be made, raising the number of papers
from thirty-six to forty-four. His care in causing these copies to be
distributed among different custodians evinces the high importance
which he held them to have, as testimonials to his fame and his
prominence in the world’s history. One wishes he could have had a like
solicitude for the exactness of his own statements. Before setting out
on his fourth voyage, he intrusted one of these copies to Francesco
di Rivarolo, for delivery to Nicoló Odérigo, the ambassador of Genoa,
in Madrid. From Cadiz shortly afterwards he sent a second copy to the
same Odérigo. In 1670 both of these copies were given, by a descendant
of Odérigo, to the Republic of Genoa. They subsequently disappeared
from the archives of the State, and Harrisse[15] has recently found
one of them in the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at
Paris. The other was bought in 1816 by the Sardinian Government, at a
sale of the effects of Count Michael-Angelo Cambiasi. After a copy had
been made and deposited in the archives at Turin, this second copy was
deposited in a marble custodia, surmounted by a bust of Columbus, and
placed in the palace of the Doges in Genoa.[16] These documents, with
two of the letters addressed (March 21, 1502, and Dec. 27, 1504)[17]
to Odérigo, were published in Genoa in 1823 in the _Codice diplomatico
Colombo-Americano_, edited with a biographical introduction by Giovanni
Battista Spotorno.[18] A third letter (April 2, 1502), addressed to the
governors of the Bank of St. George, was not printed by Spotorno, but
was given in English in 1851 in the _Memorials of Columbus_ by Robert
Dodge, published by the Maryland Historical Society.[19]

The State Archives of Genoa were transferred from the Ducal Palace, in
1817, to the Palazzetto, where they now are; and Harrisse’s account[20]
of them tells us what they do not contain respecting Columbus, rather
than what they do. We also learn from him something of the “Archives
du Notariat Génois,” and of the collections formed by the Senator
Federico Federici (d. 1647), by Gian Battista Richeri (_circa_ 1724),
and by others; but they seem to have afforded Harrisse little more than
stray notices of early members of the Colombo family.

Washington Irving refers to the “self-sustained zeal of one of the last
veterans of Spanish literature, who is almost alone, yet indefatigable,
in his labors in a country where at present literary exertion meets
with but little excitement or reward.” Such is his introduction of
Martin Fernandez de Navarrete,[21] who was born in 1765, and as a
young man gave some active and meritorious service in the Spanish
navy. In 1789 he was forced by ill-health to abandon the sea. He then
accepted a commission from Charles IV. to examine all the depositories
of documents in the kingdom, and arrange the material to be found in
illustration of the history of the Spanish navy.[22] This work he
continued, with interruptions, till 1825, when he began at Madrid the
publication of his _Coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos que
hicieron por mar los Españoles desde fines del siglo XV._,[23] which
reached an extent of five volumes, and was completed in 1837. It put
in convenient printed form more than five hundred documents of great
value, between the dates of 1393 and 1540. A sixth and seventh volume
were left unfinished at his death, which occurred in 1844, at the age
of seventy-eight.[24] His son afterward gathered some of his minor
writings, including biographies of early navigators,[25] and printed
(1848) them as a _Coleccion de opúsculos_; and in 1851 another of his
works, _Biblioteca maritima Española_, was printed at Madrid in two
volumes.[26]

The first two volumes of his collection (of which volumes there was
a second edition in 1858) bore the distinctive title, _Relaciones,
cartas y otros documentos, concernientes á los cuatro viages que
hizo el Almirante D. Cristóbal Colon para el descubrimiento de las
Indias occidentales, and Documentos diplomáticos_. Three years later
(1828) a French version of these two volumes appeared at Paris, which
Navarrete himself revised, and which is further enriched with notes by
Humboldt, Jomard, Walckenaer, and others.[27] This French edition is
entitled: _Relation des quatres voyages entrepris par Ch. Colomb pour
la découverte du Nouveau Monde de 1492 à 1504, traduite par Chalumeau
de Vernéuil? et de la Roquette_. It is in three volumes, and is worth
about twenty francs. An Italian version, _Narrazione dei quattro
viaggi_, etc., was made by F. Giuntini, and appeared in two volumes at
Prato in 1840-1841.[28]

Navarrete’s literary labors did not prevent much conspicuous service
on his part, both at sea and on land; and in 1823, not long before
he published his great Collection, he became the head of the Spanish
hydrographic bureau.[29] After his death the Spanish Academy printed
(1846) his historical treatise on the Art of Navigation and kindred
subjects (_Disertacion sobre la historia de la náutica_[30]), which was
an enlargement of an earlier essay published in 1802.

While Navarrete’s great work was in progress at Madrid, Mr. Alexander
H. Everett, the American Minister at that Court, urged upon Washington
Irving, then at Bordeaux, the translation into English of the new
material which Navarrete was preparing, together with his Commentary.
Upon this incentive Irving went to Madrid and inspected the work, which
was soon published. His sense of the popular demand easily convinced
him that a continuous narrative, based upon Navarrete’s material,—but
leaving himself free to use all other helps,—would afford him better
opportunities to display his own graceful literary skill, and more
readily to engage the favor of the general reader. Irving’s judgment
was well founded; and Navarrete never quite forgave him for making a
name more popularly associated with that of the great discoverer than
his own.[31] Navarrete afforded Irving at this time much personal help
and encouragement. Obadiah Rich, the American Consul at Valencia, under
whose roof Irving lived, furnished him, however, his chief resource in
a curious and extensive library. To the Royal Library, and to that of
the Jesuit College of San Isidro, Irving also occasionally resorted.
The Duke of Veraguas took pleasure in laying before him his own family
archives.[32] The result was the _Life and Voyages of Christopher
Columbus_; and in the Preface, dated at Madrid in 1827,[33] Irving made
full acknowledgment of the services which had been rendered to him.
This work was followed, not long after, by the _Voyages and Discoveries
of the Companions of Columbus_; and ever since, in English and other
languages, the two books have kept constant company.[34]

Irving proved an amiable hero-worshipper, and Columbus was pictured
with few questionable traits. The writer’s literary canons did not
call for the scrutiny which destroys a world’s exemplar. “One of the
most salutary purposes of history,” he says, “is to furnish examples
of what human genius and laudable enterprise may accomplish,”—and such
brilliant examples must be rescued from the “pernicious erudition” of
the investigator. Irving’s method at least had the effect to conciliate
the upholders of the saintly character of the discoverer; and the
modern school of the De Lorgues, who have been urging the canonization
of Columbus, find Irving’s ideas of him higher and juster than those of
Navarrete.

* * * * *

Henri Ternaux-Compans printed his _Voyages, relations, et mémoires
originaux pour servir à l’histoire de la dècouverte de l’Amérique_,
between 1837 and 1841.[35] This collection included rare books and
about seventy-five original documents, which it is suspected may
have been obtained during the French occupation of Spain. Ternaux
published his _Archives des voyages_, in two volumes, at Paris in
1840;[36] a minor part of it pertains to American affairs. Another
volume, published at the same time, is often found with it,—_Recueil
de documents et mémoires originaux sur l’histoire des possessions
Espagnoles dans l’Amérique_, whose contents, it is said, were derived
from the Muñoz Collection.

The Academy of History at Madrid began in 1842 a series of documentary
illustrations which, though devoted to the history of Spain in general
(_Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia de España_),
contains much matter of the first importance in respect to the history
of her colonies.[37] Navarrete was one of the original editors, but
lived only to see five volumes published. Salvá, Baranda, and others
have continued the publication since, which now amounts to eighty
volumes, of which vols. 62, 63, and 64 are the famous history of Las
Casas, then for the first time put in print.

In 1864 a new series was begun at Madrid,—_Coleccion de documentos
inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y colonizacion de
las posesiones Españolas en América y Oceania, sacados, en su mayor
parte, del Real Archivo de Indias_. Nearly forty volumes have thus far
been published, under the editing of Joaquin F. Pacheco, Francisco de
Cárdenas, and Luis Torres de Mendoza at the start, but with changes
later in the editorial staff.[38]

Mr. E. G. Squier edited at New York in 1860 a work called _Collection
of Rare and Original Documents and Relations concerning the Discovery
and Conquest of America, chiefly from the Spanish Archives, in the
original, with Translations, Notes, Maps, and Sketches_. There was
a small edition only,—one hundred copies on small paper, and ten on
large paper.[39] This was but one of a large collection of manuscripts
relative to Central America and Mexico which Mr. Squier had collected,
partly during his term as _chargé d’affaires_ in 1849. Out of these
he intended a series of publications, which never went beyond this
first number. The collection “consists,” says Bancroft,[40] “of
extracts and copies of letters and reports of _audiencias_, governors,
bishops, and various governmental officials, taken from the Spanish
archives at Madrid and from the library of the Spanish Royal Academy of
History, mostly under the direction of the indefatigable collector, Mr.
Buckingham Smith.”

Early Spanish manuscripts on America in the British Museum are noted in
its _Index to Manuscripts_, 1854-1875, p. 31; and Gayangos’ _Catalogue
of Spanish Manuscripts in the British Museum_, vol. ii., has a section
on America.[41]

Regarding the chances of further developments in depositories of
manuscripts, Harrisse, in his _Notes on Columbus_,[42] says: “For the
present the historian will find enough to gather from the Archivo
General de Indias in the Lonja at Seville, which contains as many as
forty-seven thousand huge packages, brought, within the last fifty
years, from all parts of Spain. But the richest mine as yet unexplored
we suppose to be the archives of the monastic orders in Italy; as
all the expeditions to the New World were accompanied by Franciscan,
Dominican, Benedictine, and other monks, who maintained an active
correspondence with the heads of their respective congregations. The
private archives of the Dukes of Veraguas, Medina-Sidonia, and Del
Infantado, at Madrid, are very rich. There is scarce anything relating
to that early period left in Simancas; but the original documents in
the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon are all intact”[43]

Among the latest contributions to the documentary history of the
Spanish colonization is a large folio, _Cartas de Indias, publicalas
por primera vez el ministerio de fomento_, issued in Madrid in 1877
under the auspices of the Spanish Government. It contains one hundred
and eight letters,[44] covering the period 1496 to 1586, the earliest
date being a supposed one for a letter of Columbus which is without
date. The late Mr. George Dexter,[45] who has printed[46] a translation
of this letter (together with one of another letter, Feb. 6, 1502,
and one of Vespucius, Dec. 9, 1508), gives his reasons for thinking the
date should be between March 15 and Sept. 25, 1493.[47]

At Madrid and Paris was published, in 1883, a single octavo
volume,—_Costa-Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en el siglo XVI., su historia
y sus limítes segun los documentos del Archivo de Indias de Sevilla,
del de Simancas, etc., recogidos y publicados con notas y aclaraciones
históricas y geográficas, por D. Manuel M. de Peralta_.

The more special and restricted documentary sources are examined in the
successive chapters of the present volume.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL

HISTORY OF AMERICA.

CHAPTER I.

COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES.

BY JUSTIN WINSOR,

_The Editor._

BEYOND his birth, of poor and respectable parents, we know nothing
positively about the earliest years of Columbus. His father was
probably a wool-comber. The boy had the ordinary schooling of his time,
and a touch of university life during a few months passed at Pavia;
then at fourteen he chose to become a sailor. A seaman’s career in
those days implied adventures more or less of a piratical kind. There
are intimations, however, that in the intervals of this exciting life
he followed the more humanizing occupation of selling books in Genoa,
and perhaps got some employment in the making of charts, for he had a
deft hand at design. We know his brother Bartholomew was earning his
living in this way when Columbus joined him in Lisbon in 1470. Previous
to this there seems to be some degree of certainty in connecting him
with voyages made by a celebrated admiral of his time bearing the
same family name, Colombo; he is also said to have joined the naval
expedition of John of Anjou against Naples in 1459.[48] Again, he may
have been the companion of another notorious corsair, a nephew of the
one already mentioned, as is sometimes maintained; but this sea-rover’s
proper name seems to have been more likely Caseneuve, though he was
sometimes called Coulon or Colon.[49]

Columbus spent the years 1470-1484 in Portugal. It was a time when the
air was filled with tales of discovery. The captains of Prince Henry
of Portugal had been gradually pushing their ships down the African
coast and in some of these voyages Columbus was a participant. To one
of his navigators Prince Henry had given the governorship of the Island
of Porto Santo, of the Madeira group. To the daughter of this man,
Perestrello,[50] Columbus was married; and with his widow Columbus
lived, and derived what advantage he could from the papers and charts
of the old navigator. There was a tie between his own and his wife’s
family in the fact that Perestrello was an Italian, and seems to have
been of good family, but to have left little or no inheritance for his
daughter beyond some property in Porto Santo, which Columbus went to
enjoy. On this island Columbus’ son Diego was born in 1474.

It was in this same year (1474) that he had some correspondence with
the Italian _savant_, Toscanelli, regarding the discovery of land
westward. A belief in such discovery was a natural corollary of the
object which Prince Henry had had in view,—by circumnavigating Africa
to find a way to the countries of which Marco Polo had given golden
accounts. It was to substitute for the tedious indirection of the
African route a direct western passage,—a belief in the practicability
of which was drawn from a confidence in the sphericity of the earth.
Meanwhile, gathering what hope he could by reading the ancients, by
conferring with wise men, and by questioning mariners returned from
voyages which had borne them more or less westerly on the great ocean,
Columbus suffered the thought to germinate as it would in his mind for
several years. Even on the voyages which he made hither and thither for
gain,—once far north, to Iceland even, or perhaps only to the Faröe
Islands, as is inferred,—and in active participation in various warlike
and marauding expeditions, like the attack on the Venetian galleys
near Cape St. Vincent in 1485,[51] he constantly came in contact with
those who could give him hints affecting his theory. Through all these
years, however, we know not certainly what were the vicissitudes which
fell to his lot.[52]

It seems possible, if not probable, that Columbus went to Genoa and
Venice, and in the first instance presented his scheme of western
exploration to the authorities of those cities.[53] He may, on the
other hand; have tried earlier to get the approval of the King of
Portugal. In this case the visit to Italy may have occurred in the year
following his departure from Portugal, which is nearly a blank in the
record of his life. De Lorgues believes in the anterior Italian visit,
when both Genoa and Venice rejected his plans; and then makes him live
with his father at Savone, gaining a living by constructing charts, and
by selling maps and books in Genoa.

It would appear that in 1484 Columbus had urged his views upon the
Portuguese King, but with no further success than to induce the
sovereign to despatch, on other pretences, a vessel to undertake the
passage westerly in secrecy. Its return without accomplishing any
discovery opened the eyes of Columbus to the deceit which that monarch
would have put upon him, and he departed from the Portuguese dominions
in not a little disgust.[54]

The death of his wife had severed another tie with Portugal; and taking
with him his boy Diego, Columbus left, to go we scarcely know whither,
so obscure is the record of his life for the next year. Muñoz claims
for this period that he went to Italy. Sharon Turner has conjectured
that he went to England; but there seems no ground to believe that he
had any relations with the English Court except by deputy, for his
brother Bartholomew was despatched to lay his schemes before Henry
VII.[55] Whatever may have been the result of this application, no
answer seems to have reached Columbus until he was committed to the
service of Spain.

It was in 1485 or 1486—for authorities differ[56]—that a proposal was
laid by Columbus before Ferdinand and Isabella; but the steps were
slow by which he made even this progress. We know how, in the popular
story, he presented himself at the Franciscan Convent of Santa María
de la Rábida, asking for bread for himself and his boy. This convent
stood on a steep promontory about half a league from Palos, and was
then in charge of the Father Superior Juan Perez de Marchena.[57] The
appearance of the stranger first, and his talk next, interested the
Prior; and it was under his advice and support after a while—when
Martin Alonzo Pinzon, of the neighboring town of Palos, had espoused
the new theory—that Columbus was passed on to Cordova, with such claims
to recognition as the Prior of Rabidá could bestow upon him.

It was perhaps while success did not seem likely here, in the midst
of the preparations for a campaign against the Moorish kings, that
his brother Bartholomew made his trip to England.[58] It was also in
November, 1486, it would seem, that Columbus formed his connection with
Beatrix Enriquez, while he was waiting in Cordova for the attention of
the monarch to be disengaged from this Moorish campaign.

[Illustration: COLUMBUS’ ARMOR.

This follows a cut in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der
Entdeckungen_, p. 245. The armor is in the Collection in the Royal
Palace at Madrid.]

Among those at this time attached to the Court of Ferdinand and
Isabella was Alexander Geraldinus, then about thirty years old. He
was a traveller, a man of letters, and a mathematician; and it was
afterward the boast of his kinsman, who edited his _Itinerarium ad
regiones sub æquinoctiali plaga constitutas_[59] (Rome, 1631), that
Geraldinus, in one way and another, aided Columbus in pressing his
views upon their Majesties. It was through Geraldinus’ influence, or
through that of others who had become impressed with his views, that
Columbus finally got the ear of Pedro Gonzales de Mendoza, Archbishop
of Toledo. The way was now surer. The King heeded the Archbishop’s
advice, and a council of learned men was convened, by royal orders, at
Salamanca, to judge Columbus and his theories. Here he was met by all
that prejudice, content, and ignorance (as now understood, but wisdom
then) could bring to bear, in the shape of Scriptural contradictions of
his views, and the pseudo-scientific distrust of what were thought mere
visionary aims. He met all to his own satisfaction, but not quite so
successfully to the comprehension of his judges. He told them that he
should find Asia that way; and that if he did not, there must be other
lands westerly quite as desirable to discover. No conclusion had been
reached when, in the spring of 1487, the Court departed from Cordova,
and Columbus found himself left behind without encouragement, save in
the support of a few whom he had convinced,—notably Diego de Deza, a
friar destined to some ecclesiastical distinction as Archbishop of
Seville.

During the next five years Columbus experienced every vexation
attendant upon delay, varied by participancy in the wars which the
Court urged against the Moors, and in which he sought to propitiate
the royal powers by doing them good service in the field. At last,
in 1491, wearied with excuses of pre-occupation and the ridicule of
the King’s advisers, Columbus turned his back on the Court and left
Seville,[60] to try his fortune with some of the Grandees. He still
urged in vain, and sought again the Convent of Rabida. Here he made a
renewed impression upon Marchena; so that finally, through the Prior’s
interposition with Isabella, Columbus was summoned to Court. He arrived
in time to witness the surrender of Granada, and to find the monarchs
more at liberty to listen to his words. There seemed now a likelihood
of reaching an end of his tribulations; when his demand of recognition
as viceroy, and his claim to share one tenth of all income from the
territories to be discovered, frightened as well as disgusted those
appointed to negotiate with him, and all came once more to an end.
Columbus mounted his mule and started for France. Two finance ministers
of the Crown, Santangel for Arragon and Quintanilla for Castile, had
been sufficiently impressed by the new theory to look with regret on
what they thought might be a lost opportunity. Isabella was won; and a
messenger was despatched to overtake Columbus.

The fugitive returned; and on April 17, 1492, at Santa Fé, an agreement
was signed by Ferdinand and Isabella which gave Columbus the office
of high-admiral and viceroy in parts to be discovered, and an income
of one eighth of the profits, in consideration of his assuming one
eighth of the costs. Castile bore the rest of the expense; but Arragon
advanced the money,[61] and the Pinzons subscribed the eighth part for
Columbus.

The happy man now solemnly vowed to use what profits should accrue
in accomplishing the rescue of the Holy Sepulchre from the Moslems.
Palos, owing some duty to the Crown, was ordered to furnish two armed
caravels, and Columbus was empowered to fit out a third. On the 30th
of April the letters-patent confirming his dignities were issued. His
son Diego was made a page of the royal household. On May 12 he left the
Court and hastened towards Palos. Here, upon showing his orders for
the vessels, he found the town rebellious, with all the passion of a
people who felt that some of their number were being simply doomed to
destruction beyond that Sea of Darkness whose bounds they knew not.
Affairs were in this unsatisfactory condition when the brothers Pinzon
threw themselves and their own vessels into the cause; while a third
vessel, the “Pinta,” was impressed,—much to the alarm of its owners and
crew.

[Illustration: PARTING OF COLUMBUS WITH FERDINAND AND ISABELLA.

Fac-simile of the engraving in Herrera. It originally appeared in De
Bry, part iv.]

[Illustration: EARLY VESSELS.

This representation of the vessels of the early Spanish navigators is
a fac-simile of a cut in Medina’s _Arte de navegar_, Valladolid, 1545,
which was re-engraved in the Venice edition of 1555. Cf. _Carter-Brown
Catalogue_, vol. i. nos. 137, 204; Ruge, _Geschichte des Zeitalters
der Entdeckungen_, pp. 240, 241; Jurien de la Gravière’s _Les marins
du XV^e et du XVI^e siècle_, vol. i. pp. 38, 151. In the variety of
changes in methods of measurement it is not easy to find the equivalent
in tonnage of the present day for the ships of Columbus’s time. Those
constituting his little fleet seem to have been light and swift vessels
of the class called caravels. One had a deck amidships, with high
forecastle and poop, and two were without this deck, though high, and
covered at the ends. Captain G. V. Fox has given what he supposes
were the dimensions of the larger one,—a heavier craft and duller
sailer than the others. He calculates for a hundred tons,—makes her
sixty-three feet over all, fifty-one feet keel, twenty feet beam, and
ten and a half feet draft of water. She carried the kind of gun termed
lombards, and a crew of fifty men. _U. S. Coast Survey Report_, 1880,
app. 18; _Becher’s Landfall of Columbus_; A. Jal’s _Archéologie navale_
(Paris, 1840); Irving’s _Columbus_, app. xv.; H. H. Bancroft, _Central
America_, i. 187; _Das Ausland_, 1867, p. 1. There are other views of
the ships of Columbus’ time in the cuts in some of the early editions
of his Letters on the discovery. See notes following this chapter.]

And so, out of the harbor of Palos,[62] on the 3d of August, 1492,
Columbus sailed with his three little vessels. The “Santa Maria,” which
carried his flag, was the only one of the three which had a deck, while
the other two, the “Niña” and the “Pinta,” were open caravels. The two
Pinzons commanded these smaller ships,—Martin Alonzo the “Pinta”, and
Vicente the “Niña.”

[Illustration: BUILDING A SHIP.

This follows a fac-simile, given in Ruge, _Geschichte des Zeitalters
der Entdeckungen_ p. 240, of a cut in Bernhardus de Breydenbach’s
_Peregrinationes_, Mainz, 1486.]

The voyage was uneventful, except that the expectancy of all quickened
the eye, which sometimes saw over-much, and poised the mind, which
was alert with hope and fear. It has been pointed out how a westerly
course from Palos would have discouraged Columbus with head and
variable winds. Running down to the Canaries (for Toscanelli put those
islands in the latitude of Cipango), a westerly course thence would
bring him within the continuous easterly trade-winds, whose favoring
influence would inspirit his men,—as, indeed, was the case. Columbus,
however, was very glad on the 22d of September to experience a west
wind, just to convince his crew it was possible to have, now and then,
the direction of it favorable to their return. He had proceeded, as he
thought, some two hundred miles farther than the longitude in which he
had conjectured Cipango to be, when the urging of Martin Alonzo Pinzon,
and the flight of birds indicating land to be nearer in the southwest,
induced him to change his course in that direction.[63]

[Illustration: COURSE OF COLUMBUS ON FIRST VOYAGE.

This follows a map given in _Das Ausland_, 1867, p. 4, in a paper on
Columbus’ Journal, “Das Schiffsbuch des Entdeckers von Amerika.” The
routes of Columbus’ four voyages are marked on the map accompanying the
_Studi biografici e bibliografici_ published by the Società Geografica
Italiana in 1882. Cf. also the map in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 155,
reproduced on a later page.]

About midnight between the 11th and 12th of October, Columbus on the
lookout thought he saw a light moving in the darkness. He called a
companion, and the two in counsel agreed that it was so.[64] At about
two o’clock, the moon then shining, a mariner on the “Pinta” discerned
unmistakably a low sandy shore. In the morning a landing was made, and,
with prayer[65] and ceremony, possession was taken of the new-found
island in the name of the Spanish sovereigns.

[Illustration: SHIP OF COLUMBUS’S TIME.

This follows a fac-simile, given in Ruge, _Geschichte des Zeitalters
der Entdeckungen_, p. 241, of a cut in Bernhardus de Breydenbach’s
_Peregrinationes_, Mainz, 1486.]

On the third day (October 14) Columbus lifted anchor, and for ten days
sailed among the minor islands of the archipelago; but struck the
Cuban coast on the 28th.[66] Here the “Pinta,” without orders from
the Admiral, went off to seek some gold-field, of which Martin Alonzo
Pinzon, its commander, fancied he had got some intimation from the
natives. Pinzon returned bootless; but Columbus was painfully conscious
of the mutinous spirit of his lieutenant.[67] The little fleet next
found Hayti (Hispaniæ insula,[68] as he called it), and on its northern
side the Admiral’s ship was wrecked. Out of her timbers Columbus built
a fort on the shore, called it “La Navidad,” and put into it a garrison
under Diego de Arana.[69]

[Illustration: NATIVE HOUSE IN HISPANIOLA.

Fac-simile of a cut in Oviedo, edition of 1547, fol. lix. There is
another engraving in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 124. Cf. also Ramusio,
_Nav. et Viaggi_, iii.]

With the rest of his company and in his two smaller vessels, on the
4th of January, 1493, Columbus started on his return to Spain. He ran
northerly to the latitude of his destination, and then steered due
east. He experienced severe weather, but reached the Azores safely;
and then, passing on, entered the Tagus and had an interview with the
Portuguese King. Leaving Lisbon on the 13th, he reached Palos on the
15th of March, after an absence of over seven months.

[Illustration: CURING THE SICK.

This is Benzoni’s sketch of the way in which the natives cure and tend
their sick at Hispaniola. Edition of 1572, p. 56.]

He was received by the people of the little seaport with acclamations
and wonder; and, despatching a messenger to the Spanish Court at
Barcelona, he proceeded to Seville to await the commands of the
monarchs. He was soon bidden to hasten to them; and with the triumph of
more than a conqueror, and preceded by the bedizened Indians whom he
had brought with him, he entered the city and stood in the presence
of the sovereigns. He was commanded to sit before them, and to tell
the story of his discovery. This he did with conscious pride; and not
forgetting the past, he publicly renewed his previous vow to wrest the
Holy Sepulchre from the Infidel.

[Illustration: THE TRIUMPH OF COLUMBUS.

This is a reduction of a fac-simile by Pilinski, given in Margry’s
_Les Navigations Françaises_, p. 360,—an earlier reproduction having
been given by M. Jal in _La France maritime_. It is also figured in
Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 139. The original sketch, by Columbus
himself, was sent by him from Seville in 1502, and is preserved in
the city hall at Genoa. M. Jal gives a description of it in his _De
Paris à Naples_, 1836, i. 257. The figure sitting beside Columbus is
Providence; Envy and Ignorance are hinted at as monsters following in
his wake; while Constancy, Tolerance, the Christian Religion, Victory,
and Hope attend him. Above all is the floating figure of Fame blowing
two trumpets, one marked “Genoa,” the other “Fama Columbi.” Harrisse
(_Notes on Columbus_, p. 165) says that good judges assign this picture
to Columbus’s own hand, though none of the drawings ascribed to him
are authentic beyond doubt; while it is very true that he had the
reputation of being a good draughtsman. Feuillet de Conches (_Revue
contemporaine_, xxiv. 509) disbelieves in its authenticity. The usual
signature of Columbus is in the lower left-hand corner of the above
sketch, the initial letters in which have never been satisfactorily
interpreted; but perhaps as reasonable a guess as any would make
them stand for “SERVUS SUPPLEX ALTISSIMI SALVATORIS—CHRISTUS, MARIA,
YOSEPH—_Christo ferens_.” Others read, “SERVIDOR SUS ALTEZAS SACRAS,
CHRISTO, MARIA, YSABEL [_or_ YOSEPH].” The “Christo ferens” is
sometimes replaced by “_El Almirante_.” The essay on the autograph
in the _Cartas de Indias_ is translated in the _Magazine of American
History_, Jan., 1883, p. 55. Cf. Irving, app. xxxv. Ruge, _Geschichte
des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 317; _Massachusetts Historical
Society Proceedings_, xvi. 322, etc.]

The expectation which had sustained Columbus in his voyage, and which
he thought his discoveries had confirmed, was that he had reached the
western parts of India or Asia; and the new islands were accordingly
everywhere spoken of as the West Indies, or the New World.

[Illustration: COLUMBUS AT HISPANIOLA.

Fac-simile of engraving in Herrera, who follows DeBry.]

[Illustration: HANDWRITING OF COLUMBUS.

Last page of an autograph letter preserved in the Colombina Library at
Seville, following a photograph in Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, p.
218.]

The ruling Pope, Alexander VI., was a native Valencian; and to him
an appeal was now made for a Bull, confirming to Spain and Portugal
respective fields for discovery. This was issued May 4, 1493, fixing
a line, on the thither side of which Spain was to be master; and on
the hither side, Portugal. This was traced at a meridian one hundred
leagues west of the Azores and Cape de Verde Islands, which were
assumed to be in the same longitude practically. The thought of future
complications from the running of this line to the antipodes does
not seem to have alarmed either Pope or sovereigns; but troubles on
the Atlantic side were soon to arise, to be promptly compounded by a
convention at Tordesillas, which agreed (June 4, ratified June 7, 1494)
to move the meridian line to a point three hundred and seventy leagues
west of the Cape de Verde Islands,—still without dream of the destined
disputes respecting divisions on the other side of the globe.[70]

[Illustration: ARMS OF COLUMBUS.

As given in Oviedo’s _Coronica_, 1547, fol. x., from the Harvard
College copy. There is no wholly satisfactory statement regarding the
origin of these arms, or the Admiral’s right to bear them. It is the
quartering of the royal lion and castle, for Arragon and Castile, with
gold islands in azure waves. Five anchors and the motto,

“A [_or_ POR] CASTILLA Y A [_or_ POR] LEON NUEVO MUNDO DIO [_or_
HALLO] COLON,”

were later given or assumed. The crest varies in the Oviedo (i. cap.
vii.) of 1535.]

Thus everything favored Columbus in the preparations for a second
voyage, which was to conduct a colony to the newly discovered lands.
Twelve hundred souls were embarked on seventeen vessels, and among them
persons of consideration and name in subsequent history,—Diego, the
Admiral’s brother, Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Ojeda, and La Cosa, with
the Pope’s own vicar, a Benedictine named Buil, or Boil.

[Illustration: FRUIT-TREES OF HISPANIOLA.

This is Benzoni’s sketch, edition of 1572, p. 60.]

Columbus and the destined colonists sailed from Cadiz on the 25th of
September. The ships sighted an island on the 3d of November, and
continuing their course among the Caribbee Islands, they finally
reached La Navidad, and found it a waste. It was necessary, however,
to make a beginning somewhere; and a little to the east of the ruined
fort they landed their supplies and began the laying out of a city,
which they called Isabella.[71] Expeditions were sent inland to find
gold. The explorers reported success. Twelve of the ships were sent
home with Indians who had been seized; and these ships were further
laden with products of the soil which had been gathered. Columbus
himself went with four hundred men to begin work at the interior mines;
but the natives, upon whom he had counted for labor, had begun to
fear enslavement for this purpose, and kept aloof. So mining did not
flourish. Disease, too, was working evil. Columbus himself had been
prostrated; but he was able to conduct three caravels westward, when he
discovered Jamaica. On this expedition he made up his mind that Cuba
was a part of the Asiatic main, and somewhat unadvisedly forced his men
to sign a paper declaring their own belief to the same purport.[72]

[Illustration: INDIAN CLUB.

As given in Oviedo, edition of 1547, fol. lxi.]

Returning to his colony, the Admiral found that all was not going well.
He had not himself inspired confidence as a governor, and his fame as
an explorer was fast being eclipsed by his misfortunes as a ruler.
Some of his colonists, accompanied by the papal vicar, had seized
ships and set sail for home. The natives, emboldened by the cruelties
practised upon them, were laying siege to his fortified posts. As an
offset, however, his brother Bartholomew had arrived from Spain with
three store-ships; and later came Antonio de Torres with four other
ships, which in due time were sent back to carry some samples of gold
and a cargo of natives to be sold as slaves. The vessels had brought
tidings of the charges preferred at Court against the Admiral, and his
brother Diego was sent back with the ships to answer these charges
in the Admiral’s behalf. Unfortunately Diego was not a man of strong
character, and his advocacy was not of the best.

[Illustration: INDIAN CANOE.

As depicted in Oviedo, edition of 1547, fol. lxi. There is another
engraving in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 106, called “Pirogue
Indienne.”]

[Illustration: INDIAN CANOE.

Benzoni gives this drawing of the canoes of the coast of the Gulf of
Paria and thereabout. Edition of 1572, p. 5.]

In March (1495) Columbus conducted an expedition into the interior to
subdue and hold tributary the native population. It was cruelly done,
as the world looks upon such transactions to-day.

Meanwhile in Spain reiteration of charges was beginning to shake the
confidence of his sovereigns; and Juan Aguado, a friend of Columbus,
was sent to investigate. He reached Isabella in October,—Diego, the
Admiral’s brother, accompanying him. Aguado did not find affairs
reassuring; and when he returned to Spain with his report in March
(1496), Columbus thought it best to go too, and to make his excuses or
explanations in person. They reached Cadiz in June, just as Niño was
sailing with three caravels to the new colony.

[Illustration: COLUMBUS AT ISLA MARGARITA.

Fac-simile of engraving in Herrera.]

Ferdinand and Isabella received him kindly, gave him new honors,
and promised him other outfits. Enthusiasm, however, had died out,
and delays took place. The reports of the returning ships did not
correspond with the pictures of Marco Polo, and the new-found world was
thought to be a very poor India after all. Most people were of this
mind; though Columbus was not disheartened, and the public treasury was
readily opened for a third voyage.

[Illustration: AMERICANS.

This is the earliest representation which we have of the natives of the
New World, showing such as were found by the Portuguese on the north
coast of South America. It has been supposed that it was issued in
Augsburg somewhere between 1497 and 1504, for it is not dated. The only
copy ever known to bibliographers is not now to be traced. Stevens,
_Recoll. of James Lenox_, p. 174. It measures 13½ × 8½ inches,
with a German title and inscription, to be translated as follows:—

“This figure represents to us the people and island which have been
discovered by the Christian King of Portugal, or his subjects. The
people are thus naked, handsome, brown, well-shaped in body; their
heads, necks, arms, private parts, feet of men and women, are a little
covered with feathers. The men also have many precious stones on
their faces and breasts. No one else has anything, but all things are
in common. And the men have as wives those who please them, be they
mothers, sisters, or friends; therein make they no distinction. They
also fight with each other; they also eat each other, even those who
are slain, and hang the flesh of them in the smoke. They become a
hundred and fifty years of age, and have no government.”

The present engraving follows the fac-simile given in Stevens’s
_American Bibliographer_, pp. 7, 8. Cf. Sabin, vol. i. no. 1,031; vol.
v. no. 20,257; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 20.]

Coronel sailed early in 1498 with two ships, and Columbus followed
with six, embarking at San Lucar on the 30th of May. He now discovered
Trinidad (July 31), which he named either from its three peaks, or
from the Holy Trinity; struck the northern coast of South America,[73]
and skirted what was later known as the Pearl coast, going as far
as the Island of Margarita. He wondered at the roaring fresh waters
which the Orinoco pours into the Gulf of Pearls, as he called it, and
he half believed that its exuberant tide came from the terrestrial
paradise.[74] He touched the southern coast of Hayti on the 30th of
August. Here already his colonists had established a fortified post,
and founded the town of Santo Domingo. His brother Bartholomew had
ruled energetically during the Admiral’s absence, but he had not
prevented a revolt, which was headed by Roldan. Columbus on his arrival
found the insurgents still defiant, but was able after a while to
reconcile them, and he even succeeded in attaching Roldan warmly to his
interests.

Columbus’ absence from Spain, however, left his good name without
sponsors; and to satisfy detractors, a new commissioner was sent
over with enlarged powers, even with authority to supersede Columbus
in general command, if necessary. This emissary was Francisco de
Bobadilla, who arrived at Santo Domingo with two caravels on the 23d
of August, 1500, finding Diego in command, his brother the Admiral
being absent. An issue was at once made. Diego refused to accede to
the commissioner’s orders till Columbus returned to judge the case
himself; so Bobadilla assumed charge of the Crown property violently,
took possession of the Admiral’s house, and when Columbus returned, he
with his brother was arrested and put in irons. In this condition the
prisoners were placed on shipboard, and sailed for Spain. The captain
of the ship offered to remove the manacles; but Columbus would not
permit it, being determined to land in Spain bound as he was; and so
he did. The effect of his degradation was to his advantage; sovereigns
and people were shocked at the sight; and Ferdinand and Isabella
hastened to make amends by receiving him with renewed favor. It was
soon apparent that everything reasonable would be granted him by the
monarchs, and that he could have all he might wish, short of receiving
a new lease of power in the islands, which the sovereigns were
determined to see pacified at least before Columbus should again assume
government of them. The Admiral had not forgotten his vow to wrest the
Holy Sepulchre from the Infidel; but the monarchs did not accede to his
wish to undertake it. Disappointed in this, he proposed a new voyage;
and getting the royal countenance for this scheme, he was supplied with
four vessels of from fifty to seventy tons each,—the “Capitana,” the
“Santiago de Palos,” the “Gallego,” and the “Vizcaino.” He sailed from
Cadiz May 9, 1502, accompanied by his brother Bartholomew and his son
Fernando. The vessels reached San Domingo June 29.

Bobadilla, whose rule of a year and a half had been an unhappy one, had
given place to Nicholás de Ovando; and the fleet which brought the new
governor,—with Maldonado, Las Casas, and others,—now lay in the harbor
waiting to receive Bobadilla for the return voyage. Columbus had been
instructed to avoid Hispaniola; but now that one of his vessels leaked,
and he needed to make repairs, he sent a boat ashore, asking permission
to enter the harbor. He was refused, though a storm was impending. He
sheltered his vessels as best he could, and rode out the gale. The
fleet which had on board Bobadilla and Roldan, with their ill-gotten
gains, was wrecked, and these enemies of Columbus were drowned. The
Admiral found a small harbor where he could make his repairs; and then,
July 14, sailed westward to find, as he supposed, the richer portions
of India in exchange for the barbarous outlying districts which others
had appropriated to themselves. He went on through calm and storm,
giving names to islands,—which later explorers re-named, and spread
thereby confusion on the early maps. He began to find more intelligence
in the natives of these islands than those of Cuba had betrayed, and
got intimations of lands still farther west, where copper and gold were
in abundance. An old Indian made them a rough map of the main shore.
Columbus took him on board, and proceeding onward a landing was made on
the coast of Honduras August 14. Three days later the explorers landed
again fifteen leagues farther east, and took possession of the country
for Spain. Still east they went; and, in gratitude for safety after
a long storm, they named a cape which they rounded Gracias á Dios,—a
name still preserved at the point where the coast of Honduras begins to
trend southward. Columbus was now lying ill on his bed, placed on deck,
and was half the time in revery. Still the vessels coasted south. They
lost a boat’s crew in getting water at one place; and tarrying near
the mouth of the Rio San Juan, they thought they got from the signs
of the natives intelligence of a rich and populous country over the
mountains inland, where the men wore clothes and bore weapons of steel,
and the women were decked with corals and pearls. These stories were
reassuring; but the exorcising incantations of the natives were quite
otherwise for the superstitious among the Spaniards.

They were now on the shores of Costa Rica, where the coast trends
southeast; and both the rich foliage and the gold plate on the necks of
the savages enchanted the explorers. They went on towards the source
of this wealth, as they fancied. The natives began to show some signs
of repulsion; but a few hawk’s-bells beguiled them, and gold plates
were received in exchange for the trinkets. The vessels were now within
the southernmost loop of the shore, and a bit of stone wall seemed
to the Spaniards a token of civilization. The natives called a town
hereabouts Veragua,—whence, years after, the descendants of Columbus
borrowed the ducal title of his line. In this region Columbus dallied,
not suspecting how thin the strip of country was which separated him
from the great ocean whose farther waves washed his desired India.
Then, still pursuing the coast, which now turned to the northeast, he
reached Porto Bello, as we call it, where he found houses and orchards.
Tracking the Gulf side of the Panama isthmus, he encountered storms
that forced him into harbors, which continued to disclose the richness
of the country.[75]

It became now apparent that they had reached the farthest spot of
Bastidas’ exploring, who had, in 1501, sailed westward along the
northern coast of South America. Amid something like mutinous cries
from the sailors, Columbus was fain to turn back to the neighborhood of
Veragua, where the gold was; but on arriving there, the seas, lately
so fair, were tumultuous, and the Spaniards were obliged to repeat the
gospel of Saint John to keep a water-spout, which they saw, from coming
their way,—so Fernando says in his Life of the Admiral. They finally
made a harbor at the mouth of the River Belen, and began to traffic
with the natives, who proved very cautious and evasive when inquiries
were made respecting gold-mines. Bartholomew explored the neighboring
Veragua River in armed boats, and met the chief of the region, with
retainers, in a fleet of canoes. Gold and trinkets were exchanged, as
usual, both here and later on the Admiral’s deck. Again Bartholomew led
another expedition, and getting the direction—a purposely false one,
as it proved—from the chief in his own village, he went to a mountain,
near the abode of an enemy of the chief, and found gold,—scant,
however, in quantity compared with that of the crafty chief’s own
fields. The inducements were sufficient, however, as Columbus thought,
to found a colony; but before he got ready to leave it, he suspected
the neighboring chief was planning offensive operations. An expedition
was accordingly sent to seize the chief, and he was captured in his own
village; and so suddenly that his own people could not protect him.
The craft of the savage, however, stood him in good stead; and while
one of the Spaniards was conveying him down the river in a boat, he
jumped overboard and disappeared, only to reappear, a few days later,
in leading an attack on the Spanish camp. In this the Indians were
repulsed; but it was the beginning of a kind of lurking warfare that
disheartened the Spaniards. Meanwhile Columbus, with the ship, was
outside the harbor’s bar buffeting the gales. The rest of the prisoners
who had been taken with the chief were confined in his forecastle.
By concerted action some of them got out and jumped overboard, while
those not so fortunate killed themselves. As soon as the storm was
over, Columbus withdrew the colonists and sailed away. He abandoned one
worm-eaten caravel at Porto Bello, and, reaching Jamaica, beached two
others.

A year of disappointment, grief, and want followed. Columbus clung to
his wrecked vessels. His crew alternately mutinied at his side, and
roved about the island. Ovando, at Hispaniola, heard of his straits,
but only tardily and scantily relieved him. The discontented were
finally humbled; and some ships, despatched by the Admiral’s agent in
Santo Domingo, at last reached him, and brought him and his companions
to that place, where Ovando received him with ostentatious kindness,
lodging him in his house till Columbus departed for Spain, Sept. 12,
1504.

On the 7th of November the Admiral reached the harbor of San Lucar.
Weakness and disease later kept him in bed in Seville, and to his
letters of appeal the King paid little attention. He finally recovered
sufficiently to go to the Court at Segovia, in May, 1505; but
Ferdinand—Isabella had died Nov. 26, 1504—gave him scant courtesy. With
a fatalistic iteration, which had been his error in life, Columbus
insisted still on the rights which a better skill in governing
might have saved for him; and Ferdinand, with a dread of continued
maladministration, as constantly evaded the issue. While still hope
was deferred, the infirmities of age and a life of hardships brought
Columbus to his end; and on Ascension Day, the 20th of May, 1506, he
died, with his son Diego and a few devoted friends by his bedside.

[Illustration: HOUSE IN WHICH COLUMBUS DIED.

This follows an engraving in Ruge, _Geschichte des Zeitalters der
Entdeckungen_, p. 313, taken from a photograph. The house is in
Valladolid.]

The character of Columbus is not difficult to discern. If his mental
and moral equipoise had been as true, and his judgment as clear, as his
spirit was lofty and impressive, he could have controlled the actions
of men as readily as he subjected their imaginations to his will, and
more than one brilliant opportunity for a record befitting a ruler
of men would not have been lost. The world always admires constancy
and zeal; but when it is fed, not by well-rounded performance, but
by self-satisfaction and self-interest, and tarnished by deceit, we
lament where we would approve. Columbus’ imagination was eager, and
unfortunately ungovernable. It led him to a great discovery, which he
was not seeking for; and he was far enough right to make his error more
emphatic. He is certainly not alone among the great men of the world’s
regard who have some of the attributes of the small and mean.

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.

It would appear, from documents printed by Navarrete, that in 1470
Columbus was brooding on the idea of land to the west. It is not at all
probable that he would himself have been able to trace from germ to
flower the conception which finally possessed his mind.[76] The age was
ripened for it; and the finding of Brazil in 1500 by Cabral showed how
by an accident the theory might have become a practical result at any
time after the sailors of Europe had dared to take long ocean voyages.
Columbus grew to imagine that he had been independent of the influences
of his time; and in a manuscript in his own hand, preserved in the
Colombina Library at Seville, he shows the weak, almost irresponsible,
side of his mind, and flouts at the grounds of reasonable progress
which many others besides himself had been making to a belief in the
feasibility of a western passage. In this unfortunate writing he
declares that under inspiration he simply accomplished the prophecy
of Isaiah.[77] This assertion has not prevented saner and later
writers[78] from surveying the evidences of the growth of the belief
in the mind, not of Columbus only, but of others whom he may have
impressed, and by whom he may have been influenced. The new intuition
was but the result of intellectual reciprocity. It needed a daring
exponent, and found one.

The geographical ideas which bear on this question depend, of course,
upon the sphericity of the earth.[79] This was entertained by the
leading cosmographical thinkers of that age,—who were far however from
being in accord in respect to the size of the globe. Going back to
antiquity, Aristotle and Strabo had both taught in their respective
times the spherical theory; but they too were widely divergent upon
the question of size,—Aristotle’s ball being but mean in comparison
with that of Strabo, who was not far wrong when he contended that
the world then known was something more than one third of the actual
circumference of the whole, or one hundred and twenty-nine degrees,
as he put it; while Marinus, the Tyrian, of the opposing school, and
the most eminent geographer before Ptolemy, held that the extent of
the then known world spanned as much as two hundred and twenty-five
degrees, or about one hundred degrees too much.[80] Columbus’
calculations were all on the side of this insufficient size.[81] He
wrote to Queen Isabella in 1503 that “the earth is smaller than people
suppose.” He thought but one seventh of it was water. In sailing a
direct western course his expectation was to reach Cipango after having
gone about three thousand miles. This would actually have brought him
within a hundred miles or so of Cape Henlopen, or the neighboring
coast; while if no land had intervened he would have gone nine
thousand eight hundred miles to reach Japan, the modern Cipango.[82]
Thus Columbus’ earth was something like two thirds of the actual
magnitude.[83] It can readily be understood how the lesser distance was
helpful in inducing a crew to accompany Columbus, and in strengthening
his own determination.

Whatever the size of the earth, there was far less palpable reason
to determine it than to settle the question of its sphericity. The
phenomena which convince the ordinary mind to-day, weighed with
Columbus as they had weighed in earlier ages. These were the hulling
down of ships at sea, and the curved shadow of the earth on the moon in
an eclipse. The law of gravity was not yet proclaimed, indeed; but it
had been observed that the men on two ships, however far apart, stood
perpendicular to their decks at rest.

Columbus was also certainly aware of some of the views and allusions
to be found in the ancient writers, indicating a belief in lands lying
beyond the Pillars of Hercules.[84] He enumerates some of them in the
letter which he wrote about his third voyage, and which is printed in
Navarrete. The Colombina Library contains two interesting memorials of
his connection with this belief. One is a treatise in his own hand,
giving his correspondence with Father Gorricio, who gathered the
ancient views and prophecies;[85] and the other is a copy of Gaietanus’
edition of Seneca’s tragedies, published indeed after Columbus’ death,
in which the passage of the _Medea_, known to have been much in
Columbus’ mind, is scored with the marginal comment of Ferdinand, his
son, “Hæc prophetia expleta ē per patrē meus cristoforū colō almirātē
anno 1492.”[86] Columbus, further, could not have been unaware of
the opposing theories of Ptolemy and Pomponius Mela as to the course
in which the further extension of the known world should be pursued.
Ptolemy held to the east and west theory, and Mela to the northern and
southern view.

[Illustration: PTOLEMY.

Fac-simile of a cut in _Icones sive imagines vivæ literis cl. virorum
... cum elogiis variis per Nicolaum Reusnerum. Basiliæ, CIƆ IƆ XIC_,
Sig. A. 4.]

The Angelo Latin translation of Ptolemy’s Greek _Geographia_ had served
to disseminate the Alexandrian geographer’s views through almost the
whole of the fifteenth century, for that version had been first made
in 1409. In 1475 it had been printed, and it had helped strengthen the
arguments of those who favored a belief in the position of India as
lying over against Spain. Several other editions were yet to be printed
in the new typographical centres of Europe, all exerting more or less
influence in support of the new views advocated by Columbus.[87] Five
of these editions of Ptolemy appeared during the interval from 1475 to
1492. Of Pomponius Mela, advocating the views of which the Portuguese
were at this time proving the truth, the earliest printed edition had
appeared in 1471. Mela’s treatise, _De situ orbis_, had been produced
in the first century, while Ptolemy had made his views known in the
second; and the age of Vasco da Gama, Columbus, and Magellan were to
prove the complemental relations of their respective theories.

[Illustration: PTOLEMY.

Fac-simile of cut in _Icones sive imagines virorum literis illustrium
... ex secunda recognitione Nicolai Reusneri. Argentorati, CIƆ IƆ XC_,
p. 1. The first edition appeared in 1587. Brunet, vol. iv., col. 1255,
calls the editions of 1590 and Frankfort, 1620, inferior.]

[Illustration: ALBERTUS MAGNUS.

Fac-simile of cut in Reusner’s _Icones_, Strasburg, 1590, p. 4. There
is another cut in Paulus Jovius’s _Elogia virorum litteris illustrium_,
Basle, 1575, p. 7 (copy in Harvard College Library).]

[Illustration: MARCO POLO.

This follows an engraving in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der
Entdeckungen_, p. 53. The original is at Rome. There is a copy of an
old print in Jules Verne’s _Découverte de la Terre_.]

It has been said that Macrobius, a Roman of the fifth century, in a
commentary on the _Dream of Scipio_, had maintained a division of the
globe into four continents, of which two were then unknown. In the
twelfth century this idea had been revived by Guillaume de Conches
(who died about 1150) in his _Philosophia Minor_, lib. iv. cap. 3.
It was again later further promulgated in the writings of Bede and
Honoré d’Autun, and in the _Microcosmos_ of Geoffroy de Saint-Victor,—a
manuscript of the thirteenth century still preserved.[88] It is not
known that this theory was familiar to Columbus. The chief directors
of his thoughts among anterior writers appear to have been, directly
or indirectly, Albertus Magnus, Roger Bacon, and Vincenzius of
Beauvais;[89] and first among them, for importance, we must place the
_Opus Majus_ Of Roger Bacon, completed in 1267. It was from Bacon that
Petrus de Aliaco, Or Pierre d’Ailly (b. 1340; d. 1416 or 1425), in his
_Ymago mundi_, borrowed the passage which, in this French imitator’s
language, so impressed Columbus.[90]

[Illustration: ANNOTATIONS BY COLUMBUS.

On a copy of Pierre d’Ailly’s _Imago mundi_, preserved in the Colombina
Library at Seville, following a photograph in Harrisse’s _Notes on
Columbus_, p. 84.]

An important element in the problem was the statements of Marco
Polo regarding a large island, which he called Cipango, and which
he represented as lying in the ocean off the eastern coast of Asia.
This carried the eastern verge of the Asiatic world farther than the
ancients had known; and, on the spherical theory, brought land nearer
westward from Europe than could earlier have been supposed. It is
a question, however, if Columbus had any knowledge of the Latin or
Italian manuscripts of Marco Polo,—the only form in which anybody could
have studied his narrative before the printing of it at Nuremberg in
1477, in German, a language which Columbus is not likely to have known.
Humboldt has pointed out that neither Columbus nor his son Ferdinand
mentions Marco Polo; still we know that he had read his book. Columbus
further knew, it would seem, what Æneas Sylvius had written on Asia.
Toscanelli had also imparted to him what he knew. A second German
edition of Marco Polo appeared at Augsburg in 1481. In 1485, with the
_Itinerarius_ of Mandeville,[91] published at Zwolle, the account—“De
regionibus orientalibus”—of Marco Polo first appeared in Latin,
translated from the original French, in which it had been dictated. It
was probably in this form that Columbus first saw it.[92] There was a
separate Latin edition in 1490.[93]

The most definite confirmation and encouragement which Columbus
received in his views would seem to have come from Toscanelli, in
1474. This eminent Italian astronomer, who was now about seventy-eight
years old, and was to die, in 1482, before Columbus and Da Gama had
consummated their discoveries, had reached a conclusion in his own
mind that only about fifty-two degrees of longitude separated Europe
westerly from Asia, making the earth much smaller even than Columbus’
inadequate views had fashioned it; for Columbus had satisfied himself
that one hundred and twenty degrees of the entire three hundred and
sixty was only as yet unknown.[94] With such views of the inferiority
of the earth, Toscanelli had addressed a letter to Martinez, a
prebendary of Lisbon, accompanied by a map professedly based on
information derived from the book of Marco Polo.[95] When Toscanelli
received a letter of inquiry from Columbus, he replied by sending a
copy of this letter and the map. As the testimony to a western passage
from a man of Toscanelli’s eminence, it was of marked importance in the
conversion of others to similar views.[96]

It has always been a question how far the practical evidence of chance
phenomena, and the absolute knowledge, derived from other explorers,
bearing upon the views advocated by Columbus, may have instigated or
confirmed him in his belief. There is just enough plausibility in some
of the stories which are cited to make them fall easily into the pleas
of detraction to which Columbus has been subjected.

[Illustration: ANNOTATIONS BY COLUMBUS.

On a copy of the _Historia rerum ubique gestarum_ of Æneas Sylvius,
preserved in the Colombina Library at Seville, following a photograph
in Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, appendix.]

A story was repeated by Oviedo in 1535 as an idle rumor, adopted by
Gomara in 1552 without comment, and given considerable currency in 1609
by Garcilasso de la Vega, of a Spanish pilot,—Sanches, as the name
is sometimes given,—who had sailed from Madeira, and had been driven
west and had seen land (Hispaniola, it is inferred), and who being
shipwrecked had been harbored by Columbus in his house. Under this roof
the pilot is said to have died in 1484, leaving his host the possessor
of his secret. La Vega claimed to have received the tale from his
father, who had been at the Court of Spain in the time of Ferdinand and
Isabella. Oviedo repeated it, but incredulously;[97] and it was later
told by Gomara, Acosta, Eden, and others. Robertson,[98] Irving,[99]
and most later writers find enough in the indecision and variety of
its shapes to discard it altogether. Peter Martyr, Bernaldez, and
Herrera make no mention of it. It is singular, however, that Ferdinand
de Galardi, in dedicating his _Traité politique des abassadeurs_,
published at Cologne in 1666, to a descendant of Columbus, the Duke of
Veraguas, mentions the story as an indisputable fact;[100] and it has
not escaped the notice of querulous writers even of our day.[101]

Others have thought that Columbus, in his voyage to Thule or
Iceland,[102] in February, 1477, could have derived knowledge of the
Sagas of the westerly voyages of Eric the Red and his countrymen.[103]
It seems to be true that commercial relations were maintained between
Iceland and Greenland for some years later than 1400; but if Columbus
knew of them, he probably shared the belief of the geographers of his
time that Greenland was a peninsula of Scandinavia.[104]

The extremely probable and almost necessary pre-Columbian knowledge
of the northeastern parts of America follows from the venturesome
spirit of the mariners to those seas for fish and traffic, and from
the easy transitions from coast to coast by which they would have
been lured to meet the more southerly climes. The chances from such
natural causes are quite as strong an argument in favor of the early
Northmen venturings as the somewhat questionable representations
of the Sagas.[105] There is the same ground for representing, and
similar lack of evidence in believing, the alleged voyage of Joāo Vas
Costa Cortereal to the Newfoundland banks in 1463-1464. Barrow finds
authority for it in Cordeyro, who gives, however, no date in his
_Historia Insulana das Ilhas a Portugal_, Lisbon, 1717; but Biddle, in
his _Cabot_, fails to be satisfied with Barrow’s uncertain references,
as enforced in his _Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic
Regions_, London, 1818.[106]

Another of these alleged northern voyagers was a Polish navigator, John
Szkolny,—a name which we get in various Latinized or other forms, as
Scolve, Skolnus, Scolvus, Sciolvus, Kolno, etc.,—who is said to have
been on the Labrador coast in 1476, while in the service of Denmark.
It is so stated by Wytfliet,[107] Pontanus,[108] and Horn.[109] De
Costa cites what is known as the Rouen globe, preserved in Paris,
and supposed to belong to about 1540, as showing a legend of Skolnus
reaching the northwest coast of Greenland in 1476.[110] Hakluyt quotes
Gemma Frisius and Girava. Gomara, in 1553, and Herrera, in 1601, barely
refer to it.[111]

There is also a claim for a Dieppe navigator, Cousin, who, bound for
Africa, is said to have been driven west, and reached South America
in 1488-1489. The story is told by Desmarquets in his _Mémoires
chronologiques pour servir à l’histoire de Dieppe_, i. 92, published at
Paris, 1785. Major, giving the story an examination, fully discredits
it.[112]

There remains the claim for Martin Behaim, the Nuremberg cosmographer
and navigator, which rests upon a passage in the Latin text of the
so-called _Nuremberg Chronicle_[113] which states that Cam and Behaim,
having passed south of the equator, turned west and (by implication)
found land. The passage is not in the German edition of the same year,
and on reference to the manuscript of the book (still preserved in
Nuremberg) the passage is found to be an interpolation written in a
different hand.[114] It seems likely to have been a perversion or
misinterpretation of the voyage of Diego Cam down the African coast in
1489, in which he was accompanied by Behaim. That Behaim himself did
not put the claim forward, at least in 1492, seems to be clear from the
globe, which he made in that year, and which shows no indication of the
alleged voyage. The allegation has had, however, some advocates; but
the weight of authority is decidedly averse, and the claim can hardly
be said to have significant support to-day.[115]

It is unquestionable that the success of the Portuguese in discovering
the Atlantic islands and in pushing down the African coast, sustained
Columbus in his hope of western discovery, if it had not instigated
it.[116] The chance wafting of huge canes, unusual trunks of trees, and
even sculptured wood and bodies of strange men, upon the shores of the
outlying islands of the Azores and Madeira, were magnified as evidences
in his mind.[117] When at a later day he found a tinned iron vessel in
the hands of the natives of Guadeloupe, he felt that there had been
European vessels driven along the equatorial current to the western
world, which had never returned to report on their voyages.

Of the adventurous voyages of which record was known there were enough
to inspire him; and of all the mysteries of the Sea of Darkness,[118]
which stretched away illimitably to the west, there were stories more
than enough. Sight of strange islands had been often reported; and the
maps still existing had shown a belief in those of San Brandan[119] and
Antillia,[120] and of the Seven Cities founded in the ocean waste by
as many Spanish bishops, who had been driven to sea by the Moors.[121]

The Fortunate Islands[122] (Canaries) of the ancients—discovered, it is
claimed, by the Carthaginians[123]—had been practically lost to Europe
for thirteen hundred years, when, in the beginning of the fifteenth
century (1402), Juan de Béthencourt led his colony to settle them.[124]
They had not indeed been altogether forgotten, for Marino Sanuto
in 1306 had delineated them on a map given by Camden, though this
cartographer omitted them on later charts. Traders and pirates had also
visited them since 1341, but such acquaintance had hardly caused them
to be generally known.[125]

[Illustration: THE ATLANTIC OF THE ANCIENTS AS MAPPED BY LELEWEL.

This is part of a map of the ancient world given in Lelewel’s _Die
Entdeckung der Carthager und Griechen auf dem Atlantischen Ocean_,
Berlin, 1831.]

The Canaries, however, as well as the Azores, appear in the well-known
portolano of 1351,[126] which is preserved in the Biblioteca
Mediceo-Laurenziana in Florence. A chart of the Brothers Pizigani,
dated in 1367, gives islands which are also identified with the
Canaries, Azores, and Madeira;[127] and the Canaries also appear on
the well-known Catalan mappemonde of 1375.[128] These Atlantic islands
are again shown in a portolano of a period not much later than 1400,
which is among the Egerton manuscripts in the British Museum, and is
ascribed to Juan da Napoli;[129] and in 1436 they are conspicuous on
the detailed sea-chart of Andrea Bianco. This portolano has also two
islands on the extreme western verge of the sheet,—“Antillia” and “De
la man Satanaxio,” which some have claimed as indicating a knowledge
of the two Americas.[130] It was a map brought in 1428 from Venice by
Dom Pedro,—which, like the 1351 map, showed the Azores,—that induced
Prince Henry in 1431 to despatch the expedition which rediscovered
those islands; and they appear on the Catalan map, which Santarem (pl.
54) describes as “Carte de Gabriell de Valsequa, faite à Mallorcha en
1439.” It was in 1466 that the group was colonized, as Behaim’s globe
shows.[131]

The Madeira group was first discovered by an Englishman,—Machin, or
Macham,—in the reign of Edward III. (1327-1378). The narrative, put
into shape for Prince Henry of Portugal by Francisco Alcaforado, one of
his esquires, was known to Irving in a French translation published in
1671, which Irving epitomizes.[132] The story, somewhat changed, is
given by Galvano, and was copied by Hakluyt;[133] but, on account of
some strangeness and incongruities, it has not been always accepted,
though Major says the main recital is confirmed by a document quoted
from a German collection of voyages, 1507, by Dr. Schmeller, in the
Memoirs of the Academy of Science at Munich, 1847, and which, secured
for Major by Kunstmann, is examined by him in his _Prince Henry_.[134]
The group was rediscovered by the Portuguese in 1418-1420.[135] Prince
Henry had given the command of Porto Santo to Perestrello; and this
captain, in 1419, observing from his island a cloud in the horizon,
found, as he sailed to it, the island now called Madeira. It will be
remembered that it was the daughter of Perestrello whom Columbus at a
later day married.[136]

It was not till 1460[137] that the Cape De Verde Islands were found,
lying as they do well outside of the route of Prince Henry’s vessels,
which were now following down the African coast, and had been pursuing
explorations in this direction since 1415.

There have been claims advanced by Margry in his _Les navigations
Françaises et la révolution maritime du XIV^e au XVI^e siècle, d’après
les documents inédits tirés de France, d’Angleterre, d’Espagne, et
d’Italie_, pp. 13-70, Paris, 1867, and embraced in his first section
on “Les marins de Normandie aux côtes de Guinée avant les Portugais,”
in which he cites an old document, said to be in London, setting forth
the voyage of a vessel from Dieppe to the coast of Africa in 1364.
Estancelin had already, in 1832, in his _Navigateurs Normands en
Afrique_, declared there were French establishments on the coast of
Guinea in the fourteenth century,—a view D’Avezac says he would gladly
accept if he could. Major, however, failed to find, by any direction
which Margry could give him, the alleged London document, and has
thrown—to say the least—discredit on the story of that document as
presented by Margry.[138]

[Illustration: PRINCE HENRY.

This follows a portrait in a contemporary manuscript chronicle, now
in the National Library at Paris, which Major, who gives a colored
fac-simile of it, calls the only authentic likeness, probably taken
in 1449-1450, and representing him in mourning for the death of his
brother Dom Pedro, who died in 1449. There is another engraving of
it in Jules Verne’s _La Découverte de la Terre_, p. 112. Major calls
the portrait in Gustave de Veer’s Life of Prince Henry, published at
Dantzig, in 1864, a fancy one. The annexed autograph of the Prince is
the equivalent of IFFANTE DOM ANRIQUE.

Illustration

Prince Henry, who was born March 4, 1394, died Nov 15, 1463. He was
the third son of John I. of Portugal; his mother was a daughter of John
of Gaunt, of England.]

The African explorations of the Portuguese are less visionary, and, as
D’Avezac says, the Portuguese were the first to persevere and open the
African route to India.[139]

The peninsular character of Africa—upon which success in this
exploration depended—was contrary to the views of Aristotle,
Hipparchus, and Ptolemy, which held to an enclosed Indian Ocean, formed
by the meeting of Africa and Asia at the south.[140] The stories
respecting the circumnavigation of Africa by the ancients are lacking
in substantial proof; and it seems probable that Cape Non or Cape
Bojador was the limit of their southern expeditions.[141] Still, this
peninsular character was a deduction from imagined necessity rather
than a conviction from fact. It found place on the earliest maps of the
revival of geographical study in the Middle Ages. It is so represented
in the map of Marino Sanuto in 1306, and in the Lorentian portolano of
1351. Major[142] doubts if the Catalan map of 1375 shows anything more
than conjectural knowledge for the coasts beyond Bojador.

Of Prince Henry—the moving spirit in the African enterprise of the
fifteenth century—we have the most satisfactory account in the _Life of
Prince Henry of Portugal, surnamed the Navigator, and its Results ...
from Authentic Contemporary Documents_, by Richard Henry Major, London,
1868,[143]—a work which, after the elimination of the controversial
arguments, and after otherwise fitting it for the general reader, was
reissued in 1877 as _The Discoveries of Prince Henry the Navigator_.
These works are the guide for the brief sketch of these African
discoveries now to be made, and which can be readily followed on the
accompanying sketch-map.[144]

[Illustration: SKETCH-MAP OF THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES IN AFRICA.

Cf. Heinrich Wuttke’s “Zur Geschichte der Erdkunde in der letzten
hälfte des Mittelalters: Die Karten der Seefahrenden Völker süd
Europas bis zum ersten Druck der Erdbeschreibung des Ptolemäus,” in
the _Jahrbuch des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870; J. Codine’s
“Découverte de la côte d’Afrique par les Portugais pendant les années,
1484-1488,” in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_,
1876; Vivien de Saint-Martin’s _Histoire de la géographie et des
découvertes géographiques, depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu’à
nos jours_, p. 298, Paris, 1873; Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters
der Entdeckungen_, p. 81; Clarke’s _Progress of Maritime Discovery_,
p. 140; and G. T. Raynal’s _Histoire philosophique et politique des
établissemens et du commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes_,
Geneva, 1780; Paris, 1820. Paulitschke’s _Afrika-literatur in der Zeit
von 1500 bis_ 1750, Vienna, 1882, notes the earliest accounts.]

Prince Henry had been with his father at the capture of Ceuta, opposite
Gibraltar, in 1415, when the Portuguese got their first foothold in
Africa. In 1418 he established a school of nautical observation at
Sagres,[145] the southwestern promontory of his father’s kingdom, and
placed the geographer, Jayme,[146] of Majorca, in charge of it. The
Prince at once sent out his first expedition down the Barbary coast;
but his vessel, being driven out of its course, discovered the Island
of Porto Santo. Expedition after expedition reached, in successive
years, the vicinity of Cape Bojador; but an inexpressible dread of the
uncertainty beyond deferred the passage of it till 1434. Cape Blanco
was reached in 1445; Cape Verde shortly after; and the River Gambia in
1447.

Cadamosto and his Venetians pushed still farther, and saw the Southern
Cross for the first time.[147] Between 1460 and 1464 they went beyond
Cape Mesurado. Prince Henry dying in 1463, King Alfonso, in 1469,
farmed out the African commerce, and required five hundred miles to be
added yearly to the limit of discovery southward. Not long after, Diego
Cam reached the Congo coast, Behaim accompanying him. In 1487, after
seventy years of gradual progress down six thousand miles of coast,
southward from Cape Non, the Portuguese under Diaz reached the Stormy
Cape,—later to be called the Cape of Good Hope. He but just rounded it
in May, and in December he was in Portugal with the news. Bartholomew,
the brother of Columbus, had made the voyage with him.[148] The
rounding of the Cape was hardly a surprise; for the belief in it was
firmly established long before. In 1457-1459, in the map of Fra Mauro,
which had been constructed at Venice for Alonzo V., and in which Bianco
assisted, the terminal cape had been fitly drawn.[149]

[Illustration: PORTUGUESE MAP, 1490.

This map follows a copy in the Kohl Collection (no. 23), after the
original, attached to a manuscript theological treatise in the British
Museum. An inscription at the break in the African coast says that to
this point the Portuguese had pushed their discoveries in 1489; and as
it shows no indication of the voyages of Columbus and Da Gama, Kohl
places it about 1490. It may be considered as representing the views
current before these events, Asia following the Ptolemean drafts. The
language of the map being partly Italian and partly Portuguese, Kohl
conjectures that it was made by an Italian living in Lisbon; and he
points out the close correspondence of the names on the western coast
of Africa to the latest Portuguese discoveries, and that its contour is
better than anything preceding.]

[Illustration: HO COMDE ALMIRANTE (_Da Gama’s Autograph_).]

[Illustration: VASCO DA GAMA.

This follows the engravings in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der
Entdeckungen_, p. 111, and in Stanley’s _Da Gama_, published by the
Hakluyt Society. The original belongs to the Count de Lavradio. Another
portrait, with a view of Calicut, is given in Lafitau’s _Découvertes
des Portugais_, Paris, 1734, iii. 66.]

Such had been the progress of the Portuguese marine, in exemplification
of the southerly quest called for by the theory of Pomponius Mela, when
Columbus made his westerly voyage in 1492 and reached, as he supposed,
the same coast which the Portuguese were seeking to touch by the
opposite direction.[150] In this erroneous geographical belief Columbus
remained as long as he lived,—a view in which Vespucius and the earlier
navigators equally shared;[151] though some, like Peter Martyr,[152]
accepted the belief cautiously. We shall show in another place how
slowly the error was eradicated from the cartography of even the latter
part of the sixteenth century.

During the interval when Columbus was in Spain, between his second
and third voyages, Vasco da Gama sailed from Lisbon, July 8, 1497,
to complete the project which had so long animated the endeavors of
the rival kingdom. He doubled the Cape of Good Hope in Nov. 1497, and
anchored at Calicut, May 20, 1498,—a few days before Columbus left San
Lucar on his third voyage. In the following August, Da Gama started on
his return; and after a year’s voyage he reached Lisbon in August, 1498.

[Illustration: THE LINE OF DEMARCATION (_Spanish claim_, 1527).

This is the outline of the anonymous map of 1527, sometimes ascribed
to Ferdinand Columbus, but held by Harrisse to be the work of Nuña
Garcia de Toreno. It was an official map of the Spanish Hydrographical
Office, and gives the Spanish view of the meridian on which the line
of demarcation ran. It follows a copy in the Kohl Collection, no. 38.
The line is similarly drawn on the Ribero map of 1529. The Portuguese
view is shown in the Cantino map of 1502, and in what is known as the
Portuguese chart of 1514-1520.]

The Portuguese had now accomplished their end. The _éclat_ with which
it would have been received had not Columbus opened, as was supposed,
a shorter route, was wanting; and Da Gama, following in the path marked
for him, would have failed of much of his fame but for the auspicious
applause which Camoens created for him in the _Lusiad_.[153]

[Illustration: ALEXANDER VI.

This follows the cut in the _Gazette des Beaux-Arts_, xxvii. 500,
representing a bust in the Berlin Museum.]

Da Gama at Calicut and Columbus at Cuba gave the line of demarcation
of Alexander VI. a significance that was not felt to be impending,
five years earlier, on the 3d and 4th of May, 1493, when the Papal
Bull was issued.[154] This had fixed the field of Spanish and
Portuguese exploration respectively west and east of a line one hundred
leagues[155] west of the Azores, following a meridian at a point where
Columbus had supposed the magnetic needle[156] pointed to the north
star.[157] The Portuguese thought that political grounds were of more
consideration than physical, and were not satisfied with the magnet
governing the limitation of their search. They desired a little more
sea-room on the Atlantic side, and were not displeased to think that a
meridian considerably farther west might give them a share of the new
Indies south and north of the Spanish discoveries; so they entered
their protest against the partition of the Bull, and the two Powers
held a convention at Tordesillas, which resulted, in June, 1494, in
the line being moved two hundred and seventy leagues westerly.[158]
No one but vaguely suspected the complication yet to arise about this
same meridian, now selected, when the voyage of Magellan should bring
Spaniard and Portuguese face to face at the Antipodes. This aspect
of the controversy will claim attention elsewhere.[159] From this
date the absolute position of the line as theoretically determined,
was a constant source of dispute, and the occasion of repeated
negotiations.[160]

[Illustration: Justin Winsor]

NOTES.

A. FIRST VOYAGE.—As regards the first voyage of Columbus there has
come down to us a number of accounts, resolvable into two distinct
narratives, as originally proceeding from the hand of Columbus
himself,—his Journal, which is in part descriptive and in part log,
according to the modern understanding of this last term; and his
Letters announcing the success and results of his search. The fortunes
and bibliographical history of both these sources need to be told:

JOURNAL.—Columbus himself refers to this in his letter to Pope
Alexander VI. (1503) as being kept in the style of Cæsar’s
_Commentaries_; and Irving speaks of it as being penned “from day
to day with guileless simplicity.” In its original form it has not
been found; but we know that Las Casas used it in his _Historia_, and
that Ferdinand Columbus must have had it before him while writing
what passes for his Life of his father. An abridgment of the Journal
in the hand of Las Casas, was discovered by Navarrete, who printed
it in the first volume of his _Coleccion_ in 1825; it is given in a
French version in the Paris edition of the same (vol. ii.), and in
Italian in Torre’s _Scritti di Colombo_, 1864. Las Casas says of his
abstract, that he follows the very words of the Admiral for a while
after recording the landfall; and these parts are translated by Mr.
Thomas, of the State Department at Washington, in G. A. Fox’s paper
on “The Landfall” in the _Report of the Coast Survey_ for 1880. The
whole of the Las Casas text, however, was translated into English, at
the instigation of George Ticknor, by Samuel Kettell, and published
in Boston as _A Personal Narrative of the First Voyage_ in 1827;[161]
and it has been given in part, in English, in Becher’s _Landfall of
Columbus_. The original is thought to have served Herrera in his
_Historia General_.[162]

LETTERS.—We know that on the 12th of February, 1493, about a week
before reaching the Azores on his return voyage, and while his ship
was laboring in a gale, Columbus prepared an account of his discovery,
and incasing the parchment in wax, put it in a barrel, which he threw
overboard. That is the last heard of it. He prepared another account,
perhaps duplicate, and protecting it in a similar way, placed it on his
poop, to be washed off in case his vessel foundered. We know nothing
further of this account, unless it be the same, substantially, with
the letters which he wrote just before making a harbor at the Azores.
One of these letters, at least, is dated off the Canaries; and it is
possible that it was written earlier on the voyage, and post-dated, in
expectation of his making the Canaries; and when he found himself by
stress of weather at the Azores, he neglected to change the place. The
original of neither of these letters is known.

One of them was dated Feb. 15, 1493, with a postscript dated March 4
(or 14, copies vary, and the original is of course not to be reached;
4 would seem to be correct), and is written in Spanish, and addressed
to the “Escribano de Racion,” Luis de Santangel, who, as Treasurer
of Aragon, had advanced money for the voyage. Columbus calls this a
second letter; by which he may mean that the one cast overboard was the
first, or that another, addressed to Sanchez (later to be mentioned),
preceded it. There was at Simancas, in 1818, an early manuscript copy
of this letter, which Navarrete printed in his _Coleccion_, and Kettell
translated into English in his book (p. 253) already referred to.[163]

In 1852 the Baron Pietro Custodi left his collection of books to the
Biblioteca Ambrosiana at Milan; and among them was found a printed
edition of this Santangel letter, never before known, and still
remaining unique. It is of small quarto, four leaves, in semi-gothic
type, bearing the date of 1493,[164] and was, as Harrisse and Lenox
think, printed in Spain,—Major suggests Barcelona, but Gayangos thinks
Lisbon. It was first reprinted at Milan in 1863, with a fac-simile,
and edited by Cesare Correnti, in a volume, containing other letters
of Columbus, entitled, _Lettere autografe edite ed inedite di
Cristoforo Colombo_.[165] From this reprint Harrisse copied it, and
gave an English translation in his _Notes on Columbus_, p. 89, drawing
attention to the error of Correnti in making it appear on his titlepage
that the letter was addressed to “Saxis,”[166] and testifying that, by
collation, he had found but slight variation from the Navarrete text.
Mr. R. H. Major also prints the Ambrosian text in his _Select Letters
of Columbus_, with an English version appended, and judges the Cosco
version could not have been made from it. Other English translations
may be found in Becher’s _Landfall of Columbus_, p. 291, and in
French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_, 2d series,
ii. 145.

In 1866 a fac-simile edition (150 copies) of the Ambrosian copy
was issued at Milan, edited by Gerolamo d’Adda, under the title of
_Lettera in lingua Spagnuola diretta da Cristoforo Colombo a Luis de
Santangel_.[167] Mr. James Lenox, of New York, had already described
it, with a fac-simile of the beginning and end, in the _Historical
Magazine_ (vol. viii. p. 289, September, 1864, April, 1865); and this
paper was issued separately (100 copies) as a supplement to the Lenox
edition of Scyllacius. Harrisse[168] indicates that there was once a
version of this Santangel letter in the Catalan tongue, preserved in
the Colombina Library at Seville.

A few years ago Bergenroth found at Simancas a letter of Columbus,
dated at the Canaries, Feb. 15, 1493, with a postscript at Lisbon,
March 14, addressed to a friend, giving still another early text, but
adding nothing material to our previous knowledge. A full abstract is
given in the _Calendar of State Papers relating to England and Spain_,
p. 43.

A third Spanish text of a manuscript of the sixteenth century, said
to have been found in the Colegio Mayor de Cuenca, was made known
by Varnhagen, the Minister of Brazil to Portugal, who printed it at
Valencia in 1858 as _Primera epistola del Almirante Don Christóbal
Colon_, including an account “de una nueva copia de original
manuscrito.” The editor assumed the name of Volafan, and printed one
hundred copies, of which sixty were destroyed in Brazil.[169] This
letter is addressed to Gabriel Sanchez, and dated “sobre la isla de Sa.
Maria, 18 de Febrero;” and is without the postscript of the letters
of Feb. 15. It is almost a verbatim repetition of the Simancas text.
A reprint of the Cosco text makes a part of the volume; and it is the
opinion of Varnhagen and Harrisse that the Volafan text is the original
from which Cosco translated, as mentioned later.

Perhaps still another Spanish text is preserved and incorporated, as
Muñoz believed, by the Cura de los Palacios, Andrés Bernaldez, in his
_Historia de los reyes católicos_ (chap. cxviii). This book covers the
period 1488-1513; has thirteen chapters on Columbus, who had been the
guest of Bernaldez after his return from his second voyage, in 1496,
and by whom Columbus is called “mercador de libros de estampa.” The
manuscript of Bernaldez’s book long remained unprinted in the Royal
Library at Madrid. Irving used a manuscript copy which belonged to
Obadiah Rich.[170] Prescott’s copy of the manuscript is in Harvard
College Library.[171] Humboldt[172] used it in manuscript. It was at
last printed at Granada in 1856, in two volumes, under the editing of
Miguel Lafuente y Alcántara.[173] It remains, of course, possible that
Bernaldez may have incorporated a printed Spanish text, instead of the
original or any early manuscript, though Columbus is known to have
placed papers in his hands.

The text longest known to modern students is the poor Latin rendering
of Cosco, already referred to. While but one edition of the original
Spanish text appeared presumably in Spain (and none of Vespucius and
Magellan), this Latin text, or translations of it, appeared in various
editions and forms in Italy, France, and Germany, which Harrisse
remarks[174] as indicating the greater popular impression which the
discovery of America made beyond Spain than within the kingdom; and the
monthly delivery of letters from Germany to Portugal and the Atlantic
islands, at this time, placed these parts of Europe in prompter
connection than we are apt to imagine.[175] News of the discovery was,
it would seem, borne to Italy by the two Genoese ambassadors, Marchesi
and Grimaldi, who are known to have left Spain a few days after the
return of Columbus.[176] The Spanish text of this letter, addressed
by Columbus to Gabriel or Raphael Sanchez, or Sanxis, as the name of
the Crown treasurer is variously given, would seem to have fallen
into the hands of one Aliander de Cosco, who turned it into Latin,
completing his work on the 29th of April. Harrisse points out the error
of Navarrete and Varnhagen in placing this completion on the 25th,
and supposes the version was made in Spain. Tidings of the discovery
must have reached Rome before this version could have got there; for
the first Papal Bull concerning the event is dated May 3. Whatever the
case, the first publication, in print, of the news was made in Rome
in this Cosco version, and four editions of it were printed in that
city in 1493. There is much disagreement among bibliographers as to
the order of issue of the early editions. Their peculiarities, and the
preference of several bibliographers as to such order, is indicated in
the following enumeration, the student being referred for full titles
to the authorities which are cited:—

I. _Epistola Christofori Colom_ [1493]. Small quarto, four leaves
(one blank), gothic, 33 lines to a page. Addressed to Sanchis. Cosco
is called Leander. Ferdinand and Isabella both named in the title.
The printer is thought to be Plannck, from similarity of type to work
known to be his.

Major calls this the _editio princeps_, and gives elaborate reasons
for his opinion (_Select Letters of Columbus_, p. cxvi). J. R.
Bartlett, in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 5, also puts
it first; so does Ternaux. Varnhagen calls it the second edition. It
is put the third in order by Brunet (vol. ii. col. 164) and Lenox
(_Scyllacius_, p. xliv), and fourth by Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_,
p. 121; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 4).

There are copies in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, and Huth (_Catalogue_, i.
336) libraries; in the Grenville (_Bibl. Gren._, p. 158) and King’s
Collections in the British Museum; in the Royal Library at Munich;
in the Collection of the Duc d’Aumale at Twickenham; and in the
Commercial Library at Hamburg.[177] The copy cited by Harrisse was
sold in the Court Collection (no. 72) at Paris in 1884.

II. _Epistola Christofori Colom, impressit Rome, Eucharius Argenteus_
[Silber], _anno dñi MCCCCXCIII_. Small quarto, three printed leaves,
gothic type, 40 lines to the page. Addressed to Sanches. Cosco is
called Leander. Ferdinand and Isabella both named.

Major, who makes this the second edition, says that its deviations
from No. I. are all on the side of ignorance. Varnhagen calls it the
_editio princeps_. Bartlett (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 6) puts it
second. Lenox (_Scyllacius_, p. xlv) calls it the fourth edition. It
is no. 3 of Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 3; _Notes on Columbus_,
p. 121). Graesse errs in saying the words “Indie supra Gangem” are
omitted in the title.

There are copies in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, Huth (_Catalogue_, i.
336), and Grenville (_Bibl. Gren._, p. 158) Libraries. It has been
recently priced at 5,000 francs. Cf. _Murphy Catalogue_, 629.

III. _Epistola Christofori Colom._ Small quarto, four leaves, 34
lines, gothic type. Addressed to Sanxis. Cosco is called Aliander.
Ferdinand only named.

This is Major’s third edition. It is the _editio princeps_ of
Harrisse, who presumes it to be printed by Stephanus Plannck at Rome
(_Notes on Columbus_, p. 117; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, vol. i.); and he
enters upon a close examination to establish its priority. It is
Lenox’s second edition (_Scyllacius_, p. xliii). Bartlett places it
third.

There are copies in the Barlow (formerly the Aspinwall copy) Library
in New York; in the General Collection and Grenville Library of the
British Museum; and in the Royal Library at Munich. In 1875 Mr. S.
L. M. Barlow printed (50 copies) a fac-simile of his copy, with a
Preface, in which he joins in considering this the first edition with
Harrisse, who (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 101) gives a careful reprint of
it.

IV. _De insulis inventis_, etc. Small octavo, ten leaves, 26 and 27
lines, gothic type. The leaf before the title has the Spanish arms on
the recto. There are eight woodcuts, one of which is a repetition.
Addressed to Sanxis. Cosco is called Aliender. Ferdinand only named.
The words “Indie supra Gangem” are omitted in the title.

This is Major’s fourth edition. Lenox makes it the _editio princeps_
(as does Brunet), and gives fac-similes of the woodcuts in his
_Scyllacius_, p. xxxvi. Bossi supposed the cuts to have been a part of
the original manuscript, and designed by Columbus.[178] Harrisse calls
it the second in order, and thinks Johannes Besicken may have been
the printer (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 2), though it is usually ascribed to
Plannck, of Rome. It bears the arms of Granada; but there was no press
at that time in that city, so far as known, though Brunet seems to
imply it was printed there.

The only perfect copy known is one formerly the Libri copy, now in
the Lenox Library, which has ten leaves. The Grenville copy (_Bibl.
Gren._, p. 158), and the one which Bossi saw in the Brera at Milan,
now lost, had only nine leaves.

Hain (_Repertorium_, no. 5,491) describes a copy which seems to
lack the first and tenth leaves; and it was probably this copy
(Royal Library, Munich) which was followed by Pilinski in his Paris
fac-simile (20 copies in 1858), which does not reproduce these leaves,
though it is stated by some that the defective British Museum copy was
his guide. Bartlett seems in error in calling this fac-simile a copy
of the Libri-Lenox copy.[179]

[Illustration: COLUMBUS’ LETTER NO. III.]

=V.= _Epistola de insulis de novo repertis_, etc. Small quarto, four
leaves, gothic, 39 lines; woodcut on verso of first leaf. Printed
by Guy Marchand in Paris, about 1494. Addressed to Sanxis. Cosco is
called Aliander. Ferdinand only named.

This is Lenox’s (_Scyllacius_, p. xlv.), Major’s, and Harrisse’s fifth
(_Notes on Columbus_, p. 122; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 5) edition.

The Ternaux copy, now in the Carter-Brown Library, was for some
time supposed to be the only copy known; but Harrisse says the text
reprinted by Rosny in Paris, in 1865, as from a copy in the National
Library at Paris, corresponds to this. This reprint (125 copies) is
entitled, _Lettre de Christophe Colomb sur la découverte du nouveau
monde. Publiée d’après la rarissime version Latine conservée à la
Bibliothèque Impériale. Traduite en Français, commentée_ [etc.]
_par Lucien de Rosny_. Paris: J. Gay, 1865, 44 pages octavo. This
edition was published under the auspices of the “Comité d’Archéologie
Américaine.”[180]

[Illustration: REVERSE OF TITLE OF NOS. V. AND VI.]

=VI.= _Epistola de insulis noviter repertis_, etc. Small quarto,
four leaves, gothic, 39 lines; woodcut on verso of first leaf. Guiot
Marchant, of Paris, printer. Addressed to Sanxis. Cosco is called
Aliander. Ferdinand only named.

This is Major’s sixth edition; Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_, p.
122; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 6) and Lenox (_Scyllacius_, p. xlvii)
also place it sixth. There are fac-similes of the engraved title in
Harrisse, Lenox, and Stevens’s _American Bibliographer_, p. 66.

There are copies in the Carter-Brown, Bodleian (Douce), and University
of Göttingen libraries; one is also shown in the _Murphy Catalogue_,
no. 630.

John Harris, Sen., made a fac-simile edition of five copies, one of
which is in the British Museum.

=VII.= _Epistola Cristophori Colom_, etc. Small quarto, four leaves,
gothic, 38 lines. Addressed to Sanxis. Th. Martens is thought to be
the printer.

This edition has only recently been made known. Cf. Brunet,
_Supplément_, col. 276. The only copy known is in the Bibliothèque
Royale at Brussels.

The text of all these editions scarcely varies, except in the use of
contracted letters. Lenox’s collation was reprinted, without the cuts,
in the _Historical Magazine_, February, 1861. Other bibliographical
accounts will be found in Graesse, _Trésor_; _Bibliotheca
Grenvilliana_, i. 158; Sabin, _Dictionary_, iv. 274; and by J. H.
Hessels in the _Bibliophile Belge_, vol. vi. The cuts are also in part
reproduced in some editions of Irving’s _Life of Columbus_, and in the
_Vita_, by Bossi.[181]

In 1494 this Cosco-Sanchez text was appended to a drama on the
capture of Granada, which was printed at Basle, beginning _In laudem
Serenissimi Ferdinandi_, and ascribed to Carolus Veradus. The “De
insulis nuper inventis” is found at the thirtieth leaf (_Bibl.
Amer. Vet._, no. 15; Lenox’s _Scyllacius_, p. xlviii; Major, no.
7; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 13). There are copies in the
Carter-Brown, Harvard College, and Lenox libraries.[182]

By October, in the year of the first appearance (1493) of the
Cosco-Sanchez text, it had been turned into _ottava rima_ by Guiliano
Dati, a popular poet, to be sung about the streets, as is supposed; and
two editions of this verse are now known. The earliest is in quarto,
black letter, two columns, and was printed in Florence, and called
_Questa e la Hystoria ... extracte duna Epistola Christofano Colombo_.
It was in four leaves, of coarse type and paper; but the second and
third leaves are lacking in the unique copy, now in the British Museum,
which was procured in 1858 from the Costabile sale in Paris.[183]

[Illustration: COLUMBUS’ LETTER NO. VI.]

The other edition, dated one day later (Oct. 26, 1493), printed also at
Florence, and called _La Lettera dell’isole_, etc., is in Roman type,
quarto, four leaves, two columns, with a woodcut title representing
Ferdinand on the European, and Columbus on the New World shore of the
ocean.[184] The copy in the British Museum was bought for 1,700 francs
at the Libri sale in Paris; and the only other copy known is in the
Trivulgio Library at Milan.

In 1497 a German translation, or adaptation, from Cosco’s Latin was
printed by Bartlomesz Küsker at Strasburg, with the title _Eyn schön
kübsch lesen von etlichen inszlen die do in kurtzen zyten funden synd
durch dē künig von hispania, und sagt vō groszen wunderlichen dingen
die in dē selbē inszlen synd_. It is a black-letter quarto of seven
leaves, with one blank, the woodcut of the title being repeated on
the verso of the seventh leaf.[185] There are copies in the Lenox
(Libri copy) and Carter-Brown libraries; in the Grenville and Huth
collections; and in the library at Munich.

The text of the Cosco-Sanchez letter, usually quoted by the early
writers, is contained in the _Bellum Christianorum Principum_ of
Robertus Monarchus, printed at Basle in 1533.[186]

[Illustration: THE LANDING OF COLUMBUS.]

B. LANDFALL.—It is a matter of controversy what was Guanahani, the
first land seen by Columbus. The main, or rather the only, source
for the decision of this question is the Journal of Columbus; and it
is to be regretted that Las Casas did not leave unabridged the parts
preceding the landfall, as he did those immediately following, down
to October 29. Not a word outside of this Journal is helpful. The
testimony of the early maps is rather misleading than reassuring, so
conjectural was their geography.

[Illustration: CUT IN THE GERMAN TRANSLATION OF THE FIRST LETTER OF
COLUMBUS (TITLE).]

It will be remembered that land was first seen two hours after
midnight; and computations made for Fox show that the moon was near
the third quarter, partly behind the observer, and would clearly
illuminate the white sand of the shore, two leagues distant. From
Columbus’s course there were in his way, as constituting the Bahama
group,—taking the enumeration of to-day, and remembering that the sea
may have made some changes,—36 islands, 687 cays, and 2,414 rocks. By
the log, as included in the Journal, and reducing his distance sailed
by dead reckoning—which then depended on observation by the eye alone,
and there were also currents to misguide Columbus, running from nine
to thirty miles a day, according to the force of the wind—to a course
west, 2° 49′ south, Fox has shown that the discoverer had come 3,458
nautical miles. Applying this to the several islands claimed as the
landfall, and knowing modern computed distances, we get the following
table:—

┌────────────────┬────────────────┬────────┬────────┐
│ │ │ │ An │
│ Islands. │ Course. │ Miles. │ Excess │
│ │ │ │ of │
├────────────────┼────────────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ To Grand Turk │ W. 8° 1′ S. │ 2834 │ 624 │
│ Mariguana │ W. 6° 37′ S. │ 3032 │ 426 │
│ Watling │ W. 4° 38′ S. │ 3105 │ 353 │
│ Cat │ W. 4° 20′ S. │ 3141 │ 317 │
│ Samana │ W. 5° 37′ S. │ 3072 │ 387 │
└────────────────┴────────────────┴────────┴────────┘

Columbus speaks of the island as being “small,” and again as “pretty
large” (_bien grande_). He calls it very level, with abundance of
water, and a very large lagune in the middle; and it was in the last
month of the rainy season, when the low parts of the islands are
usually flooded.

Some of the features of the several islands already named will now be
mentioned, together with a statement of the authorities in favor of
each as the landfall.

SAN SALVADOR, OR CAT.—This island is forty-three miles long by about
three broad, with an area of about one hundred and sixty square miles,
rising to a height of four hundred feet, the loftiest land in the
group, and with no interior water. It is usual in the maps of the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to identify this island with the
Guanahani of Columbus. It is so considered by Catesby in his _Natural
History of Carolina_ (1731); by Knox in his _Collection of Voyages_
(1767); by De la Roquette in the French version of Navarrete, vol.
ii. (1828); and by Baron de Montlezun in the _Nouvelles annales des
voyages_, vols. x. and xii. (1828-1829). Alexander Slidell Mackenzie,
of the United States Navy, worked out the problem for Irving; and this
island is fixed upon in the latter’s _Life of Columbus_, app. xvi.,
editions of 1828 and 1848. Becher claims that the modern charts used by
Irving were imperfect; and he calls “not worthy to be called a chart”
the La Cosa map, which so much influenced Humboldt in following Irving,
in his _Examen critique_ (1837), iii. 181, 186-222.

[Illustration: GERMAN TRANSLATION OF THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS
(TEXT).]

WATLING’S.—This is thirteen miles long by about six broad, containing
sixty square miles, with a height of one hundred and forty feet,
and having about one third its area of interior water. It was first
suggested by Muñoz in 1793. Captain Becher, of the Royal Navy,
elaborated the arguments in favor of this island in the _Journal of
the Royal Geographical Society_, xxvi. 189, and _Proceedings_, i. 94,
and in his _Landfall of Columbus on his First Voyage to America_,
London, 1856. Peschel took the same ground in his _Geschichte des
Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ (1858). R. H. Major’s later opinion is in
support of the same views, as shown by him in the _Journal of the Royal
Geographical Society_ (1871), xvi. 193, and _Proceedings_, xv. 210. Cf.
_New Quarterly Review_, October, 1856.

Lieut. J. B. Murdock, U. S. N., in a paper on “The Cruise of Columbus
in the Bahamas, 1492,” published in the _Proceedings_ (April, 1884,
p. 449) of the United States Naval Institute vol. x, furnishes a
new translation of the passages in Columbus’ Journal bearing on the
subject, and made by Professor Montaldo of the Naval Academy, and
repeats the map of the modern survey of the Bahamas as given by Fox.
Lieutenant Murdock follows and criticises the various theories afresh,
and traces Columbus’ track backward from Cuba, till he makes the
landfall to have been at Watling’s Island. He points out also various
indications of the Journal which cannot be made to agree with any
supposable landfall.

[Illustration: THE BAHAMA GROUP.

This map is sketched from the chart, made from the most recent surveys,
in the United States Coast-Survey and given in Fox’s monograph,
with the several routes marked down on it. Other cartographical
illustrations of the subject will be found in Moreno’s maps, made
for Navarrete’s _Coleccion_ in 1825 (also in the French version); in
Becher’s paper in the _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_,
xxvi. 189, and in his _Landfall of Columbus_; in Varnhagen’s _Das
wahre Guanahani_; in Major’s paper in the _Journal of the Royal
Geographical Society_, 1871, and in his second edition of the _Select
Letters_, where he gives a modern map, with Herrera’s map (1601) and a
section of La Cosa’s; in G. B. Torre’s _Scritti di Colombo_, p. 214;
and in the section, “Wo liegt Guanahani?” of Ruge’s _Geschichte des
Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 248, giving all routes, except that
offered by Fox. See further on the subject R. Pietschmann’s “Beiträge
zur Guanahani-Frage,” in the _Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche
Geographie_ (1880), i. 7, 65, with map; and A. Breusing’s “Geschichte
der Kartographie,” in Ibid., ii. 193.]

GRAND TURK.—Its size is five and one half by one and a quarter miles,
with an area of seven square miles; its highest part seventy feet; and
one third of its surface is interior water. Navarrete first advanced
arguments in its favor in 1825, and Kettell adopted his views in the
Boston edition of the _Personal Narrative of Columbus_. George Gibbs
argued for it in the _New York Historical Society’s Proceedings_
(1846), p. 137, and in the _Historical Magazine_ (June, 1858), ii. 161.
Major adopted such views in the first edition (1847) of his _Select
Letters of Columbus_.

MARIGUANA.—It measures twenty-three and one half miles long by an
average of four wide; contains ninety-six square miles; rises one
hundred and one feet, and has no interior water. F. A. de Varnhagen
published at St. Jago de Chile, in 1864, a treatise advocating this
island as _La verdadera Guanahani_, which was reissued at Vienna, in
1869, as _Das wahre Guanahani des Columbus_.[187]

SAMANA, OR ATTWOOD’S CAY.—This is nine miles long by one and a half
wide, covering eight and a half square miles, with the highest ridge
of one hundred feet. It is now uninhabited; but arrow-heads and other
signs of aboriginal occupation are found there. The Samana of the early
maps was the group now known as Crooked Island. The present Samana has
been recently selected for the landfall by Gustavus V. Fox, in the
_United States Coast Survey Report_, 1880, app. xviii.,—“An attempt to
solve the problem of the first landing-place of Columbus in the New
World.” He epitomized this paper in the _Magazine of American History_
(April, 1883), p. 240.

[Illustration: SIGN-MANUALS OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA.]

=C.= EFFECT OF THE DISCOVERY IN EUROPE.—During the interval between the
return of Columbus from his first voyage and his again treading the
soil of Spain on his return from the second, 1494, we naturally look
for the effect of this astounding revelation upon the intelligence of
Europe. To the Portuguese, who had rejected his pleas, there may have
been some chagrin. Faria y Sousa, in his _Europa Portuguesa_, intimates
that Columbus’ purpose in putting in at the Tagus was to deepen the
regret of the Portuguese at their rejection of his views; and other
of their writers affirm his overbearing manner and conscious pride of
success. The interview which he had with John II. is described in
the _Lyuro das obras de Garcia de Resende_.[188] Of his reception by
the Spanish monarchs at Barcelona,[189] we perhaps, in the stories
of the historians, discern more embellishments than Oviedo, who was
present, would have thought the ceremony called for. George Sumner (in
1844) naturally thought so signal an event would find some record in
the “Anals consulars” of that city, which were formed to make note of
the commonest daily events; but he could find in them no indication
of the advent of the discoverer of new lands.[190] It is of far more
importance for us that provision was soon made for future records in
the establishment of what became finally the “Casa de la Contratacion
de las Indias,” at this time put in charge of Juan de Fonseca, who
controlled its affairs throughout the reign of Ferdinand.[191] We
have seen how apparently an eager public curiosity prompted more
frequent impressions of Columbus’ letter in other lands than in Spain
itself; but there was a bustling reporter at the Spanish Court fond
of letter-writing, having correspondents in distant parts, and to him
we owe it, probably, that the news spread to some notable people.
This was Peter Martyr d’Anghiera. He dated at Barcelona, on the
ides of May, a letter mentioning the event, which he sent to Joseph
Borromeo; and he repeated the story in later epistles, written in
September, to Ascanio Sforza, Tendilla, and Talavera.[192] There is
every reason to suppose that Martyr derived his information directly
from Columbus himself. He was now probably about thirty-seven years
old, and he had some years before acquired such a reputation for
learning and eloquence that he had been invited from Italy (he was a
native of the Duchy of Milan) to the Spanish Court. His letters, as
they have come down to us, begin about five years before this,[193]
and it is said that just at this time (1493) he began the composition
of his Decades. Las Casas has borne testimony to the value of the
Decades for a knowledge of Columbus, calling them the most worthy
of credit of all the early writings, since Martyr got, as he says,
his accounts directly from the Admiral, with whom he often talked.
Similar testimony is given to their credibleness by Carbajal, Gomez,
Vergara, and other contemporaries.[194] Beginning with Muñoz, there
has been a tendency of late years to discredit Martyr, arising from
the confusion and even negligence sometimes discernible in what he
says. Navarrete was inclined to this derogatory estimate. Hallam[195]
goes so far as to think him open to grave suspicion of negligent and
palpable imposture, antedating his letters to appear prophetic. On the
other hand, Prescott[196] contends for his veracity, and trusts his
intimate familiarity with the scenes he describes. Helps interprets the
disorder of his writings as a merit, because it is a reflection of his
unconnected thoughts and feelings on the very day on which he recorded
any transactions.[197]

What is thought to be the earliest mention in print of the new
discoveries occurs in a book published at Seville in 1493.—_Los
tratados del Doctor Alonso Ortiz_. The reference is brief, and is
on the reverse of the 43d folio.[198] Not far from the same time
the Bishop of Carthagena, Bernardin de Carvajal, then the Spanish
ambassador to the Pope, delivered an oration in Rome, June 19, 1493, in
which he made reference to the late discovery of unknown lands towards
the Indies.[199] These references are all scant; and, so far as we
know from the records preserved to us, the great event of the age made
as yet no impression on the public mind demanding any considerable
recognition.

=D.= SECOND VOYAGE (_Sept._ 25, 1493, _to June_ 11, 1496).—First among
the authorities is the narrative of Dr. Chanca, the physician of the
Expedition. The oldest record of it is a manuscript of the middle of
the sixteenth century, in the Real Academia de la Historia at Madrid.
From this Navarrete printed it for the first time,[200] under the title
of “Segundo Viage de Cristobal Colon,” in his _Coleccion_, i. 198.

Not so directly cognizant of events, but getting his information at
second hand from Guglielmo Coma,—a noble personage in Spain,—was
Nicolas Scyllacius, of Pavia, who translated Coma’s letters into
Latin, and published his narrative, _De insulis meridiani atque indici
maris nuper inventis_, dedicating it to Ludovico Sforza, at Pavia
(Brunet thinks Pisa), in 1594 or 1595. Of this little quarto there
are three copies known. One is in the Lenox Library; and from this
copy Mr. Lenox, in 1859, reprinted it sumptuously (one hundred and two
copies[201]), with a translation by the Rev. John Mulligan. In Mr.
Lenox’s Introduction it is said that his copy had originally belonged
to M. Olivieri, of Parma, and then to the Marquis Rocca Saporiti,
before it came into Mr. Lenox’s hands, and that the only other copy
known was an inferior one in the library of the Marquis Trivulzio at
Milan. This last copy is probably one of the two copies which Harrisse
reports as being in the palace library at Madrid and in the Thottiana
(Royal Library) at Copenhagen, respectively.[202] Scyllacius adds a few
details, current at that time, which were not in Coma’s letters, and
seems to have interpreted the account of his correspondent as implying
that Columbus had reached the Indies by the Portuguese route round the
Cape of Good Hope. Ronchini has conjectured that this blunder may have
caused the cancelling of a large part of the edition, which renders the
little book so scarce; but Lenox neatly replies that “almost all the
contemporaneous accounts are equally rare.”

Another second-hand account—derived, however, most probably from the
Admiral himself—is that given by Peter Martyr in his first Decade,
published in 1511, and more at length in 1516.[203]

Accompanying Columbus on this voyage was Bernardus Buell, or Boil, a
monk of St. Benoit, in Austria, who was sent by Pope Alexander VI as
vicar-general of the new lands, to take charge of the measures for
educating and converting the Indians.[204] It will be remembered he
afterward became a caballer against the Admiral. What he did there,
and a little of what Columbus did, one Franciscus Honorius Philoponus
sought to tell in a very curious book, _Nova typis transacta navigatio
novi orbis Indiæ occidentalis_,[205] which was not printed till 1621.
It is dedicated to Casparus Plautius, and it is suspected that he is
really the author of the book, while he assumed another name, more
easily to laud himself. Harrisse describes the book as having “few
details of an early date, mixed with much second-hand information of a
perfectly worthless character.”

So far as we know, the only contemporary references in a printed book
to the new discoveries during the progress of the second voyage, or in
the interval previous to the undertaking of the third voyage, in the
spring of 1498, are these: The _Das Narrenschiff_ (Ship of Fools) of
Sebastian Brant, a satire on the follies of society, published at Basle
in 1494,[206] and reprinted in Latin in 1497, 1498, and in French in
1497, 1498, and 1499,[207] has a brief mention of the land previously
unknown, until Ferdinand discovered innumerable people in the great
Spanish ocean. Zacharias Lilio, in his _De origine et laudibus
scientiarum_, Florence, 1496,[208] has two allusions. In 1497 Fedia
Inghirami, keeper of the Vatican Archives, delivered a funeral oration
on Prince John, son of Ferdinand and Isabella, and made a reference
to the New World. The little book was probably printed in Rome. There
is also a reference in the _Cosmographia_ of Antonius Nebrissensis,
printed in 1498.[209]

[Illustration: SEBASTIAN BRANT.

Fac-simile of cut in Reusner’s _Icones_, Strasburg, 1590.]

=E.= THIRD VOYAGE (_May_ 30, 1498, _to Nov._ 20, 1500).—Our knowledge
of this voyage is derived at first hand from two letters of Columbus
himself, both of which are printed by Navarrete, and by Major, with a
translation. The first is addressed to the sovereigns, and follows a
copy in Las Casas’s hand, in the Archives of the Duque del Infantado.
The other is addressed to the nurse of Prince John, and follows a copy
in the Muñoz Collection in the Real Academia at Madrid, collated with a
copy in the Columbus Collection at Genoa, printed by Spotorno.[210]

[Illustration: MAP OF COLUMBUS’ FOUR VOYAGES (WESTERN PART).

A reproduction of the map in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 179.]

[Illustration: MAP OF COLUMBUS’ FOUR VOYAGES (EASTERN PART.)

A reproduction of the map in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 178.]

=F.= FOURTH VOYAGE (_May_ 9, 1502, _to Nov._ 7, 1504).—While at
Jamaica Columbus wrote to Ferdinand and Isabella a wild, despondent
letter,[211] suggestive of alienation of mind. It brings the story of
the voyage down only to July 7, 1503, leaving four months unrecorded.
Pinelo says it was printed in the Spanish, as he wrote it; but no such
print is known.[212] Navarrete found in the King’s private library,
at Madrid, a manuscript transcript of it, written, apparently, about
the middle of the sixteenth century; and this he printed in his
_Coleccion_.[213] It was translated into Italian by Costanzo Bayuera,
of Brescia, and published at Venice, in 1505, as _Copia de la lettera
per Colombo mandata_.[214] Cavaliere Morelli, the librarian of St.
Mark’s, reprinted it, with comments, at Bassano, in 1810, as _Lettera
rarissima di Cristoforo Colombo_.[215] Navarrete prints two other
accounts of this voyage,—one by Diego Porras;[216] the other by Diego
Mendez, given in his last will, preserved in the Archives of the Duke
of Veraguas.[217]

While Columbus was absent on this voyage, as already mentioned,
Bergomas had recorded the Admiral’s first discoveries.[218]

=G.= LIVES AND NOTICES OF COLUMBUS.—Ferdinand Columbus—if we accept
as his the Italian publication of 1571—tells us that the fatiguing
career of his father, and his infirmities, prevented the Admiral
from writing his own life. For ten years after his death there were
various references to the new discoveries, but not a single attempt
to commemorate, by even a brief sketch, the life of the discoverer.
Such were the mentions in the _Commentariorum urbanorum libri_ of
Maffei,[219] published in 1506, and again in 1511; in Walter Ludd’s
_Speculi orbis_, etc.;[220] in F. Petrarca’s _Chronica_;[221] and
in the _Oratio_[222] of Marco Dandolo (Naples),—all in 1507. In the
same year the narrative in the _Paesi novamente retrovati_ (1507)
established an account which was repeated in later editions, and
was followed in the _Novus orbis_ of 1532. The next year (1508) we
find a reference in the _Oratio_[223] of Fernando Tellez at Rome;
in the _Supplementi de le chroniche vulgare, novamente dal frate
Jacobo Phillipo al anno 1503 vulgarizz. per Francesco C. Fiorentino_
(Venice);[224] in Johannes Stamler’s _Dyalogus_;[225] in the Ptolemy
published at Rome with Ruysch’s map; and in the _Collectanea_[226] of
Baptista Fulgosus, published at Milan.

In 1509 there is reference to the discoveries in the _Opera nova_ of
the General of the Carmelites, Battista Mantuanus.[227] Somewhere, from
1510 to 1519, the _New Interlude_[228] presented Vespucius to the
English public, rather than Columbus, as the discoverer of America, as
had already been done by Waldseemüller at St. Dié.

[Illustration: THE GIUSTINIANI PSALTER.

Fac-simile of a portion of the page of Giustiniani Psalter, which shows
the beginning of the marginal note on Columbus.]

In 1511 Peter Martyr, in his first Decade, and Sylvanus, in his
annotations of Ptolemy, drew attention to the New World; as did also
Johannes Sobrarius in his _Panegyricum carmen de gestis heroicis divi
Ferdinandi_ _Catholici_.[229] The Stobnicza (Cracow) Appendix to
Ptolemy presented a new map of the Indies in 1512; and the _Chronicon_
of Eusebius, of the same date, recorded the appearance of some of the
wild men of the West in Rouen, brought over by a Dieppe vessel. Some
copies, at least, of Antonio de Lebrija’s edition of _Prudentii opera_,
printed at Lucca, 1512, afford another instance of an early mention
of the New World.[230] Again, in 1513, a new edition of Ptolemy gave
the world what is thought to have been a map by Columbus himself; and
in the same year there was a _Supplementum supplementi_ of Jacobo
Philippo, of Bergomas.[231] In 1514 the _De natura locorum_ (Vienna),
of Albertus Magnus, points again to Vespucius instead of Columbus;[232]
but Cataneo, in a poem on Genoa,[233] does not forget her son, Columbus.

These, as books have preserved them for us, are about all the
contemporary references to the life of the great discoverer for the
first ten years after his death.[234] In 1516, where we might least
expect it, we find the earliest small gathering of the facts of his
life. In the year of Columbus’ death, Agostino Giustiniani had begun
the compilation of a polyglot psalter, which was in this year (1516)
ready for publication, and, with a dedication to Leo X., appeared in
Genoa. The editor annotated the text, and, in a marginal note to verse
four of the nineteenth Psalm, we find the earliest sketch of Columbus’
life. Stevens[235] says of the note: “There are in it several points
which we do not find elsewhere recorded, especially respecting the
second voyage, and the survey of the south side of Cuba, as far as
Evangelista, in May, 1494. Almost all other accounts of the second
voyage, except that of Bernaldez, end before this Cuba excursion began.”

Giustiniani, who was born in 1470, died in 1536, and his _Annali di
Genoa_[236] was shortly afterward published (1537), in which, on folio
ccxlix, he gave another account of Columbus, which, being published
by his executors with his revision, repeated some errors or opinions
of the earlier Psalter account. These were not pleasing to Ferdinand
Columbus,[237] the son of the Admiral,—particularly the statement that
Columbus was born of low parentage,—“vilibus ortus parentibus.” Stevens
points out how Ferdinand accuses Giustiniani of telling fourteen lies
about the discoverer; “but on hunting them out, they all appear to be
of trifling consequence, amounting to little more than that Columbus
sprang from humble parents, and that he and his father were poor,
earning a livelihood by honest toil.”[238]

To correct what, either from pride or from other reasons, he considered
the falsities of the Psalter, Ferdinand was now prompted to compose
a Life of his father,—or at least such was, until recently, the
universal opinion of his authorship of the book. As to Ferdinand’s own
relations to that father there is some doubt, or pretence of doubt,
particularly on the part of those who have found the general belief
in, and pretty conclusive evidence concerning, the illegitimacy of
Ferdinand an obstacle in establishing the highly moral character which
a saint, like Columbus, should have.[239]

Ferdinand Columbus, or Fernando Colon, was born three or four years
before his father sailed on his first voyage.[240] His father’s favor
at Court opened the way, and in attendance upon Prince Juan and Queen
Isabella he gained a good education. When Columbus went on his fourth
voyage, in 1502, the boy, then thirteen years of age, accompanied his
father. It is said that he made two other voyages to the New World;
but Harrisse could only find proof of one. His later years were passed
as a courtier, in attendance upon Charles V. on his travels, and in
literary pursuits, by which he acquired a name for learning. He had
the papers of his father,[241] and he is best known by the Life of
Columbus which passes under his name. If it was written in Spanish, it
is not known in its original form, and has not been traced since Luis
Colon, the Duque de Veraguas, son of Diego, took the manuscript to
Genoa about 1568. There is some uncertainty about its later history;
but it appeared in 1571 at Venice in an Italian version made by Alfonzo
de Ulloa, and was entitled _Historie del S. D. Fernando Colombo; nelle
quali s’ ha particolare & vera relatione della vita, & de’ fatti
dell’Ammiraglio D. Christoforo Colombo, suo padre_. It is thought that
this translation was made from an inaccurate copy of the manuscript,
and moreover badly made. It begins the story of the Admiral’s life with
his fifty-sixth year, or thereabout; and it has been surmised that an
account of his earlier years—if, indeed, the original draft contained
it—was omitted, so as not to obscure, by poverty and humble station,
the beginnings of a luminous career.[242] Ferdinand died at Seville,
July 12, 1539,[243] and bequeathed, conditionally, his library to the
Cathedral. The collection then contained about twenty thousand volumes,
in print and manuscript; and it is still preserved there, though,
according to Harrisse, much neglected since 1709, and reduced to about
four thousand volumes. It is known as the Biblioteca Colombina.[244]
Spotorno says that this Luis Colon, a person of debauched character,
brought this manuscript in the Spanish language to Genoa, and left it
in the hands of Baliano de Fornari, from whom it passed to another
patrician, Giovanni Baptista Marini, who procured Ulloa to make the
Italian version in which it was first published.[245]

Somewhat of a controversial interest has been created of late years by
the critiques of Henry Harrisse on Ferdinand Columbus and his Life of
his father, questioning the usually accepted statements in Spotorno’s
introduction of the _Codice_ of 1823. Harrisse undertakes to show
that the manuscript was never in Don Luis’ hands, and that Ferdinand
could not have written it. He counts it as strange that if such a
manuscript existed in Spain not a single writer in print previous to
1571 refers to it. “About ten years ago,” says Henry Stevens,[246] “a
society of Andalusian bibliographers was formed at Seville. Their first
publication was a fierce Hispano-French attack on the authenticity of
the Life of Columbus by his second son, Ferdinand, written by Henri
Harrisse in French, and translated by one of the Seville bibliófilos,
and adopted and published by the Society. The book [by Columbus’ son]
is boldly pronounced a forgery and a fraud on Ferdinand Columbus.
Some fifteen reasons are given in proof of these charges, all of
which, after abundant research and study, are pronounced frivolous,
false, and groundless.” Such is Mr. Stevens’s view, colored or not by
the antipathy which on more than one occasion has been shown to be
reciprocal in the references of Stevens and Harrisse, one to the other,
in sundry publications.[247] The views of Harrisse were also expressed
in the supplemental volume of his _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_,
published as _Additions_ in 1872. In this he says, regarding the
Life of Columbus: “It was not originally written by the son of the
bold navigator; and many of the circumstances it relates have to be
challenged, and weighed with the utmost care and impartiality.”

The authenticity of the book was ably sustained by D’Avezac before the
French Academy in a paper which was printed in 1873 as _Le livre de
Ferdinand Colomb: Revue critique des allégations proposées contre son
authenticité_. Harrisse replied in 1875 in a pamphlet of fifty-eight
pages, entitled _L’histoire de C. Colomb attribuée à son fils Fernand:
Examen critique du mémoire lu par M. d’Avezac à l’Académie_, 8, 13, _22
Août, 1873_. There were other disputants on the question.[248]

The catalogue of the Colombina Library as made by Ferdinand shows
that it contained originally a manuscript Life of the Admiral written
about 1525 by Ferdinand Perez de Oliva, who presumably had the aid of
Ferdinand Columbus himself; but no trace of this Life now exists,[249]
unless, as Harrisse ventures to conjecture, it may have been in some
sort the basis of what now passes for the work of Ferdinand.

* * * * *

For a long time after the _Historie_ of 1571 there was no considerable
account of Columbus printed. Editions of Ptolemy, Peter Martyr, Oviedo,
Grynæus, and other general books, made reference to his discoveries;
but the next earliest distinct sketch appears to be that in the _Elogia
virorum illustrium_ of Jovius, printed in 1551 at Florence, and the
Italian version made by Domenichi, printed in 1554.[250] Ramusio’s
third volume, in 1556, gave the story greater currency than before; but
such a book as Cunningham’s _Cosmographical Glasse_, in its chapter
on America, utterly ignores Columbus in 1559.[251] We get what may
probably be called the hearsay reports of Columbus’ exploits in the
_Mondo nuovo_ of Benzoni, first printed at Venice in 1565. There was
a brief memorial in the _Clarorum Ligurum elogia_ of Ubertus Folieta,
published at Rome in 1573.[252] In 1581 his voyages were commemorated
in an historical poem, _Laurentii Gambaræ Brixiani de navigatione
Christophori Columbi_, published at Rome.[253] Boissard, of the De Bry
coterie at Frankfort in 1597, included Columbus in his _Icones virorum
illustrium_;[254] and Buonfiglio Costanzo, in 1604, commemorated him in
the _Historia Siciliana_, published at Venice.[255]

Meanwhile the story of Columbus’ voyages was told at last with all the
authority of official sanction in the _Historia general_ of Herrera.
This historian, or rather annalist, was born in 1549, and died in
1625;[256] and the appointment of historiographer given him by Philip
II. was continued by the third and fourth monarchs of that name. There
has been little disagreement as to his helpfulness to his successors.
All critics place him easily first among the earlier writers; and
Muñoz, Robertson, Irving, Prescott, Ticknor, and many others have
united in praise of his research, candor, and justness, while they
found his literary skill compromised in a measure by his chronological
method. Irving found that Herrera depended so much on Las Casas that it
was best in many cases to go to that earlier writer in preference;[257]
and Muñoz thinks only Herrera’s judicial quality preserved for him
a distinct character throughout the agglutinizing process by which
he constructed his book. His latest critic, Hubert H. Bancroft,[258]
calls his style “bald and accurately prolix, his method slavishly
chronological,” with evidence everywhere in his book of “inexperience
and incompetent assistance,” resulting in “notes badly extracted,
discrepancies, and inconsistencies.” The bibliography of Herrera is
well done in Sabin.[259]

Herrera had already published (1591) a monograph on the history of
Portugal and the conquest (1582-1583) of the Azores, when he produced
at Madrid his great work, _Historia general de los hechos de los
Castellanos_, in eight decades, four of which, in two volumes, were
published in 1601, and the others in 1615.[260] It has fourteen maps;
and there should be bound with it, though often found separate, a ninth
part, called _Description de las Indias occidentales_.[261] Of the
composite work, embracing the nine parts, the best edition is usually
held to be one edited by Gonzales Barcia, and supplied by him with an
index, which was printed in Madrid during 1727, 1728, 1729, and 1730,
so that copies are found with all those dates, though it is commonly
cited as of 1730.[262]

* * * * *

The principal chronicles of Spanish affairs in the seventeenth century
contributed more or less to Columbus’ fame;[263] and he is commemorated
in the Dutch compilation of Van den Bos, _Leven en Daden der
Zeehelden_, published at Amsterdam in 1676, and in a German translation
in 1681.[264]

There were a hundred years yet to pass before Robertson’s _History
of America_ gave Columbus a prominence in the work of a historian of
established fame; but this Scotch historian was forced to write without
any knowledge of Columbus’ own narratives.

In 1781 the earliest of the special Italian commemorations appeared
at Parma, in J. Durazzo’s _Elogi storici_ on Columbus and Doria.[265]
Chevalier de Langeac in 1782 added to his poem, _Colomb dans les fers à
Ferdinand et Isabelle_, a memoir of Columbus.[266]

[Illustration]

The earliest commemoration in the United States was in 1792, on the
three hundredth anniversary of the discovery, celebrated by the
Massachusetts Historical Society, when Dr. Jeremy Belknap delivered
an historical discourse,[267] included later with large additions
in his well-known _American Biography_. The unfinished history of
Muñoz harbingered, in 1793, the revival in Europe of the study of his
career. Finally, the series of modern Lives of Columbus began in 1818
with the publication at Milan of Luigi Bossi’s _Vita di Cristoforo
Colombo, scritta e corredata di nuove osservazioni_.[268] In 1823 the
introduction by Spotorno to the _Codice_, and in 1825 the _Coleccion_
of Navarrete, brought much new material to light; and the first to
make use of it were Irving, in his _Life of Columbus_, 1828,[269] and
Humboldt, in his _Examen critique de l’histoire de la géographie du
nouveau continent_, published originally, in 1834, in a single volume;
and again in five volumes, between 1836 and 1839.[270] “No one,” says
Ticknor,[271] “has comprehended the character of Columbus as Humboldt
has,—its generosity, its enthusiasm, its far-reaching visions, which
seemed watchful beforehand for the great scientific discovery of the
sixteenth century.” Prescott was warned by the popularity of Irving’s
narrative not to attempt to rival him; and his treatment of Columbus’
career was confined to such a survey as would merely complete the
picture of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella.[272]

In 1844 there came the first intimation of a new style of biography,—a
protest against Columbus’ story being longer told by his natural
enemies, as all who failed to recognize his pre-eminently saintly
character were considered to be. There was a purpose in it to make the
most possible of all his pious ejaculations, and of his intention,
expressed in his letter to the Pope in 1502, to rescue the Holy City
from the infidel, with his prospective army of ten thousand horse
and a hundred thousand foot. The chief spokesman of this purpose has
been Roselly de Lorgues. He first shadowed forth his purpose in his
_La croix dans les deux mondes_ in 1844. It was not till 1864 that
he produced the full flower of his spirit in his _Christophe Colomb,
Histoire de sa vie et de ses voyages d’après des documents authentiques
tirés d’Espagne et d’Italie_.[273] This was followed, in 1874, by his
_L’ambassadeur de Dieu et le Pape Pie IX._ All this, however, and much
else by the abetters of the scheme of the canonization of Columbus
which was urged on the Church, failed of its purpose; and the movement
was suspended, for a while at least, because of an ultimate adverse
determination.[274]

Of the other later lives of Columbus it remains to mention only the
most considerable, or those of significant tendency.

The late Sir Arthur Helps wrote his _Spanish Conquest of America_
with the aim of developing the results—political, ethnological, and
economic—of the conquest, rather than the day-by-day progress of
events, and with a primary regard to the rise of slavery. His _Life
of Columbus_ is simply certain chapters of this larger work excerpted
and fitted in order.[275] Mr. Aaron Goodrich, in _A History of the
so-called Christopher Columbus_, New York, 1874, makes a labored and
somewhat inconsiderate effort, characterized by a certain peevish air,
to prove Columbus the mere borrower of others’ glories.[276]

In French, mention may be made of the Baron de Bonnefoux’s _Vie de
Christophe Colomb_, Paris, 1853,[277] and the Marquis de Belloy’s
_Christophe Colomb et la découverte du Nouveau Monde_, Paris, 1864.[278]

In German, under the impulse given by Humboldt, some fruitful labors
have been given to Columbus and the early history of American
discovery; but it is only necessary to mention the names of
Forster,[279] Peschel,[280] and Ruge.[281]

=H.= PORTRAITS OF COLUMBUS.—Of Columbus there is no likeness whose
claim to consideration is indisputable. We have descriptions of his
person from two who knew him,—Oviedo and his own son Ferdinand; we have
other accounts from two who certainly knew his contemporaries,—Gomara
and Benzoni; and in addition we possess the description given by
Herrera, who had the best sources of information. From these we learn
that his face was long, neither full nor thin; his cheek-bones rather
high; his nose aquiline; his eyes light gray; his complexion fair, and
high colored. His hair, which was of light color before thirty, became
gray after that age. In the _Paesi novamente retrovati_ of 1507 he is
described as having a ruddy, elongated visage, and as possessing a
lofty and noble stature.[282]

[Illustration: PAULUS JOVIUS.

Fac-simile of cut in Reusner’s _Icones_, Basle, 1589. There is another
cut in _Pauli Jovii elogia virorum bellica virtute illustrium_, Basle,
1575 (copy in Harvard College Library).]

These are the test with which to challenge the very numerous so-called
likenesses of Columbus; and it must be confessed not a single one, when
you take into consideration the accessories and costume, warrants us in
believing beyond dispute that we can bring before us the figure of the
discoverer as he lived. Such is the opinion of Feuillet de Conches, who
has produced the best critical essay on the subject yet written.[283]

[Illustration: COLUMBUS (after Giovio).

Fac-simile of the woodcut in Paolo Giovio’s _Elogia virorum bellica
virtute illustrium_ (Basle, 1596), p. 124. There are copies in the
Boston Athenæum and Boston Public Library. It is also copied in
Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 81, from whom Hazard (_Santo Domingo_,
New York, 1873, p. 7) takes it. The 1575 edition is in Harvard
College Library, and the same portrait is on p. 191. This cut is also
re-engraved in Jules Verne’s _La découverte de la terre_, p. 113.]

A vignette on the map of La Cosa, dated 1500, represents Saint
Christopher bearing on his shoulders the infant Christ across a
stream. This has been considered symbolical of the purpose of Columbus
in his discoveries; and upholders of the movement to procure his
canonization, like De Lorgues, have claimed that La Cosa represented
the features of Columbus in the face of Saint Christopher. It has also
been claimed that Herrera must have been of the same opinion, since the
likeness given by that historian can be imagined to be an enlargement
of the head on the map. This theory is hardly accepted, however, by the
critics.[284]

[Illustration: THE YANEZ COLUMBUS (_National Library, Madrid_).

This picture was prominently brought before the Congress of
Américanistes which assembled at Madrid in 1881, and not, it seems,
without exciting suspicion of a contrived piece of flattery for
the Duke of Veraguas, then presiding over this same congress. Cf.
Cortambert, _Nouvelle histoire des voyages_, p. 40.]

Discarding the La Cosa vignette, the earliest claimant now known is
an engraving published in the _Elogia virorum illustrium_ (1575)[285]
of Paolo Giovio (Paulus Jovius, in the Latin form). This woodcut is
thought to have been copied from a picture which Jovius had placed in
the gallery of notable people which he had formed in his villa at Lake
Como. That collection is now scattered, and the Columbus picture cannot
be traced; but that there was a portrait of the discoverer there, we
know from the edition of Vasari’s _Lives of the Painters_ printed by
Giunti at Florence (1568), wherein is a list of the pictures, which
includes likenesses of Vespucius, Cortes, and Magellan, besides that
of “Colombo Genovese.” This indicates a single picture; but it is
held by some that Jovius must have possessed two pictures, since this
woodcut gives Columbus the garb of a Franciscan, while the painting in
the gallery at Florence, supposed also to follow a picture belonging
to Jovius, gives him a mantle. A claim has been made that the original
Jovius portrait is still in existence in what is known as the Yanez
picture, now in the National Library in Madrid, which was purchased
of Yanez in Granada in 1763. It had originally a close-fitting tunic
and mantle, which was later painted over so as to show a robe and fur
collar. This external painting has been removed; and the likeness bears
a certain resemblance to the woodcut and to the Florence likeness. The
Yanez canvas is certainly the oldest in Spain; and the present Duque de
Veraguas considers it the most authentic of all the portraits.[286] The
annexed cut of it is taken from an engraving in Ruge’s _Geschichte des
Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ (p. 235). It bears the inscription shown
in the cut.[287]

The woodcut (1575) already mentioned passes as the prototype of another
engraving by Aliprando Capriolo, in the _Ritratti di cento capitani
illustri_, published at Rome in 1596.[288]

The most interesting of all pictures bearing a supposed relation to the
scattered collection at Lake Como is in the gallery at Florence, which
is sometimes said to have been painted by Cristofano dell’Altissimo,
and before the year 1568. A copy of it was made for Thomas Jefferson
in 1784, which was at Monticello in 1814; and, having been sent to
Boston to be disposed of, became the property of Israel Thorndike, and
was by him given to the Massachusetts Historical Society, in whose
gallery it now is; and from a photograph of it the cut (p. 74) has been
engraved.[289] It is perhaps the most commonly accepted likeness in
these later years.[290]

[Illustration: COLUMBUS (_after Capriolo_).

This is a reproduction of the cut in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 85.
It is also copied in Carderera, and in the _Magasin pittoresque_,
troisième année, p. 316.]

After the woodcut of 1575, the next oldest engraved likeness of
Columbus is the one usually called the De Bry portrait. It shows a
head with a three-cornered cap, and possesses a Dutch physiognomy,—its
short, broad face not corresponding with the descriptions which we
find in Oviedo and the others. De Bry says that the original painting
was stolen from a saloon in the Council for the Indies in Spain, and,
being taken to the Netherlands, fell into his hands. He claims that it
was painted from life by order of Ferdinand, the King. De Bry first
used the plate in Part V. of his _Grands Voyages_, both in the Latin
and German editions, published in 1595, where it is marked as engraved
by Jean de Bry. It shows what seem to be two warts on the cheek, which
do not appear in later prints.[291] Feuillet de Conches describes a
painting in the Versailles gallery like the De Bry, which has been
engraved by Mercuri;[292] but it does not appear that it is claimed as
the original from which De Bry worked.[293]

[Illustration: COLUMBUS (_the Jefferson copy of the Florence picture_).]

Jomard, in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ (3d series), iii.
370, printed his “Monument à Christophe Colomb: son portrait,”[294] in
explanation and advocacy of a Titianesque canvas which he had found at
Vicenza, inscribed “Christophorus Columbus.”

[Illustration: THE DE BRY PORTRAIT OF COLUMBUS.]

He claimed that the features corresponded to the written descriptions
of Columbus by his contemporaries and accounted for the Flemish ruff,
pointed beard, gold chain, and other anachronous accessories, by
supposing that these had been added by a later hand. These adornments,
however, prevented Jomard’s views gaining any countenance, though he
seems to have been confident in his opinion. Irving at the time records
his scepticism when Jomard sent him a lithograph of it. Carderera and
Feuillet de Conches both reject it.

[Illustration: JOMARD’S PICTURE OF COLUMBUS.

This is a reproduction of the cut in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 87.]

A similar out-of-date ruff and mustache characterize the likeness at
Madrid associated with the Duke of Berwick-Alba, in which the finery
of a throne makes part of the picture. The owner had a private plate
engraved from it by Rafael Esteve, a copy of which, given by the
engraver to Obadiah Rich, who seems to have had faith in it, is now in
the Lenox Library.[295]

A picture belonging to the Duke of Veraguas is open to similar
objections,—with its beard and armor and ruff; but Muñoz adopted it for
his official history, the plate being drawn by Mariano Maella.[296]

A picture of a bedizened cavalier, ascribed to Parmigiano (who was
three years old when Columbus died), is preserved in the Museo
Borbonico at Naples, and is, unfortunately, associated in this country
with Columbus, from having been adopted by Prescott for his _Ferdinand
and Isabella_,[297] and from having been copied for the American
Antiquarian Society.[298] It was long since rejected by all competent
critics.

A picture in the Senate chamber (or lately there) at Albany was given
to the State of New York in 1784 by Mrs. Maria Farmer, a granddaughter
of Governor Jacob Leisler, and was said to have been for many years
in that lady’s family.[299] There are many other scattered alleged
likenesses of Columbus, which from the data at hand it has not been
easy to link with any of those already mentioned.[300]

[Illustration: COLUMBUS.—THE HAVANA MEDALLION.

Reproduced from a cut in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 188.]

The best known, probably, of the sculptured effigies of Columbus is the
bust of Peschiera, which was placed in 1821 at Genoa on the receptacle
of the Columbus manuscripts.[301] The artist discarded all painted
portraits of Columbus, and followed the descriptions of those who had
known the discoverer.[302]

[Illustration: COLUMBUS.

This is copied from one given in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der
Entdeckungen_, p. 234, which follows a photograph of the painting in
the Ministry of Marine at Madrid.]

The most imposing of all the memorials is the monument at Genoa erected
in 1862 after a design by Freccia, and finished by Michel Canzio.[303]

=I.= BURIAL AND REMAINS OF COLUMBUS.—There is no mention of the death
of Columbus in the Records of Valladolid. Peter Martyr, then writing
his letters from that place, makes no reference to such an event. It
is said that the earliest contemporary notice of his death is in an
official document, twenty-seven days later, where it is affirmed that
“the said Admiral is dead.”[304] The story which Irving has written of
the successive burials of Columbus needs to be rewritten; and positive
evidence is wanting to show that his remains were placed first, as
is alleged, in a vault of the Franciscans at Valladolid. The further
story, as told by Irving, of Ferdinand’s ordering the removal of his
remains to Seville seven years later, and the erection of a monument,
is not confirmed by any known evidence.[305] From the tenor of Diego’s
will in March, 1509, it would seem that the body of Columbus had
already been carried to Seville, and that later, the coffins of his son
Diego and of his brother Bartholomew were laid in Seville beside him,
in the _cuevas_, or vaults of the Carthusians. Meanwhile the Cathedral
in Santo Domingo was begun,—not to be completed till 1540; and in this
island it had been the Admiral’s wish to be buried.

[Illustration: COLUMBUS (_from Montanus_).]

His family were desirous of carrying out that wish; but it seemed to
require three royal orders to make good the project, and overcome
objections or delays. These orders were dated June 2, 1537, Aug.
22, 1539, and Nov. 5, 1540.[306] It has been conjectured from the
language of Ferdinand Columbus’ will, in 1539, that the remains were
still in the _cuevas_; and it is supposed that they were carried
to Santo Domingo in 1541,—though, if so, there is no record of
their resting-place from 1536,—when they are said, in the Convent’s
Records,[307] to have been delivered up for transportation. The
earliest positive mention of their being in the Cathedral at Santo
Domingo is in 1549;[308] and it is not till the next century that
we find a positive statement that the remains of Diego were also
removed.[309] Not till 1655 does any record say that the precise spot
in the Cathedral containing the remains was known, and not till 1676
do we learn what that precise spot was,—“on the right of the altar.”
In 1683 we first learn of “a leaden case in the sanctuary, at the side
of the platform of the high altar, with the remains of his brother Don
Luis on the other side, according to the tradition of the aged in this
island.”[310] The book from which this is extracted[311] was published
in Madrid, and erred in calling Luis a brother instead of grandson,
whose father, Diego, lying beside the Admiral, seems at the time to
have been forgotten.[312]

[Illustration: COFFER AND BONES.

This follows an engraving given in John G. Shea’s “Where are the
Remains of Columbus?” in _Magazine of American History_, January, 1883,
and separately. There are other engravings in Tejera, pp. 28, 29, and
after a photograph in the _Informe de la Real Academia_, p. 197. The
case is 16⅝ x 8½ x 8⅛ inches.]

Just a century later, in 1783, Moreau de Saint-Méry, prefacing his
_Description topographique_ of Santo Domingo,[313] sought more
explicit information, and learned that, shortly before his inquiry,
the floor of the chancel had been raised so as to conceal the top of
the vault, which was “a case of stone” (containing the leaden coffin),
on the “Gospel side of the sanctuary.” This case had been discovered
during the repairs, and, though “without inscription, was known from
uninterrupted and invariable tradition to contain the remains of
Columbus;” and the Dean of the Chapter, in certifying to this effect,
speaks of the “leaden urn as a little damaged, and containing several
human bones;” while he had also, some years earlier, found on “the
Epistle side” of the altar a similar stone case, which, according to
tradition, contained the bones of the Admiral’s brother.[314]

A few years later the treaty of Basle, July 22, 1795, gave to France
the half of Santo Domingo still remaining to Spain; and at the cost
of the Duke of Veraguas, and with the concurrence of the Chapter of
the Cathedral, the Spanish General, Gabriel de Aristazabal, somewhat
hurriedly opened a vault on the left of the altar, and, with due
ceremony and notarial record,[315] took from it fragments of a leaden
case and some human bones, which were unattested by any inscription
found with them. The relics were placed in a gilt leaden case, and
borne with military honors to Havana.[316] It is now claimed that these
remains were of Diego, the son, and that the vault then opened is still
empty in the Cathedral, while the genuine remains of Columbus were left
undisturbed.

In 1877, in making some changes about the chancel, on the right of the
altar, the workmen opened a vault, and found a leaden case containing
human bones, with an inscription showing them to be those of Luis, the
grandson. This led to a search on the opposite, or “Gospel, side” of
the chancel, where they found an empty vault, supposed to be the one
from which the remains were taken to Havana. Between this and the side
wall of the building, and separated from the empty vault by a six-inch
wall, was found another cavity, and in it a leaden case. There seem to
have been suitable precautions taken to avoid occasion for imputations
of deceit, and with witnesses the case was examined.[317] In it were
found some bones and dust, a leaden bullet,[318] two iron screws, which
fitted the holes in a small silver plate found beneath the mould in the
bottom of the case.[319] This casket bore on the outside, on the front,
and two ends—one letter on each surface—the letters C. C. A. On the top
was an inscription here reduced:—

[Illustration]

This inscription is supposed to mean “Discoverer of America, first
Admiral.” Opening the case, which in this situation presented the
appearance shown in the cut on page 80, the under surface of the lid
was found to bear the following legend:—

[Illustration]

This legend is translated, “Illustrious and renowned man, Christopher
Columbus.”[320] A fac-simile of the inscription found on the small
silver plate is given on page 82, the larger of which is understood
to mean “A part of the remains of the first Admiral, Don Christopher
Columbus, discoverer.”[321] The discovery was made known by the
Bishop, Roque Cocchia, in a pastoral letter,[322] and the news spread
rapidly.[323] The Spanish King named Señor Antonio Lopez Prieto, of
Havana, to go to Santo Domingo, and, with the Spanish consul, to
investigate. Prieto had already printed a tract, which went through two
editions, _Los restos de Colon: exámen histórico-critico_, Havana, 1877.

[Illustration]

In March, 1878, he addressed his Official Report to the Captain-general
of Cuba, which was printed in two editions during the same year,
as _Informe sobre los restos de Colon_. It was an attack upon the
authenticity of the remains at Santo Domingo. Later in the same year,
Oct. 14, 1878, Señor Manuel Colmeiro presented, in behalf of the
Royal Academy of History of Madrid, a report to the King, which was
printed at Madrid in 1879 as _Los restos de Colon: informe de la Real
Academia de la Historia_, etc. It reinforced the views of Prieto’s
Report; charged Roque Cocchia with abetting a fraud; pointed to the
A (America) of the outside inscription as a name for the New World
which Spaniards at that time never used;[324] and claimed that the
remains discovered in 1877 were those of Christopher Columbus, the
grandson of the Admiral, and that the inscriptions had been tampered
with, or were at least much later than the date of reinterment in the
Cathedral.[325] Besides Bishop Roque Cocchia, the principal upholder of
the Santo Domingo theory has been Emiliano Tejera, who published his
_Los restos de Colon en Santo Domingo_ in 1878, and his _Los dos restos
de Cristóbal Colon_ in 1879, both in Santo Domingo. Henry Harrisse,
under the auspices of the “Sociedad de Bibliófilos Andaluces,” printed
his _Los restos de Don Cristóval Colon_ at Seville in 1878, and his
_Les sépultures de Christophe Colomb: revue critique du premier rapport
officiel publié sur ce sujet_, the next year (1879) at Paris.[326]
From Italy we have Luigi Tommaso Belgrano’s _Sulla recente scoperta
delle ossa di Colombo_ (Genoa, 1878). One of the best and most
recent summaries of the subject is by John G. Shea in the _Magazine
of American History_, January, 1883; also printed separately, and
translated into Spanish. Richard Cortambert (_Nouvelle histoire des
voyages_, p. 39) considers the Santo Domingo theory overcome by the
evidence.

=J.= DATE AND PLACE OF BIRTH OF COLUMBUS, AND ACCOUNTS OF HIS
FAMILY.—The year and place of Columbus’ birth, and the station into
which he was born, are questions of dispute. Harrisse[327] epitomizes
the authorities upon the year of his nativity. Oscar Peschel reviews
the opposing arguments in a paper printed in _Ausland_ in 1866.[328]
The whole subject was examined at greater length and with great care
by D’Avezac before the Geographical Society of Paris in 1872.[329]
The question is one of deductions from statements not very definite,
nor wholly in accord. The extremes of the limits in dispute are about
twenty years; but within this interval, assertions like those of
Ramusio[330] (1430) and Charlevoix[331] (1441) may be thrown out as
susceptible of no argument.[332]

In favor of the earliest date—which, with variations arising from
the estimates upon fractions of years, may be placed either in 1435,
1436, or 1437—are Navarrete, Humboldt, Ferdinand Höfer,[333] Émile
Deschanel,[334] Lamartine,[335] Irving, Bonnefoux, Roselly de Lorgues,
l’Abbé Cadoret, Jurien de la Gravière,[336] Napione,[337] Cancellieri,
and Cantù.[338] This view is founded upon the statement of one who
had known Columbus, Andres Bernaldez, in his _Reyes católicos_, that
Columbus was about seventy years old at his death, in 1506.

The other extreme—similarly varied from the fractions between 1455 and
1456—is taken by Oscar Peschel,[339] who deduces it from a letter of
Columbus dated July 7, 1503, in which he says that he was twenty-eight
when he entered the service of Spain in 1484; and Peschel argues that
this is corroborated by adding the fourteen years of his boyhood,
before going to sea, to the twenty-three years of sea-life which
Columbus says he had had previous to his voyage of discovery, and
dating back from 1492, when he made this voyage.

A middle date—placed, according to fractional calculations, variously
from 1445 to 1447—is held by Cladera,[340] Bossi, Muñoz, Casoni,[341]
Salinerio,[342] Robertson, Spotorno, Major, Sanguinetti, and Canale.
The argument for this view, as presented by Major, is this: It was in
1484, and not in 1492, that this continuous sea-service, referred to by
Columbus, ended; accordingly, the thirty-seven years already mentioned
should be deducted from 1484, which would point to 1447 as the year of
his birth,—a statement confirmed also, as is thought, by the assertion
which Columbus makes, in 1501, that it was forty years since he began,
at fourteen, his sea-life. Similar reasons avail with D’Avezac, whose
calculations, however, point rather to the year 1446.[343]

* * * * *

A similar uncertainty has been made to appear regarding the place of
Columbus’ birth. Outside of Genoa and dependencies, while discarding
such claims as those of England,[344] Corsica,[345] and Milan,[346]
there are more defensible presentations in behalf of Placentia
(Piacenza), where there was an ancestral estate of the Admiral, whose
rental had been enjoyed by him and by his father;[347] and still more
urgent demands for recognition on the part of Cuccaro in Montferrat,
Piedmont, the lord of whose castle was a Dominico Colombo,—pretty well
proved, however, not to have been the Dominico who was father of the
Admiral. It seems certain that the paternal Dominico did own land in
Cuccaro, near his kinspeople, and lived there as late as 1443.[348]

In consequence of these claims, the Academy of Sciences in Genoa named
a commission, in 1812, to investigate them; and their report,[349]
favoring the traditional belief in Genoa as the true spot of Columbus’
birth, is given in digest in Bossi.[350] The claim of Genoa seems to
be generally accepted to-day, as it was in the Admiral’s time by Peter
Martyr, Las Casas, Bernaldez, Giustiniani, Geraldini, Gallo, Senaraya,
and Foglietto.[351] Columbus himself twice, in his will (1498), says
he was born in Genoa; and in the codicil (1506) he refers to his
“beloved country, the Republic of Genoa.” Ferdinand calls his father
“a Genoese.”[352] Of modern writers Spotorno, in the Introduction to
the _Codice diplomatico Colombo-Americano_ (1823), and earlier, in his
_Della origine e della patria di Colombo_ (1819), has elaborated the
claim, with proofs and arguments which have been accepted by Irving,
Bossi, Sanguinetti, Roselly, De Lorgues, and most other biographers and
writers.

There still remains the possibility of Genoa, as referred to by
Columbus and his contemporaries, signifying the region dependent on
it, rather than the town itself; and with this latitude recognized,
there are fourteen towns, or hamlets as Harrisse names them,[353] which
present their claims.[354]

* * * * *

Ferdinand Columbus resented Giustiniani’s statement that the Admiral
was of humble origin, and sought to connect his father’s descent
with the Colombos of an ancient line and fame; but his disdainful
recognition of such a descent is, after all, not conducive to a belief
in Ferdinand’s own conviction of the connection.

[Illustration: FERDINAND OF SPAIN.

This follows an ancient medallion as engraved in Buckingham Smith’s
_Coleccion_. Cf. also the sign-manual on p. 56.]

There seems little doubt that his father[355] was a wool-weaver or
draper, and owned small landed properties, at one time or another, in
or not far from Genoa;[356] and, as Harrisse infers, it was in one of
the houses on the Bisagno road, as you go from Genoa, that Columbus was
perhaps born.[357]

[Illustration: BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS.

This is a fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera (Barcia’s edition).
There is a vignette likeness on the title of vol i., edition of 1601.
Navarrete’s Memoir of Bartholomew Columbus is in the _Coleccion de
documentos inéditos_, vol. xvi.]

The pedigree (p. 87) shows the alleged descent of Columbus, as a
table in Spotorno’s _Della origine e della patria di Colombo_,
1819, connects it with other lines, whose heirs at a later day were
aroused to claim the Admiral’s honors; and as the usual accounts of
his immediate descendants record the transmission of his rights. After
Columbus’ death, his son Diego demanded the restitution of the offices
and privileges[358] which had been suspended during the Admiral’s later
years.

[Illustration: GENEALOGICAL TABLE.]

He got no satisfaction but the privilege of contending at law with
the fiscal minister of the Crown, and of giving occasion for all the
latent slander about the Admiral to make itself heard. The tribunal
was the Council of the Indies; the suit was begun in 1508, and lasted
till 1527. The documents connected with the case are in the Archives
of the Indies. The chief defence of the Crown was that the original
convention was against law and public policy, and that Columbus, after
all, did not discover _Terra firma_, and for such discovery alone
honors of this kind should be the reward. Diego won the Council’s vote;
but Ferdinand, the King, hesitated to confirm their decision. Meanwhile
Diego had married a niece of the Duke of Alva, the King’s favorite, and
got in this way a royal grant of something like vice-royal authority
in the Indies, to which he went (1509) with his bride, prepared for
the proper state and display. His uncles, Bartholomew and Diego, as
well as Ferdinand Columbus, accompanied him. The King soon began to
encroach on Diego’s domain, creating new provinces out of it.[359] It
does not belong to this place to trace the vexatious factions which,
through Fonseca’s urging, or otherwise created, Diego was forced to
endure, till he returned to Spain, in 1515, to answer his accusers.
When he asked of the King a share of the profits of the Darien coast,
his royal master endeavored to show that Diego’s father had never been
on that coast. After Ferdinand’s death (Jan. 23, 1516), his successor,
Charles V., acknowledged the injustice of the charges against Diego,
and made some amends by giving him a viceroy’s functions in all
places discovered by his father. He was subjected, however, to the
surveillance of a supervisor to report on his conduct, upon going to
his government in 1520.[360] In three years he was again recalled for
examination, and in 1526 he died. Don Luis, who succeeded to his father
Diego, after some years exchanged, in 1556, his rights of vice-royalty
in the Indies for ten thousand gold doubloons and the title of Duque
de Veraguas (with subordinate titles), and a grandeeship of the first
rank;[361] the latter, however, was not confirmed till 1712.

His nephew Diego succeeded to the rights, silencing those of the
daughter of Don Luis by marrying her. They had no issue; and on his
death, in 1578, various claimants brought suit for the succession
(as shown in the table), which was finally given, in 1608, to the
grandson of Isabella, the granddaughter of Columbus. This suit led to
the accumulation of a large amount of documentary evidence, which was
printed.[362] The vexations did not end here, the Duke of Berwick still
contesting; but a decision in 1790 confirmed the title in the present
line. The revolt of the Spanish colonies threatened to deprive the Duke
of Veraguas of his income; but the Spanish Government made it good by
charging it upon the revenues of Cuba and Porto Rico, the source of the
present Duke’s support.[363]

POSTSCRIPT.

After the foregoing chapter had been completed, there came to hand the
first volume of _Christophe Colomb, son origine, sa vie, ses voyages,
sa famille, et ses descendants, d’après des documents inédits tirés
des Archives de Gênes, de Savone, de Séville, et de Madrid, études
d’histoire critique par Henry Harrisse_, Paris, 1884.

The book is essentially a reversal of many long-established views
regarding the career of Columbus. The new biographer, as has been
shown, is not bound by any respect for the Life of the Admiral which
for three hundred years has been associated with the name of Ferdinand
Columbus. The grounds of his discredit of that book are again asserted;
and he considers the story as given in Las Casas as much more likely
to represent the prototype both of the _Historia general_ of this last
writer and of the _Historie_ of 1571, than the mongrel production which
he imagines this Italian text of Ulloa to be, and which he accounts
utterly unworthy of credit by reason of the sensational perversions
and additions with which it is alloyed by some irresponsible editor.
This revolutionary spirit makes the critic acute, and sustains him in
laborious search; but it is one which seems sometimes to imperil his
judgment. He does not at times hesitate to involve Las Casas himself
in the same condemnation for the use which, if we understand him,
Las Casas may be supposed, equally with the author or editor of the
_Historie_, to have made of their common prototype. That any received
incident in Columbus’ career is only traceable to the _Historie_ is
sufficient, with our critic, to assign it to the category of fiction.

This new Life adds to our knowledge from many sources; and such points
as have been omitted or slightly developed in the preceding chapter,
or are at variance with the accepted views upon which that chapter has
been based, it may be well briefly to mention.

The frontispiece is a blazon of the arms of Columbus, “du cartulaire
original dressé sous ses yeux à Seville en 1502,” following a
manuscript in the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at
Paris. The field of the quarter with the castle is red; that of the
lion is silver; that of the anchors is blue; the main and islands are
gold, the water blue. It may be remarked that the disposition of these
islands seems to have no relation to the knowledge then existing of the
Columbian Archipelago. Below is a blue bend on a gold field, with red
above (see the cut, _ante_, p. 15).

In writing in his Introduction of the sources of the history of
Columbus, Harrisse says that we possess sixty-four memoirs, letters,
or extracts written by Columbus, of which twenty-three are preserved
in his own autograph. Of these sixty-four, only the _Libro de las
profecias_ has not been printed entire, if we except a _Memorial
que presentó Cristóbal Colon á los Reyes Catolicos sobre las cosas
necesarias para abastecer las Indias_ which is to be printed for the
first time by Harrisse, in the appendix of his second volume. Las
Casas’ transcript of Columbus’ _Journal_ is now, he tells us, in the
collection of the Duque d’Osuna at Madrid. The copy of Dr. Chanca’s
relation of the second voyage, used by Navarrete, and now in the
Academy of History at Madrid, belonged to a collection formed by
Antonio de Aspa. The personal papers of Columbus, confided by him to
his friend Gaspar Gorricio, were preserved for over a century in an
iron case in the custody of monks of Las Cuevas; but they were, on
the 15th of May, 1609, surrendered to Nuño Gelves, of Portugal, who
had been adjudged the lawful successor of the Admiral. Such as have
escaped destruction now constitute the collection of the present Duque
de Veraguas; and of them Navarrete has printed seventy-eight documents.
Of the papers concerning Columbus at Genoa, Harrisse finds only one
anterior to his famous voyage, and that is a paper of the Father
Dominico Colombo, dated July 21, 1489, of whom such facts as are known
are given, including references to him in 1463 and 1468 in the records
of the Bank of St. George in Genoa. Of the two letters of 1502 which
Columbus addressed to the Bank, only one now exists, as far as Harrisse
could learn, and that is in the Hôtel de Ville. Particularly in regard
to the family of Columbus, he has made effective use of the notarial
and similar records of places where Columbus and his family have lived.
But use of depositions for establishing dates and relationship imposes
great obligation of care in the identification of the persons named;
and this with a family as numerous as the Colombos seem to have been,
and given so much to the repeating of Christian names, is more than
usually difficult. In discussing the evidence of the place and date
of Columbus’ birth (p. 137), as well as tracing his family line (pp.
160 and 166), the conclusion reached by Harrisse fixes the humble
origin of the future discoverer; since he finds Columbus’ kith and
kin of the station of weavers,—an occupation determining their social
standing as well in Genoa as in other places at that time. The table
which is given on a previous page (_ante_, p. 87) shows the lines
of supposable connection, as illustrating the long contest for the
possession of the Admiral’s honors. His father’s father, it would seem,
was a Giovanni Colombo (pp. 167-216), and he the son of a certain Luca
Colombo. Giovanni lived in turn at Terrarossa and Quinto. Domenico,
the Admiral’s father, married Susanna Fontanarossa, and removed to
Genoa between 1448 and 1551, living there afterward, except for the
interval 1471-1484, when he is found at Savona. He died in Genoa not
far from 1498. We are told (p. 29) how little the Archives of Savona
yield respecting the family. Using his new notarial evidence mainly,
the critic fixes the birth of Columbus about 1445 (pp. 223-241); and
enforces a view expressed by him before, that Genoa as the place of
Columbus’ birth must be taken in the broader sense of including the
dependencies of the city, in one of which he thinks Columbus was born
(p. 221) in that humble station which Gallo, in his “De navigatione
Columbi,” now known to us as Printed in Muratori (xxiii. 301), was
the first to assert. Giustiniani, in his Psalter-note, and Senarega,
in his “De rebus Genuensibus” (Muratori, xxiv. 354) seem mainly to
have followed Gallo on this point. There is failure (p. 81) to find
confirmation of some of the details of the family as given by Casoni
in his _Annali della republica di Genova_ (1708, and again 1799). In
relation to the lines of his descendants, there are described (pp.
49-60) nineteen different memorials, bearing date between 1590 and
1792—and there may be others—which grew out of the litigations in which
the descent of the Admiral’s titles was involved.

The usual story, told in the _Historie_, of Columbus’ sojourn at the
University of Pavia is discredited, chiefly on the ground that Columbus
himself says that from a tender age he followed the sea (but Columbus’
statements are often inexact), and from the fact that in cosmography
Genoa had more to teach him than Pavia. Columbus is also kept longer
in Italy than the received opinion has allowed, which has sent him
to Portugal about 1470; while we are now told—if his identity is
unassailable—that he was in Savona as late as 1473 (pp. 253-254).

Documentary Portuguese evidence of Columbus’ connection with Portugal
is scant. The Archivo da Torre do Tombo at Lisbon, which Santarem
searched in vain for any reference to Vespucius, seem to be equally
barren of information respecting Columbus, and they only afford a few
items regarding the family of the Perestrellos (p. 44).

The principal contemporary Portuguese chronicle making any reference
to Columbus is Ruy de Pina’s _Chronica del Rei Dom João II._, which is
contained in the _Colleccão de livros ineditos de historia Portugueza_,
published at Lisbon in 1792 (ii. 177), from which Garcia de Resende
seems to have borrowed what appears in his _Choronica_, published at
Lisbon in 1596; and this latter account is simply paraphrased in the
_Decada primeira do Asia_ (Lisbon, 1752) of João de Barros, who, born
in 1496, was too late to have personal knowledge of earlier time of the
discoveries. Vasconcellos’ _Vida y acciones del Rey D. Juan al segundo_
(Madrid, 1639) adds nothing.

The statement of the _Historie_ again thrown out, doubt at least is
raised respecting the marriage of Columbus with Philippa, daughter of
Bartholomeu Perestrello; and if the critic cannot disprove such union,
he seems to think that as good, if not better, evidence exists for
declaring the wife of Columbus to have been the daughter of Vasco Gil
Moniz, of an old family, while it was Vasco Gill’s sister Isabel who
married the Perestrello in question. The marriage of Columbus took
place, it is claimed there is reason to believe, not in Madeira, as
Gomara and others have maintained, but in Lisbon, and not before 1474.
Further, discarding the _Historie_, there is no evidence that Columbus
ever lived at Porto Santo or Madeira, or that his wife was dead when he
left Portugal for Spain in 1484. If this is established, we lose the
story of the tie which bound him to Portugal being severed by the death
of his companion; and the tale of his poring over the charts of the
dead father of his wife at Porto Santo is relegated to the region of
fable.

We have known that the correspondence of Toscanelli with the monk
Martinez took place in 1474, and the further communication of the
Italian _savant_ with Columbus himself has always been supposed to have
occurred soon after; but reasons are now given for pushing it forward
to 1482.

The evidences of the offers which Columbus made, or caused to be made,
to England, France, and Portugal,—to the latter certainly, and to
the two others probably,—before he betook himself to Spain, are also
reviewed. As to the embassy to Genoa, there is no trace of it in the
Genoese Archives and no earlier mention of it than Ramusio’s; and no
Genoese authority repeats it earlier than Casoni in his _Annali di
Genova_, in 1708. This is now discredited altogether. No earlier writer
than Marin, in his _Storia del commercio de’ Veneziani_ (vol. vii.
published 1800), claims that Columbus gave Venice the opportunity of
embarking its fortunes with his; and the document which Pesaro claimed
to have seen has never been found.

There is difficulty in fixing with precision the time of Columbus’
leaving Portugal, if we reject the statements of the _Historie_, which
places it in the last months of 1484. Other evidence is here presented
that in the summer of that year he was in Lisbon; and no indisputable
evidence exists, in the critic’s judgment, of his being in Spain till
May, 1487, when a largess was granted to him. Columbus’ own words would
imply in one place that he had taken service with the Spanish monarchs
in 1485, or just before that date; and in another place that he had
been in Spain as early as January, 1484, or even before,—a time when
now it is claimed he is to be found in Lisbon.

The pathetic story of the visit to Rábida places that event at a
period shortly after his arriving in Spain; and the _Historie_ tells
also of a second visit at a later day. It is now contended that the
two visits were in reality one, which occurred in 1491. The principal
argument to upset the _Historie_ is the fact that Juan Rodriguez
Cabezudo, in the lawsuit of 1513, testified that it was “about
twenty-two years” since he had lent a mule to the Franciscan who
accompanied Columbus away from Rábida!

With the same incredulity the critic spirits away (p. 358) the junto of
Salamanca. He can find no earlier mention of it than that of Antonio
de Remesal in his _Historia de la Provincia de S. Vincente de Chyapa_,
published in Madrid in 1619; and accordingly asks why Las Casas, from
whom Remesal borrows so much, did not know something of this junto?
He counts for much that Oviedo does not mention it; and the Archives
of the University at Salamanca throw no light. The common story he
believes to have grown out of conferences which probably took place
while the Court was at Salamanca in the winter of 1486-1487, and which
were conducted by Talavera; while a later one was held at Santa Fé late
in 1491, at which Cardinal Mendoza was conspicuous.

Since Alexander Geraldinus, writing in 1522, from his own acquaintance
with Columbus, had made the friar Juan Perez, of Rábida, and Antonio
de Marchena, who was Columbus’ steadfast friend, one and the same
person, it has been the custom of historians to allow that Geraldinus
was right. It is now said he was in error; but the critic confesses
he cannot explain how Gomara, abridging from Oviedo, changes the
name of Juan Perez used by the latter to Perez de Marchena, and this
before Geraldinus was printed. Columbus speaks of a second monk who
had befriended him; and it has been the custom to identify this one
with Diego de Deza, who, at the time when Columbus is supposed to have
stood in need of his support, had already become a bishop, and was not
likely, the critic thinks, to have been called a monk by Columbus. The
two friendly monks in this view were the two distinct persons Juan
Perez and Antonio de Marchena (p. 372).

The interposition of Cardinal Mendoza, by which Columbus secured the
royal ear, has usually been placed in 1486. Oviedo seems to have been
the source of subsequent writers on the point; but Oviedo does not fix
the date, and the critic now undertakes to show (p. 380) that it was
rather in the closing months of 1491.

Las Casas charges Talavera with opposing the projects of Columbus:
we have here (p. 383) the contrary assertion; and the testimony of
Peter Martyr seems to sustain this view. So again the new biographer
measurably defends, on other contemporary evidence, Fonseca (p. 386)
as not deserving the castigations of modern writers; and all this
objurgation is considered to have been conveniently derived from the
luckless _Historie_ of 1571.

The close student of Columbus is not unaware of the unsteady character
of much of the discoverer’s own testimony on various points. His
imagination was his powerful faculty; and it was as wild at times as
it was powerful, and nothing could stand in the way of it. No one has
emphasized the doleful story of his trials and repressions more than
himself, making the whole world, except two monks, bent on producing
his ignominy; and yet his biographer can pick (p. 388) from the
Admiral’s own admissions enough to show that during all this time he
had much encouragement from high quarters. The critic is not slow to
take advantage of this weakness of Columbus’ character, and more than
once makes him the strongest witness against himself.

It is now denied that the money advanced by Santangel was from the
treasury of Aragon. On the contrary, the critic contends that the
venture was from Santangel’s private resources; and he dismisses
peremptorily the evidence of the document which Argensola, in his
_Anales de Aragon_ (Saragossa, 1630), says was preserved in the
archives of the treasury of Aragon. He says a friend who searched at
Barcelona in 1871, among the “Archivo general de la Corona de Aragon,”
could not find it.

Las Casas had first told—guardedly, to be sure—the story of the
Pinzons’ contributing the money which enabled Columbus to assume an
eighth part of the expense of the first voyage; but it is now claimed
that the assistance of that family was confined to exerting its
influence to get Columbus a crew. It is judged that the evidence is
conclusive that the Pinzons did not take pecuniary risk in the voyage
of 1492, because only their advances of this sort for the voyage of
1499 are mentioned in the royal grant respecting their arms. But such
evidence is certainly inconclusive; and without the evidence of Las
Casas it must remain uncertain whence Columbus got the five hundred
thousand maravedis which he contributed to the cost of that momentous
voyage.

The world has long glorified the story in the _Historie_ of 1571 about
the part which the crown jewels, and the like, played in the efforts
of Isabella to assist in the furnishing of Columbus’ vessels. Peter
Martyr, Bernaldez, and others who took frequent occasion to sound the
praises of her majesty, say nothing of it; and, as is now contended,
for the good reason that there was no truth in the story, the jewels
having long before been pledged in the prosecution of the war with the
Moors.

It is inferred (p. 417) from Las Casas that his abridgment of
Columbus’ Journal was made from a copy, and not from the original
(Navarrete, i. 134); and Harrisse says that from two copies of this
abridgment, preserved in the collection of the Duque d’Osuna at
Madrid, Varnhagen printed his text of it which is contained in his
_Verdadera Guanahani_. This last text varies in some places from that
in Navarrete, and Harrisse says he has collated it with the Osuna
copies without discovering any error. He thinks, however, that the
_Historie_ of 1571, as well as Las Casas’ account, is based upon the
complete text; and his discrediting of the _Historie_ does not prevent
him in this case saying that from it, as well as from Las Casas, a few
touches of genuineness, not of importance to be sure, can be added to
the narrative of the abridgment. He also points out that we should
discriminate as to the reflections which Las Casas intersperses; but he
seems to have no apprehension of such insertions in the _Historie_ in
this particular case.

The Ambrosian text of the first letter is once more reprinted (p. 419),
accompanied by a French translation. In some appended notes the critic
collates it with the Cosco version in different shapes, and with that
of Simancas. He also suggests that this text was printed at Barcelona
toward the end of March, 1493, and infers that it may have been in this
form that the Genoese ambassadors took the news to Italy when they left
Spain about the middle of the following month.

The closing chapter of this first volume is on the question of the
landfall. The biographer discredits attempts to settle the question
by nautical reasoning based on the log of Columbus, averring that the
inevitable inaccuracies of such records in Columbus’ time is proved by
the widely different conclusions of such experienced men as Navarrete,
Becher, and Fox. He relies rather on Columbus’ description and on that
in Las Casas. The name which the latter says was borne in his day by
the island of the landfall was “Triango;” but the critic fails to find
this name on any earlier map than that first made known in the _Cartas
de Indias_ in 1877. To this map he finds it impossible to assign an
earlier date than 1541, since it discloses some reminders of the
expedition of Coronado. He instances other maps in which the name in
some form appears attached to an island of the Bahamas,—as in the Cabot
mappemonde of 1544 (Triangula), the so-called Vallard map (Triango),
that of Gutierrez in 1550 (Trriango), that of Alonso de Santa Cruz in
his _Islario_ of 1560 (Triangulo). Unfortunately on some of the maps
Guanahani appears as well as the name which Las Casas gives. Harrisse’s
solution of this conjunction of names is suggested by the fact that in
the Weimar map of 1527 (see sketch, _ante_, p. 43) an islet “Triango”
lies just east of Guanahani, and corresponds in size and position to
the “Triangula” of Cabot and the “Triangulo” of Santa Cruz. Guanahani
he finds to correspond to Acklin Island, the larger of the Crooked
Island group (see map, _ante_, p. 55); while the Plana Cays, shown
east of it, would stand for “Triango.” Columbus, with that confusion
which characterizes his writings, speaks in one place of his first land
being an “isleta,” and in another place he calls it an “isla grande.”
This gives the critic ground for supposing that Columbus saw first the
islet, the “Triango” of Las Casas, or the modern “Plana Cays,” and that
then he disembarked on the “isla grande,” which was Acklin Island. So
it may be that Columbus’ own confused statement has misled subsequent
writers. If this theory is not accepted, Fox, in selecting Samana, has,
in the critic’s opinion, come nearer the truth than any other.

THE EARLIEST MAPS

OF THE

SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES.

BY THE EDITOR.

THE enumeration of the cartographical sources respecting the
discoveries of the earlier voyagers began with the list, “Catalogus
auctorum tabularum geographicarum, quotquot ad nostram cognitionem
hactenus pervenere; quibus addidimus, ubi locorum, quando et a quibus
excusi sunt,” which Ortelius in 1570 added to his _Theatrum orbis
terrarum_, many of whose titles belong to works not now known. Of maps
now existing the best-known enumerations are those in the _Jean et
Sébastian Cabot_ of Harrisse; the _Mapoteca Colombiana_ of Uricoechea;
the _Cartografia Mexicana_ of Orozco y Berra, published by the Mexican
Geographical Society; and Gustavo Uzielli’s _Elenco descritto degli
Atlanti, planisferi e carte nautiche_, originally published in 1875,
but made the second volume, edited by Pietro Amat, of the new edition
of the _Studi biografici e bibliografici della Società Geografica
Italiana_, Rome, 1882, under the specific title of _Mappamondi, carte
nautiche, portolani ed altri monumenti cartografici specialmente
Italiani dei secoli XIII-XVII_.[364]

* * * * *

The Editor has printed in the _Harvard University Bulletin_ a
bibliography Of Ptolemy’s geography, and a calendar, with additions and
annotations, of the Kohl collection of early maps, belonging to the
Department of State at Washington, both of which contributions called
for enumerations of printed and manuscript maps of the early period,
and included their reproductions of later years.

The development of cartography is also necessarily made a part of
histories of geography like those of Santarem, Lelewel, St.-Martin,
and Peschel; but their use of maps hardly made chronological lists of
them a necessary part of their works. Santarem has pointed out how
scantily modern writers have treated of the cartography of the Middle
Ages previous to the era of Spanish discovery; and he enumerates such
maps as had been described before the appearance of his work, as well
as publications of the earlier ones after the Spanish discovery.[365]

To what extent Columbus had studied the older maps from the time when
they began to receive a certain definiteness in the fourteenth century,
is not wholly clear, nor how much he knew of the charts of Marino
Sanuto, of Pizignani, and of the now famous Catalan map of that period;
but it is doubtless true that the maps of Bianco (1436) and Mauro
(1460) were well known to him.[366] “Though these early maps and charts
of the fifteenth century,” says Hallam,[367] “are to us but a chaos of
error and confusion, it was on them that the patient eye of Columbus
had rested through long hours of meditation, while strenuous hope and
unsubdued doubt were struggling in his soul.”

[Illustration: EARLY COMPASS.

This follows the engraving in Pigafetta’s _Voyage_ and in the work of
Jurien de la Gravière. The main points were designated by the usual
names of the winds, _Levante_, east; _Sirocco_, southeast, etc.]

A principal factor in the development of map-making, as of navigation,
had been the magnet. It had been brought from China to the eastern
coast of Africa as early as the fourth century, and through the
Arabs[368] and Crusaders it had been introduced into the Mediterranean,
and was used by the Catalans and Basques in the twelfth century, a
hundred years or more before Marco Polo brought to Europe his wonderful
stories.[369] In that century even it had become so familiar a sight
that poets used it in their metaphors. The variation of its needle
was not indeed unknown long before Columbus, but its observation in
mid-ocean in his day gave it a new significance. The Chinese had
studied the phenomenon, and their observations upon it had followed
shortly upon the introduction of the compass itself to Western
knowledge; and as early as 1436 the variation of the needle was
indicated on maps in connection with places of observation.[370]

The earliest placing of a magnetic pole seems due to the voyage of
Nicholas of Lynn, whose narrative was presented to Edward III. of
England. This account is no longer known,[371] though the title of it,
_Inventio fortunata_, is preserved, with its alleged date of 1355.
Cnoyen, whose treatise is not extant, is thought to have got his
views about the regions of the north and about the magnetic pole from
Nicholas of Lynn,[372] while he was in Norway in 1364; and it is from
Cnoyen that Mercator says he got his notion of the four circumpolar
islands which so long figured in maps of the Mercator and Finæus
school. In the Ruysch map (1508) we have the same four polar islands,
with the magnetic pole placed within an insular mountain north of
Greenland. Ruysch also depended on the _Inventio fortunata_. Later,
by Martin Cortes in 1545, and by Sanuto in 1588, the pole was placed
farther south.[373]

Ptolemy, in the second century, accepting the generally received
opinion that the world as known was much longer east and west than
north and south, adopted with this theory the terms which naturally
grew out of this belief, _latitude_ and _longitude_, and first
instituted them, it is thought, in systematic geography.[374]

Pierre d’Ailly, in his map of 1410,[375] in marking his climatic
lines, had indicated the beginnings, under a revival of geographical
inquiry, of a systematic notation of latitude. Several of the early
Ptolemies[376] had followed, by scaling in one way and another
the distance from the equator; while in the editions of 1508 and
1511 an example had been set of marking longitude. The old Arabian
cartographers had used both latitude and longitude; but though there
were some earlier indications of the adoption of such lines among the
European map-makers, it is generally accorded that the scales of such
measurements, as we understand them, came in, for both latitude and
longitude, with the map which Reisch in 1503 annexed to his _Margarita
philosophica_.[377]

Ptolemy had fixed his first meridian at the Fortunate Islands
(Canaries), and in the new era the Spaniards, with the sanction of
the Pope, had adopted the same point; though the Portuguese, as if in
recognition of their own enterprise, had placed it at Madeira,—as is
shown in the globes of Behaim and Schöner, and in the map of Ruysch.
The difference was not great; the Ptolemean example prevailed, however,
in the end.[378]

In respect to latitude there was not in the rude instruments of the
early navigators, and under favorable conditions, the means of closely
approximate accuracy. In the study which the Rev. E. F. Slafter[379]
has made on the average extent of the error which we find in the
records of even a later century, it appears that while a range of
sixty geographical miles will probably cover such errors in all cases,
when observations were made with ordinary care the average deviation
will probably be found to be at least fifteen miles. The fractions
of degrees were scarcely ever of much value in the computation,
and the minute gradation of the instruments in use were subject
to great uncertainty of record in tremulous hands. It was not the
custom, moreover, to make any allowance for the dip of the horizon,
for refraction or for the parallax; and when, except at the time of
the equinox, dependence had to be placed upon tables of the sun’s
declination, the published ephemerides, made for a series of years,
were the subjects of accumulated error.[380]

[Illustration: REGIOMONTANUS’ ASTROLABE.

This cut follows the engravings in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters
der Entdeckungen_, p. 106, and in Ghillany’s _Ritter Behaim_, p. 40.
Cf. Von Murr, _Memorabilia bibliothecarum Norimbergensium_, i. 9.]

With these impediments to accurate results, it is not surprising that
even errors of considerable extent crept into the records of latitude,
and long remained unchallenged.[381] Ptolemy, in A. D. 150, had placed
Constantinople two degrees out of the way; and it remained so on maps
for fourteen hundred years. In Columbus’ time Cuba was put seven
or eight degrees too far north; and under this false impression the
cartography of the Antilles began.

The historic instrument for the taking of latitude was the astrolabe,
which is known to have been in use by the Majorcan and Catalanian
sailors in the latter part of the thirteenth century; and it is
described by Raymond Lullius in his _Arte de navegar_ of that
time.[382] Behaim, the contemporary of Columbus, one of the explorers
of the African coast, and a pupil of Regiomontanus, had somewhat
changed the old form of the astrolabe in adapting it for use on
shipboard. This was in 1484 at Lisbon, and Behaim’s improvement was
doubtless what Columbus used. Of the form in use before Behaim we
have that (said to have belonged to Regiomontanus) in the cut on page
96; and in the following cut the remodelled shape which it took after
Behaim.

[Illustration: LATER ASTROLABE.

This cut follows an engraving (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, iii. 178) after
a photograph of one used by Champlain, which bears the Paris maker’s
date of 1603. There is another cut of it in Weise’s _Discoveries of
America_, p. 68. Having been lost by Champlain in Canada in 1613, it
was ploughed up in 1867 (see Vol. IV. p. 124; also _Canadian Monthly_,
xviii. 589). The small size of the circle used in the sea-instrument
to make it conveniently serviceable, necessarily operated to make
the ninety degrees of its quarter circle too small for accuracy in
fractions. On land much larger circles were sometimes used; one was
erected in London in 1594 of six feet radius. The early books on
navigation and voyages frequently gave engravings of the astrolabe;
as, for instance, in Pigafetta’s voyage (Magellan), and in the
_Lichte der Zee-Vaert_ (Amsterdam, 1623), translated as _The Light
of Navigation_ (Amsterdam, 1625). The treatise on navigation which
became the most popular with the successors of Columbus was the work
of Pedro de Medina (born about 1493), called the _Arte de navegar_,
published in 1545 (reprinted in 1552 and 1561), of which there were
versions in French (1554, and Lyons, 1569, with maps showing names on
the coast of America for the first time), Italian (1555 with 1554, at
end; _Court Catalogue_, no. 235), German (1576), and English (1591).
(Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 266.) Its principal rival was
that of Martin Cortes, _Breve compendio de la sphera y de la arte de
navegar_, published in 1551. In Columbus’ time there was no book of
the sort, unless that of Raymond Lullius (1294) be considered such;
and not till Enciso’s _Suma de geografia_ was printed, in 1519, had
the new spirit instigated the making of these helpful and explanatory
books. The _Suma de geografia_ is usually considered the first book
printed in Spanish relating to America. Enciso, who had been practising
law in Santo Domingo, was with Ojeda’s expedition to the mainland in
1509, and seems to have derived much from his varied experience; and
he first noticed at a later day the different levels of the tides on
the two sides of the isthmus. The book is rare; Rich in 1832 (no. 4)
held it at £10 10_s._ (Cf. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, 171; _Bibl.
Amer. Vet._, nos. 97, 153, 272,—there were later editions in 1530
and 1546,—Sabin, vol. vi. no. 22,551, etc.; H. H. Bancroft, _Central
America_, i. 329, 339; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 58, with a fac-simile
of the title: _Cat. Hist. do Brazil, Bibl. Nac. do Rio de Janeiro_, no.
2.) Antonio Pigafetta in 1530 produced his _Trattato di navigazione_;
but Medina and Cortes were the true beginners of the literature of
seamanship. (Cf. Brevoort’s _Verrazano_, p. 116, and the list of such
publications given in the _Davis Voyages_, p. 342, published by the
Hakluyt Society, and the English list noted in Vol. III. p. 206, of the
present _History_.) There is an examination of the state of navigation
in Columbus’ time in Margry’s _Navigations Françaises_, p. 402, and in
M. F. Navarrete’s _Sobre la historia de la náutica y de las ciencias
matemáticas_, Madrid, 1846,—a work now become rare.

The rudder, in place of two paddles, one on each quarter, had come into
use before this time; but the reefing of sails seems not yet to have
been practised. (Cf. _De Gama’s Voyages_, published by the Hakluyt
Society, p. 242.) Columbus’ record of the speed of his ship seems to
have been the result of observation by the unaided eye. The log was not
yet known; the Romans had fixed a wheel to the sides of their galleys,
each revolution of which threw a pebble into a tally-pot. The earliest
description which we have in the new era of any device of the kind is
in connection with Magellan’s voyage; for Pigafetta in his Journal
(January, 1521), mentions the use of a chain at the hinder part of the
ship to measure its speed. (Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 631;
v. 56.) The log as we understand it is described in 1573 in Bourne’s
_Regiment of the Sea_, nothing indicating the use of it being found
in the earlier manuals of Medina, Cortes, and Gemma Frisius. Humfrey
Cole is said to have invented it. Three years later than this earliest
mention, Eden, in 1576, in his translation of Taisnier’s _Navigatione_,
alludes to an artifice “not yet divulgate, which, placed in the pompe
of a shyp, whyther the water hath recourse, and moved by the motion of
the shypp, with wheels and weyghts, doth exactly shewe what space the
shyp hath gone” (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. no. 310),—a reminiscence
of the Roman side-wheels, and a reminder of the modern patent-log. Cf.
article on “Navigation” in _Encyclopedia Britannica_, ninth ed. vol.
xvii.]

An instrument which could more readily adapt itself to the swaying
of the observer’s body in a sea-way, soon displaced in good measure
the astrolabe on shipboard. This was the cross-staff, or jackstaff,
which in several modified forms for a long time served mariners as
a convenient help in ascertaining the altitude of the celestial
bodies. Precisely when it was first introduced is not certain; but the
earliest description of it which has been found is that of Werner in
1514. Davis, the Arctic navigator, made an improvement on it; and his
invention was called a backstaff.

While the observations of the early navigators in respect to latitude
were usually accompanied by errors, which were of no considerable
extent, their determinations of longitude, when attempted at all,
were almost always wide of the truth,[383]—so far, indeed, that their
observations helped them but little then to steer their courses,
and are of small assistance now to us in following their tracks. It
happened that while Columbus was at Hispaniola on his second voyage,
in September, 1494, there was an eclipse of the moon.[384] Columbus
observed it; and his calculations placed himself five hours and a half
from Seville,—an error of eighteen degrees, or an hour and a quarter
too much. The error was due doubtless as much to the rudeness of his
instruments as to the errors of the lunar tables then in use.[385]

[Illustration: THE JACKSTAFF.]

The removal of the Line of Demarcation from the supposed meridian
of non-variation of the needle did not prevent the phenomena of
terrestrial magnetism becoming of vast importance in the dispute
between the Crowns of Spain and Portugal. It characterizes the
difference between the imaginative and somewhat fantastic quality
of Columbus’ mind and the cooler, more practical, and better
administrative apprehension of Sebastian Cabot, that while each
observed the phenomenon of the variation of the needle, and each
imagined it a clew to some system of determining longitude, to
Columbus it was associated with wild notions of a too-ample revolution
of the North Star about the true pole.[386] It was not disconnected
in his mind from a fancy which gave the earth the shape of a pear; so
that when he perceived on his voyage a clearing of the atmosphere, he
imagined he was ascending the stem-end of the pear; where he would find
the terrestrial paradise.[387] To Cabot the phenomenon had only its
practical significance; and he seems to have pondered on a solution of
the problem during the rest of his life, if, as Humboldt supposes, the
intimations of his death-bed in respect to some as yet unregistered
way of discovering longitude refer to his observations on the magnetic
declination.[388]

The idea of a constantly increasing declination east and west from a
point of non-variation, which both Columbus and Cabot had discovered,
and which increase could be reduced to a formula, was indeed partly
true; except, as is now well known, the line of non-variation, instead
of being a meridian, and fixed, is a curve of constantly changing
proportions.[389]

[Illustration: THE BACKSTAFF.]

The earliest variation-chart was made in 1530 by Alonzo de Santa
Cruz;[390] and schemes of ascertaining longitude were at once based
on the observations of these curves, as they had before been made
dependent upon the supposed gradation of the change from meridian to
meridian, irrespective of latitude.[391] Fifty years later (1585),
Juan Jayme made a voyage with Gali from the Philippine Islands to
Acapulco to test a “declinatorum” of his own invention.[392] But
this was a hundred years (1698-1702) before Halley’s Expedition was
sent,—the first which any government fitted out to observe the forces
of terrestrial magnetism;[393] and though there had been suspicions of
it much earlier, it was not till 1722 that Graham got unmistakable data
to prove the hourly variation of the needle.[394]

The earliest map which is distinctively associated with the views
which were developing in Columbus’ mind was the one which Toscanelli
sent to him in 1474. It is said to have been preserved in Madrid in
1527;[395] and fifty-three years after Columbus’ death, when Las Casas
was writing his history, it was in his possession.[396] We know that
this Italian geographer had reduced the circumference of the globe to
nearly three quarters of its actual size, having placed China about six
thousand five hundred miles west of Lisbon, and eleven thousand five
hundred miles east. Japan, lying off the China coast, was put somewhere
from one hundred degrees to one hundred and ten degrees west of Lisbon;
and we have record that Martin Pinzon some years later (1491) saw a map
in Rome which put Cipango (Japan) even nearer the European side.[397]

[Illustration: PIRCKEYMERUS.

Fac-simile of a cut in Reusner’s _Icones_, Strasburg, 1590, p. 42.
This well-known cosmographical student was one of the collaborators
of the series of the printed Ptolemies, beginning with that of 1525.
There is a well-known print of Pirckeymerus by Albert Dürer, 1524,
which is reproduced in the _Gazette des Beaux-Arts_, xix. 114. Cf.
Friedrich Campe’s _Zum Andenken Wilibald Pirkheimers, Mitglieds des
Raths zu Nürnberg_ (Nürnberg, 58 pp., with portrait), and _Wilibald
Pirkheimer’s Aufenthalt zu Neunhof, von ihm selbst geschildert; nebst
Beiträgen zu dem Leben und dem Nachlasse seiner Schwestern und Töchter,
von Moritz Maximilian Meyer_ (Nürnberg, 1828).]

A similar view is supposed to have been presented in the map which
Bartholomew Columbus took to England in 1488;[398] but we have no trace
of the chart itself.[399]

[Illustration: TOSCANELLI’S MAP.

This is a restoration of the map as given in _Das Ausland_, 1867, p. 5.
The language of the original was doubtless Latin. Another restoration
is given in St. Martin’s _Atlas_, pl. ix.]

It has always been supposed that in the well-known globe of Martin
Behaim we get in the main an expression of the views held by
Toscanelli, Columbus, and other of Behaim’s contemporaries, who
espoused the notion of India lying over against Europe.

[Illustration: MARTIN BEHAIM.

This cut follows the engravings in Ghillany’s _Behaim_, and in Ruge’s
_Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 105.]

Eratosthenes, accepting the spherical theory, had advanced the
identical notion which nearly seventeen hundred years later impelled
Columbus to his voyage. He held the known world to span one third of
the circuit of the globe, as Strabo did at a later day, leaving an
unknown two thirds of sea; and “if it were not that the vast extent of
the Atlantic Sea rendered it impossible, one might even sail from the
coast of Spain to that of India along the same parallel.”[400]

Behaim had spent much of his life in Lisbon and the Azores, and was
a friend of Columbus. He had visited Nuremberg, probably on some
family matters arising out of the death of his mother in 1487. While
in this his native town, he gratified some of his townspeople by
embodying in a globe the geographical views which prevailed in the
maritime countries; and the globe was finished before Columbus had
yet accomplished his voyage. The next year (1493) Behaim returned
to Portugal; and after having been sent to the Low Countries on a
diplomatic mission, he was captured by English cruisers and carried to
England. Escaping finally, and reaching the Continent, he passes from
our view in 1494, and is scarcely heard of again.

[Illustration: SECTION OF BEHAIM’S GLOBE.

This globe is made of papier-maché, covered with gypsum, and over
this a parchment surface received the drawing; it is twenty inches
in diameter. It having fallen into decay, the Behaim family in
Nuremberg caused it to be repaired in 1825. In 1847 a copy was made
of it for the Dépôt Géographique (National Library) at Paris; the
original is now in the city hall at Nuremberg. The earliest known
engraving of it is in J. G. Doppelmayr’s _Historische Nachricht von den
nürnbergischen Mathematikern und Künstlern_ (1730), which preserved
some names that have since become illegible (Stevens, _Historical
Collection_, vol. i. no. 1,396). Other representations are given in
Jomard’s _Monuments de la géographie_; Ghillany’s _Martin Behaim_
(1853) and his _Erdglobus des Behaim und der des Schöner_ (1842); C.
G. von Murr’s _Diplomatische Geschichte des Ritters Behaim_ (1778, and
later editions and translations); Cladera’s _Investigaciones_ (1794);
Amoretti’s translation of Pigafetta’s _Voyage de Magellan_ (Paris,
1801); Lelewel’s _Moyen-âge_ (pl. 40; also see vol. ii. p. 131, and
_Epilogue_, p. 184); Saint-Martin’s _Atlas_; Santarem’s _Atlas_, pl.
61; the _Journal_ of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. xviii.;
Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_; Irving’s _Columbus_ (some editions);
Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, i. 103; Barnes’ _Popular
History of the United States_; _Harpers’ Monthly_, vol. xlii.; H. H.
Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 93. Ruge, in his _Geschichte des
Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 230, reproduces the colored fac-simile
in Ghillany, and shows additionally upon it the outline of America in
its proper place. The sketch in the text follows this representation.
Cf. papers on Behaim and his globe (besides those accompanying
the engravings above indicated) in the _Journal_ of the American
Geographical Society (1872), iv. 432, by the Rev. Mytton Maury; in
the publications of the Maryland Historical Society by Robert Dodge
and John G. Morris; in the _Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde_
(Dresden, 1866), p. 59. Peschel, in his _Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_
(1858), p. 90, and in the new edition edited by Ruge, has a lower
opinion of Behaim than is usually taken.]

Of Columbus’ maps it is probable that nothing has come down to us
from his own hand.[401] Humboldt would fain believe that the group
of islands studding a gulf which appears on a coat-of-arms granted
Columbus in May, 1493, has some interest as the earliest of all
cartographical records of the New World; but the early drawings of the
arms are by no means constant in the kind of grouping which is given
to these islands.[402] Queen Isabella, writing to the Admiral, Sept.
5, 1493, asks to see the marine chart which he had made; and Columbus
sent such a map with a letter.[403] We have various other references
to copies of this or similar charts of Columbus. Ojeda used such a one
in following Columbus’ route,[404] as he testified in the famous suit
against the heirs of Columbus. Bernardo de Ibarra, in the same cause,
said that he had seen the Admiral’s chart, and that he had heard of
copies of it being used by Ojeda, and by some others.[405] It is known
that about 1498 Columbus gave one of his charts to the Pope, and one
to René of Lorraine. Angelo Trivigiano, secretary of the Venetian
Ambassador to Spain, in a letter dated Aug. 21, 1501, addressed to
Dominico Malipiero, speaks of a map of the new discoveries which
Columbus had.[406]

[Illustration: LA COSA, 1500.]

Three or four maps at least have come down to us which are supposed to
represent in some way one or several of these drafts by Columbus. The
first of these is the celebrated map of the pilot Juan de la Cosa,[407]
dated in 1500, of which some account, with a heliotype fac-simile of
the American part of the map, is given in another place.[408] After the
death (April 27, 1852) of Walckenaer (who had bought it at a moderate
cost of an ignorant dealer in second-hand articles), it was sold at
public auction in Paris in the spring of 1853, when Jomard failed to
secure it for the Imperial Library in Paris, and it went to Spain,
where, in the naval museum at Madrid, it now is.

Of the next earliest of the American maps the story has recently been
told with great fulness by Harrisse in his _Les Cortereal_, accompanied
by a large colored fac-simile of the map itself, executed by Pilinski.
The map was not unknown before,[409] and Harrisse had earlier described
it in his _Cabots_.[410]

We know that Gaspar Cortereal[411] had already before 1500 made some
explorations, during which he had discovered a mainland and some
islands, but at what precise date it is impossible to determine;[412]
nor can we decide upon the course he had taken, but it seems likely
it was a westerly one. We know also that in this same year (1500) he
made his historic voyage to the Newfoundland region,[413] coasting the
neighboring shores, probably, in September and October. Then followed a
second expedition from January to October of the next year (1501),—the
one of which we have the account in the _Paesi novamente retrovati_,
as furnished by Pasqualigo.[414] There was at this time in Lisbon one
Alberto Cantino, a correspondent—with precisely what quality we know
not—of Hercule d’Este, Duke of Ferrara; and to this noble personage
Cantino, on the 19th of October, addressed a letter embodying what
he had seen and learned of the newly returned companions of Gaspar
Cortereal.[415]

The Report of Cantino instigated the Duke to ask his correspondent
to procure for him a map of these explorations. Cantino procured
one to be made; and inscribing it, “Carta da navigar per le Isole
novam^{te} tr.... in le parte de l’India: dono Alberto Cantino Al S.
Duca Hercole,” he took it to Italy, and delivered it by another hand to
the Duke at Ferrara. Here in the family archives it was preserved till
1592, when the reigning Duke retired to Modena, his library following
him. In 1868, in accordance with an agreement between the Italian
Government and the Archduke Francis of Austria, the cartographical
monuments of the ducal collection were transferred to the Biblioteca
Estense, where this precious map now is. The map was accompanied when
it left Cantino’s hands by a note addressed to the Duke and dated at
Rome, Nov. 19, 1502,[416] which fortunately for us fixes very nearly
the period of the construction of the map. A much reduced sketch is
annexed.

[Illustration: THE CANTINO MAP.

This is sketched from Harrisse’s fac-simile, which is of the size of
the original map. The dotted line is the Line of Demarcation,—“Este
he omarco dantre castella y Portuguall,”—which has been calculated by
Harrisse to be at 62° 30´ west of Paris.]

For the northern coast of South America La Cosa and Cantino’s
draughtsmen seem to have had different authorities. La Cosa attaches
forty-five names to that coast: Cantino only twenty-nine; and only
three of them are common to the two.[417] Harrisse argues from the
failure of the La Cosa map to give certain intelligence of the Atlantic
coast of the United States (here represented in the north and south
trend of shore, north of Cuba), that there was existing in October,
1500, at least in Spanish circles, no knowledge of it,[418] but that
explorations must have taken place before the summer of 1502 which
afforded the knowledge embodied in this Cantino map. This coast was
not visited, so far as is positively known, by any Spanish expedition
previous to 1502. Besides the eight Spanish voyages of this period
(not counting the problematical one of Vespucius) of which we have
documentary proof, there were doubtless others of which we have
intimations; but we know nothing of their discoveries, except so far
as those before 1500 may be embodied in La Cosa’s chart.[419] The
researches of Harrisse have failed to discover in Portugal any positive
trace of voyages made from that kingdom in 1501, or thereabout, records
of which have been left in the Cantino map. Humboldt had intimated
that in Lisbon at that time there was a knowledge of the connection
of the Antilles with the northern discoveries of Cortereal by an
intervening coast; but Harrisse doubts if Humboldt’s authority—which
seems to have been a letter of Pasqualigo sent to Venice, dated
Oct. 18, 1501, found in the _Diarii_ of Marino Sanuto, a manuscript
preserved in Vienna—means anything more than a conjectural belief in
such connection. Harrisse’s conclusion is that between the close of
1500 and the summer of 1502, some navigators, of whose names and nation
we are ignorant, but who were probably Spanish, explored the coast of
the present United States from Pensacola to the Hudson. This Atlantic
coast of Cantino terminates at about 59° north latitude, running nearly
north and south from the Cape of Florida to that elevation. Away to the
east in mid-ocean, and placed so far easterly as doubtless to appear
on the Portuguese side of the Line of Demarcation, and covering from
about fifty to fifty-nine degrees of latitude, is a large island which
stands for the discoveries of Cortereal, “Terra del Rey du Portuguall;”
and northeast of this is the point of Greenland apparently, with
Iceland very nearly in its proper place.[420] This Cantino map, now
positively fixed in 1502, establishes the earliest instance of a kind
of delineation of North America which prevailed for some time. Students
of this early cartography have long supposed this geographical idea to
date from about this time, and have traced back the origin of what is
known as “The Admiral’s Map”[421] to data accumulated in the earliest
years of the sixteenth century. Indeed Lelewel,[422] thirty years ago,
made up what he called a Portuguese chart of 1501-1504, by combining
in one draft the maps of the 1513 Ptolemy, with a hint or two from the
Sylvanus map of 1511, acting on the belief that the Portuguese were
the real first pursuers, or at least recorders, of explorations of the
Floridian peninsula and of the coast northerly.[423]

[Illustration: PETER MARTYR, 1511.

The 1511 map, here given in fac-simile after another fac-simile in
the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, has been several times reproduced,—in
Stevens’s _Notes_, pl. 4; J. H. Lefroy’s _Memorials of the Bermudas_,
London, 1877; H. A. Schumacher’s _Petrus Martyr_, New York, 1879; and
erroneously in H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 127. Cf. also
Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 66; _Additions_, p. viii and no. 41;
_Notes on Columbus_, p. 9; and his _Les Cortereal_, p. 113. Copies of
the book are in the Carter-Brown, Lenox, Daly, and Barlow libraries.
A copy (no. 1605*) was sold in the Murphy sale. Quaritch has priced a
perfect copy at £100. The map gives the earliest knowledge which we
have of the Bermudas. Cf. the “Descripcion de la isla Bermuda” (1538),
in Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 92.]

[Illustration: PART OF THE ORBIS TYPUS UNIVERSALIS (PTOLEMY, 1513).

The European prolongation of Gronland resembles that of a Portuguese
map of 1490. Another reduced fac-simile is given in Ruge’s _Geschichte
des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ (1881.) These 1513 maps were
reprinted in the Strasburg, 1520, edition of _Ptolemy_ (copies in the
Carter-Brown Library and in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,053), and
were re-engraved on a reduced scale, but with more elaboration and with
a few changes, for the _Ptolemies_ of 1522 and 1525; and they were
again the basis of those in Servetus’ _Ptolemy_ of 1535.]

[Illustration: TABULA TERRE NOVE, OR THE ADMIRAL’S MAP (PTOLEMY, 1513).

Kohl remarks that the names on the South American coast (north part)
are carried no farther than Ojeda went in 1499, and no farther south
than Vespucius went in 1503; while the connection made of the two
Americas was probably conjectural. Other fac-similes of the map
are given in Varnhagen’s _Premier voyage de Vespucci_, in Weise’s
_Discoveries of America_, p. 124; and in Stevens’s _Historical
and Geographical Notes_, pl. 2. Cf. Santarem (Childe’s tr.), 153.
Wieser, in his _Magalhâes-Strasse_ (Innsbruck, 1881), p. 15, mentions
a manuscript note-book of Schöner, the globe-maker, preserved in
the Hof-bibliothek at Vienna, which has a sketch resembling this
1513 map. Harrisse (_Les Cortereal_, pp. 122, 126) has pointed out
the correspondence of its names to the Cantino map, though the
Waldseemüller map has a few names which are not on the Cantino. Again,
Harrisse (_Les Cortereal_, p. 128) argues from the fact that the
relations of Duke René with Portugal were cordial, while they were not
so with Spain, and from the resemblance of René’s map in the Ptolemy of
1513 to that of Cantino, that the missing map upon which Waldseemüller
is said to have worked to produce, with René’s help, the so-called
“Admiral’s map,” was the original likewise of that of Cantino.]

The earliest Spanish map after that of La Cosa which has come down to
us is the one which is commonly known as Peter Martyr’s map. It is a
woodcut measuring 11 × 7½ inches, and is usually thought to have
first appeared in the _Legatio Babylonica_, or Martyr’s first decade,
at Seville, 1511; but Harrisse is inclined to believe that the map
did not originally belong to Martyr’s book, because three copies of
it in the original vellum which he has examined do not have the map.
Quaritch[424] says that copies vary, that the leaf containing the map
is an insertion, and that it is sometimes on different folios. Thus of
two issues, one is called a second, because two leaves seem to have
been reprinted to correct errors, and two new leaves are inserted,
and a new title is printed. It is held by some that the map properly
belongs to this issue. Brevoort[425] thinks that the publication of the
map was distasteful to the Spanish Government (since the King this same
year forbade maps being given to foreigners); and he argues that the
scarcity of the book may indicate that attempts were made to suppress
it.[426]

The maker of the 1513 map as we have it was Waldseemüller, or
Hylacomylus, of St. Dié, in the Vosges Mountains; and Lelewel[427]
gives reasons for believing that the plate had been engraved, and
that copies were on sale as early as 1507. It had been engraved at
the expense of Duke René II. of Lorraine, from information furnished
by him to perfect some anterior chart; but the plate does not seem to
have been used in any book before it appeared in this 1513 edition
of Ptolemy.[428] It bears along the coast this legend: “Hec terra
adjacentibus insulis inventa est per Columbū ianuensem ex mandato Regis
Castelle;” and in the Address to the Reader in the Supplement appears
the following sentence, in which the connection of Columbus with the
map is thought to be indicated: “Charta antē marina quam Hydrographiam
vocant per Admiralem [? _Columbus_] quondam serenissi. Portugalie [?
_Hispaniæ_] regis Ferdinandi ceteros denique lustratores verissimis
pagratiōibus lustrata, ministerio Renati, dum vixit, nunc pie mortui,
Ducis illustris. Lotharingie liberalius prelographationi tradita
est.”[429]

This “Admiral’s map” seems to have been closely followed in the map
which Gregor Reisch annexed to his popular encyclopædia,[430] the
_Margarita philosophica_, in 1515; though there is some difference in
the coast-names, and the river mouths and deltas on the coast west of
Cuba are left out.

[Illustration: PART OF REISCH’S MAP, 1515.

There is another fac-simile in Stevens’s _Historical and Geographical
Notes_, pl. 4. An edition of Reisch appeared at Freiburg in 1503
(Murphy, no. 3,089); but in 1504 there were two editions, with a
mappemonde which had no other reference to America than in the legend:
“Hic non terra sed mare est in quo miræ magnitudinis insulæ sed
Ptolemæo fuerunt incognitæ.” Some copies are dated 1505. (Murphy, no.
3,090.) A copy dated 1508, Basle, “cum additionibus novis” (Quaritch,
no. 12,363; Baer’s _Incunabeln_, 1884, no. 64, at 36 marks; and Murphy,
no. 2,112*) had the same map. The 1515 edition had the map above given.
(Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 82; _Additions_, no. 45, noting a
copy in the Imperial Library at Vienna. Kohl copies in his Washington
Collection from one in the library at Munich.) The Basle edition of
1517 has a still different woodcut map. (Beckford, _Catalogue_, vol.
iii. no. 1,256; Murphy, no. 2,112**.) Not till 1535 did an edition
have any reference to America in the text. (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no.
208.) The latest edition is that of 1583, Basle, with a mappamonde
showing America. (Leclerc, no. 2,926.) Cf. further in D’Avezac’s
_Waltzemüller_, p. 94; Kunstmann’s _Entdeckung Amerikas_, p. 130;
Stevens’s Notes, p. 52; Kohl, _Die beiden ältesten General-Karten von
America_, p. 33.]

[Illustration: RUYSCH, 1508.[431]]

Stevens and others have contended that this represents Columbus’
Ganges; but Varnhagen makes it stand for the Gulf of Mexico and the
Mississippi,—a supposition more nearly like Reisch’s interpretation,
as will be seen by his distinct separation of the new lands from Asia.
Reisch is, however, uncertain of their western limits, which are cut
off by the scale, as shown in the map; while on the other side of the
same scale Cipango is set down in close proximity to it.

[Illustration: STOBNICZA, 1512.

It is held that this map shows the earliest attempt to represent on a
plane a sphere truncated at the poles. Wieser (_Magalhaês-Strasse_,
p. 11) speaks of a manuscript copy of Stobnicza’s western hemisphere,
made by Glareanus, which is bound with a copy of Waldseemüller’s
_Cosmographiæ introductio_, preserved in the University Library at
Munich. Cf. Vol. III. p. 14, with references there, and Winsor’s
_Bibliography of Ptolemy_ sub anno 1512; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_,
p. 178, and _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 69 and 95, and _Additions_, no.
47. The only copies of the Stobnicza _Introductio_ in this country lack
the maps. One in the Carter-Brown Library has it in fac-simile, and the
other was sold in the Murphy sale, no. 2,075.]

[Illustration: SCHÖNER.

Fac-simile of a cut in Reusner’s _Icones_ (Strasburg, 1590), p. 127.
Cf. on Schöner’s geographical labors, Doppelmayr’s _Historische
Nachricht von den nürnbergischen Mathematikern und Künstlern_ (1730);
Will und Nopitsch’s _Nürnbergisches Gelehrten-Lexicon_ (1757);
Ghillany’s _Erdglobus des Behaim und der des Schöner_; and Varnhagen’s
_Schöner e Apianus_ (Vienna, 1872).]

It has been supposed that it was a map of this type which Bartholomew
Columbus, when he visited Rome in 1505, gave to a canon of St. John
Lateran, together with one of the printed accounts of his brother’s
voyage; and this canon gave the map to Alessandro Strozzi, “suo amico e
compilatore della raccolta,” as is stated in a marginal note in a copy
of the _Mundus novus_ in the Magliabecchian library.[432]

Columbus is said to have had a vision before his fourth voyage, during
which he saw and depicted on a map a strait between the regions
north and south of the Antillian Sea. De Lorgues, with a convenient
alternative for his saintly hero, says that the mistake was only in
making the strait of water, when it should have been of land!

[Illustration: SCHÖNER, 1515.

According to Wieser (_Magalhâes-Strasse_, p. 19) this globe, which
exists in copies at Weimar (of which Wieser gives the above sketch from
Jomard’s fac-simile of the one at Frankfort, but with some particulars
added from that at Weimar) and at Frankfort (which is figured in
Jomard), was made to accompany Schöner’s _Luculentissima quædam terræ
totius descriptio_, printed in 1515. Cf. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_,
p. 179, and _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 80, 81; Murphy, no. 2,233. Copies
of Schöner’s _Luculentissima_, etc., are in the Harvard College,
Carter-Brown, and Lenox libraries.

In 1523 Schöner printed another tract, _De nuper sub Castiliæ, ac
Portugaliæ regibus serenissimis repertis insulis ac regionibus_,
descriptive of his globe, which is extremely rare. Wieser reports
copies in the great libraries of Vienna and London only. Varnhagen
reprinted it from the Vienna copy, at St. Petersburg in 1872 (forty
copies only), under the designation, _Réimpression fidèle d’une lettre
de Jean Schöner, à propos de son globe, écrite en 1523_. The Latin
is given in Wieser’s _Magalhâes-Strasse_, p. 118. Johann Schoner or
Schöner (for the spelling varies) was born in 1477, and died in 1547.
The testimony of this globe to an early knowledge of the straits
afterward made known by Magellan is examined on a later page. The
notions which long prevailed respecting a large Antarctic continent
are traced in Wieser’s _Magalhâes-Strasse_, p. 59, and in Santarem,
_Histoire de la cartographie_, ii. 277.

Cf. on the copy at Frankfort,—Vol. III. p. 215, of the present
_History_; Kohl’s _General-Karten von Amerika_, p. 33, and his
_Discovery of Maine_, p. 159; _Encyclopædia Britannica_, x. 681; Von
Richthofen’s _China_, p. 641; _Journal_ of the Royal Geographical
Society, xviii. 45. On the copy at Weimar, see Humboldt, _Examen
critique_, and his Introduction to Ghillany’s _Ritter Behaim_.]

[Illustration: SCHÖNER, 1520.

This globe, which has been distinctively known as Schöner’s globe,
is preserved at Nuremberg. There are representations of it in
Santarem, Lelewel, Wieser, Ghillany’s _Behaim_, Kohl’s _Geschichte der
Entdeckungsreisen zur Magellan’s-Strasse_ (Berlin, 1877), p. 8; H.
H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 137; and in _Harper’s Magazine_,
February, 1871, and December, 1882, p. 731. The earliest engraving
appeared in the _Jahresbericht der technischen Anstalten in Nürnberg
für 1842_, accompanied by a paper by Dr. Ghillany; and the same writer
reproduced it in his _Erdglobus des Behaim und der des Schöner_ (1842).
The globe is signed: “Perfecit eum Bambergæ 1520, Joh. Schönerus.” Cf.
Von Murr, _Memorabilia bibliothecarum Noribergensium_ (1786), i. 5;
Humboldt, _Examen critique_, ii. 28; Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_
sub anno 1522; and Vol. III. p. 214, of the present _History_.]

We have a suspicion of this strait in another map which has been held
to have had some connection with the drafts of Columbus, and that is
the Ruysch map, which appeared in the Roman Ptolemy of 1508,[433] the
earliest published map, unless the St. Dié map takes precedence, to
show any part of the new discoveries.

[Illustration: THE TROSS GORES, 1514-1519.

Twelve gores of a globe found in a copy of the _Cosmographiæ
introductio_, published at Lugduni, 1514 (?), and engraved in a
catalogue of Tross, the Paris bookseller, in 1881 (nos. xiv. 4,924).
The book is now owned by Mr. C. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York. Harrisse
(_Cabots_, p. 182) says the map was engraved in 1514, and ascribes it
to Louis Boulenger. (Cf. Vol. III. p. 214, of the present _History_.)
There are two copies of this edition of the _Cosmographiæ introductio_
in the British Museum; and D’Avezac (_Waltzemüller_, p. 123) says
the date of it cannot be earlier than 1517. Harrisse says he erred
in dating it 1510 in the _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 63. Cf. Winsor’s
_Bibliography of Ptolemy_ sub anno 1522.]

It seems from its resemblance to the La Cosa chart to have been kept
much nearer the Columbian draft than the geographer of St. Dié, with
his Portuguese helps, was contented to leave it in his map. In La Cosa
the vignette of St. Christopher had concealed the mystery of a westerly
passage;[434] Ruysch assumes it, or at least gives no intimation of
his belief in the inclosure of the Antillian Sea. Harrisse[435] has
pointed out how an entirely different coast-nomenclature in the two
maps points to different originals of the two map-makers. The text
of this 1508 edition upon “Terra Nova” and “Santa Cruz” is by Marcus
Beneventanus. There are reasons to believe that the map may have been
issued separately, as well as in the book; and the copies of the map
in the Barlow Collection and in Harvard College Library are perhaps of
this separate issue.[436]

[Illustration: MÜNSTER, 1532.

The distinctive features both of the La Cosa and the Ruysch drafts, of
the Cantino map and of the Waldseemüller or St. Dié map of 1513, were
preserved, with more or less modifications in many of the early maps.
The Stobnicza map—published in an _Introductio_ to Ptolemy at Cracow in
1512—is in effect the St. Dié map, with a western ocean in place of
the edge of the plate as given in the 1513 Ptolemy, and is more like
the draft of Reisch’s map published three years later.

There are other drawings of this map in Stevens’s _Notes_; in
Nordenskiöld’s _Bröderna Zenos_ (Stockholm, 1883); etc.]

The Schöner globe of 1515, often cited as the Frankfort globe; the
Schöner globe of 1520; the so-called Tross gores of 1514-1519; the
map of Petrus Apianus[437]—or Bienewitz, as he was called in his
vernacular—which appeared in the _Polyhistoria_ of Solinus, edited
by the Italian monk Camers, and also in 1522 in the _De orbis situ_
of Pomponius Mela, published by Vadianus,—all preserve the same
characteristics with the St. Dié map, excepting that they show the
western passage referred to in Columbus’ dream, and so far unite some
of the inferences from the map of Ruysch. There was a curious survival
of this Cantino type, particularly as regards North America for many
years yet to come, as seen in the map which Münster added to the Basle
edition of the _Novus orbis_ in 1532 and 1537, and in the drawing which
Jomard gives[438] as from “une cassette de la Collection Trivulci, dite
Cassettina all’Agemina.” This last drawing is a cordiform mappemonde,
very like another which accompanied Honter’s _Rudimenta cosmographica_
in 1542, and which was repeated in various editions to as late a period
as 1590. Thus it happened that for nearly a century geographical
views which the earliest navigators evolved, continued in popular
books to convey the most inadequate notion of the contour of the new
continent.[439]

[Illustration: SYLVANUS’ MAP, 1511.

The map is given in its original projection in Lelewel, pl. xlv., and
on a greatly reduced scale in Daly’s _Early Cartography_, p. 32. There
are copies of this 1511 Ptolemy in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, Astor,
Brevoort, Barlow, and Kalbfleisch collections. Cf. _Murphy Catalogue_,
no. 2,051, for a copy now in the American Geographical Society’s
Library, and references in Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_ sub anno
1511.]

In the same year with the publication of the Peter Martyr map of 1511,
an edition of Ptolemy, published at Venice and edited by Bernardus
Sylvanus, contained a mappemonde on a cordiform projection,—which is
said to be the first instance of the use of this method in drafting
maps. What is shown of the new discoveries is brought in a distorted
shape on the extreme western verge of the map; and to make the
contour more intelligible, it is reduced in the sketch annexed to
an ordinary plane projection. It is the earliest engraved map to
give any trace of the Cortereal discoveries[440] and to indicate the
Square, or St. Lawrence, Gulf. It gives a curious Latinized form to
the name of the navigator himself in “Regalis Domus” (Cortereal), and
restores Greenland, or Engronelant, to a peninsular connection with
northwestern Europe as it had appeared in the Ptolemy of 1482.

[Illustration: THE LENOX GLOBE.]

It will be seen that, with the exception of the vague limits of the
“Regalis Domus,” there was no sign of the continental line of North
America in this map of Sylvanus. Much the same views were possessed by
the maker of the undated Lenox globe, which probably is of nearly the
same date, and of which a further account is given elsewhere.[441]

[Illustration: DA VINCI, NORTHERN HEMISPHERE (_original draft
reduced_).]

Another draft of a globe, likewise held to be of about the same date,
shows a similar configuration, except that a squarish island stands in
it for Florida and adjacent parts of the main. This is a manuscript
drawing on two sheets preserved among the Queen’s collections at
Windsor; and since Mr. R. H. Major made it known by a communication,
with accompanying fac-similes, in the _Archæologia_,[442] it has been
held to be the work of Leonardo da Vinci, though this has been recently
questioned.[443]

[Illustration: DA VINCI, SOUTHERN HEMISPHERE (_original draft reduced_).

Another sketch of this hemisphere is given in _Harper’s Monthly_,
December, 1882, p. 733.]

If deprived of the associations of that august name, the map loses much
of its attraction; but it still remains an interesting memorial of
geographical conjecture. It is without date, and can only be fixed in
the chain of cartographical ideas by its internal evidence. This has
led Major to place it between 1512 and 1514, and Wieser to fix it at
1515-1516.[444] A somewhat unsatisfactory map, since it shows nothing
north of “Ysabella” and “Spagnollo,” is that inscribed _Orbis typus
universalis juxta hydrographorum traditionem exactissime depicta_,
1522, L. F., which is the work of Laurentius Frisius, and appeared in
the Ptolemy of 1522.[445]

[Illustration: DA VINCI (_newly projected_).

This follows the projection as given by Wieser in his
_Magalhaês-Strasse_, who dates it 1515-1516.]

A new element appears in a map which is one of the charts belonging
to the _Yslegung der Mer-Carthen oder Cartha Marina_, said also to be
the work of Frisius, which was issued in 1525, in exposition of his
theories of sea-charts.[446]

[Illustration: CARTA MARINA OF FRISIUS, 1525.]

[Illustration: COPPO, 1528.

This is drawn from a sketch given by Kohl in his manuscript, “On the
Connection of the New and Old World on the Pacific Side,” preserved in
the American Antiquarian Society’s Library. There is another copy in
his Washington Collection.

The map is explained by the following key: 1. Asia. 2. India.
3. Ganges. 4. Java major. 5. Cimpangi [Japan]. 6. Isola verde
[Greenland?]. 7. Cuba. 8. Iamaiqua. 9. Spagnola. 10. Monde nuova [South
America].]

The map is of interest as the sole instance in which North America
is called a part of Africa, on the supposition that a continental
connection by the south enclosed the “sea toward the sunset.” The
insular Yucatan will be observed in the annexed sketch, and what
seems to be a misshapen Cuba. The land at the east seems intended for
Baccalaos, judging from the latitude and the indication of fir-trees
upon it. This map is one of twelve engraved sheets constituting
the above-named work, which was published by Johannes Grieninger in
1530. Friess, or Frisius, who was a German mathematician, and had,
as we have seen, taken part in the 1522 Ptolemy, says that he drew
his information in these maps from original sources; but he does not
name these sources, and Dr. Kohl thinks the maps indicate the work of
Waldseemüller.

Among the last of the school of geographers who supposed North America
to be an archipelago, was Pierro Coppo, who published at Venice in 1528
what has become a very rare _Portolano delli lochi maritimi ed isole
der mar_.[447]

CHAPTER II.

AMERIGO VESPUCCI.

BY SYDNEY HOWARD GAY

AMERIGO VESPUCCI,[448] the third son of Nastugio Vespucci, a notary of
Florence, and his wife Lisabetta Mini, was born on the 9th of March,
1451. The family had the respectability of wealth, acquired in trade,
for one member of it in the preceding century was rich enough to
endow a public hospital. Over the portal of the house, so dedicated
to charity by this pious Vespucci nearly three quarters of a century
before Amerigo was born, there was, says Humboldt, engraved in 1719,
more than three hundred years after the founding of the hospital, an
inscription declaring that here Amerigo had lived in his youth. As the
monks, however, who wrote the inscription also asserted in it that he
was the discoverer of America, it is quite possible that they may have
been as credulous in the one case as in the other, and have accepted
for fact that which was only tradition. But whether Amerigo’s father,
Nastugio, lived or did not live in the hospital which his father or
grandfather founded, he evidently maintained the respectability of the
family. Three of his sons he sent to be educated at the University of
Pisa. Thenceforth they are no more heard of, except that one of them,
Jerome, afterward went to Palestine, where he remained nine years, met
with many losses, and endured much suffering,—all of which he related
in a letter to his younger brother Amerigo. But the memory even of this
Jerome—that he should have ever gone anywhere, or had any adventures
worth the telling—is only preserved from oblivion because he had this
brother who became the famous navigator, and whose name by a chance was
given to half the globe.

[Illustration: A LETTER OF VESPUCIUS TO HIS FATHER (_after a fac-simile
given by Varnhagen_).

[Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. xxii) says that this
letter was found by Bandini in the Strozzi Library, and that it is now
in the collection of M. Feuillet de Conches in Paris. “This and two
or three signatures added to receipts, which were brought to light by
Navarrete, constitute,” said Harrisse in 1872, “the only autographs
of Vespucius known.” Since then another fac-simile of a letter by
Vespucius has been published in the _Cartas de Indias_, being a letter
of Dec. 9, 1508, about goods which ought to be carried to the Antilles.
Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvi. 318, and _Magazine of American
History_, iii. 193, where it is translated, and accompanied by a
fac-simile of a part of it. The signature is given on another page of
the present chapter.—ED.]]

Amerigo was not sent to the university. Such early education as
he received came from a learned uncle, Giorgi Antonio Vespucci,
a Dominican friar, who must have been a man of some influence in
Florence, as it is claimed for him that he was the friend and colleague
of the more famous monk Savonarola. The nephew acknowledged later in
life that he was not among the most diligent of his uncle’s pupils;
and the admission was as true as it was ingenuous, if one may judge by
a letter in Latin written, when he was twenty-five years old, to his
father. He excuses himself to that _spectabili et egregio viro_—as he
addresses his father—for recent negligence in writing, as he hesitates
to commit himself in Latin without the revision of his uncle, and he
happens to be absent. Probably it was poverty of expression in that
tongue, and not want of thought, which makes the letter seem the work
of a boy of fifteen rather than of a young man of five and twenty. A
mercantile career in preference to that of a student was, at any rate,
his own choice; and in due time, though at what age precisely does not
appear, a place was found for him in the great commercial house of the
Princes Medici in Florence.

In Florence he remained, apparently in the service of the Medici,
till 1490; for in that year he complains that his mother prevented
him from going to Spain. But the delay was not long, as in January,
1492, he writes from Cadiz, where he was then engaged in trade with an
associate, one Donato Nicolini,—perhaps as agents of the Medici, whose
interests in Spain were large. Four years later, the name of Vespucci
appears for the first time in the Spanish archives, when he was within
two months of being forty-six years of age. Meanwhile he had engaged
in the service of Juonato Berardi, a Florentine merchant established
at Seville, who had fitted out the second expedition of Columbus in
1493.[449]

It has been conjectured that Vespucci became known at that time to
Columbus,—which is not improbable if the former was so early as 1493
in the service of Berardi. But the suggestion that he went with
Columbus either on his first or second expedition cannot be true, at
any rate as to the second.[450] For in 1495 Berardi made a contract
with the Spanish Government to furnish a fleet of ships for an
expedition westward which he did not live to complete. Its fulfilment
was intrusted to Vespucci; and it appears in the public accounts that
a sum of money was paid to him from the Treasury of the State in
January, 1496. Columbus was then absent on his second voyage, begun in
September, 1493, from which he did not return till June, 1496.

In the interval between the spring of 1495 and the summer of 1497 any
adventurer was permitted by Spain, regardless of the agreement made
with Columbus, to go upon voyages of commerce or discovery to that New
India to which his genius and courage had led the way. “Now,” wrote
Columbus, “there is not a man, down to the very tailors, who does not
beg to be allowed to become a discoverer.” The greed of the King; the
envy of the navigators who before 1492 had laughed at the theories of
Columbus; the hatred of powerful Churchmen, more bitter now than ever,
because those theories which they had denounced as heresy had proved
to be true,—all these influences were against him, and had combined to
rob the unhappy Admiral, even before he had returned from his second
voyage, of the honor and the riches which he thought would rightfully
become his own. Ships now could go and come in safety over that wide
waste of waters which even children could remember had been looked
upon as a “Sea of Darkness,” rolling westward into never-ending space,
whence there was no return to the voyager mad enough to trust to its
treacherous currents. It was no longer guarded by perpetual Night, by
monsters hideous and terrible, and by a constant wind that blew ever
toward the west. But ships came safely back, bringing, not much, but
enough of gold and pearls to seem an earnest of the promise of the
marvellous wealth of India that must soon be so easily and so quickly
reached; with the curious trappings of a picturesque barbarism; the
soft skins and gorgeous feathers of unknown beasts and birds; the woods
of a new beauty in grain and vein and colors; the aromatic herbs of
subtle virtue that would stir the blood beneath the ribs of Death; and
with all these precious things the captive men and women, of curious
complexion and unknown speech, whose people were given as a prey to the
stranger by God and the Pope. Every rough sailor of these returning
ships was greeted as a hero when to the gaping, wide-eyed crowd he told
of his adventures in that land of perpetual summer, where the untilled
virgin soil brought forth its fruits, and the harvest never failed;
where life was without care or toil, sickness or poverty; where he who
would might gather wealth as he would idly pick up pebbles on a beach.
These were the sober realities of the times; and there were few so poor
in spirit or so lacking in imagination as not to desire to share in
the possession of these new Indies. It was not long, indeed, before a
reaction came; when disappointed adventurers returned in poverty, and
sat in rags at the gates of the palace to beg relief of the King. And
when the sons of Columbus, who were pages in the Court of the Queen,
passed by, “they shouted to the very heavens, saying: ‘Look at the
sons of the Admiral of Mosquitoland!—of that man who has discovered
the lands of deceit and disappointment,—a place of sepulchre and
wretchedness to Spanish hidalgos!’”[451]

From his second voyage Columbus returned in the summer of 1496; and
meeting his enemies with the courage and energy which never failed
him, he induced the King and Queen to revoke, in June of the next
year, the decree of two years before. Meanwhile he made preparations
for his third voyage, on which he sailed from San Lucar on the 30th of
May, 1498. Two months later he came in sight of the island he named
Trinidad; and entering the Gulf of Paria, into which empties the
Orinoco by several mouths, he sailed along the coast of the mainland.
He had reached the continent, not of Asia, as he supposed, but of the
western hemisphere. None of the four voyages of the great discoverer is
so illustrative of his peculiar faith, his religious fervor, and the
strength of his imagination as this third voyage; and none, in that
respect, is so interesting. The report of it which he sent home in a
letter, with a map, to the King and Queen has a direct relation to the
supposed first voyage of Amerigo Vespucci.

As he approached the coast, Columbus wrote,[452] he heard “in the dead
of night an awful roaring;” and he saw “the sea rolling from west to
east like a mountain as high as the ship, and approaching little by
little; on the top of this rolling sea came a mighty wave roaring with
a frightful noise.” When he entered the Gulf, and saw how it was filled
by the flow of the great river, he believed that he had witnessed far
out at sea the mighty struggle at the meeting of the fresh with the
salt water. The river, he was persuaded, must be rushing down from the
summit of the earth, where the Lord had planted the earthly Paradise,
in the midst whereof was a fountain whence flowed the four great rivers
of the world,—the Ganges, the Tigris, the Euphrates, and the Nile.
He did not quite agree with those earlier philosophers who believed
that the earth was a perfect sphere; but rather that it was like “the
form of a pear, which is very round except where the stalk grows, at
which part it is most prominent; or like a round ball, upon one part
of which is a prominence like a woman’s nipple, this protrusion being
the highest and nearest the sky, situated under the equinoctial line,
and at the eastern extremity of this sea.” “I call that the eastern
extremity,” he adds, “where the land and the islands end.”

Now had come to him at last in the observations and experience of this
voyage the confirmation of his faith. That “eastern extremity of the
sea where the lands and the islands end” he had reached, he thought,
at the islands of Trinidad, of Margarita, and of Cubagua, and at the
coast of the Gulf of Paria, into which poured this great river rushing
down from the pinnacle of the globe. For he had observed, as he sailed
westward from a certain line in the ocean, that “the ships went on
rising smoothly towards the sky.” Some of the older astronomers, he
said, believed that the Arctic pole was “the highest point of the
world, and nearest to the heavens;” and others that this was true of
the Antarctic. Though all were wrong as to the exact locality of that
elevation, it was plain that they held a common faith that somewhere
there was a point of exaltation, if only it could be found, where the
earth approached the sky more nearly than anywhere else. But it had
not occurred to any of them that possibly the blessed spot which the
first rays of the sun lit up in crimson and in gold on the morning of
creation, because it was the topmost height of the globe, and because
it was in the east, might be under the equinoctial line; and it had not
occurred to them, because this eastern extremity of the world, which it
had pleased God he should now discover, had hitherto been unknown to
civilized man.

Every observation and incident of this voyage gave to Columbus proof of
the correctness of his theory. The farther south he had gone along the
African coast, the blacker and more barbarous he had found the people,
the more intense the heat, and the more arid the soil. For many days
they had sailed under an atmosphere so heated and oppressive that he
doubted if his ships would not fall to pieces and their crews perish,
if they did not speedily escape into some more temperate region. He
had remarked in former voyages that at a hundred leagues west of the
Azores there was a north-and-south line, to cross which was to find
an immediate and grateful change in the skies above, in the waters
beneath, and in the reviving temperature of the air. The course of
the ships was altered directly westward, that this line might be
reached, and the perils escaped which surrounded him and his people.
It was when the line was crossed that he observed how his ships were
gently ascending toward the skies. Not only were the expected changes
experienced, but the North Star was seen at a new altitude; the needle
of the compass varied a point, and the farther they sailed the more it
turned to the northwest. However the wind blew, the sea was always
smooth; and when the Island of Trinidad and the shores of the continent
were reached, they entered a climate of exceeding mildness, where
the fields and the foliage were “remarkably fresh and green, and as
beautiful as the gardens of Valencia in April.” The people who crowded
to the shore “in countless numbers” to gaze at these strange visitors
were “very graceful in form, tall, and elegant in their movements,
wearing their hair very long and smooth.” They were, moreover, of a
whiter skin than any the Admiral had heretofore seen “in any of the
Indies,” and were “shrewd, intelligent, and courageous.”

The more he saw and the more he reflected, the more convinced he
was that this country was “the most elevated in the world, and the
nearest to the sky.” Where else could this majestic river, that
rushed eagerly to this mighty struggle with the sea, come from, but
from that loftiest peak of the globe, in the midst whereof was the
inexhaustible fountain of the four great rivers of the earth? The faith
or the fanaticism—whichever one may please to call it—of the devout
cosmographer was never for an instant shadowed by a doubt. The human
learning of all time had taught him that the shorter way to India must
be across that western ocean which, he was persuaded, covered only one
third of the globe and separated the western coast of Europe from the
eastern coast of Asia. When it was taken for granted that his first
voyage had proved this geographical theory to be the true one, then he
could only understand that as in each successive voyage he had gone
farther, so he was only getting nearer and nearer to the heart of the
empire of the Great Khan.

But to the aid of human knowledge came a higher faith; he was divinely
led. In writing of this third voyage to Dona Juana de la Torres, a
lady of the Court and a companion to the Queen, he said: “God made me
the messenger of the new heaven and the new earth of which he spoke in
the Apocalypse by Saint John, after having spoken of it by the mouth
of Isaiah; and he showed me the spot where to find it.”[453]. The end
of the world he believed was at hand; by which he meant, perhaps, only
the world of heathenism and unbelief. In his letter to the sovereigns
he said that “it was clearly predicted concerning these lands by the
mouth of the prophet Isaiah in many places in Scripture, that from
Spain the holy name of God was to be spread abroad.” Amazing and even
fantastic as his conclusions were when they came from the religious
side of his nature, they were to him irrefragable, because they were so
severely logical. He was the chosen instrument of the divine purpose,
because it was to him that the way had been made straight and plain to
the glorious East, where God had planted in the beginning the earthly
Paradise, in which he had placed man, where man had first sinned, and
where ere long was to break the promised dawn of the new heaven and the
new earth.

The northern continent of the New World was discovered by the Cabots
a year before the southern mainland was reached by Columbus. Possibly
this northern voyage may have suggested to the geographers of England
a new theory, as yet, so far as we know, not thought of in Spain and
Portugal,—that a hemisphere was to be circumnavigated, and a passage
found among thousands of leagues of islands, or else through some great
continent hitherto unknown,—except to a few forgotten Northmen of
five hundred years earlier,—before India could be reached by sailing
westward. In speaking of this voyage long afterward, Sebastian Cabot
said: “I began to saile toward the northwest, not thinking to find
any other land than that of Cathay, and from thence turne toward
India; but after certaine dayes I found that the land ranne towards
the North, which was to mee a great displeasure.”[454] This may have
been the afterthought of his old age, when the belief that the new
Indies were the outlying boundaries of the old was generally discarded.
He had forgotten, as the same narrative shows,—unless the year be a
misprint,—the exact date of that voyage, saying that it “was, as farre
as I remember, in the yeare 1496, in the beginning of Summer.” This
was a year too soon. But if the statement be accepted as literally
true that he was disappointed in finding, not Cathay and India, as he
had hoped, but another land, then not only the honor of the discovery
of the western continent belongs to his father and to him,—or rather
to the father alone, for the son was still a boy,—but the further
distinction of knowing what they had discovered; while Columbus never
awoke from the delusion that he had touched the confines of India.

A discussion of the several interesting questions relating to the
voyages of the Cabots belongs to another chapter;[455] but assuming
here that the voyage of the “Mathew” from Bristol, England, in the
summer of 1497, is beyond controversy, the precedence of the Cabots
over Columbus in the discovery of the continent may be taken for
granted. There is other ample evidence besides his curious letters to
show that the latter was on the coast of South America in the summer
of 1498, just thirteen months and one week after the Cabots made the
_terra primum visa_, whether on the coast of Nova Scotia, Labrador,
or possibly Newfoundland.[456] Not that this detracts in any degree,
however slight, from the great name of Columbus as the discoverer
of the New World. Of him Sebastian Cabot was mindful to say, in
conversation with the Pope’s envoy in Spain,—just quoted from in the
preceding paragraph,—that “when newes were brought that Don Christopher
Colonus, Genoese, had discovered the coasts of India, whereof was
great talke in all the Court of King Henry the 7, who then raigned,
insomuch that all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing
more divine than humane to saile by the West into the Easte, where
spices growe, by a map that was never knowen before,—by this fame and
report there increased in my heart a great flame of desire to attempt
some notable thing.” However notable the thing might be, it could be
only secondary to that achievement of Columbus which Cabot looked upon
as “more divine than human;” but whether in the first sight of the
mainland which all hoped to find beyond the islands already visited,
Vespucci did not take precedence both of the Cabots and of Columbus,
has been a disputed question for nearly four hundred years; and it
will probably never be considered as satisfactorily settled, should it
continue in dispute for four hundred years longer.

The question is, whether Vespucci made four voyages to that half of
the world which was ever after to bear his name,[457] and whether
those voyages were really made at the time it is said they were.
The most essential point, however, is that of the date of the first
voyage: for if that which is asserted to be the true date be correct,
the first discoverer of the western continent was neither the Cabots
nor Columbus, but Vespucci; and his name was properly enough bestowed
upon it. “In the year 1497,” says an ancient and authentic Bristol
manuscript,[458] “the 24th June, on St. John’s day, was Newfoundland
found by Bristol men [the Cabots] in a ship called the ‘Mathew.’” On
his third voyage, in 1498, Columbus says: “We saw land [Trinidad] at
noon of Tuesday the 31st of July.” In a letter, written no doubt by
Vespucci, he says: “We sailed from the port of Cadiz on the 10th of
May, 1497;”[459] and after leaving the Canaries, where the four ships
of the expedition remained a few days to take in their final supplies
of wood, water, and provisions, they came, he continues, “at the end
of twenty-seven days, upon a coast which we thought to be that of a
continent.” Of these dates the first two mentioned are unquestionably
authentic. If that last given were equally so, there would be an end of
all controversy upon the subject; for it would prove that Vespucci’s
discovery of the continent preceded that of the Cabots, though only by
a week or two, while it must have been earlier than that of Columbus by
about fourteen months.

It should first of all be noted that the sole authority for a voyage
made by Vespucci in 1497 is Vespucci himself. All contemporary
history, other than his own letter, is absolutely silent in regard
to such a voyage, whether it be history in printed books, or in the
archives of those kingdoms of Europe where the precious documents
touching the earlier expeditions to the New World were deposited.
Santarem, in his _Researches_, goes even farther than this; for he
declares that even the name of Vespucci is not to be found in the
Royal Archives of Portugal, covering the period from 1495 to 1503, and
including more than a hundred thousand documents relating to voyages
of discovery; that he is not mentioned in the Diplomatic Records of
Portugal, which treat of the relations of that kingdom with Spain
and Italy, when one of the duties of ambassadors was to keep their
Governments advised of all new discoveries; and that among the many
valuable manuscripts belonging to the Royal Library at Paris, he,
M. Santarem, sought in vain for any allusion to Vespucci. But these
assertions have little influence over those who do not agree with
Santarem that Vespucci was an impostor. The evidence is overwhelming
that he belonged to some of the expeditions sent out at that period
to the southwest; and if he was so obscure as not to be recognized in
any contemporary notices of those voyages, then it could be maintained
with some plausibility that he might have made an earlier voyage about
which nothing was known. And this would seem the more probable when
it was remembered that the time (1497) of this alleged expedition was
within that interval when “the very tailors,” as Columbus said, might
go, without let or hindrance, in search of riches and renown in the
new-found world.

[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF VESPUCIUS, 1508.

[This is the conclusion of a letter of Vespucius, printed and given in
fac-simile in the _Cartas de Indias_.—ED.]]

Nevertheless, the fact of the obscurity of Vespucci at that period
is not without great weight, though Santarem fails in his attempt to
prove too much by it. Columbus believed when, on his second voyage, he
coasted the southern shore of Cuba, that he had touched the continent
of Asia. The extension of that continent he supposed, from indications
given by the natives, and accepted by him as confirming a foregone
conclusion, would be found farther south; and for that reason he took
that course on his third voyage. “The land where the spices grow” was
now the aim of all Spanish energy and enterprise; and it is not likely
that this theory of the Admiral was not well understood among the
merchants and navigators who took an intelligent as well as an intense
interest in all that he had done and in all that he said.

[Illustration: VESPUCIUS.[460]]

Is it probable, then, that nobody should know of the sailing of four
ships from Cadiz for farther and more important discoveries in the
direction pointed out by Columbus? Or, if their departure was secret,
can there be a rational doubt that the return, with intelligence so
important and generally interesting, would have been talked about
in all the ports of Spain, and the man who brought it have become
instantly famous?

[Illustration: VESPUCIUS.

[A sketch of an old engraving as given in the _Allgem. geog.
Ephemeriden_ (Weimar, 1807), vol. xxiii. There are other engravings of
it in Jules Verne’s _Découverte de la terre_, and elsewhere.—ED.]]

But as no account of the voyage appeared till years afterward, and
then in a letter from Vespucci himself; and as, meanwhile, for most of
those years the absence of his name from contemporary records shows
that no celebrity whatever was attached to it,—the logical conclusion
is, not only that the voyage was unknown, but that it was unknown
because it was never made. Moreover, if it was ever made it could not
have been unknown, if we may trust Vespucci’s own statement. For in his
letter—not written till 1504, and not published in full till 1507—he
said that this expedition was sent out by order of King Ferdinand; that
he, Vespucci, went upon it by royal command; and that after his return
he made a report of it to the King. The expedition, therefore, was
clearly not one of those which, in the interval between the summers
of 1495 and 1497, so often referred to, escaped all public record; and
as there cannot be found any recognition of such an enterprise at that
date either in contemporaneous history or State documents, what other
conclusion can be accepted as rational and without prejudice, than that
no such voyage so commanded was made at that time?

[Illustration: VESPUCIUS.

[A fac-simile of the engraving in _Montanus_, copied in _Ogilby_, p.
60.—ED.]]

There seems to be no escape from this evidence, though it is so purely
negative and circumstantial. But Humboldt, relying upon the researches
of the Spanish historian Muñoz, and upon those gathered by Navarrete in
his _Coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos_, presents the proof of
an _alibi_ for Vespucci. As has been already said on a previous page,
the fact is unquestioned that Vespucci, who had been a resident of
Spain for some time, became in 1495 a member of the commercial house
of Juanoto Berardi, at Seville, and that in January of the next year,
as the public accounts show, he was paid a sum of money relative to a
contract with Government which Berardi did not live to complete. The
presumption is that he would not soon absent himself from his post of
duty, where new and onerous responsibilities had been imposed upon
him by the recent death of the senior partner of the house with which
he was connected. But at any rate he is found there in the spring of
1497, Muñoz having ascertained that fact from the official records of
expenses incurred in fitting out the ships for western expeditions,
still preserved at Seville. Those records show that from the middle of
April, 1497, to the end of May, 1498, Vespucci was busily engaged at
Seville and San Lucar in the equipment of the fleet with which Columbus
sailed on his third voyage. The _alibi_, therefore, is complete.
Vespucci could not have been absent from Spain from May, 1497, to
October, 1498,—the period of his alleged first voyage.

All this seems incontrovertible, and should be accepted as conclusive
till fresh researches among the archives of that age shall show,
if that be possible, that those hitherto made have been either
misunderstood or are incomplete. Assuming the negative to be proved,
then, as to the alleged date of Vespucci’s first voyage, the positive
evidence, on the other hand, is ample and unquestioned, that Columbus
sailed from San Lucar on his third voyage on the 30th of May, 1498, and
two months later reached the western continent about the Gulf of Paria.

Was Vespucci then a charlatan? Was he guilty of acts so base as a
falsification of dates, and narratives of pretended voyages, that he
might secure for himself the fame that belonged to another,—that other,
moreover, being his friend? There are reasons for believing this to be
quite true of him; and other reasons for not believing it at all. There
is not, to begin with, a scrap of original manuscript of his bearing
on this point known to exist; it is not even positively known in what
tongue his letters were written; and anything, therefore, like absolute
proof as to what he said he did or did not do, is clearly impossible.
The case has to be tried upon circumstantial evidence and as one of
moral probabilities; and the verdict must needs differ according to the
varying intelligence and disposition of different juries.

He made, or he claimed to have made,—assuming the letters attributed
to him to be his,—four voyages, of each of which he wrote a narrative.
According to the dates given in these letters, he twice sailed from
Spain by order of Ferdinand,—in May, 1497, and in May, 1499; and
twice from Portugal, in the service of King Emanuel,—in May, 1501,
and in May, 1503. He was absent, as we learn from the same letters,
about seventeen months on the first voyage, about sixteen each on the
second and third, and on the fourth eleven months. If he went to sea,
then, for the first time in May, 1497, and the last voyage ended, as
the narrative says, in June, 1504, the whole period of his seafaring
life was eighty-four months, of which sixty were passed at sea, and
twenty-four, at reasonable intervals, on shore. As the dates of
departure and of return are carefully given, obviously the period from
May, 1497, to June, 1504, must be allowed for the four expeditions. But
here we come upon an insurmountable obstacle. If to the first voyage
of 1497 the wrong date was given,—if, that is, the actual first voyage
was that of 1499, which Vespucci calls his second,—then he could not
have gone upon four expeditions. From May, 1499, to June, 1504, is a
period of sixty months; and as the aggregate length he gives to the
assumed four voyages is sixty months, they could not have been made in
that time, as that would have compelled him to be at sea the whole five
years, with no interval of return to Spain or Portugal to refit,—which
is manifestly absurd.

The solution of the difficulty relied upon by Humboldt and others
seems, therefore, insufficient; it is not explained by assuming that
the date 1497 in the narrative of the first voyage was the careless
blunder of the translator, copyist, or printer of Vespucci’s original
letter. It is not an error if there were four voyages; for as the date
of the last one is undisputed, the date of 1497 for the first one must
remain to give time enough for the whole. But that there were four
voyages does not depend solely upon the date given to the first one.
That there were four—“quatuor navigationes”—is asserted repeatedly by
Vespucci in the different letters. In the relation of the first one,
wherein is given this troublesome date which has so vexed the souls of
scholars, he says at some length that as he had seen on these “twice
two” voyages so many strange things, differing so much from the manners
and customs of his own country, he had written a little book, not yet
published, to be called “Four Expeditions, or Four Voyages,” in which
he had related, to the best of his ability, about all he had seen.[461]
If, then, the date 1497 is to be explained away as the result of
carelessness or accident,—even admitting that such an explanation
would explain,—what is to be done with this passage? It cannot, like
a single numeral—a 7 for a 9—be attributed to chance; and it becomes
necessary, therefore, to regard it as an interpolation contrived to
sustain a clumsy falsification of date.

It has also been conjectured that two of the letters have been
misapprehended; that Vespucci meant one as only a continuation of
the other in a description of a single voyage, or if intended as
two letters, they were meant to describe the same voyage. The early
editors, it has been suggested, supposing that each letter described a
separate voyage, forged or changed the dates in accordance with that
supposition. If there were no other objection to this theory, it is
untenable if what has just been said be true. The duration of each
voyage, the aggregate length of the whole, and the distinct and careful
assertion that there were four of them, require that there should be
one prior to that which Vespucci calls his second.

All this leads, according to our present knowledge of the facts,
inevitably to this conclusion,—whether Vespucci himself wrote, or
others wrote for him, these letters, their very consistency of dates
and of circumstantial assertion show them to have been deliberately
composed to establish a falsehood. For the researches of Muñoz and of
Navarrete, as is said above, prove that Vespucci could not have sailed
from Spain on his first voyage on the 10th or 20th of May, 1497; for
from the middle of April of that year to the end of May, 1498, he was
busily employed at Seville and San Lucar in fitting out the fleet for
the third expedition of Columbus.

There is other evidence, negative indeed, but hardly less conclusive,
that this assumed voyage of 1497 was never made. In 1512 Don Diego
Columbus brought an action against the Crown of Spain to recover,
as the heir of his father, Christopher Columbus, the government and
a portion of the revenues of certain provinces on the continent of
America. The defence was that those countries were not discovered by
Columbus, and the claim, therefore, was not valid. It is not to be
supposed that the Crown was negligent in the search for testimony to
sustain its own cause, for nearly a hundred witnesses were examined.
But no evidence was offered to prove that Vespucci—whose nephew
was present at the trial—visited in 1497 the Terra Firma which the
plaintiff maintained his father discovered in 1498. On the other hand,
Alonzo de Ojeda, an eminent navigator, declared that he was sent on an
expedition in 1499 to the coast of Paria next after it was discovered
by the Admiral (Columbus); and that “in this voyage which this said
witness made, he took with him Juan de la Cosa and Morigo Vespuche
[Amerigo Vespucci] and other pilots.”[462] When asked how he knew that
Columbus had made the discovery at the time named, his reply was that
he knew it because the Bishop Fonseca had supplied him with that map
which the Admiral had sent home in his letter to the King and Queen.
The act of the Bishop was a dishonorable one, and intended as an injury
to Columbus; and to this purpose Ojeda further lent himself by stopping
at Hispaniola on the return from his voyage, and by exciting there a
revolt against the authority of the Admiral in that island. Perhaps
the bitter animosity of those years had been buried in the grave of
the great navigator, together with the chains which had hung always in
his chamber as a memento of the royal ingratitude; but even in that
case it is not likely that Ojeda would have lost such an opportunity to
justify, in some degree, his own conduct by declaring, if he knew it to
be so, that Columbus was not the first discoverer of the continent. It
is of course possible, but it is certainly not probable, that he should
not have heard from Vespucci that this was his second visit to the Gulf
of Paria, if that were the fact, and that his first visit was a year
before that of Columbus, whose chart Ojeda was using to direct his
course through seas with which Vespucci was familiar. This reasonable
reflection is dwelt upon by Humboldt, Irving, and others; and it comes
with peculiar force to the careful reader of the letters of Vespucci,
for he was never in the least inclined to hide his light under a bushel.

The originals of the letters, as has already been said, are not, so
far as is known, in existence; it is even uncertain whether they were
written in Latin, Italian, Spanish, or Portuguese. Nor has the book
which Vespucci said he had prepared—“The Four Voyages”—ever been found;
but Humboldt believed that the collected narrative first published at
St.-Dié in 1507, in the _Cosmographiæ introductio_ of Hylacomylus,
was made up of extracts from that book. This St.-Dié edition was in
Latin, translated, the editor says, from the French.[463] There is in
the British Museum a rare work of four pages, published also in 1507,
the author of which was Walter Lud. This Lud was the secretary of the
Duke of Lorraine, a canon of the St.-Dié Cathedral, and the founder of
the school or college, where he had set up a printing-press on which
was printed the _Cosmographiæ introductio_. From this little book it
is learned that the Vespucci letters were sent from Portugal to the
Duke of Lorraine in French, and that they were translated into Latin by
another canon of the St.-Dié Cathedral, one Jean Basin de Sandacourt,
at the request of Lud.[464]

Vespucci’s last two voyages were made, so his letters assert, in
the service of the King of Portugal. The narrative of the first of
these—the third of the four voyages—appeared at different times, at
several places, and were addressed to more than one person, prior to
the publication of the St.-Dié edition of all the letters addressed to
René II., the Duke of Lorraine. This fact has added to the confusion
and doubt; for each of these copies sent to different persons was a
translation, presumably from some common original. One copy of them was
addressed to Pietro Soderini, Gonfaloniere of Florence, whom Vespucci
claimed as an old friend and school-fellow under the instruction of
his uncle, Giorgi Antonio Vespucci; another was sent to Lorenzo di
Pier Francesco de’ Medici,—Vespucci’s early employer,—both appearing
prior to that addressed in the collected edition of St.-Dié addressed
to the Duke of Lorraine. Of the earlier editions there was one
published, according to Humboldt, in Latin, in 1504, at Augsburg and
also at Paris; another in German, in 1505, at Strasburg, and in 1506
at Leipsic; and still another in Italian at Vicenza, in the collection
called _Paesi novamente_, simultaneously with the St.-Dié edition
of 1507. These in later years were followed by a number of other
editions. While they agree as to general statement, they differ in many
particulars, and especially in regard to dates. These, however, are
often mere typographical blunders or errors of copyists, not unusual
at that era, and always fruitful of controversy. But upon one point,
it is to be observed, there is no difference among them; the voyage of
1501—the first from Portugal—is always the third of the four voyages
of Vespucci. This disposes, as Humboldt points out, of the charge that
Vespucci waited till after the death of Columbus, in 1506, before he
ventured to assert publicly that he had made two voyages by order of
the King of Spain prior to entering the service of the King of Portugal.

To induce him to leave Spain and come to Portugal, Vespucci says, in
the letter addressed to Pietro Soderini, that the King sent to him one
Giuliano Bartholomeo del Giocondo, then a resident of Lisbon. Jocundus
(the latinized pseudonym of Giocondo) is named as the translator of
the Augsburg edition of 1504, addressed to Lorenzo de’ Medici. This
Jocundus, Humboldt thinks, was Giuliano Giocondo. But Major, in his
_Henry the Navigator_, says that the translation was made, not by
Giuliano Giocondo, but by his kinsman Giovanni Giocondo, of Verona. His
authority for this statement is apparently Walter Lud’s _Speculum_.
Varnhagen thinks it possible that the work may have been done by one
Mathias Ringman,—of whom more presently. Varnhagen says also, in
another place, that the translator of the Italian version—published in
the _Paesi novamente_ at Vicenza in 1507—unwittingly betrayed that he
lied (_son mensonge_) when he said that he followed a Spanish copy; for
while he failed to comprehend the use of the word Jocundus, he showed
that it was before him in the Latin copy, as he rendered _Jocundus
interpres_—Jocundus the translator—as _el iocondo interprete_, the
agreeable translator. This is only one example of the confusion in
which the subject is involved.

It was due, however, to the _Cosmographiæ introductio_ of St.-Dié, in
which the letters appeared as a sort of appendix, that the name of
America, from Amerigo, was given to the western hemisphere. But how
it happened that the _Quatuor navigationes_ should have been first
published in that little town in the Vosges mountains; and what the
relation was between Vespucci and René II., the Duke of Lorraine,—are
among the perplexing questions in regard to the letters that have been
discussed at great length. Major finds in the fact, or assumed fact,
that Fra Giovanno Giocondo was the translator of the narrative of
the third voyage, the first published, in 1504, an important link in
the chain of evidence by which he explains the St.-Dié puzzle. This
Giocondo was about that time at Paris as the architect of the bridge
of Notre Dame. A young student, Mathias Ringman, from Alsace, was also
there at that period; and Major supposes he may have become acquainted
with Giocondo, who inspired him with great admiration for Vespucci. It
is certain, at any rate, that Ringman, whose literary pseudonym was
Philesius Vogesina,—that is, Philesius of the Vosges,—on his return to
his native province edited the Strasburg edition (1505) of Giocondo’s
translation, appending to it some verses written by himself in praise
of Vespucci and his achievements.

In the rare book already referred to, the _Speculum_ of Walter Lud, it
is said of this Strasburg edition that “the booksellers carry about
a certain epigram of our Philesius in a little book of Vespucci’s
translated from Italian into Latin by Giocondo, of Verona, the
architect of Venice.” Doubtless Ringman is here spoken of as “our
Philesius,” because he had become identified with Lud’s college, where
he was the professor of Latin. It seems almost certain, therefore,
that the interest at St.-Dié in Vespucci’s voyages was inspired by
Ringman, whether his enthusiasm was first aroused by his friendship
with Giocondo at Paris, or whether, as Varnhagen supposes, it was the
result of a visit or two to Italy. The latter question is not of much
moment, except as a speculation; and certainly it is not a straining of
probabilities to doubt if Ringman would have taken for his Strasburg
edition of 1505 the Giocondo translation, as Lud says he did, if he had
himself translated, as Varnhagen supposes, the Augsburg edition of 1504.

Lud also asserts in the _Speculum_ that the French copy of the _Quatuor
navigationes_ which was used at St.-Dié came from Portugal. Major
supposes that Ringman’s enthusiasm may have led to correspondence with
Vespucci, who was in Portugal till 1505, and that he caused his letters
to be put into French and sent to Ringman at his request. The narrative
of the third voyage in its several editions must have already given
some renown to Vespucci. Here were other narratives of other voyages
by the same navigator. The clever and enterprising young professors,
eager for the dissemination of knowledge, and not unmindful, possibly,
of the credit of their college, brought out the letters as a part of
the _Cosmographiæ introductio_ by Hylacomylus—Martin Waldzeemüller—the
teacher of geography, and the proof-reader to their new press. Their
prince, René II., was known as a patron of learning; and it is more
likely that they should have prefixed his name to the letters than that
Vespucci should have done so. Their zeal undoubtedly was greater than
their knowledge; for had they known more of the discoveries of the
previous fifteen years they would have hesitated to give to the new
continent the name of one who would be thereby raised thenceforth from
comparative, though honorable, obscurity to dishonorable distinction.
That Vespucci himself, however, was responsible for this there is no
positive evidence; and were it not for the difficulty of explaining
his constant insistence of the completion of four voyages, it might be
possible to find some plausible explanation of the confusion of the
St.-Dié book.

In that book are these words: “And the fourth part of the world
having been discovered by Americus, it may be called Amerige; that
is, the land of Americus or America.”[465] And again: “Now truly,
as these regions are more widely explored, and another fourth part
is discovered, by Americus Vesputius, as may be learned from the
following letters, I see no reason why it should not be justly called
Amerigen,—that is, the land of Americus, or America, from Americus, its
discoverer, a man of acute intellect; inasmuch as both Europe and Asia
have chosen their names from the feminine form.”[466]

It was discovered, less than half a century ago, through the diligent
researches of Humboldt, that this professor of geography at St.-Dié,
Hylacomylus, was thus the inventor, so to speak, of this word America.
That it came at last to be received as the designation of the western
continent was due, perhaps, very much to the absence of any suggestion
of any other distinctive name that seemed appropriate and was generally
acceptable. Rare as the little work, the _Cosmographiæ introductio_,
now is, it was probably well known at the time of the publication
of its several editions; as the central position of St.-Dié—between
France, Germany, and Italy—gave to the book, as Humboldt thought,
a wide circulation, impressing the word America upon the learned
world. The name, however, came very slowly into use, appearing only
occasionally in some book, till in 1522 it gained a more permanent
place on a mappemonde in the _Geographia_ of Ptolemy. From that time
it appeared frequently upon other maps, and by the middle of the
century became generally recognized outside of Spain, at least, as the
established continental name. But the effect of its suggestion was
more immediate upon the fame of Vespucci. While the learned understood
that the great captain of that time was Christopher Columbus, the name
of Amerigo was often united with his as deserving of at least the
second place, and sometimes even of the first. The celebrity which
Hylacomylus bestowed upon him was accepted for performance by those
who were ignorant of the exact truth; and those who knew better did not
give themselves the trouble to correct the error.

In each of Vespucci’s voyages he probably held a subordinate position.
His place may sometimes have been that of a pilot,[467] or as the
commander of a single ship, or attached to the fleet, as Herrera[468]
says he was in Ojeda’s expedition (1499), “as merchant, being skilful
in cosmography and navigation.” Vespucci himself does not in so many
words assert that he was in command of the expeditions upon which he
sailed, while he occasionally alludes, though usually in terms of
contempt, to those whose authority was above his own. Once he speaks of
Columbus, and then almost parenthetically, as the discoverer merely of
the Island of Hispaniola; but of other of his achievements, or of those
of other eminent navigators, he has nothing to say. In reply to such
criticisms of his letters it has been urged on his behalf that they
were written for intimate friends, as familiar narratives of personal
experiences, and not meant to be, in any broad sense, historical. But
the deception was as absolute as if it had been deliberately contrived;
and, whether intentional or not, was never by act or word corrected,
though Vespucci lived for five years after the appearance of the
letters from the St.-Dié press.

But whatever can be or may be said in extenuation of Vespucci, or
however strong the reasons for supposing that for whatever was
reprehensible in the matter he was innocent and the St.-Dié professors
alone responsible, there nevertheless remains the one thing unexplained
and inexplicable,—his own repeated assertion that he made four voyages.
Humboldt supposes that the narrative of the first, so called, of these
four voyages, beginning in May, 1497, was made up of that on which
Vespucci certainly sailed with Ojeda, starting in May, 1499. The
points of resemblance are so many and so striking as to seem not only
conclusive, but to preclude any other theory. If this be true, then it
follows that the narrative of the voyage of 1497 was simply a forgery,
whosoever was responsible for it; and if a forgery, then Vespucci was
not the discoverer of the western continent, and an historical renown
was given to his name to which he was not entitled.

The second of the assumed four voyages Humboldt supposes to be the
first voyage of Vincente Yañez Pinzon,—hesitating, however, between
that and the voyage of Diego de Lepe: the former sailing with four
ships in December, 1499, and returning in September, 1500; the latter
with two ships, in January, 1500, and returning in June. Vespucci says
that he had two ships; that he sailed in May, 1499, and returned in
June or September of the next year. It is of the first voyage of 1497
that he says he had four ships. As on that assumed voyage there are
many incidents identical with those related of Ojeda’s voyage of 1499,
so here there are strong points of resemblance between Vespucci’s
supposed second voyage and that of Pinzon. In both cases, however,
there are irreconcilable differences, which Humboldt does not attempt
to disguise; while at the same time they indicate either dishonesty
on the part of Vespucci in his letters, or that those letters were
tampered with by others, either ignorantly or with dishonest intent, to
which Vespucci afterward tacitly assented.

It would be hypercritical to insist upon a strict adherence to the
dates of the several voyages, and then to decide that the voyages
were impossible because the dates are irreconcilable. The figures are
sometimes obviously mere blunders; as, for example, the assertion in
the St.-Dié edition that the second voyage was begun in May, 1489,
when it had been already said that the first voyage was made in 1497.
But there are statements of facts, nevertheless, which it is necessary
to reconcile with dates; and when this is impossible, a doubt of
truthfulness is so far justifiable. Thus in the relation of the second
voyage Vespucci asserts, or is made to assert, that on the 23d of
August, 1499, he saw while at sea a conjunction of Mars and the Moon.
That phenomenon did occur at that time, as Humboldt learned from the
Ephemeris; and if it was observed by Vespucci at sea, that could not
have been upon a voyage with Pinzon, who did not sail till (December,
1499) four months after the conjunction of the planets. But here,
moreover, arises another difficulty: Vespucci’s second voyage, in which
he observed this conjunction, could not have been made with Ojeda,
and must have been made with Pinzon, if on other points the narrative
be accepted; for it was upon that voyage that Vespucci says he sailed
several degrees south of the equinoctial line to the mouth of the
Amazon,—which Pinzon did do, and Ojeda did not. These and other similar
discrepancies have led naturally to the suspicion that the incidents of
more than one expedition were used, with more or less discrimination,
but with little regard to chronology, for the composition of a
plausible narrative of two voyages made in the service of Spain. One
blunder, detected by Navarrete in this so-called second voyage, it is
quite incredible that Vespucci could have committed; for according
to the course pursued and the distance sailed, his ships would have
been navigated over nearly three hundred leagues of dry land into the
interior of the continent. No critical temerity is required to see in
such a blunder the carelessness of a copyist or a compositor.

It was of the first voyage from Lisbon—the third of the _Quatuor
navigationes_—that, as has been already said, a narrative was first
published in a letter addressed to Lorenzo de’ Medici. This was
illustrated with diagrams of some of the constellations of the southern
hemisphere; and the repute it gave to the writer led the way to his
subsequent fame. What Vespucci’s position was in the expedition is
not known; but that it was still a subordinate one is evident from
his own words, as he speaks of a commander, though only to find fault
with him, and without giving his name. The object of the expedition
was to discover the western passage to the Spice Islands of the East
(Melcha, Melacca, Malaccha, according to the varying texts of different
editions of the letter); and though the passage was not found, the
voyage was, like Cabot’s, one of the boldest and most important of
the age. But it is also, of all Vespucci’s voyages, real or assumed,
that which has been most disputed. Navarrete, however, after a careful
examination of all the evidence that touches the question, comes to the
conclusion that such an expedition, on which Vespucci may have gone in
some subordinate position, was really sent out in 1501 by the King of
Portugal; and Humboldt concurs in this opinion.

The Terra de Vera Cruz, or Brazil, as it was afterward named, was
visited successively for the first time, from January to April, 1500,
by Pinzon, De Lepe, De Mendoza, and Cabral. But the expedition to which
Vespucci was attached explored the coast from the fifth parallel of
southern latitude, three degrees north of Cape St. Augustin,—first
discovered and so named by Pinzon,—as far south, perhaps, as about the
thirty-eighth parallel of latitude. They had sailed along the coast
for about seven hundred leagues; and so beautiful was the country, so
luxuriant its vegetation, so salubrious its climate, where men did not
die till they were a hundred and fifty years old, that Vespucci was
persuaded—as Columbus, only three years before, had said of the region
drained by the Orinoco—that the earthly Paradise was not far off. Gold,
the natives said, was abundant in the interior; but as the visitors
found none, it was determined at last to continue the voyage in another
direction, leaving behind them this coast, of what seemed to Vespucci
a continent, along which they had sailed from the middle of August
to the middle of February. Starting now on the 15th of February from
the mainland, they steered southeast, till they reached, on the 3d of
April, the fifty-second degree of latitude. They had sailed through
stormy seas, driven by violent gales, running away from daylight into
nights of fifteen hours in length, and encountering a severity of cold
unknown in Southern Europe, and quite beyond their power of endurance.
A new land at length was seen; but it only needed a few hours of
observation of its dangerous, rocky, and ice-bound coast to satisfy
them that it was a barren, uninhabited, and uninhabitable region.
This, Varnhagen suggests most reasonably, was the Island of Georgia,
rediscovered by Captain Cook nearly three centuries afterward.

The return to Lisbon was in September, 1502. By order of the King,
Vespucci sailed again in May, 1503, from Lisbon on a second voyage,—the
fourth of his _Quatuor navigationes_. The object, as before, was to
find a western passage to the Moluccas; for it was the trade of India,
not new discoveries in the western continent, upon which the mind of
the King was bent. There were six ships in this new expedition; and it
is generally agreed that as Gonzalo Coelho sailed from Lisbon in May,
1503, by order of Emanuel, in command of six ships, Vespucci probably
held a subordinate position in that fleet. He does not name Coelho, but
he refers to a superior officer as an obstinate and presumptuous man,
who by his bad management wrecked the flagship. Vespucci may have been
put in command of two of the ships by the King; with two, at any rate,
he became separated, in the course of the voyage, from his commodore,
and with them returned to Lisbon in June of the next year. The rest of
the fleet Vespucci reported as lost through the pride and folly of
the commander; and it was thus, he said, that God punished arrogance.
But Vespucci either misunderstood the divine will or misjudged his
commander, for the other ships soon after returned in safety.

The southernmost point reached by him on this voyage was the eighteenth
degree of southern latitude. At this point, somewhere about Cape Frio,
he built a fort, and left in it the crew of one of the two vessels
which had been shipwrecked. The precise spot of this settlement is
uncertain; but as it was planted by Vespucci, and as it was the first
colony of Europeans in that part of the New World, there was an evident
and just propriety in bestowing the derivative—America—of his name upon
the country, which at first was known as “The Land of the True Cross,”
and afterward as “Brazil.” The name of Brazil was retained when the
wider application—America—was given to the whole continent.

Soon after his return from this, the last of the _Navigationes_ of
which he himself, so far as is known, gave any account, he went
back, in 1505, to Spain. It is conjectured that he made other
voyages; but whether he did or did not, no absolute evidence has
ever been found.[469] We know almost nothing of him up to that time
except what is told by himself. When he ceased writing of his own
exploits, then also the exploits ceased so far as can be learned from
contemporary authors, who hitherto also had been silent about him. In
1508 (March 22) Ferdinand of Spain appointed him pilot-major of the
kingdom,[470]—an office of dignity and importance, which probably he
retained till he died (Feb. 22, 1512). His fame was largely posthumous;
but a hemisphere is his monument. If not among the greatest of the
world’s great men, he is among the happiest of those on whom good
fortune has bestowed renown.

[Illustration]

During recent years (1892-3) John Fiske, in his _Discovery of
America_, vol. ii., has reinforced the argument of Varnhagen in favor
of the disputed (1497) voyage of Vespucius; Henry Harrisse, in his
_Discovery of North America_, rejects his own earlier arguments in
its favor; Clements R. Markham, in _Christopher Columbus_, totally
discredits the theory, and Justin Winsor, in his _Christopher
Columbus_, has considered the proposition not proven.

CRITICAL AND BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON VESPUCIUS AND THE NAMING OF
AMERICA.

BY THE EDITOR.

WHILE Vespucius never once clearly affirms that he discovered the main,
such an inference may be drawn from what he says. Peter Martyr gives
no date at all for the voyage of Pinzon and Solis to the Honduras
coast, which was later claimed by Oviedo and Gomara to have preceded
that of Columbus to the main. Navarrete has pointed out the varied
inconsistencies of the Vespucius narrative,[471] as well as the changes
of the dates of the setting out and the return, as given in the various
editions.[472] All of them give a period of twenty-nine months for a
voyage which Vespucius says only took eighteen,—a difficulty Canovai
and others have tried to get over by changing the date of return to
1498; and some such change was necessary to enable Vespucius to be
in Spain to start again with Ojeda in May, 1499. Humboldt further
instances a great variety of obvious typographical errors in the
publications of that day,—as, for instance, where Oviedo says Columbus
made his first voyage in 1491.[473] But, as shown in the preceding
narrative, an allowance for errors of the press is not sufficient. In
regard to the proof of an _alibi_ which Humboldt brought forward from
documents said to have been collected by Muñoz from the archives of the
Casa de la Contratacion, it is unfortunate that Muñoz himself did not
complete that part of his work which was to pertain to Vespucius, and
that the documents as he collated them have not been published. In the
absence of such textual demonstration, the inference which Humboldt
drew from Navarrete’s representations of those documents has been
denied by Varnhagen; and H. H. Bancroft in his _Central America_ (i.
99, 102, 106) does not deem the proof complete.[474]

Vespucius’ own story for what he calls his second voyage (1499) is
that he sailed from Cadiz shortly after the middle of May, 1499. The
subsequent dates of his being on the coast are conflicting; but it
would appear that he reached Spain on his return in June or September,
1500. We have, of course, his narrative of this voyage in the
collective letter to Soderini;[475] but there is also an independent
narrative, published by Bandini (p. 64) in 1745, said to have been
written July 18, 1500, and printed from a manuscript preserved in the
Riccardiana at Florence.[476] The testimony of Ojeda that Vespucius
was his companion in the voyage of 1499-1500 seems to need the
qualification that he was with him for a part, and not for the whole,
of the voyage; and it has been advanced that Vespucius left Ojeda
at Hispaniola, and, returning to Spain, sailed again with Pinzon in
December, 1499,—thus attempting to account for the combination of
events which seem to connect Vespucius with the voyages of both these
navigators.

It is noteworthy that Oviedo, who sought to interpret Peter Martyr as
showing that Solis and Pinzon had preceded Columbus to the main, makes
no mention of Vespucius. There is no mention of him in what Beneventano
furnished to the Ptolemy of 1508. Castanheda does not allude to him,
nor does Barreiros in his _De Ophira regione_ (Coimbra, 1560), nor
Galvano in his _Descobrimientos_, nor Pedro Magalhaes de Gandavo in his
account of Santa Cruz (1576).[477]

But it was not all forgetfulness as time went on. The currency to
his fame which had been given by the _De orbe antarctica_, by the
_Paesi novamente_, by the _Cosmographiæ introductio_, as well as by
the _Mundus novus_ and the publications which reflected these, was
helped on in 1510 by the Roman archæologist Francesco Albertini in his
_Opusculum de mirabilibus Urbis Romæ_, who finds Florence, and not
Genoa, to have sent forth the discoverer of the New World.[478]

Two years later (1512) an edition of Pomponius Mela which Cocleus
edited, probably at Nuremberg, contained, in a marginal note to a
passage on the “Zona incognita,” the following words: “Verus Americus
Vesputius iam nostro seculo | novū illū mundū invenissefert Portugalie
Castilieq. regū navibus,” etc. Pighius in 1520 had spoken of the
magnitude of the region discovered by Vespucius, which had gained it
the appellation of a new world.[479] The references in Glareanus,
Apian, Phrysius, and Münster show familiarity with his fame by the
leading cosmographical writers of the time. Natale Conti, in his
_Universæ historiæ sui temporis libri XXX_ (1545-1581), brought
him within the range of his memory.[480] In 1590 Myritius, in his
_Opusculum geographicum_, the last dying flicker, as it was, of a
belief in the Asian connection of the New World,[481] repeats the
oft-told story,—“De Brasilia, terrâ ignis, de meridionali parte Africæ
ab Alberico Vesputio inventa.”

In the next century the story is still kept up by the Florentine,
Francesco Bocchi, in his _Libri duo elogiorum_ (1607),[482] and by
another Florentine, Raffael Gualterotti, in a poem, _L’ America_
(1611),[483]—not to name many others.[484]

But all this fame was not unclouded, and it failed of reflection
in some quarters at least. The contemporary Portuguese pilots and
cosmographers give no record of Vespucius’ eminence as a nautical
geometrician. The Portuguese annalist Damião de Goes makes no mention
of him. Neither Peter Martyr nor Benzoni allows him to have preceded
Columbus. Sebastian Cabot, as early as 1515, questioned if any faith
could be placed in the voyage of 1497 “which Americus says he made.”
It is well known that Las Casas more than intimated the chance of his
being an impostor; nor do we deduce from the way that his countrymen,
Guicciardini[485] and Segni, speak of him, that their faith in the
prior claim in his behalf was stable.

An important contestant appeared in Herrera in 1601,[486] who openly
charged Vespucius with falsifying his dates and changing the date of
1499 to 1497; Herrera probably followed Las Casas’ manuscripts which
he had.[487] The allegation fell in with the prevalent indignation
that somebody, rather than a blind fortune, had deprived Columbus of
the naming of the New World; and Herrera helped this belief by stating
positively that the voyage of Pinzon and Solis, which had been depended
upon to antedate Columbus, had taken place as late as 1506.

In the last century Angelo Maria Bandini attempted to stay this tide
of reproach in the _Vita e lettere di Amerigo Vespucci, gentiluomo
fiorentino_, which was printed at Florence in 1745.[488] It was too
manifestly an unbounded panegyric to enlist the sympathy of scholars.
More attention was aroused[489] by an address, with equal adulation,
which Stanislao Canovai delivered to the Academy at Cortona in 1788,
and which was printed at once as _Elogio di Amerigo Vespucci_, and
various times afterward, with more or less change, till it appeared
to revive anew the antagonism of scholars, in 1817.[490] Muñoz had
promised to disclose the impostures of Vespucius, but his uncompleted
task fell to Santarem, who found a sympathizer in Navarrete; and
Santarem’s labored depreciation of Vespucius first appeared in
Navarrete’s _Coleccion_,[491] where Canovai’s arguments are examined at
length, with studied refutations of some points hardly worth the labor.
This paper was later expanded, as explained in another place.

He claims that one hundred thousand documents in the Royal Archives of
Portugal, and the register of maps which belonged to King Emmanuel,
make no mention of Vespucius,[492] and that there is no register of the
letters-patent which Vespucius claimed to have received. Nor is there
any mention in several hundred other contemporary manuscripts preserved
in the great library at Paris, and in other collections, which Santarem
says he has examined.[493]

An admirer of Vespucius, and the most prominent advocate of a belief
in the disputed voyage of 1497, is Francisco Adolpho de Varnhagen,
the Baron de Porto Seguro. As early as 1839, in notes to his _Diario_
of Lopez de Souza, he began a long series of publications in order to
counteract the depreciation of Vespucius by Ayres de Cazal, Navarrete,
and Santarem. In 1854, in his _Historia geral do Brazil_, he had
combated Humboldt’s opinion that it was Pinzon with whom Vespucius had
sailed on his second voyage, and had contended for Ojeda. Varnhagen
not only accepts the statements of the St.-Dié publications regarding
that voyage, but undertakes to track the explorer’s course. In his
_Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère_, etc., he gives a map marking the
various voyages of the Florentine.[494] For the voyage of 1497 he makes
him strike a little south of west from the Canaries; but leaving his
course a blank from the mid-Atlantic, he resumes it at Cape Gracias a
Dios on the point of Honduras,[495] and follows it by the coast thence
to the Chesapeake, when he passes by Bermuda,[496] and reaches Seville.
In this he departs from all previous theories of the landfall, which
had placed the contact on the coast of Paria. He takes a view of the
Ruysch map[497] of 1508 different from that of any other commentator,
in holding the smaller land terminated with a scroll to be not Cuba,
but a part of the main westerly, visited by Vespucius in this 1497
voyage; and recently Harrisse, in his _Cortereal_,[498] argues that
the descriptions of Vespucius in this disputed voyage correspond more
nearly with the Cantino map[499] than with any other. Harrisse also
asks if Waldseemüller did not have such a map as Cantino’s before him;
and if the map of Vespucius, which Peter Martyr says Fonseca had, may
not have been the same?

Varnhagen, as might be expected in such an advocate, turns every
undated incident in Vespucius’ favor if he can. He believes that the
white-bearded men who the natives said preceded the Spaniards were
Vespucius and his companions. A letter of Vianello, dated Dec. 28,
1506, which Humboldt quotes as mentioning an early voyage in which
La Cosa took part, but hesitates to assign to any particular year,
Varnhagen eagerly makes applicable to the voyage of 1497.[500] The
records of the Casa de la Contratacion which seem to be an impediment
to a belief in the voyage, he makes to have reference, not to the
ships of Columbus, but to those of Vespucius’ own command. Varnhagen’s
efforts to elucidate the career of Vespucius have been eager, if not in
all respects conclusive.[501]

* * * * *

We get upon much firmer ground when we come to the consideration of the
voyage of 1501,—the first for Portugal, and the third of Vespucius’
so-called four voyages. It seems clear that this voyage was ordered
by the Portuguese Government to follow up the chance discovery of the
Brazil coast by Cabral in 1500, of which that navigator had sent word
back by a messenger vessel. When the new exploring fleet sailed is
a matter of uncertainty, for the accounts differ,—the Dutch edition
of the account putting it as early as May 1, 1501, while one account
places it as late as June 10.[502] When the fleet reached the Cape
de Verde Islands, it found there Cabral’s vessels on the return
voyage; and what Vespucius here learned from Cabral he embodied in a
letter, dated June 4, 1501, which is printed by Baldelli in his _Il
Milione di Marco Polo_, from a manuscript preserved in the Riccardiana
Collection.[503] Some time in August—for the exact day is in dispute—he
struck the coast of South America, and coursed southward,—returning to
Lisbon Sept. 7, 1502.[504]

Vespucius now wrote an account of it, addressed to Lorenzo Piero
Francesco de Medici,[505] in which he proposed a designation of the new
regions, “novum mundum appellare licet.” Such is the Latin phraseology,
for the original Italian text is lost.[506] Within the next two years
numerous issues of Giocondo’s Latin text were printed, only two of
which are dated,—one at Augsburg in 1504, the other at Strasburg in
1505; and, with a few exceptions, they all, by their published title,
gave currency to the designation of _Mundus novus_.

[Illustration]

The earliest of these editions is usually thought to be one _Alberic’
vespucci’ laurētio petri francisci de medicis Salutem plurimā dicit_,
of which a fac-simile of the title is annexed, and which bears the
imprint of Jehan Lambert.[507] It is a small plaquette of six leaves;
and there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown collections.
D’Avezac, and Harrisse, in his later opinion (_Additions_, p. 19),
agree in supposing this the first edition. The dated (1504) Augsburg
edition, _Mundus novus_, is called “extraordinarily rare” by Grenville,
who had a copy, now in the British Museum. On the reverse of the fourth
and last leaf we read: “Magister Johānes otmar: vindelice impressit
Auguste Anno millesimo quingentesimo quarto.” There are copies in the
Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries.[508] An edition, _Mundus novus_,
whose four unnumbered leaves, forty lines to the full page, correspond
wholly with this last issue, except that for the dated colophon the
words LAUS DEO are substituted, was put at first by Harrisse[509] at
the head of the list, with this title. There is a copy in the Lenox
Library, which has another issue, _Mundus novus_, also in black-letter,
forty-two lines to the page;[510] still another, _Mundus novus_, forty
lines to the page;[511] and another, with the words _Mundus novus_ in
Roman, of eight leaves, thirty lines to the page.[512] At this point
in his enumeration Harrisse placed originally the Jehan Lambert issue
(mentioned above), and after it a _Mundus novus_ printed in Paris by
Denys Roce, of which only a fragment (five leaves) exists, sold in the
Libri sale in London, 1865, and now in the British Museum.[513] Another
Paris edition, _Mundus novus_, printed by Gilles de Gourmont, eight
leaves, thirty-one lines to the page, is, according to Harrisse,[514]
known only in a copy in the Lenox Library; but D’Avezac refers to a
copy in the National Library in Paris.[515]

[Illustration: FIRST PAGE OF MUNDUS NOVUS.

Harrisse, no. 29. Cf. Navarrete, _Opúsculos_ i. 99.]

Another _Mundus novus_ is supposed by Harrisse to have been printed
somewhere in the lower Rhineland, and to bear the mark of Wm.
Vorsterman, of Antwerp, on the last leaf, merely to give it currency
in the Netherlands. It has four leaves, and forty-four lines to
the full page. There are copies in the Lenox and Harvard College
libraries.[516] The _Serapeum_ for January, 1861, describes a _Mundus
novus_ as preserved in the Mercantile Library at Hamburg,—a plaquette
of four leaves, with forty-five lines to the page,—which seems to
differ from all others.[517] Later, in his _Additions_ (1872), Harrisse
described other issues of the _Novus mundus_ which do not seem to
be identical with those mentioned in his _Bibliotheca Americana
Vetustissima_. One of these—_Mūdus novus_, printed in a very small
gothic letter, four leaves—he found in the Biblioteca Cosatenense at
Rome.[518] The other has for the leading title, _Epistola Albericii: de
novo mundo_,—a plaquette of four leaves, forty-eight lines to the page,
with map and woodcut.[519]

This letter of Vespucius was again issued at Strasburg in 1505, with
the title _Be [De] ora antarctica_, as shown in the annexed fac-simile;
and joined with this text, in the little six-leaved tract, was a letter
of Philesius to Bruno, and some Latin verses by Philesius; and in this
form we have it probably for the last time in that language.[520] This
Philesius we shall encounter again later.

[Illustration]

It was this Latin rendering by Giocondo, the architect, as Harrisse
thinks,[521] upon which the Italian text of the _Paesi novamente_
was founded. Varnhagen in his _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère_ (p.
13), prints side by side this Italian and the Latin text, marking
different readings in the latter. In this same year (1505) the first
German edition was issued at Nuremberg, though it is undated: _Von
der new gefundē Region die wol ein welt genennt mag werden durch den
cristenlichen Künig von Portugall wunnderbarlich erfunden_.[522] The
colophon shows that this German version was made from a copy of the
Latin text brought from Paris in May, 1505: _Ausz latein ist dist
missiue in Teütsch gezogē ausz dem exemplar das von Parisz kam ym maien
monet nach Christi geburt, Funfftzenhundert vnnd Fünffjar. Gedruckt yn
Nüremburg durch Wolffgang Hueber_. The full page of this edition has
thirty-seven lines.

[Illustration: TITLE OF THE DRESDEN COPY.

This follows the fac-simile given in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters
der Entdeckungen_, p. 333, of an edition in the Royal Library at
Dresden.]

Another edition, issued the same year (1505), shows a slight change
in the title, _Von der neü gefunden Region so wol ein welt genempt
mag werden, durch den Christēlichen künig, von Portigal wunderbarlich
erfunden_. This is followed by the same cut of the King, and has a
similar colophon. Its full page contains thirty-three lines.[523]

Still another edition of the same year and publisher shows thirty-five
lines to the page, and above the same cut the title reads: _Von der
neu gefunden Region die wol ein welt genent mag werden durch den
Cristenlichen künig von portigal wunderbarlich erfunden_.

[Illustration: FROM THE DRESDEN COPY.

This follows the fac-simile given in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters
der Entdeckungen_, p. 334, of the reverse of title of a copy preserved
in the Royal Library at Dresden.]

This is the copy described in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i. no.
26), and seems to correspond to the copy in the Dresden Library, of
which fac-similes of the title and its reverse are given herewith.[524]

Harrisse[525] cites a copy in the British Museum (Grenville), which has
thirty-five lines to the page, with the title: _Vonderneüw gefunden
Region_, etc. It is without date and place; but Harrisse sets it under
1505, as he does another issue, _Von der Neüwen gefundē Region_, of
which he found a copy in the Royal Library at Munich,[526] and still
another, _Von den Nawen Insulen unnd Landen_, printed at Leipsic.[527]

In 1506 there were two editions,—one published at Strasburg,[528] _Von
den Nüwe Insulē und landen_ (eight leaves); and the other at Leipsic,
_Von den newen Insulen und Landen_ (six leaves).[529]

In 1508 there was, according to Brunet,[530] a Strasburg edition, _Von
den Neüwen Insulen und Landen_. There was also a Dutch edition, _Van
der nieuwer werelt_, etc., printed at Antwerp by Jan van Doesborgh,
which was first made known by Muller, of Amsterdam, through his
_Books on America_ (1872, no. 24). It is a little quarto tract of
eight leaves, without date, printed in gothic type, thirty and
thirty-one lines to the page, with various woodcuts. It came from an
“insignificant library,”—that of the architect Bosschaert,[531]—sold in
1871 in Antwerp, and was bound up with three other tracts of the first
ten years of the sixteenth century. It cost Muller 830 florins, and
subsequently passed into the Carter-Brown Library, and still remains
unique. Muller had placed it between 1506 and 1509; but Mr. Bartlett,
in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i. no. 38), assigns it to 1508.
Muller had also given a fac-simile of the first page; but only the
cut on that page is reproduced in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (i.
46), as well as a cut showing a group of four Indians, which is on the
reverse of the last leaf. Mr. Carter-Brown printed a fac-simile edition
(twenty-five copies) in 1874 for private distribution.[532]

That portion of the Latin letter which Vespucius addressed to Soderini
on his four voyages differs from the text connected with Giocondo’s
name, and will be found in the various versions of the _Paesi
novamente_ and in Grynæus, as well as in Ramusio (i. 128), Bandini
(p. 100), and Canovai in Italian, and in English in Kerr’s _Voyages_
(vol. iii., 1812, p. 342) and in Lester (p. 223). There are also German
versions in Voss, _Allerälteste Nachricht von den neuen Welt_ (Berlin,
1722), and in Spanish in Navarrete’s Coleccion (iii. 190).

There is another text, the “Relazione,” published by Francesco
Bartolozzi in 1789,[533] after it had long remained in manuscript; it
also is addressed to the same Lorenzo.[534] If the original account as
written by Vespucius himself was in Portuguese and addressed to King
Manoel, it is lost.[535]

* * * * *

Of the Vespucius-Coelho voyage we have only the account which is given
in connection with the other three, in which Vespucius gives May 10
as the date of sailing; but Coelho is known to have started June 10,
with six ships. Varnhagen has identified the harbor, where he left the
shipwrecked crew, with Port Frio.[536] Returning, they reached Lisbon
June 18 (or 28), and on the 4th of the following September Vespucius
dated his account.[537]

* * * * *

If we draw a line from Nancy to Strasburg as the longer side of a
triangle, its apex to the south will fall among the Vosges, where in
a secluded valley lies the town of St.-Dié. What we see there to-day
of man’s work is scarcely a century and a half old; for the place was
burned in 1756, and shortly after rebuilt. In the early part of the
sixteenth century St.-Dié was in the dominion of Duke René of Lorraine.
It had its cathedral and a seminary of learning (under the patronage
of the Duke), and a printing-press had been set up there. The reigning
prince, as an enlightened friend of erudition, had drawn to his college
a number of learned men; and Pico de Mirandola, in addressing a letter
to the editor of the Ptolemy of 1513, expressed surprise that so
scholarly a body of men existed in so obscure a place. Who were these
scholars?

The chief agent of the Duke in the matter seems to have been his
secretary, Walter Lud or Ludd, or Gualterus Ludovicus, as his name
was latinized. The preceding narrative has indicated his position in
this learned community,[538] and has cited the little tractate of four
leaves by him, the importance of which was first discovered, about
twenty years ago, by Henry Stevens,[539] and of which the only copies
at present known are in the British Museum and the Imperial Library
at Vienna.[540] From this tiny _Speculum_, as we shall see, we learn
some important particulars. Just over the line of Lorraine, and within
the limits of Alsace, there was born and had lived a certain Mathias
Ringmann or Ringman. In these early years of the century (1504) he was
a student in Paris among the pupils of a certain Dr. John Faber,—to be
in other ways, as we shall see, connected with the development of the
little story now in progress. In Paris at the same time, and engaged
in building the Notre Dame bridge, was the Veronese architect Fra
Giovanni Giocondo. Major thinks there is great reason for believing
that the young Alsatian student formed the acquaintance of the Italian
architect, and was thus brought to entertain that enthusiasm for
Vespucius which Giocondo, as a countryman of the navigator, seems to
have imparted to his young friend. At least the little that is known
positively seems to indicate this transmission of admiration.

* * * * *

We must next revert to what Vespucius himself was doing to afford
material for this increase of his fame. On his return from his last
voyage he had prepared an account at full length of his experiences in
the New World, “that coming generations might remember him.” No such
ample document, however, is now known. There was at this time (1504)
living in Florence a man of fifty-four, Piero Soderini, who two years
before, had been made perpetual Gonfaloniere of the city. He had been a
schoolmate of Vespucius; and to him, dating from Lisbon, Sept. 4, 1504,
the navigator addressed an account of what he called his four voyages,
abstracted as is supposed from the larger narrative. The original text
of this abstract is also missing, unless we believe, with Varnhagen,
that the text which he gives in his _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère_,
etc. (p. 34), printed at Lima in 1865, is such, which he supposes to
have been published at Florence in 1505-1506, since a printed copy of
an Italian text, undated, had been bought by him in Havana (1863) in
the same covers with another tract of 1506.[541] Other commentators
have not placed this Italian tract so early. It has not usually been
placed before 1510.[542] Dr. Court put it before 1512. Harrisse gave
it the date of 1516 because he had found it bound with another tract
of that date; but in his _Additions_, p. xxv, he acknowledges the
reasons inconclusive. Major contends that there is no reason to believe
that any known Italian text antedates the Latin, yet to be mentioned.
This Italian text is called _Lettera di Amerigo Vespucci delle isole
nuovamente trovate in quattro suoi viaggi ... Data in Lisbona a di 4 di
Septembre, 1504_. It is a small quarto of sixteen leaves.[543]

Varnhagen does not question that the early Italian print is the better
text, differing as it does from Bassin’s Latin; and he follows it by
preference in all his arguments. He complains that Bandini and Canovai
reprinted it with many errors.

Ramusio in his first volume had reprinted that part of it which covers
the third and fourth voyage; and it had also been given in French in
the collection of Jean Temporal at Lyons in 1556, known otherwise as
Jean Leon’s (Leo Africanus) _Historiale description de l’Afrique_, with
a preface by Ramusio.[544]

It is Major’s belief that the original text of the abstract intended
for Soderini was written in a sort of composite Spanish-Italian
dialect, such as an Italian long in the service of the Iberian nations
might acquire,[545] and that a copy of it coming into the possession
of Vespucius’ countryman, Giocondo, in Paris, it was by that architect
translated into French, and at Ringmann’s suggestion addressed to René
and intrusted to Ringmann to convey to the Duke, of whom the Alsatian
felt proud, as an enlightened sovereign whose dominions were within
easy reach of his own home. Major also suggests that the preliminary
parts of the narrative, referring to the school-day acquaintance of
Vespucius with the person whom he addressed, while it was true of
Soderini,[546] was not so of René; but, being retained, has given rise
to confusion.[547] Lud tells us only that the letters were sent from
Portugal to René in French, and Waldseemüller says that they were
translated from the Italian to the French, but without telling us
whence they came.

We know, at all events, that Ringmann returned to the Vosges country,
and was invited to become professor of Latin in the new college, where
he taught thereafter, and that he had become known, as was the fashion,
under the Latin name of Philesius, whose verses have already been
referred to. The narrative of Vespucius, whether Ringmann brought it
from Paris, or however it came, was not turned from the French into
Latin by him,[548] but, as Lud informs us, by another canon of the
Cathedral, Jean Bassin de Sandacourt, or Johannes Basinus Sandacurius,
as he appears in Lud’s Latin.

Just before this, in 1504, there had joined the college, as teacher
of geography, another young man who had classicized his name, and was
known as Hylacomylus. It was left, as has been mentioned, for Humboldt
(_Examen critique_, iv. 99) to identify him as Martin Waltzemüller,—who
however preferred to write it Waldseemüller.

It was a project among this St.-Dié coterie to edit Ptolemy,[549] and
illustrate his cosmographical views, just as another coterie at Vienna
were engaged then and later in studying the complemental theories of
Pomponius Mela. Waldseemüller, as the teacher of geography, naturally
assumed control of this undertaking; and the Duke himself so far
encouraged the scheme as to order the engraving of a map to accompany
the exposition of the new discoveries,—the same which is now known as
the Admiral’s map.[550]

In pursuance of these studies Waldseemüller had prepared a little
cosmographical treatise, and this it was now determined to print at the
College Press at St.-Dié. Nothing could better accompany it than the
Latin translation of the Four Voyages of Vespucius and some verses by
Philesius; for Ringmann, as we have seen, was a verse-maker, and had a
local fame as a Latin poet. Accordingly, unless Varnhagen’s theory is
true, which most critics are not inclined to accept, these letters of
Vespucius first got into print, not in their original Italian, but in
a little Latin quarto of Waldseemüller, printed in this obscure nook
of the Vosges. Under the title of _Cosmographiæ introductio_, this
appeared twice, if not oftener, in 1507.[551]

To establish the sequence of the editions of the _Cosmographiæ
introductio_ in 1507[552] is a bibliographical task of some difficulty,
and experts are at variance. D’Avezac (_Waltzemüller_, p. 112) makes
four editions in 1507, and establishes a test for distinguishing them
by taking the first line of the title, together with the date of the
colophon; those of May corresponding to the 25th of April, and those of
September to the 29th of August:—

1. _Cosmographiæ introdu—vij kl’ Maij._

2. _Cosmographiæ introductio—vij kl’ Maij._

3. _Cosmographiæ—iiij kl’ Septembris._

4. _Cosmographiæ introdu—iiij kl’ Septembris._

[Illustration: PTOLEMY’S WORLD.

(_Reduced after map in Bunbury’s Ancient Geography, London_, 1879,
_vol._ ii.)]

The late Henry C. Murphy[553] maintained that nos. 1 and 4 in this
enumeration are simply made up from nos. 2 and 3 (the original May and
September editions), to which a new title,—the same in each case,—with
the substitution of other leaves for the originals of leaves 1, 2,
5, and 6,—also the same in each case,—was given. Harrisse, however,
dissents, and thinks D’Avezac’s no. 1 a genuine first edition. The only
copy of it known[554] was picked up on a Paris quay for a franc by
the geographer Eyriès, which was sold at his death, in 1846, for 160
francs, and again at the Nicholas Yéméniz sale (Lyons, no. 2,676), in
1867, for 2,000 francs. It is now in the Lenox Library.[555]

Of the second of D’Avezac’s types there are several copies known.
Harrisse[556] names the copies in the Lenox, Murphy,[557] and
Carter-Brown[558] collections. There is a record of other copies in
the National Library at Rio Janeiro,[559] in the Royal Library at
Berlin,[560] in the Huth Collection[561] in London, and in the Mazarine
Library in Paris,—a copy which D’Avezac[562] calls “irréprochable.”
Tross held a copy in 1872 for 1,500 francs. Waldseemüller’s name
does not appear in these early May issues, which are little quartos
of fifty-two leaves, twenty-seven lines to the full page, with an
inscription of twelve lines, in Roman type, on the back of the folding
sheet of a skeleton globe.[563]

On the 29th of August (iiij kl’ Septembris) it was reissued, still
without Waldseemüller’s name, of the same size, and fifty-two leaves;
but the folding sheet bears on the reverse an inscription in fifteen
lines. The ordinary title is D’Avezac’s no. 3. Harrisse[564] mentions
the Lenox and Carter-Brown[565] copies; but there are others in Harvard
College Library (formerly the Cooke copy, no. 625, besides an imperfect
copy which belonged to Charles Sumner), in Charles Deane’s Collection,
and in the Barlow Library. The Murphy Library had a copy (no. 680) in
its catalogue, and the house of John Wiley’s Sons advertised a copy in
New York in 1883 for $350.

There are records of copies in Europe,—in the Imperial Library at
Vienna, in the National Library at Paris, and in the Huth Collection
(_Catalogue_, i. 356) in London. D’Avezac (_Waltzemüller_, pp. 54,
55) describes a copy which belonged to Yéméniz, of Lyons. Brockhaus
advertised one in 1861 (Trömel, no. 1). Another was sold in Paris for
2,000 francs in 1867. There was another in the Sobolewski sale (no.
3,769), and one in the Court Catalogue (no. 92). Leclerc, 1878 (no.
599), has advertised one for 500 francs, Harrassowitz, 1881, (no. 309)
one for 1,000 marks, and Rosenthal, of Munich, in 1884 (no. 30) held
one at 3,000 marks. One is also shown in the _Catalogue of the Reserved
and Most Valuable Portion of the Libri Collection_ (no. 15).

The latter portion of the book, embracing the _Quattuor Americi
Vesputii navigationes_, seems to have been issued also separately, and
is still occasionally found.[566]

What seems to have been a composite edition, corresponding to
D’Avezac’s fourth, made up, as Harrisse thinks (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no.
47), of the introductory part of D’Avezac’s first and the voyages of
his third edition, is also found, though very rarely. There is a copy
in the Lenox Library of this description, and another, described by
Harrisse, in the Mazarine Library in Paris.[567]

* * * * *

It was in this precious little quarto of 1507, whose complicated issues
we have endeavored to trace, that, in the introductory portion,
Waldseemüller, anonymously to the world, but doubtless with the privity
of his fellow-collegians, proposed in two passages, already quoted,
but here presented in fac-simile, to stand sponsor for the new-named
western world; and with what result we shall see.

[Illustration: TITLE OF THE SEPTEMBER EDITION, 1507.

This is the third edition of D’Avezac’s enumeration.]

It was a strange sensation to name a new continent, or even a hitherto
unknown part of an old one. There was again the same uncertainty of
continental lines as when Europe had been named[568] by the ancients,
for there was now only the vaguest notion of what there was to be
named. Columbus had already died in the belief that he had only touched
the eastern limits of Asia. There is no good reason to believe that
Vespucius himself was of a different mind.[569] So insignificant a gain
to Europe had men come to believe these new islands, compared with the
regions of wealth and spices with which Vasco da Gama and Cabral had
opened trade by the African route, that the advocate and deluded finder
of the western route had died obscurely, with scarcely a record being
made of his departure. A few islands and their savage inhabitants had
scarcely answered the expectation of those who had pictured from Marco
Polo the golden glories of Cathay.

[Illustration: FROM THE COSMOGRAPHIÆ INTRODUCTIO.

That part of the page (sig. C) of the September edition (1507) which
has the reference to America and Vespucius.]

[Illustration: FROM THE COSMOGRAPHIÆ INTRODUCTIO.

That part of the page of the 1507 (September) edition in which the name
of America is proposed for the New World.]

To Columbus himself the new-found regions were only “insulæ Indiæ super
Gangem,”—India east of the Ganges; and the “Indies” which he supposed
he had found, and for whose native races the Asiatic name was borrowed
and continues to abide, remained the Spanish designation of their
possessions therein, though distinguished in time by the expletive
_West_ Indies.[570] It never occurred to the discoverers themselves to
give a new name to regions which they sometimes designated generically
as _Mundus Novus_ or _Alter Orbis_; but it is doubtful as Humboldt
says, if they intended by such designation any further description
than that the parts discovered were newly found, just as Strabo,
Mela, Cadamosto and others had used similar designations.[571] It was
at a much later day, and when the continental character of the New
World was long established, that some Spaniard suggested _Colonia_,
or _Columbiana_; and another, anxious to commemorate the sovereigns
of Castile and Leon, futilely coined the cumbrous designation of
_Fer-Isabelica_.[572] When Columbus and others had followed a long
stretch of the northern coast of South America without finding a break,
and when the volume of water pouring through the mouths of the Orinoco
betokened to his mind a vast interior, it began to be suspected that
the main coast of Asia had been found; and the designation of _Tierra
firme_ was naturally attached to the whole region, of which Paria and
the Pearl coast were distinguishable parts. This designation of Firm
Land was gradually localized as explorations extended, and covered what
later was known as Castilla del Oro; and began to comprehend in the
time of Purchas,[573] for instance, all that extent of coast from Paria
to Costa Rica.[574]

When Cabral in 1500 sighted the shores of Brazil, he gave the name
of _Terra Sanctæ Crucis_ to the new-found region,—the land of the
Holy Cross; and this name continued for some time to mark as much as
was then known of what we now call South America, and we find it in
such early delineations as the Lenox globe and the map of Sylvanus in
1511.[575] It will be remembered that in 1502, after what is called his
third voyage, Vespucius had simply named the same region _Mundus Novus_.

Thus in 1507 there was no general concurrence in the designations
which had been bestowed on these new islands and coasts; and the only
unbroken line which had then been discovered was that stretching
from Honduras well down the eastern coast of South America, if
Vespucius’ statement of having gone to the thirty-second degree of
southern latitude was to be believed. After the exploration of this
coast,—thanks to the skill of Vespucius in sounding his own exploits
and giving them an attractive setting out,[576] aided, probably, by
that fortuitous dispensation of fortune which sometimes awards fame
where it is hardly deserved,—it had come to pass that the name of
Vespucius had, in common report, become better associated than that
of Columbus with the magnitude of the new discoveries. It was not so
strange then as it appears now that the Florentine, rather than the
Genoese, was selected for such continental commemoration. All this
happened to some degree irrespective of the question of priority in
touching Tierra Firme, as turning upon the truth or falsity of the date
1497 assigned to the first of the voyages of Vespucius.

The proposing of a name was easy; the acceptance of it was not so
certain. The little tract had appeared without any responsible voucher.
The press-mark of St.-Dié was not a powerful stamp. The community was
obscure, and it had been invested with what influence it possessed by
the association of Duke René with it.

This did not last long. The Duke died in 1508, and his death put a stop
to the projected edition of Ptolemy and broke up the little press; so
that next year (1509), when Waldseemüller planned a new edition of the
_Cosmographiæ introductio_, it was necessary to commit it to Grüninger
in Strasburg to print. In this edition Waldseemüller first signed
his own name to the preface. Copies of this issue are somewhat less
rare than those of 1507. It is a little tract of thirty-two leaves,
some copies having fourteen, others fifteen, lines on the back of the
folding sheet.[577] The Lenox Library has examples of each.

[Illustration: THE LENOX GLOBE.

A section of the drawing given by Dr. De Costa in his monograph on the
globe, showing the American parts reduced to a plane projection, and
presenting the name of _Terra Sanctæ Crucis_. There is another sketch
on p. 123.]

There are other copies in the Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, vol. i. no.
40), Barlow, and Harvard College libraries. Another is in the Force
Collection, Library of Congress, and one was sold in the Murphy sale
(no. 681). The copy which belonged to Ferdinand Columbus is still
preserved in Seville; but its annotations do not signify that the
statements in it respecting Vespucius’ discoveries attracted his
attention.[578] It was this edition which Navarrete used when he made
a Spanish version for his _Coleccion_ (iii. 183) D’Avezac used a copy
in the Mazarine Library; and other copies are noted in the Huth (i.
356) and Sunderland (_Catalogue_, vol. v. no. 12,920) collections. The
account of the voyages in this edition was also printed separately in
German as _Diss buchlin saget wie die zwē ... herrē_, etc.[579]

* * * * *

While the Strasburg press was emitting this 1509 edition it was also
printing the sheets of another little tract, the anonymous _Globus
mundi_,[580] of which a fac-simile of the title is annexed, in which it
will be perceived the bit of the New World shown is called “Newe welt,”
and not America, though “America lately discovered” is the designation
given in the text. The credit of the discovery is given unreservedly to
Vespucius, and Columbus is not mentioned.[581]

The breaking up of the press was a serious blow to the little community
at St.-Dié. Ringmann, in the full faith of completing the edition
of Ptolemy which they had in view, had brought from Italy a Greek
manuscript of the old geographer; but the poet was soon to follow his
patron, for, having retired to Schlestadt, his native town, he died
there in 1511 at the early age of twenty-nine. The Ptolemy project,
however, did not fail. Its production was transferred to Strasburg; and
there, in 1513, it appeared, including the series of maps associated
ever since with the name of Hylacomylus, and showing evidences in the
text of the use which had been made of Ringmann’s Greek manuscript.

[Illustration: TITLE OF THE 1509 (STRASBURG) EDITION.]

We look to this book in vain for any attempt to follow up the
conferring of the name of Vespucius on the New World. The two maps
which it contains, showing the recent discoveries, are given in
fac-simile on pages 111 and 112. In one the large region which stands
for South America has no designation; in the other there is supposed to
be some relation to Columbus’ own map, while it bears a legend which
gives to Columbus unequivocally the credit of the discovery of the New
World. It has been contended of late that the earliest cartographical
application of the name is on two globes preserved in the collection of
the Freiherr von Hauslab, in Vienna, one of which (printed) Varnhagen
in his paper on Apianus and Schöner puts under 1509, and the other
(manuscript) under 1513. Weiser in his _Magalhâes-Strasse_ (p. 27)
doubts these dates.[582] The application of the new name, America,
we also find not far from this time, say between 1512 and 1515, in a
manuscript mappemonde (see p. 125) which Major, when he described it in
the _Archæologia_ (xl. p. 1), unhesitatingly ascribed to Leonardo da
Vinci, thinking that he could trace certain relations between Da Vinci
and Vespucius. This map bears distinctly the name _America_ on the
South American continent. Its connection with Da Vinci is now denied.

[Illustration: TITLE OF THE 1509 (STRASBURG) EDITION.]

Not far from the same time a certain undated edition of the
_Cosmographiæ introductio_ appeared at Lyons, though no place is given.
Of this edition there are two copies in the British Museum, and others
in the Lenox and Barlow collections; but they all lack a map,[583]
which is found in a copy first brought to public attention by the
bookseller Tross, of Paris, in 1881,[584] and which is now owned by Mr.
C. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York. Its date is uncertain. Harrisse (_Bibl.
Amer. Vet._, no. 63) placed it first in 1510, but later (_Cabots_,
p. 182) he dated it about 1514, as Tross had already done. D’Avezac
(_Waltzemüller_, p. 123) thinks it could not have been earlier than
1517.[585]

The chief interest of this map to us is the fact that it bears the
words “America noviter reperta” on what stands for South America; and
there is fair ground for supposing that it antedates all other printed
maps yet known which bear this name.

At not far from the same time, fixed in this instance certainly in
1515, we find _America_ on the earliest known globe of Schöner.[586]
Probably printed to accompany this globe, is a rare little tract,
issued the same year (1515) at Nuremberg, under the title of
_Luculentissima quædā terræ totius descriptio_. In this Schöner speaks
of a “fourth part of the globe, named after its discoverer, Americus
Vespucius, a man of sagacious mind, who found it in 1497,” adopting the
controverted date.[587]

Meanwhile the fame of Vespucius was prospering with the Vienna
coterie. One of them, Georg Tanstetter, sometimes called Collimitius,
was editing the _De natura locorum librum_ of Albertus Magnus; and
apparently after the book was printed he made with type a marginal
note, to cite the profession of Vespucius that he had reached to fifty
degrees south, as showing that there was habitable land so far towards
the Southern Pole.[588]

Joachim Watt, or Vadianus, as he was called in his editorial Latin, had
in 1515 adopted the new name of America, and repeated it in 1518, when
he reproduced his letter in his edition of Pomponius Mela, as explained
on another page.[589] Apian had been employed to make the mappemonde
for it, which was to show the new discoveries. The map seems not to
have been finished in time; but when it appeared, two years later
(1520), in the new edition of Solinus, by Camers, though it bore the
name of America on the southern main, it still preserved the legend in
connection therewith which awarded the discovery to Columbus.[590] Watt
now quarrelled with Camers, for they had worked jointly, and their two
books are usually found in one cover, with Apian’s map between them.
Returning to St. Gall, Vadianus practised there as a physician, and
reissued his Mela at Basle in 1522, dedicating it to that Dr. Faber who
had been the teacher of Ringmann in Paris eighteen years before.[591]

In 1522 Lorenz Friess, or Laurentius Phrysius, another of Duke René’s
coterie, a correspondent of Vespucius, published a new edition of
Ptolemy at the Grüninger press in Strasburg, in which the fame of
Columbus and Vespucius is kept up in the usual equalizing way. The
preface, by Thomas Ancuparius, sounds the praises of the Florentine,
ascribing to him the discovery “of what we to-day call America;” the
Admiral’s map, _Tabula Terre Nove_,[592] which Waldseemüller had
published in the 1513 edition, is once more reproduced, with other of
the maps of that edition, re-engraved on a reduced scale. The usual
legend, crediting the discovery to Columbus, is shown in a section of
the map, which is given in another place.[593] Phrysius acknowledges
that the maps are essentially Waldseemüller’s, though they have some
changes and additions; but he adds a new mappemonde of his own, putting
the name America on the great southern main,—the first time of its
appearing in any map of the Ptolemy series. A fac-simile is annexed.

* * * * *

There is thus far absolutely no proof that any one disputed the
essential facts of the discovery by Columbus of the outlying islands
of Asia, as the belief went, or denied him the credit of giving a new
world to the crowns of Aragon and Castile, whether that were Asia
or not. The maps which have come down to us, so far as they record
anything, invariably give Columbus the credit. The detractors and
panegyrists of Vespucius have asserted in turn that he was privy to
the doings at St.-Dié and Strasburg, and that he was not; but proof
is lacking for either proposition. No one can dispute, however, that
he was dead before his name was applied to the new discoveries on any
published map.

If indeed the date of 1497, as given by the St.-Dié publication, was
correct, there might have been ground for adjudging his explorations of
the mainland to have antedated those of Columbus; but the conclusion
is irresistible that either the Spanish authorities did not know that
such a claim had been made, or they deemed the date an error of the
press; since to rely upon the claim would have helped them in their
conflict with the heirs of Columbus, which began the year following
the publication of that claim, or in 1508 and continued to vex all
concerned till 1527; and during all that time Vespucius, as has been
mentioned, is not named in the records of the proceedings. It is
equally hard to believe that Ferdinand Columbus would have passed by a
claim derogating from the fame of his father, if it had come to him as
a positive assertion. That he knew of the St.-Dié tract we have direct
evidence in his possession of a copy of it. That it did not trouble him
we know also with as much confidence as negative testimony can impart;
for we have no knowledge of his noticing it, but instead the positive
assertion of a contemporary that he did not notice it.

The claim for Vespucius, however, was soon to be set up. In 1527
Las Casas began, if we may believe Quintana, the writing of his
_Historia_.[594] It is not easy, however, to fix precisely the year
when he tells us that the belief had become current of Vespucius being
really the first to set his foot on the main. “Amerigo,” he tells us
further,[595] “is said to have placed the name of America on maps,[596]
thus sinfully failing toward the Admiral. If he purposely gave currency
to this belief in his first setting foot on the main, it was a great
wickedness; and if it was not done intentionally, it looks like it.”
Las Casas still makes allowances, and fails of positive accusation,
when again he speaks of “the injustice of Amerigo, or the injustice
perhaps those who printed the _Quattuor navigationes_ appear to have
committed toward the Admiral;” and once more when he says that “foreign
writers call the country America: it ought to be called Columba.” But
he grows more positive as he goes on, when he wonders how Ferdinand
Columbus, who had, as he says, Vespucius’ account, could have found
nothing in it of deceit and injustice to object to.

Who were these “foreign writers?” Stobnicza, of Cracow, in the
_Introductio in Claudii Ptholomei cosmographiā_, which he published in
1512, said: “Et ne soli Ptolomeo laborassem, curavi etiam notas facere
quasdam partes terre ipsi ptolomeo alijsque vetustioribus ignotas que
Amerii vespucij aliorumque lustratione ad nostram noticiam puenere.”
Upon the reverse of folio v., in the chapter “De meridianis,” occurs:
“Similiter in occasu ultra africam & europam magna pars terre quam
ab Americo eius reptore Americam vocant vulgo autem novus mundus
dicitur.” Upon the reverse of folio vii. in the chapter “De partibus
terre” is this: “Non solū aūt pdicte tres ptes nunc sunt lacius
lustrate, verum & alia quata pars ab Americo vesputio sagacis ingenii
viro inventa est, quam ab ipso Americo eius inventore Ameriḡem si a
americi terram sive americā appellari volunt cuius latitudo est sub
tota torrida zona,” etc. These expressions were repeated in the second
edition in 1519.

[Illustration: LAURENTIUS FRISIUS, IN THE PTOLEMY OF 1522 (_westerly
part._)]

Apian in 1524 had accepted the name in his _Cosmographicus liber_, as
he had in an uncertain way, in 1522, in two editions, one printed at
Ratisbon, the other without place, of the tract, _Declaratio et usus
typi cosmographici_, illustrative of his map.[597]

Glareanus in 1529 spoke of the land to the west “quam Americam vocant,”
though he couples the names of Columbus and Vespucius in speaking
of its discovery. Apian and Gemma Phrysius in their _Cosmographia_
of the same year recognize the new name;[598] and Phrysius again in
his _De principiis astronomiæ_, first published at Antwerp in 1530,
gave a chapter (no. xxx.) to “America,” and repeated it in later
editions.[599] Münster in the _Novus orbis_ of 1532 finds that the
extended coast of South America “takes the name of America from
Americus, who discovered it.”[600] We find the name again in the
_Epitome trium terræ partium_ of Vadianus, published at Tiguri in
1534,[601] and in Honter’s _Rudimentorum cosmographiæ libri_, published
at Basle in the same year. When the Spanish sea-manual, Medina’s _Arte
de navegar_, was published in Italian at Venice in 1544, it had a chart
with America on it; and the _De sphæra_ of Cornelius Valerius (Antwerp,
1561) says this fourth part of the world took its name from Americus.

Thus it was manifest that popular belief, outside of Spain, at
least,[602] was, as Las Casas affirms, working at last into false
channels. Of course the time would come when Vespucius, wrongfully
or rightfully, would be charged with promoting this belief. He was
already dead, and could not repel the insinuation. In 1533 this charge
came for the first time in print, so far as we now know, and from one
who had taken his part in spreading the error. It has already been
mentioned how Schöner, in his globe of 1515, and in the little book
which explained that globe, had accepted the name from the coterie of
the Vosges. He still used the name in 1520 in another globe.[603] Now
in 1533, in his _Opusculum geographicum ex diversorum libris ac cartis
summa cura & diligentia collectum, accomodatum ad recenter elaboratum
ab eodem globum decriptionis terrenæ. Ioachimi Camerarii_. _Ex urbe
Norica, ... Anno XXXIII_,[604] he unreservedly charged Vespucius
with fixing his own name upon that region of India Superior which he
believed to be an island.[605]

In 1535, in a new edition of Ptolemy, Servetus repeated the map of
the New World from the editions of 1522 and 1525 which helped to give
further currency to the name of America; but he checks his readers
in his text by saying that those are misled who call the continent
America, since Vespucius never touched it till long after Columbus
had.[606] This cautious statement did not save Servetus from the
disdainful comment of Gomara (1551), who accuses that editor of Ptolemy
of attempting to blacken the name of the Florentine.

It was but an easy process for a euphonious name, once accepted for
a large part of the new discoveries, gradually to be extended until
it covered them all. The discovery of the South Sea by Balboa in
1513 rendered it certain that there was a country of unmistakably
continental extent lying south of the field of Columbus’ observations,
which, though it might prove to be connected with Asia by the Isthmus
of Panama, was still worthy of an independent designation.[607] We
have seen how the Land of the Holy Cross, Paria, and all other names
gave way in recognition of the one man who had best satisfied Europe
that this region had a continental extent. If it be admitted even that
Vespucius was in any way privy to the bestowal of his name upon it,
there was at first no purpose to enlarge the application of such name
beyond this well-recognized coast.

[Illustration: MERCATOR, 1541.

This is the configuration of Mercator’s gores (for a globe) reduced to
Mercator’s subsequently-devised projection.]

That the name went beyond that coast came of one of those shaping
tendencies which are without control. “It was,” as Humboldt says,[608]
“accident, and not fraud and dissensions, which deprived the continent
of America of the name of Columbus.” It was in 1541, and by Mercator
in his printed gores for a globe, that in a cartographical record we
first find the name _America_ extended to cover the entire continent;
for he places the letters AME at Baccalaos, and completed the name
with RICA at the La Plata.[609] Thus the injustice was made perpetual;
and there seems no greater instance of the instability of truth in
the world’s history. Such monstrous perversion could but incite an
indignation which needed a victim,—and it found him in Vespucius. The
intimation of Schöner was magnified in time by everybody, and the
unfortunate date of 1497, as well as the altogether doubtful aspect of
his _Quattuor navigationes_, helped on the accusation. Vespucius stood
in every cyclopædia and history as the personification of baseness
and arrogance;[610] and his treacherous return for the kindness which
Columbus did him in February, 1505, when he gave him a letter of
recommendation to his son Diego,[611] at a time when the Florentine
stood in need of such assistance, was often made to point a moral.
The most emphatic of these accusers, working up his case with every
subsidiary help, has been the Viscount Santarem. He will not admit the
possibility of Vespucius’ ignorance of the movement at St.-Dié. “We are
led to the conclusion,” he says, in summing up, “that the name given
to the new continent after the death of Columbus was the result of a
preconceived plan against his memory, either designedly and with malice
aforethought, or by the secret influence of an extensive patronage
of foreign merchants residing at Seville and elsewhere, dependent on
Vespucius as naval contractor.”[612]

It was not till Humboldt approached the subject in the fourth and fifth
volumes of his _Examen critique de l’histoire et de la géographie
du nouveau monde_ that the great injustice to Vespucius on account
of the greater injustice to Columbus began to be apparent. No one
but Santarem, since Humboldt’s time, has attempted to rehabilitate
the old arguments. Those who are cautious had said before that he
might pardonably have given his name to the long coast-line which
he had tracked, but that he was not responsible for its ultimate
expansion.[613] But Humboldt’s opinion at once prevailed, and he
reviewed and confirmed them in his _Cosmos_.[614] Humboldt’s views are
convincingly and elaborately enforced; but the busy reader may like to
know they are well epitomized by Wiesener in a paper, “Améric Vespuce
et Christophe Colomb: la véritable origine du nom d’Amérique,” which
was published in the _Revue des questions historiques_ (1866), i.
225-252, and translated into English in the _Catholic World_ (1867), v.
611.

The best English authority on this question is Mr. R. H. Major,
who has examined it with both thoroughness and condensation of
statement in his paper on the Da Vinci map in the _Archæologia_,
vol. xl., in his _Prince Henry the Navigator_ (pp. 367-380),[615]
and in his _Discoveries of Prince Henry_, chap. xiv. Harrisse in his
_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, pp. 65, 94, enumerates the contestants on the
question; and Varnhagen, who is never unjust to Columbus, traces in
a summary way the progress in the acceptance of the name of America
in his _Nouvelles recherches sur les derniers voyages du navigateur
Florentin_. In German, Oscar Peschel in his _Geschichte des Zeitalters
der Entdeckungen_ (book ii. chap. 13) has examined the matter with a
scholar’s instincts. The subject was followed by M. Schoetter in a
paper read at the Congrès des Américanistes at Luxemburg in 1877; but
it is not apparent from the abstract of the paper in the _Proceedings_
of that session (p. 357) that any new light was thrown upon the matter.

Professor Jules Marcou would drive the subject beyond the bounds of
any personal associations by establishing the origin of the name in
the native designation (Americ, Amerrique, Amerique) of a range of
mountains in Central America;[616] and Mr. T. H. Lambert, in the
_Bulletin_ of the American Geographical Society (no. 1 of 1883), asks
us to find the origin in the name given by the Peruvians to their
country,—neither of which theories has received or is likely to receive
any considerable acceptance.[617]

[Illustration: APIANUS (_from_ REUSNER’S _Icones_, 1590, p. 175).]

THE BIBLIOGRAPHY

POMPONIUS MELA, SOLINUS, VADIANUS, AND APIANUS.

BY THE EDITOR.

[Illustration: POMPONIUS MELA’S WORLD.

Reduced after map in Bunbury’s _Ancient Geography_ (London, 1879), ii.
368.]

OF Pomponius Mela we know little beyond the fact that he was born in
Spain, not far from Gibraltar, and that he wrote, as seems probable,
his popular geographical treatise in the year 43 A.D.[618] The _editio
princeps_ of this treatise was printed in 1471 at Milan, it is
supposed, by Antonius Zarotus, under the title _Cosmographia_. It was
a small quarto of fifty-nine leaves. Two copies have been sold lately.
The Sunderland copy (no. 10,117) brought £11 5_s._, and has since
been held by Quaritch at £15 15_s._ Another copy was no. 897 in part
iii. of the _Beckford Catalogue_. In 1478 there was an edition, _De
situ orbis_, at Venice (Sunderland, no. 10,118); and in 1482 another
edition, _Cosmographia geographica_, was also published at Venice
(Leclerc, no. 456; Murphy, no. 2,003; D’Avezac, _Géographes Grecs et
Latins_, p. 13). It was called _Cosmographia_ in the edition of 1498
(_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 8; Huth, iv. 1166); _De orbis situ_
in that of Venice, 1502; _De totius orbis descriptione_ in the Paris
edition of 1507, edited by Geofroy Tory (A. J. Bernard’s _Geofroy Tory,
premier imprimeur royal_, Paris, 1865, p. 81; Carter-Brown, i. 32;
Muller, 1872, no. 2,318; 1877, no. 2,062).

[Illustration: VADIANUS.

Fac-simile of a cut in Reusner’s _Icones_ (Strasburg, 1590), p. 162.]

In 1512 the text of Mela came under new influences. Henry Stevens
(_Bibliotheca geographica_, p. 210) and others have pointed out how
a circle of geographical students at this time were making Vienna a
centre of interest by their interpretation of the views of Mela and
of Solinus, a writer of the third century, whose _Polyhistor_ is a
description of the world known to the ancients. Within this knot of
cosmographers, John Camers undertook the editing of Mela; and his
edition, _De situ orbis_, was printed by Jean Singrein at Vienna in
1512, though it bears neither place nor date (Stevens, _Bibliotheca
geographica_, no. 1,825; D’Avezac, _Géographes Grecs et Latins_, p. 14;
Leclerc, no. 457; Sunderland, no. 10,119). Another Mela of the same
year (1512) is known to have been printed by Weissenburger, presumably
at Nuremberg, and edited by Johannes Cocleius as _Cosmographia Pomponii
Mele: authoris nitidissimi tribus libris digesta: ... compendio
Johannis Coclei Norici adaucta quo geographie principia generaliter
comprehēduntur_ (Weigel, 1877, no. 227; there is a copy in Charles
Deane’s library). In 1517 Mela made a part of the collection of Antonie
Francino at Florence, which was reissued in 1519 and 1526 (D’Avezac, p.
16; Sunderland, nos. 10,121, 10,122).

Meanwhile another student, Joachim Watt, a native of St. Gall, in
Switzerland, now about thirty years old, who had been a student
of Camers, and who is better known by the latinized form of his
name, Vadianus, had, in November, 1514, addressed a letter to
Rudolfus Agricola, in which he adopted the suggestion first made by
Waldseemüller that the forename of Vespucius should be applied to
that part of the New World which we now call Brazil. This letter
was printed at Vienna (1515) in a little tract,—_Habes, Lector,
hoc libello, Rudolphi Agricolæ Junioris Rheti ad Jochimum Vadianum
epistolam_,—now become very rare. It contains also the letter of
Agricola, Sept. 1, 1514, which drew out the response of Vadianus dated
October 16,—Agricola on his part referring to the work on Mela which
was then occupying Vadianus (a copy owned by Stevens, _Bibliotheca
geographica_, no. 2,799, passed into the Huth Library, _Catalogue_, v.
1506. Harrassowitz has since priced a copy, _Catalogue_, List 61, no.
57, at 280 marks).

The _De situ orbis_ of Mela, as edited by Vadianus, came out finally
in 1518, and contained one of the two letters,—that of Vadianus
himself; and it is in this reproduction that writers have usually
referred to its text (Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 92; Murphy,
no. 2,004; Leclerc, no. 458; Sunderland, no. 10,120; Graesse, v. 401;
Carter-Brown, i. 55). Camers also issued at the same time an edition
uniform with the Aldine imprint of Solinus; and this and the Mela are
often found bound together. Two years later (1520) copies of the two
usually have bound up between them the famous cordiform map of Apian
(Petrus Apianus, in the Latin form; Dienewitz, in his vernacular).
This for a long time was considered the earliest engraved map to show
the name of America, which appeared, as the annexed fac-simile shows,
on the representation of South America. There may be some question
if the map equally belongs to the Mela and to the Solinus, for the
two in this edition are usually bound together; yet in a few copies
of this double book, as in the Cranmer copy in the British Museum,
and in the Huth copy (_Catalogue_, iv. 1372), there is a map for each
book. There are copies of the Solinus in the Carter-Brown, Lenox,
Harvard College, Boston Public, and American Antiquarian Society
libraries (cf. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 175; _Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 108; Murphy, no. 2,338; Trübner, 1876, £15 15s.; Weigel,
1877, 240 marks; Calvary, 1883, 250 marks; Leclerc, 1881, no. 2,686,
500 francs; Ellis & White, 1877, £25). The inscription on the map
reads: “Tipus orbis universalis juxta Ptolomei cosmographi traditionem
et Americi Vespucii aliosque lustrationes a Petro Apiano Leysnico
elucbrat. An. Do. M.D.XX.” Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_,
no. 68) cites from Varnhagen’s _Postface aux trois livraisons sur
Vespucci_, a little tract of eight leaves, which is said to be an
exposition of the map to accompany it, called _Declaratio et usus
typi cosmographici_, Ratisbon, 1522. The map was again used in the
first complete edition of Peter Martyr’s _Decades_, when the date was
changed to “M.D.XXX” (Carter-Brown, i. 94; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 154;
Kunstmann, _Entdeckung Amerikas_, p. 134; Kohl, _Die beiden ältesten
General-Karten von Amerika_, p. 33; Uricoechea, _Mapoteca Colombiana_,
no. 4). Vadianus meanwhile had quarrelled with Camers, and had returned
to St. Gall, and now re-edited his _Mela_, and published it at Basle in
1522 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 112; Murphy, no. 2,004**; Carter-Brown,
i. 590; Leclerc, no. 459).

In 1524 Apianus published the first edition of his cosmographical
studies,—a book that for near a century, under various revisions,
maintained a high reputation. The _Cosmographicus liber_ was published
at Landshut in 1524,—a thin quarto with two diagrams showing the New
World, in one of which the designation is “Ameri” for an island; in the
other, “America.” Bibliographers differ as to collation, some giving
fifty-two, and others sixty leaves; and there are evidently different
editions of the same year. The book is usually priced at £5 or £6.
Cf. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 174; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no.
127, and _Additions_, p. 87; Carter-Brown, i. 78; Huth, i. 39; Murphy,
no. 93; Sabin, no. 1,738. There is an account of Apianus (born 1495;
died 1551 or 1552) in Clement’s _Bibliographie curieuse_ (Göttingen,
1750-1760). It is in chapter iv. of part ii. of the _Cosmographicus
liber_ that America is mentioned; but there is no intimation of
Columbus having discovered it. Where “Isabella aut Cuba” is spoken of,
is an early instance of conferring the latter name on that island,
after La Cosa’s use of it.

[Illustration: PART OF APIANUS’S MAP, 1520.

There are fac-similes of the entire map in the _Carter-Brown
Catalogue_, i. 69, and in Santarem’s _Atlas_; and on a much
reduced scale in Daly’s _Early Cartography_. Cf. Varnhagen’s _Jo.
Schöner e P. Apianus: Influencia de um e outro e de varios de seus
contemporaneos na adopçăo do nome America; primeiros globos e primeiros
mappas-mundi com este nome; globo de Waltzeemüller, e plaquette
acerca do de Schöner_, Vienna, 1872, privately printed, 61 pp., 100
copies (_Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,231; Quaritch prices it at about
£1). A recent account of the history of the Vienna presses, _Wiens
Buchdruckergeschichte_ (1883), by Anton Mayer, refers to the edition of
Solinus of 1520 (vol. i. pp. 38, 41), and to the editions of Pomponius
Mela, edited by Vadianus, giving a fac-simile of the title (p. 39) in
one case.

Santarem gives twenty-five editions of Ptolemy between 1511 and 1584
which do not bear the name of America, and three (1522, 1541, and 1552)
which have it. Cf. _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_
(1837), vol. viii.]

In 1529 a pupil of Apianus, Gemma Frisius, annotated his master’s work,
when it was published at Antwerp, while an abridgment, _Cosmographiæ
introductio_, was printed the same year (1529) at Ingoldstadt (Sabin,
no. 1,739; Court, no. 21; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 148, 149, and
_Additions_, no. 88. There is a copy of the abridgment in Harvard
College Library).

The third edition of _Mela, cum commentariis Vadiani_ appeared at Paris
in 1530, but without maps (cf. Carter-Brown, i. 97; Muller, 1877, no.
2,063; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 157); and again in 1532. (Sunderland,
no. 10,124; Harrassowitz, list 61, no. 60).

* * * * *

It is not necessary to follow, other than synoptically, the various
subsequent editions of these three representative books, with brief
indications of the changes that they assumed to comport with the now
rapidly advancing knowledge of the New World.

=1533.= Apianus, full or abridged, in Latin, at Venice, at Freiburg,
at Antwerp, at Ingoldstadt, at Paris (Carter-Brown, i. 591; _Bibl.
Amer. Vet._, nos. 179, 202, and _Additions_, no. 100; Sabin, nos.
1,742, 1,757. Some copies have 1532 in the colophon). Apianus printed
this year at Ingoldstadt various tracts in Latin and German on the
instruments used in observations for latitude and longitude (Stevens,
_Bibliotheca geographica_, no. 173, etc). Vadianus, in his _Epitome
trium terræ partium_, published at Tiguri, described America as a part
of Asia (Weigel, 1877, no. 1,574). He dated his preface at St. Gall,
“VII. Kallen. August, M. D. XXXIII.”

=1534.= Apianus in Latin at Venice (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions,_
no. 106). The _Epitome_ of Vadianus in folio, published at Tiguri,
with a map, “Typus cosmographicus universalis, Tiguri, anno M. D.
XXXIIII,” which resembles somewhat that of Finæus, representing the
New World as an island approaching the shape of South America. The
Carter-Brown copy has no map (cf. Huth, v. 1508; Leclerc, no. 586, 130
francs; Carter-Brown, i. 112; Weigel, 1877, no. 1,576; _Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 189). An edition in octavo, without date, is held to be of
the same year. It is usually said to have no map; but Quaritch (no.
12,475) has advertised a copy for £4,—“the only copy he had ever seen
containing the map.” The _Huth Catalogue_, v. 1508, shows a copy with
twelve woodcut maps of two leaves each, and four single leaves of maps
and globes. The part pertaining to America in this edition is pages
544-564, “Insulæ Oceani præcipuæ,” which is considered to belong to
the Asiatic continent (cf. Stevens, 1870, no. 2,179; Muller, 1872, no.
1,551; 1877, no. 3,293; Weigel, 1877, no. 1,575).

=1535.= Apianus, in Latin, at Venice (Sabin, no. 1,743; _Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 202). Vadianus, in Latin, at Antwerp. (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._,
209; Huth, v. 1508; Court, no. 360).

=1536.= An edition of Mela, _De situ orbis_, without place and date,
was printed at Basle, in small octavo, with the corrections of Olive
and Barbaro. Cf. D’Avezac, _Géographes Grecs et Latins_, p. 20;
Sunderland, no. 10,123; Weigel (1877), p. 99.

=1537.= The first Dutch edition of Apianus, _De cosmographie rā Pe
Apianus_, Antwerp, with woodcut of globe on the title. The first of
two small maps shows America. It contains a description of Peru. Cf.
Carter-Brown, i. 121; Muller (1875), no. 2,314.

=1538.= Mela and Solinus, printed by Henri Petri at Basle with large
and small maps, one representing the New World to the east of Asia as
“Terra incognita.” Cf. Harrassowitz (1882), no. 91, p. 2, 60 marks;
D’Avezac, p. 21.

=1539.= An edition of Mela, _De orbis situ_, at Paris (Sunderland, no.
10,124). Apianus’s _Cosmographia per Gemmam Phrysium restituta_, in
small quarto, was published at Antwerp by A. Berckman. A globe on the
titlepage shows the Old World. It has no other map (Carter-Brown, i.
124; Sabin, no. 1,744; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 229, 230).

=1540.= An edition of Mela, issued at Paris, has the Orontius Finæus
map of 1531, with the type of the Dedication changed. The Harvard
College copy and one given in Harrassowitz’ _Catalogue_ (81), no.
55, show no map. Cf. Leclerc, no. 460, 200 francs; Harrisse, _Bibl.
Amer. Vet._, no. 230, _Additions_, nos. 126, 127, 460; Court, no. 283;
Rosenthal (1884), no. 51, at 150 marks. An edition of Apianus in Latin
at Antwerp, without map; but Lelewel (_Moyen-âge_, pl. 46) gives a map
purporting to follow one in this edition of Apianus. Cf. Carter-Brown,
i. 125; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 230; Sabin, no. 1,745.

=1541.= Editions of Apianus in Latin at Venice and at Nuremberg. Cf.
_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 235, 236; Sabin, nos. 1,746, 1,747.

=1543.= Mela and Solinus at Basle (D’Avezac, p. 21).

[Illustration: APIANUS.

This follows a fac-simile of an old cut given in the _Carter-Brown
Catalogue_, i. 294.]

=1544.= An edition of Apianus in French at Antwerp, with a map, which
was used in various later editions. Cf. Sabin, no. 1,752; Carter-Brown,
i. 592; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 253.

=1545.= Apianus, in Latin, at Antwerp, with the same map as in the 1544
French edition. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 135; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 262;
Muller (1875), no. 2,365 (1877), no. 158; Sabin, no. 1,748.

=1548.= Apianus in Spanish, _Cosmographia augmentada por Gemma Frisio_,
at Antwerp, with the same folding map. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no.
283; Sabin, no. 1,753; Carter-Brown, i. 147; Dufosse, no. 10,201, 45
francs; Quaritch (1878), no. 104, £6 6_s._; _Cat. hist. Brazil, Bibl.
Nac. do Rio de Janeiro_, no. 3. Apianus in Italian at Antwerp, _Libro
de la cosmographia de Pedro Apiano_, with the same map. The _Epitome_
of Vadianus, published at Tiguri, with double maps engraved on wood,
contains one, dated 1546, showing America, which is reproduced in
Santarem’s _Atlas_. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 151; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos.
170, 464, _Additions_, no. 104.

=1550.= Apianus in Latin at Antwerp, with map at folio 30, with
additions by Frisius; and folios 30-48, on America (cf. Carter-Brown,
i. 154; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 298; Murphy, no. 94; Sabin, no. 1,749;
Muller, 1875, no. 2,366). Some bibliographers report Latin editions of
this year at Amsterdam and Basle.

=1551.= Editions of Apianus at Paris, in Latin and French, with a
folding map and two smaller ones,—a reprint of the Antwerp edition of
1550. The language of the maps is French in both editions (Court, no.
20). Clement (_Bibliothèque curieuse_, i. 404) gives 1553 as the date
of the colophon. An edition of Mela and Solinus (D’Avezac, p. 21).

=1553.= Editions of Apianus in Latin at Antwerp and Paris, and in Dutch
at Antwerp, with mappemonde and two small maps. Cf. Carter-Brown, i.
174, 594. Some copies have 1551 in the colophon, as does that belonging
to Jules Marcou, of Cambridge. There is a copy of the Paris edition in
the Boston Public Library, no. 2,285, 58.

=1554.= An abridged edition of Apianus, _Cosmographiæ introductio_,
Venice. A copy in Harvard College Library.

=1556.= An edition of Mela, at Paris (Sunderland, no. 10,125).

=1557.= An edition of Mela, as edited by Vadianus, at Basle (D’Avezac,
p. 21).

=1561.= A Dutch edition of Apianus, at Antwerp, without map. Cf.
Carter-Brown, i. 597; Sabin, no. 1,754.

=1564.= An octavo edition of Vadianus’ _Mela_ (D’Avezac, p. 21). A
Latin edition of Apianus at Antwerp, with mappemonde.

=1574.= Latin editions of Apianus at Antwerp and Cologne, with a
folding mappemonde (Carter-Brown, i. 296, 297; Sabin, no. 1,750).

=1575.= Spanish and Italian texts of Apianus published at Antwerp,
with mappemonde, and descriptions of the New World taken from Gomara
and Girava. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 302; Sabin, no. 1,756; Clement,
_Bibliothèque curieuse_, i. 405.

=1576.= Mela, as edited by Vadianus (D’Avezac, p. 21). With the
_Polyhistor_ of Solinus, published at Basle. The Harvard College copy
has no map of America. Cf. Graesse, v. 402.

=1577.= Henri Estienne’s collection in quarto, containing Mela
(D’Avezac, p. 24).

=1581.= Apianus in French, at Antwerp, with a folding mappemonde (p.
72). The part on America is pp. 155-187 (Murphy, no. 95).

=1582.= An edition of Mela edited by A. Schottus, published at Antwerp,
with map by Ortelius (Sunderland, no. 10,126).

=1584.= The _Cosmographia_ of Apianus and Frisius, called by Clement
(_Bibliothèque curieuse_, i. 404) the best edition, published at
Antwerp by Bellero, in two issues, a change in the title distinguishing
them. It has the same map with the 1564 and 1574 editions, and the
section on “Insulæ Americæ” begins on p. 157. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 354,
no map mentioned; Sabin, no. 1,751.

=1585.= An edition of Mela in English, translated by Arthur Golding,
published at London as _The Worke of Pomponius Mela, the Cosmographer,
concerning the Situation of the World_. The preface is dated Feb. 6,
1584, in which Golding promises versions of Solinus and Thevet. There
is a copy in the Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

=1592.= A Dutch edition of Apianus, published at Antwerp (Sabin, no.
1,755).

=1595.= An edition of Mela, as edited by Vadianus, published at Basle
(D’Avezac, p. 21).

=1598.= A Dutch edition of Apianus, published at Amsterdam, with
folding map. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 521; Muller (1877), no. 164.

=1605.= Mathias Bonhomme published an edition of Mela and Solinus
(D’Avezac, p. 21).

=1609.= A Dutch edition of Apianus, printed at Antwerp, with mappemonde
(Carter-Brown, ii. 76; Sabin, no. 1,755). Bonhomme’s edition of Mela
and Solinus, reissued (D’Avezac, p. 21).

=1615=, etc. Numerous editions of Mela appeared subsequently: 1615
(Vadianus), Basle, 1619, 1625, 1626, 1635; at Madrid, 1642, 1644, in
Spanish; Leyden, 1646, in Latin; and under different editors, 1658,
1685, and 1700, and often later.

CHAPTER III.

THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS.

BY EDWARD CHANNING, PH.D.,

_Instructor in History in Harvard College._

IN 1498 the news of the discovery of Paria and the pearl fisheries
reached Spain; and during the next year a number of expeditions was
fitted out at private expense for trade and exploration. The first
to set sail was commanded by Alonso de Ojeda, the quondam captor of
Caonabo, who, with Juan de la Cosa—a mariner scarcely inferior in his
own estimation to the Admiral himself—and with Morigo Vespuche, as
Ojeda calls him, left the Bay of Cadiz toward the end of May, 1499.
Ojeda, provided with a copy of the track-chart sent home by Columbus,
easily found his way to the coast of South America, a few degrees north
of the equator. Thence he coasted northward by the mouth of the Rio
Dulce (Essequibo) into the Gulf of Paria, which he left by the Boca del
Drago. He then passed to the Isla Margarita and the northern shores of
Tierra Firme, along which he sailed until he came to a deep gulf into
which opened a large lagoon. The gulf he called the Golfo de Venecia
(Venezuela), from the fancied resemblance of a village on its shores
to the Queen of the Adriatic; while to the lagoon, now known as the
Lake of Maracáibo, he gave the name of S. Bartoloméo. From this gulf
he sailed westward by the land of Coquibacoa to the Cabo de la Vela,
whence he took his departure for home, where, after many adventures, he
arrived in the summer of the following year.

Close in his track sailed Cristóbal Guerra and Pedro Alonso Niño,
who arrived off the coast of Paria a few days after Ojeda had left
it. Still following him, they traded along the coast as far west as
Caucheto, and tarried at the neighboring islands, especially Margarita,
until their little vessel of fifty tons was well loaded; when they
sailed for Spain, where they arrived in April, 1500, “so laden with
pearls that they were in maner with every mariner as common as chaffe.”

About four months before Guerra’s return, Vicente Yañez Pinzon, the
former captain of the “Niña,” sailed from Palos with four vessels; and,
pursuing a southerly course, was the first of Europeans to cross the
equator on the American side of the Atlantic. He sighted the coast of
the New World in eight degrees south latitude, near a cape to which he
gave the name of Santa Maria de la Consolacion (S. Augustin). There
he landed; but met with no vestiges of human beings, except some
footprints of gigantic size. After taking possession of the country
with all proper forms, he reimbarked; and proceeding northward and
westward, discovered and partially explored the delta of an immense
river, which he called the Paricura, and which, after being known
as the Marañon or Orellana, now appears on the maps as the Amazon.
Thence, by the Gulf of Paria, Española (Hispaniola), and the Bahamas,
he returned to Spain, where he arrived in the latter part of September,
1500.[619]

[Illustration: HISPANIOLA.

A reduced fac-simile of the map (1556) in Ramusio, iii. 44, following
that which originally appeared in the Venice edition of Peter Martyr
and Oviedo, 1534.]

Diego de Lepe left Palos not long after Vicente Yañez, and reached the
coast of the New World to the south of the Cabo de S. Augustin, to
which he gave the name of _Rostro hermoso_; and doubling it, he ran
along the coast to the Gulf of Paria, whence he returned to Palos. In
October, 1500, Rodrigo de Bastidas and Juan de la Cosa sailed from the
bay of Cadiz for the Golfo de Venecia (Venezuela), which they entered
and explored. Thence, stopping occasionally to trade with the natives,
they coasted the shores of Tierra Firme, by the Cabo de la Vela, the
province of Santa Marta, the mouths of the Rio Grande de la Magdalena,
the port of Cartagena, the river of Cenú, and the Punta Caribana, to
the Gulf of Urabá (Darien), which they explored with some care. They
were unsuccessful in their search for a strait to the west; and after
sailing along the coast of Veragua to Nombre de Dios, they started on
the return voyage. But the ravages of the _broma_ (teredo) rendering
their ships leaky, they were forced into a harbor of Española, where
the vessels, after the most valuable portions of the cargo had been
removed, went to the bottom. Bastidas was seized by order of Bobadilla,
then governor of Española, for alleged illicit traffic with the
natives, and sent to Spain for trial, where he arrived in September,
1502. He was soon after acquitted on the charges brought against him.

Alonso de Ojeda had reported the presence of Englishmen on the coast
of Tierra Firme; and, partly to forestall any occupation of the
country by them, he had been given permission to explore, settle, and
govern, at his own expense, the province of Coquibacoa. He associated
with him Juan de Vergara and Garcia de Ocampo, who provided the funds
required, and went with the expedition which left Cadiz in January,
1502. They reached, without any serious mishap, the Gulf of Paria,
where they beached and cleaned their vessels, and encountered the
natives. Thence through the Boca del Drago they traded from port to
port, until they came to an irrigated land, which the natives called
Curiana, but to which Ojeda gave the name of Valfermoso. At this place
they seized whatever they could which might be of service in the infant
settlement, and then proceeded westward; while Vergara went to Jamaica
for provisions, with orders to rejoin the fleet at S. Bartoloméo
(Maracáibo), or at the Cabo de la Vela. After visiting the Island of
Curazao (Curaçao) Ojeda arrived at Coquibacoa, and finally decided to
settle at a place which he called Santa Cruz,—probably the Bahia Honda
of the present day. Vergara soon arrived; but the supply of food was
inadequate, and the hostility of the natives made foraging a matter
of great difficulty and danger. To add to their discomfort, quarrels
broke out between the leaders, and Ojeda was seized by his two partners
and carried to Española, where he arrived in September, 1502. He was
eventually set at liberty, while his goods were restored by the King’s
command. The expedition, however, was a complete failure.

[Illustration: CASTILIA DEL ORO, 1597 (_after Wytfliet_).]

This second unprofitable voyage of Ojeda seems to have dampened the
ardor of the navigators and their friends at home; and although
Navarrete regards it as certain that Juan de la Cosa sailed to Urabá
as chief in command in 1504-1506, and that Ojeda made a voyage in the
direction of Tierra Firme in the beginning of 1505, it was not until
after the successful voyage of La Cosa in 1507-1508, that the work
of colonization was again taken up with vigor.[620] Two men offered
themselves as leaders in this enterprise; and, as it was impossible
to decide between them, they were both commissioned to settle and
govern for four years the mainland from the Cabo de la Vela to the Cabo
Gracias á Dios, while the Gulf of Urabá (Darien) was to be the boundary
between their respective governments. To Alonso de Ojeda was given the
eastern province, or Nueva Andaluçia, while Diego de Nicuesa was the
destined governor of the western province, then for the first time
named Castilla del Oro. The fertile Island of Jamaica was intended to
serve as a granary to the two governors; and to them were also granted
many other privileges,—as, for instance, freedom from taxation, and,
more important still, the right for each to take from Española four
hundred settlers and two hundred miners.

Nicuesa and Ojeda met at Santo Domingo, whither they had gone to
complete their preparations, and became involved in a boundary dispute.
Each claimed the province of Darien[621] as within his jurisdiction.
It was finally agreed, however, that the river of Darien should be the
boundary line. With regard to Jamaica, the new admiral, Diego Columbus,
prevented all disputes by sending Juan de Esquivel to hold it for
him. Diego further contributed to the failure of the enterprise by
preventing the governors from taking the colonists from Española, to
which they were entitled by their licenses. At last, however, on Nov.
12, 1509, Ojeda, with Juan de la Cosa and three hundred men, left Santo
Domingo; and five days later entered the harbor of Cartagena, where he
landed, and had a disastrous engagement with the natives. These used
their poisoned arrows to such good purpose that sixty-nine Spaniards,
Juan de la Cosa among them, were killed. Nicuesa arrived in the harbor
soon after; and the two commanders, joining forces, drove the natives
back, and recovered the body of La Cosa, which they found swollen and
disfigured by poison, and suspended from a tree. The two fleets then
separated; Nicuesa standing over to the shore of Castilla del Oro,
while Ojeda coasted the western shore of the Gulf of Urabá, and settled
at a place to which he gave the name of San Sebastian. Here they built
a fort, and ravaged the surrounding country in search of gold, slaves,
and food; but here again the natives, who used poisoned arrows, kept
the Spaniards within their fort, where starvation soon stared them
in the face. Ojeda despatched a ship to Española for provisions and
recruits; and no help coming, went himself in a vessel which had been
brought to San Sebastian by a certain piratical Talavera. Ojeda was
wrecked on Cuba; but after terrible suffering reached Santo Domingo,
only to find that his lieutenant, Enciso, had sailed some time before
with all that was necessary for the relief of the colony. The future
movements of Ojeda are not known. He testified in the trial of Talavera
and his companions, who were hanged in 1511; and in 1513 and 1515
his depositions were taken in the suit brought by the King’s attorney
against the heirs of Columbus. Broken in spirit and ruined in fortune,
he never returned to his colony.

[Illustration: CARTAGENA.

[This view of the town of Cartagena at a somewhat later day is a
fac-simile of a cut in Montanus, and has some of the doubt attached to
all of his pictures.—ED.]]

Martin Fernandez de Enciso, a wealthy lawyer (_bachiller_) of Santo
Domingo, had been appointed by Ojeda _alcalde mayor_ of Nueva
Andaluçia, and had been left behind to follow his chief with stores and
recruits. On his way to San Sebastian he stopped at Cartagena; found
no difficulty in making friends with the natives who had opposed Ojeda
so stoutly; and while awaiting there the completion of some repairs
on a boat, was surprised by the appearance of a brigantine containing
the remnant of the San Sebastian colony. When Ojeda had sailed with
Talavera he had left Pizarro, the future conqueror of Peru, in command,
with orders to hold the place for fifty days, and then, if succor had
not arrived, to make the best of his way to Santo Domingo. Pizarro
had waited more than fifty days, until the colonists had dwindled to
a number not too large for the two little vessels at his disposal. In
these they had then left the place. But soon after clearing the harbor
one of his brigantines, struck by a fish, had gone down with all on
board; and it had been with much difficulty that the other had been
navigated to Cartagena. Enciso, commander now that Ojeda and La Cosa
were gone, determined to return to San Sebastian; but, while rounding
the Punta Caribana, the large vessel laden with the stores went on the
rocks and became a total loss, the crew barely escaping with their
lives. They were now in as bad a plight as before; and decided, at the
suggestion of Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa, to cross the Gulf of Urabá to
a country where the natives did not use poisoned arrows, and where,
therefore, foraging would not be so dangerous as at San Sebastian.[622]
The removal to the other side of the gulf was safely carried out, and
the natives driven from their village. The Spaniards settled themselves
here, and called the place Santa Maria del Antigua del Darien.
Provisions and gold were found in abundance; but Enciso, declaring it
unlawful for private persons to trade with the natives for gold, was
deposed; for, as Vasco Nuñez said, the new settlement was within the
jurisdiction of Nicuesa, and therefore no obedience whatever was due to
Enciso. A municipal form of government was then instituted, with Vasco
Nuñez and Zamudio as _alcaldes_, and Valdivia as _regidor_. But the
Antigua settlers were no more disposed to obey their chosen magistrates
than they had been to give obedience to him who had been appointed to
rule over them, and they soon became divided into factions. At this
juncture arrived Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares, whom Nicuesa had left
at Española to follow him with recruits and provisions. Colmenares
easily persuaded the settlers at Antigua to put themselves under the
government of Nicuesa; and then, accompanied by two agents from Darien,
sailed away in search of his chief. Nicuesa, after aiding Ojeda at
Cartagena, had sailed for Castilla del Oro; but while coasting its
shores had become separated from the rest of his fleet, and had been
wrecked off the mouth of a large river. He had rejoined the rest of his
expedition after the most terrible suffering. Nicuesa had suspected
Lope de Olano, his second in command, of lukewarmness in going to his
relief, and had put him in chains. In this condition he was found by
the agents from Antigua, to one of whom it appears that Olano was
related. This, and the punishment with which Nicuesa threatened those
at Antigua who had traded for gold, impelled the agents to return with
all speed to oppose his reception; and, therefore, when he arrived off
Antigua he was told to go back. Attempting to sustain himself on land,
he was seized, put on a worn-out vessel, and bid to make the best of
his way to Española. He sailed from Antigua in March, 1511, and was
never heard of again.

After his departure the quarrels between the two factions broke out
again, and were appeased only by the sending of Enciso and Zamudio
to Spain to present their respective cases at Court. They sailed for
Española in a vessel commanded by the _regidor_ Valdivia (a firm friend
of Vasco Nuñez), who went well provided with gold to secure the favor
and protection of the new admiral, Diego Columbus, and of Pasamonte,
the King’s treasurer at Santo Domingo, for himself and Vasco Nuñez.
While Valdivia was absent on this mission, Vasco Nuñez explored the
surrounding country and won the good-will of the natives. It was on
one of these expeditions that the son of a chief, seeing the greed
of the Spaniards for gold, told them of the shores of a sea which
lay to the southward of the mountains, where there were kings who
possessed enormous quantities of the highly coveted metal. Valdivia,
who brought a commission from the Admiral to Vasco Nuñez (commonly
called Balbóa) as governor of Antigua, was immediately sent back with
a large sum of money, carrying the news of a sea to be discovered.
Valdivia was wrecked on the southern coast of Yucatan, where, with
all but two of his crew, he was sacrificed and eaten by the natives.
After some time had elapsed with no news from Española, Vasco Nuñez,
fearing that Valdivia had proved a treacherous friend, despatched two
emissaries—Colmenares and Caicedo—to Spain to lay the state of affairs
at Darien before the King.

Not long after their departure a vessel arrived from Española,
commanded by Serrano, with food, recruits, and a commission from
Pasamonte to Vasco Nuñez as governor. But Serrano also brought a letter
from Zamudio, giving an account of his experience in Spain, where he
had found the King more disposed to consider favorably the complaints
of Enciso than the justifications which he himself offered. Indeed,
it seems that Zamudio, who barely escaped arrest, wrote that it was
probable that Vasco Nuñez would be summoned to Spain to give an account
of himself. Upon the receipt of this unpleasant letter, Vasco Nuñez
determined to discover the new sea of which there was report, and thus
to atone for his shortcomings with respect to Enciso and Nicuesa.

[Illustration: BALBÓA.

[Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, edition of 1728.—ED.]]

To this end he left Antigua on the 1st of September, 1513; and
proceeding by the way of the country of Careta, on the evening of
September 24 encamped on the side of a mountain from whose topmost
peak his native guide declared the other sea could be discerned.
Early in the morning of the next day, Sept. 25, 1513, the sixty-seven
Spaniards ascended the mountain; and Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa, going
somewhat in advance, found himself—first of civilized men—gazing upon
the new-found sea, which he called _Mar del Sur_ (South Sea), in
distinction to the _Mar del Norte_, or the sea on the northern side
of the isthmus, although it is known to us by the name of Pacific,
which Magellan later gave to it. Of this ocean and all lands bordering
upon it he took possession for his royal master and mistress, and then
descended toward its shores. The sea itself was hard to reach, and it
was not until three days later that a detachment under Alonso Martin
discovered the beach; when Alonso Martin, jumping into a convenient
canoe, pushed forth, while he called upon his comrades to bear witness
that he was the first European to sail upon the southern sea. On the
29th of September Vasco Nuñez reached the water; and marching boldly
into it, again claimed it for the King and Queen of Castile and
Aragon. It was an arm of the ocean which he had found. According to
the Spanish custom, he bestowed upon it the name of the patron saint
of that particular day, and as the Gulf of San Miguel it is still
known to us. After a short voyage in some canoes, in the course of
which Vasco Nuñez came near drowning, he collected an immense amount
of tribute from the neighboring chiefs, and then took up his homeward
march, arriving at Antigua without serious accident in the latter part
of January, 1514. When we consider the small force at his command and
the almost overpowering difficulties of the route,—to say nothing of
hostile natives,—this march of Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa is among the most
wonderful exploits of which we have trustworthy information.

But this achievement did not bring him the indemnity and
honors for which he hoped. A new governor, appointed July 27,
1513,—notwithstanding the news which Colmenares and Caicedo had
carried with them of the existence of a sea,—had sailed before Pedro
de Arbolancha, bearing the news of the discovery, could arrive in
Spain, inasmuch as he did not even leave Antigua until March, 1514.
This new governor was Pedro Arias de Avila, better known as Pedrárias,
though sometimes called by English writers Dávila. Pedrárias, dubbed
_El Galan_ and _El Justador_ in his youth, and _Furor Domini_ in his
later years, has been given a hard character by all historians. This is
perfectly natural, for, like all other Spanish governors, he cruelly
oppressed the natives, and thus won the dislike of Las Casas; while
Oviedo, who usually differs as much as possible from Las Casas, hated
Pedrárias for other reasons. Pedrárias’ treatment of Vasco Nuñez,
in whose career there was that dramatic element so captivating, was
scant at least of favor. But, on the other hand, it must be remembered
that Pedrárias occupied an office from which Nicuesa and Enciso had
been driven, and he ruled a community which had required the utmost
vigilance on the part of Vasco Nuñez to hold in check.

With Pedrárias went a goodly company, among whom may be mentioned
Hernando de Soto, Diego de Almagro, and Benalcazar, who, with Pizarro,
already in Antigua, were to push discovery and conquest along the
shores of the Mar del Sur. There also went in the same company that
Bernal Diaz del Castillo who was to be one of the future conquistadores
of Mexico and the rude but charming relater of that conquest; and
Pascual de Andagoya, who, while inferior to Benalcazar as a ruler and
to Bernal Diaz as a narrator, was yet a very important character.
The lawyer Enciso returned among them to the scene of his former
disappointment as _alguazil mayor_; and, lastly, let us mention
Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, who accompanied the expedition
as _escriban general_ and _veedor._ Pedrárias sailed from San Lucar on
the 12th of April, 1514, and arrived safely in the harbor of Antigua on
the 29th of June. The survivors of the companies of Ojeda and Nicuesa,
and of the reinforcements brought thither at different times, numbered
in all but four hundred and fifty souls; and they could have offered
little opposition to the fifteen hundred accompanying Pedrárias, if
they had so desired. But no attempt was made to prevent his landing;
and as soon as Pedrárias felt himself fairly installed, an inquiry
was instituted into the previous acts of Vasco Nuñez. This trial, or
_residencia_, was conducted by Espinosa, the new _alcalde mayor_. There
is no doubt but that Enciso tried hard to bring the murder of Nicuesa,
for such it was, home to Vasco Nuñez. The efforts of Quivedo, the
recently appointed bishop of Santa Maria de la Antigua é Castilla del
Oro, and of Isabel del Bobadilla, the new governor’s wife, who had been
won over in some unknown way, secured the acquittal of Vasco Nuñez on
all criminal charges. In the innumerable civil suits, however, which
were brought against him by Enciso and by all others who felt grieved,
he was mulcted in a large amount.

This affair off his hands, Pedrárias set about executing his
supplementary instructions, which were to connect the north and south
seas by a chain of posts. He sent out three expeditions, which, besides
exploration, were to forage for food, since the supply in Antigua was
very small. The stores brought by the fleet had been in a great measure
spoiled on the voyage, and the provisions at Antigua which Vasco Nuñez’
foresight had provided, while ample for his little band, were entirely
inadequate to the support of the augmented colony. The leaders of these
expeditions—with the exception of Enciso, who went to Cenú, whence
he was speedily driven—acted in a most inhuman fashion; and the good
feeling which had subsisted between Vasco Nuñez and the natives was
changed to the most bitter hatred. To use Vasco Nuñez’ own words: “For
where the Indians were like sheep, they have become like fierce lions,
and have acquired so much daring, that formerly they were accustomed
to come out to the paths with presents to the Christians, now they
come out and they kill them; and this has been on account of the bad
things which the captains who went out on the incursions have done to
them.” He especially blamed Ayora and Morales, who commanded two of
the earliest expeditions. Ayora escaped with his ill-gotten wealth to
Spain, where he died before he could be brought to justice.

Morales, following the route of Vasco Nuñez across the isthmus, arrived
on the other side, and sailed to the Pearl Islands, which Vasco Nuñez
had seen in the distance. Here he obtained an immense booty; and
thence, crossing to the southern side of the Gulf of San Miguel, he
endeavored to return to Darien by the way of Birú and the River Atrato.
But he was speedily driven back; and was so hard pressed by the natives
throughout his homeward march that he and his companions barely escaped
with their treasure and their lives. It was about this time that Vasco
Nuñez went for a second time in search of the golden temple of Dabaibe
and suffered defeat, with the loss of Luis Carillo, his second in
command, and many of his men; while another attempt on Cenú, this time
by Becerra, ended in the death of that commander and of all but one
of his companions. In 1515, however, a force commanded by Gonzalo de
Badajos crossed the isthmus and discovered the rich country lying on
the Gulf of Parita. Badajos accumulated an enormous amount of gold,
which he was obliged to abandon when he sought safety in ignominious
flight.

These repeated disasters in the direction of Cenú nettled old
Pedrárias, and he resolved to go himself in command of an expedition
and chastise the natives. He was speedily defeated; but, instead of
returning immediately to Antigua, he sailed over to Veragua and founded
the town of Acla (Bones of Men), as the northern termination of a road
across the isthmus. He then sent Gaspar Espinosa across the isthmus to
found a town on the other side. Espinosa on his way met the fleeing
Badajos; but being better prepared, and a more able commander, he
recovered the abandoned treasure and founded the old town of Panamá;
while a detachment under Hurtado, which he sent along the coast toward
the west, discovered the Gulf of San Lucar (Nicoya).

As we have seen, Vasco Nuñez’ account of the discovery of the South
Sea reached Spain too late to prevent the sailing of Pedrárias; but
the King nevertheless placed reliance in him, and appointed him
_adelantado_, or lieutenant, to prosecute discoveries along the shores
of the southern sea, and also made him governor of the provinces of
Panamá and Coyba. This commission had reached Antigua before the
departure of Espinosa; but Pedrárias withheld it for reasons of his
own. And before he delivered it there arrived from Cuba a vessel
commanded by a friend of Vasco Nuñez,—a certain Garabito,—who by
making known his arrival to Vasco Nuñez and not to Pedrárias, aroused
the latter’s suspicions. Accordingly, Vasco Nuñez was seized and
placed in confinement. After a while, however, upon his promising
to marry one of Pedrárias’ daughters, who at the time was in Spain,
they became reconciled, and Vasco Nuñez was given his commission,
and immediately began preparation for a voyage on the South Sea. As
it seemed impossible to obtain a sufficient amount of the proper
kind of timber on the other side the isthmus, enough to build a few
small vessels was carried over the mountains. When the men began to
work it, they found it worm-eaten; and a new supply was procured,
which was almost immediately washed away by a sudden rise of the Rio
Balsas, on whose banks they had established their ship-yard. At last,
however, two little vessels were built and navigated to the Islas de
las Perlas, whence Vasco Nuñez made a short and unsuccessful cruise
to the southward. But before he went a second time he sent Garabito
and other emissaries to Acla to discover whether Pedrárias had been
superseded. It seems to have been arranged that when these men arrived
near Acla one of their number should go secretly to the house of Vasco
Nuñez there and obtain the required information. If a new governor
had arrived they were to return to the southern side of the isthmus,
and Vasco Nuñez would put himself and his little fleet out of the new
governor’s reach, trusting in some grand discovery to atone for his
disloyalty. Pedrárias was still governor; but Garabito proved a false
friend, and told Pedrárias that Vasco Nuñez had no idea of marrying his
daughter: on the contrary, he intended to sail away with his native
mistress (with whom Garabito was in love) and found for himself a
government on the shores of the Mar del Sur. Pedrárias was furious, and
enticed Vasco Nuñez to Acla, where this new charge of treason, added
to the former one of the murder of Nicuesa, secured his conviction by
the _alcalde mayor_ Espinosa, and on the very next day he and his four
companions were executed. This was in 1517.

In 1519 Pedrárias removed the seat of government from Antigua to
Panamá, which was made a city in 1521, while Antigua was not long after
abandoned. In 1519 Espinosa coasted northward and westward, in Vasco
Nuñez’ vessels, as far as the Gulf of Culebras; and in 1522 Pascual de
Andagoya penetrated the country of Birú for twenty leagues or more,
when ill health compelled his return to Panamá. He brought wonderful
accounts of an Inca empire which was said to exist somewhere along the
coast to the south.[623]

In 1519 a pilot, Andrés Niño by name, who had been with Vasco Nuñez on
his last cruise, interested Gil Gonzalez de Avila, then _contador_ of
Española, in the subject of exploration along the coast of the South
Sea. Gonzalez agreed to go as commander-in-chief, accompanying Niño
in the vessels which Vasco Nuñez had built. The necessary orders from
the King were easily obtained, and they sailed for Antigua, where they
arrived safely; but Pedrárias refused to deliver the vessels. Gil
Gonzalez, nothing daunted, took in pieces the ships by which he had
come from Spain, transported the most important parts of them across
the isthmus, and built new vessels. These, however, were lost before
reaching Panamá; but the crews arrived there in safety, and Pedrárias,
when brought face to face with the commander, could not refuse to obey
the King’s orders. Thus, after many delays, Gil Gonzalez and Andrés
Niño sailed from the Islas de las Perlas on the 21st of January, 1522.
After they had gone a hundred leagues or more, it was found necessary
to beach and repair the vessels. This was done by Niño, while Gil
Gonzalez, with one hundred men and four horses, pushed along the shore,
and, after many hairbreadth escapes, rejoined the fleet, which under
Niño had been repaired and brought around by water. The meeting was at
a gulf named by them Sanct Viçente; but it proved to be the San Lucar
of Hurtado, and the Nicoya of the present day. After a short time
passed in recuperation, the two detachments again separated. Niño with
the vessels coasted the shore at least as far as the Bay of Fonseca,
and thence returned to the Gulf of Nicoya. Here he was soon rejoined
by the land party; which, after leaving the gulf, had penetrated
inland to the Lake of Nicaragua. They explored the surrounding country
sufficiently to discover the outlet of the lake, which led to the
north, and not to the south, as had been hoped. They had but one severe
fight with the natives, accumulated vast sums of gold, and baptized
many thousand converts. With their treasure they returned in safety to
Panamá on the 25th of June, 1523, after an absence of nearly a year and
a half.

At Panamá Gil Gonzalez found an enemy worse than the natives of
Nicaragua in the person of Pedrárias, whose cupidity was aroused by the
sight of the gold. But crossing the isthmus, he escaped from Nombre de
Dios just as Pedrárias was on the point of arresting him, and steered
for Española, where his actions were approved by the Hieronimite
Fathers, who authorized him to return and explore the country. This he
endeavored to do by the way of the outlet of the Lake of Nicaragua, by
which route he would avoid placing himself in the power of Pedrárias.
He unfortunately reached the Honduras coast too far north, and marched
inland only to be met by a rival party of Spaniards under Hernando
de Soto. It seemed that as soon as possible after Gil Gonzalez’
departure from Nombre de Dios, Pedrárias had despatched a strong force
under Francisco Hernandez de Córdoba to take possession of and hold
the coveted territory for him. Córdoba, hearing from the natives of
Spaniards advancing from the north, had sent De Soto to intercept them.
Gil Gonzalez defeated this detachment; but not being in sufficient
force to meet Córdoba, he retreated to the northern shore, where he
found Cristóbal de Olid, who had been sent by Cortés to occupy Honduras
in his interest. Olid proved a traitor to Cortés, and soon captured not
only Gil Gonzalez, but Francisco de las Casas, who had been sent by
Cortés to seize him. Las Casas, who was a man of daring, assassinated
Olid, with the help of Gil Gonzalez. The latter was then sent to
make what terms he could with Cortés as to a joint occupation of the
country.[624] But Gil Gonzalez fell into the hands of the enemies
of the Conqueror of Mexico, and was sent to Spain to answer, among
other things, for the murder of Olid. He reached Seville in 1526; but,
completely overwhelmed by his repeated disasters, died soon after.

Córdoba, who had thrown off allegiance to Pedrárias, was executed.
Pedrárias himself was turned out of his government of Darien by Pedro
de los Rios, and took refuge in the governorship of Nicaragua, and died
quietly at Leon in 1530, at the advanced age of nearly ninety years.

In 1492 Christopher Columbus had discovered Cuba, which he called
Juana; and two years later he had partially explored the Island of
Jamaica, whither he had been driven on his fourth voyage, and compelled
to stay from June, 1503, to June, 1504. In 1508 this lesser island had
been granted to Ojeda and Nicuesa as a storehouse from which to draw
supplies in case of need. But, as we have seen, the Admiral of the
Indies at that time, Diego Columbus, son of the great Admiral, had sent
Juan de Esquivel with sixty men to seize the island and hold it for him
against all comers. Esquivel founded the town of Sevilla Nueva—later
Sevilla d’Oro—on the shores of the harbor where Columbus had stayed so
long; and thus the island was settled.

Although Cuba had been discovered in 1492, nothing had been done
toward its exploration till 1508, when Ovando, at that time governor
of Española, sent Sebastian de Ocampo to determine whether it was an
island or not. Columbus, it will be remembered, did not, or would
not, believe it insular, though the Indians whom he brought from
Guanahani had told him it was; and it had suited his purpose to make
his companions swear that they believed it a peninsula of Asia. Ocampo
settled the question by circumnavigating it from north to south; and,
after another delay, Diego Columbus in 1511 sent Diego Velasquez, a
wealthy planter of Española, to conquer and settle the island, which
at that time was called Fernandina. Velasquez, assisted by thirty men
under Pamphilo de Narvaez from Jamaica, had no difficulty in doing
this; and his task being accomplished, he threw off his allegiance
to the Admiral. Settlers were attracted to Cuba from all sides. With
the rest came one hundred, Bernal Diaz among them, from Antigua.
But Velasquez had distributed the natives among his followers with
such a lavish hand that these men were unable to get any slaves for
themselves, and in this predicament agreed with Francisco Hernandez de
Córdoba[625] to go on a slave-catching expedition to some neighboring
islands. Velasquez probably contributed a small vessel to the two
vessels which were fitted out by the others. With them went Anton
Alaminos as pilot. Sailing from Havana in February, 1517, they doubled
the Cabo de S. Anton, and steered toward the west and south. Storms and
currents drove them from their course, and it was not until twenty-one
days had passed after leaving S. Anton that they sighted some small
islands. Running toward the coast, they espied inland a city, the size
of which so impressed them that they called it _El gran Cairo_. Soon
after some natives came on board, who, to their inquiries as to what
land it was, answered “Conex Catoche;” and accordingly they named it
the Punta de Catoche. At this place, having landed, they were enticed
into an ambush, and many Spaniards were killed. From this inhospitable
shore they sailed to the west, along the northern coast of Yucatan, and
in two weeks arrived at a village which they named S. Lázaro, but to
which the native name of Campeche has clung.

[Illustration: HAVANA.

[This cut of the chief Cuban seaport represents it at a somewhat later
day, and is a fac-simile from the cut in Montanus.—ED.]]

There the natives were hostile. So they sailed on for six days more,
when they arrived off a village called Pontonchan, now known, however,
as Champoton. As they were short of water they landed at this place,
and in a fight which followed, fifty-seven Spaniards were killed and
five were drowned. Nevertheless the survivors continued their voyage
for three days longer, when they came to a river with three mouths,
one of which, the Estero de los Lagartos, they entered. There they
burned one of their vessels; and, having obtained a supply of water,
sailed for Cuba. The reports which they gave of the riches of the newly
discovered country so excited the greed of Velasquez that he fitted out
a fleet of four vessels, the command of which he gave to his nephew,
Juan de Grijalva. Anton Alaminos again went as pilot, and Pedro de
Alvarado was captain of one of the ships. They left the Cabo de S.
Anton on the 1st of May, 1518, and three days later sighted the Island
of Cozumel, which they called Santa Cruz. From this island they sailed
along the southern coast of Yucatan, which they thought an island,
and which they named Santa Maria de los Remedios. They came finally
to a shallow bay, still known by the name which they gave it, Bahia
de la Ascension. But the prospect not looking very promising in this
direction, they doubled on their track, and in due season arrived at
S. Lázaro (Campeche), or, more probably, perhaps, at Champoton, where
they had their first hostile encounter with the natives. But, being
better provided with artillery and cotton armor than was Francisco
Hernandez, Grijalva and his men maintained their ground and secured a
much-needed supply of water. Thence following the shore, they soon came
to an anchorage, which they at first called Puerto Deseado. On further
investigation the pilot Alaminos declared that it was not a harbor, but
the mouth of a strait between the island of Santa Maria de los Remedios
(Yucatan) and another island, which they called Nueva España, but which
afterward proved to be the mainland of Mexico. They named this strait
the Boca de Términos. After recuperating there, they coasted toward the
north by the mouths of many rivers, among others the Rio de Grijalva
(Tabasco), until they came to an island on which they found a temple,
where the native priests were wont to sacrifice human beings. To this
island they gave the name of Isla de los Sacrificios; while another, a
little to the north, they called S. Juan de Ulúa. The sheet of water
between this island and the mainland afforded good anchorage, and
to-day is known as the harbor of Vera Cruz. There Grijalva stayed some
time, trading with the inhabitants, not of the islands merely, but of
the mainland. To this he was beckoned by the waving of white flags,
and he found himself much honored when he landed. After sending Pedro
de Alvarado, with what gold had been obtained, to Cuba in a caravel
which needed repairs, Grijalva proceeded on his voyage; but when he had
arrived at some point between the Bahia de Tanguijo and the Rio Panuco,
the pilot Alaminos declared it madness to go farther. So the fleet
turned back, and, after more trading along the coast, they arrived
safely at Matanzas in October of the same year. Velasquez, when he saw
the spoil gathered on this expedition, was much vexed that Grijalva had
not broken his instructions and founded a settlement. A new expedition
was immediately prepared, the command of which was given to Hernan
Cortés.[626] As for Grijalva, he took service under Pedrárias, and
perished with Hurtado in Nicaragua.

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.

THE best account of the voyages and expeditions of the companions of
Columbus, with the exception of those relating immediately to the
settlement of Darien and the exploration of the western coast of the
isthmus, is Navarrete’s _Viages menores_.[627] This historian[628] had
extraordinary opportunities in this field; and a nautical education
contributed to his power of weighing evidence with regard to maritime
affairs. No part of Navarrete has been translated into English, unless
the first portion of Washington Irving’s _Companions of Columbus_
may be so regarded. The best account of these voyages in English,
however, is Sir Arthur Helps’s _Spanish Conquest in America_,[629]
which, although defective in form, is readable, and, so far as it goes,
trustworthy. This work deals not merely with the _Viages menores_, but
also with the settlement of Darien; as, too, does Irving’s _Companions_.

The first voyage of Ojeda rests mainly on the answers to the questions
propounded by the _fiscal real_ in the suit brought against Diego,
the son of Columbus, in which the endeavor was made to show that
Ojeda, and not Columbus, discovered the pearl coasts. But this claim
on the part of the King’s attorney was unsuccessful; for Ojeda
himself expressly stated in his deposition, taken in Santo Domingo
in 1513, that he was the first man who went to Tierra-Firme _after_
the Admiral, and that he knew that the Admiral had been there because
he saw the chart[630] which the Admiral had sent home. This lawsuit
is so important in relation to these minor voyages that Navarrete
printed much of the testimony then taken, with some notes of his own,
at the end of his third volume.[631] Among the witnesses were Ojeda,
Bastidas, Vicente Yañez Pinzon, Garcia Hernandez a “_fisico_,” who had
accompanied Vicente Yañez on his first voyage, the pilots Ledesma,
Andrés de Morales, Juan Rodriguez, and many other mariners who had
sailed with the different commanders. Their testimony was taken with
regard to the third voyage of Columbus (second question); the voyage
of Guerra and Niño (third and fourth questions); Ojeda’s first voyage
(fifth question); Bastidas (sixth question); Vicente Yañez (seventh
question); Lepe (eighth question); etc. Taken altogether, this evidence
is the best authority for what was done or was not done on these early
voyages.[632]

The only things worth noting in the voyage of Guerra and Niño are the
smallness of the vessel (fifty tons),[633] and the enormous pecuniary
return. One of the voyagers,[634] very possibly Niño himself,[635]
wrote an account of the voyage, which was translated into Italian, and
published as chapters cx. and cxi. of the _Paesi novamente retrovati_.
It was then translated into Latin, and inserted by Grynæus in the
_Novus orbis_.[636]

A contemporary account of the voyage of Vicente Yañez Pinzon was
printed in the _Paesi novamente_,[637] by whom written is not known.
Varnhagen has attempted to show that the cape near which Vicente
Yañez landed was not the Cabo de S. Augustin, but some point much
farther north.[638] For a time the point was raised that Vicente Yañez
arrived on the coast after Cabral; but that was plainly impossible,
as he undoubtedly sighted the American coast before Cabral left
Portugal.[639] As to the landfall itself, both Navarrete and Humboldt
place it in about eight degrees south latitude; and they base their
argument on the answers to the seventh question of the _fiscal real_ in
the celebrated lawsuit, in which Vicente Yañez said that it was true
that he discovered from “El cabo de Consolacion que es en la parte de
Portugal é agora se llama cabo de S. Augustin.”[640] In this he was
corroborated by the other witnesses.[641] The voyage was unsuccessful
in a pecuniary point of view. Two vessels were lost at the Bahamas,
whither Vicente Yañez had gone in quest of slaves. After his return to
Spain it was only through the interposition of the King that he was
able to save a small portion of his property from the clutches of the
merchants who had fitted out the fleet.[642]

The voyage of Diego de Lepe rests entirely on the evidence given in
the Columbus lawsuit,[643] from which it also appears that he drew a
map for Fonseca on which the coast of the New World was delineated
trending toward the south and west from Rostro Hermoso (Cabo de S.
Augustin). Little is known of the further movements of Diego de Lepe,
who, according to Morales, died in Portugal before 1515.[644] Navarrete
printed nothing relating to him of a later date than November,
1500;[645] but in the _Documentos inéditos_ are documents which would
seem to show that he was preparing for a voyage in the beginning of
1502.[646]

Juan de la Cosa returned with Ojeda in the middle of June, 1500, and he
sailed with Bastidas in the following October. The intervening time he
probably spent in working on the map which bears the legend “Juan de
la Cosa la fizo en Puerto de Sta. Maria en año de 1500.” This is the
earliest existing chart made by one of the navigators of the fifteenth
century, the track-chart sent home by Columbus in 1498,[647] and the
Lepe map, being lost. Humboldt was especially qualified to appreciate
the clearness and accuracy of this La Cosa map by the knowledge of the
geography of Spanish America which he gained during a long sojourn in
that part of the world;[648] and this same knowledge gives especial
value to whatever he says in the _Examen critique_[649] concerning
the voyages herein described. Of Juan de la Cosa’s knowledge of the
geography of the northern coast of South America there can be little
doubt, especially when it is borne in mind that he made no less than
six voyages to that part of the world,[650] only two of which, however,
preceded the date which he gives to his map. A comparison of La Cosa’s
map with the chart of 1527 usually, but probably erroneously, ascribed
to Ferdinand Columbus, and with that of 1529 by Ribero, gives a clearer
idea than the chronicles themselves do, of the discoveries of the early
navigators.[651]

* * * * *

Like all these early minor voyages, that of Rodrigo Bastidas rests
mainly on the testimony given in the lawsuit already referred to.[652]
Navarrete in his _Viages menores_ stated that Ojeda procured a license
from Bishop Fonseca, who had been empowered to give such licenses. No
document, however, of the kind has been produced with regard to Ojeda
or any of these commanders before the time of Bastidas, whose _Asiento
que hizo con SS. MM. Católicas_ of June 5, 1500, has been printed.[653]
As already related, the ravages of the teredo drove Bastidas into a
harbor of Española, where he was forced to abandon his vessels and
march to Santo Domingo. He divided his men into three bands, who saved
themselves from starvation by exchanging for food some of the ornaments
which they had procured on the coast of Tierra-Firme. This innocent
traffic was declared illegal by Bobadilla, who sent Bastidas to Spain
for trial. But two years later, on Jan. 29, 1504, their Majesties
ordered his goods to be restored to him, and commanded that all further
proceedings should be abandoned.[654] They also granted him a pension
of fifty thousand maravedis, to be paid from the revenues “de los
Golfos de Huraba e Barú;”[655] while Juan de la Cosa was not only
pensioned in a similar fashion, but also made _alguacil mayor_ of the
Gulf of Urabá.[656] With the exception of a slave-catching voyage to
Urabá in 1504, Bastidas lived quietly as a farmer in Española until
1520, when he led an expedition to settle the province of Santa Marta,
and was there killed by his lieutenant. After his death his family,
seeking to receive compensation for his services and losses, drew up an
_Informacion de los servicios del adelantado Rodrigo de Bastidas_;[657]
and eight years later presented another.[658] From this material it is
possible to construct a clear and connected account of this voyage,
especially when supplemented by Oviedo and Las Casas.[659]

This was the first voyage which really came within the scope of Hubert
H. Bancroft’s _Central America_; and therefore he has described it
at some length.[660] This book is a vast and invaluable mine of
information, to be extracted only after much labor and trouble,
owing to a faulty table of contents, and the absence of side-notes
or dates to the pages; and there is at present no index. The text
is illustrated with a mass of descriptive and bibliographical notes
which are really the feature of the work, and give it its encyclopedic
value. Considering its range and character, the book has surprisingly
few errors of any kind; and indeed the only thing which prevents our
placing implicit reliance on it is Mr. Bancroft’s assertion[661] that
“very little of the manuscript as it comes to me, whether in the form
of rough material or more finished chapters, is the work of one person
alone;” while we are not given the means of attaching responsibility
where it belongs, as regards both the character of the investigation
and the literary form which is presented. As to the ultimate authorship
of the text itself, we are only assured[662] that “at least one half of
the manuscript has been written by my own hand.”[663]

* * * * *

The second voyage of Alonso de Ojeda rests entirely on some documents
which Navarrete printed in the third volume of his _Coleccion_, and
upon which he founded his account of the voyage.[664] The first, in
point of time, is a _cédula_ of June 8, 1501, continuing a license of
July, 1500, to explore and govern the Isla de Coquivacoa.[665] Two
days later, on June 10, 1501, a formal commission as governor was
given to Ojeda,[666] and the articles of association were executed by
him and his partners, Vergara and Ocampo, on the 5th of July.[667]
An _escribano_, Juan de Guevara by name, was appointed in the
beginning of September of the same year. The fleet was a long time in
fitting out, and it was not till the next spring that Ojeda issued
his orders and instructions to the commanders of the other vessels
and to the pilots.[668] These are of great importance, as giving the
names of the places which he had visited on his first voyage. The
attempt at colonization ended disastrously, and Ojeda found himself
at Santo Domingo as the defendant in a suit brought against him by
his associates. Navarrete used the evidence given in this suit in his
account; but he printed only the _ejecutoria_, in which the King and
Queen ordered that Ojeda should be set at liberty, and that his goods
should be restored to him.[669] The position of the irrigated land[670]
which he called Valfermoso is difficult to determine; but it certainly
was not the Curiana of the present day, which is identical with the
Curiana of Guerra and Niño.[671]

Martin Fernandez de Enciso—the _bachiller Enciso_—“first came to the
Indies with Bastidas,” says Bancroft,[672] and practised law to such
good purpose that he accumulated two thousand castellanos,—equivalent
to ten thousand in our day.[673] This he contributed toward the
expenses of the Nueva Andalucia colony, of which he was made _alcalde
mayor_. But he was unfortunate in that office, as we have seen, and
was sent to Spain, whence he returned in 1513 with Pedrárias as
_alguacil mayor_. In 1514 he led an expedition to Cenú, to which Irving
erroneously gives an earlier date.[674] From 1514 to 1519 nothing is
known of Enciso’s movements; but in the latter year he published the
_Suma de geografía que trata de todas las partidas y provincias del
mundo, en especial de las Indias_, which contains much bearing on this
period. What became of the author is not known.

The trading voyages to Tierra-Firme between Ojeda’s two attempts at
colonization have no geographical importance; and, indeed, their very
existence depends on a few documents which were unearthed from the
Archives of the Indies by the indefatigable labors of Muñoz, Navarrete,
and the editors of the _Coleccion de documentos inéditos relativos al
descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posesiones
Españolas de América y Oceania_.[675] Of these trading voyages first
comes the cruise of Juan de la Cosa, or Juan Vizcaino, as he was
sometimes called, whose intention to embark upon it is inferred from
a letter from the Queen to the royal officers,[676] and an _asiento_
bearing date Feb. 14, 1504.[677] Nothing is known of the voyage itself,
except that Navarrete, on the authority of a _cédula_ which he did not
print, gives the amount of money received by the Crown as its share of
the profits.[678]

The voyage which Ojeda is supposed to have made in 1505 rests on a
still weaker foundation, as there is nothing with regard to it except
a _cédula_, bearing date Sept. 21, 1505,[679] concerning certain
valuables which may have been procured on this voyage or on the
first ill-fated attempt at colonization. That it was contemplated is
ascertained from a _Cédula para que Alfonso Doxeda sea Gobernador de
la Costa de Ququebacóa e Huraba_,[680] etc. The document, dated Sept.
21, 1504, is followed by two of the same date referring to Ojeda’s
financial troubles. Is it not possible that the above-mentioned
document of Sept. 21, 1505, belongs with them? The agreement
(_asiento_) of Sept. 30, 1504, confirmed in March of the next year, is
in the same volume, while an order to the Governor of Española not to
interfere with the luckless Ojeda was printed by Navarrete (iii. 111),
who has said all that can be said concerning the expedition in his
_Noticia biográfica_.[681]

The voyage of Juan de la Cosa with Martin de los Reyes and Juan Correa
rests entirely on the assertion of Navarrete that they returned in
1508, because it was stated (where, he does not say) that the proceeds
of the voyage were so many hundred thousand maravedis.[682] Concerning
the discovery of Yucatan by Vicente Yañez Pinzon, there is no original
material;[683] but here again evidence of preparation for a voyage
can be found in an _asiento y capytulacion_ of April 24, 1505, in the
_Documentos inéditos_ (xxxi. 309).

After this time the history of Tierra-Firme is much better known; for
it is with the colonies sent out under Ojeda and Nicuesa in 1509 that
the _Historia general_ of Oviedo becomes a standard authority. Gonzalo
Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés was born in Madrid in 1478, and in 1490
he entered the household of the Duke of Villahermoso. Later he served
under Prince Juan and the King Of Naples until 1507, when he entered
the service of the King and Queen of Spain. In 1513 he was appointed
_escribano_, and later (upon the death of Caicedo, who, it will be
remembered, was one of the agents Vasco Nuñez had sent to Spain to
announce the existence of an unknown sea) _veedor de las fundaciones
d’oro_ to the expedition which under Pedrárias was sent to Tierra-Firme
in that year. Oviedo did not approve of the course pursued by that
worthy, and returned to Spain in 1515 to inform the new King, Charles
I. (Emperor Charles V.) of the true condition of affairs in the Indies.
He brought about many important reforms, secured for himself the office
of perpetual _regidor_ of Antigua,—_escribano general_ of the province,
receiver of the fines of the _cámara_,[684]—and cargoes and goods
forfeited for smuggling were also bestowed upon him. His _veeduría_
was extended so as to include all Tierra-Firme; and when the news of
the execution of Vasco Nuñez arrived at Court, he was ordered to take
charge of his goods and those of his associates. Oviedo, provided with
so many offices and with an order commanding all governors to furnish
him with a true account of their doings, returned to Antigua soon
after the new governor, Lope de Sosa, who had been appointed, upon
his representations, to succeed Pedrárias. But unfortunately for him
Lope de Sosa died in the harbor of Antigua (1520), and Oviedo was left
face to face with Pedrárias. It was not long before they quarrelled
as to the policy of removing the seat of government of the province
from Antigua to Panamá, which Oviedo did not approve. Pedrárias
craftily made him his lieutenant at Antigua, in which office Oviedo
conducted himself so honestly that he incurred the hatred of all the
evil-disposed colonists of that town, and was forced to resign. He also
complained of Pedrárias before the new _alcalde mayor_, and was glad
to go to Spain as the representative of Antigua. On his way he stopped
at Cuba and Santo Domingo, where he saw Velasquez and Diego Columbus;
with the latter he sailed for home. There he used his opportunities so
well that he procured, in 1523, the appointment of Pedro de los Rios as
Pedrárias’ successor, and for himself the governorship of Cartagena;
and after publishing his _Sumario_ he returned to Castilla del Oro,
where he remained until 1530, when he returned to Spain, resigned his
_veeduría_, and some time after received the appointment of _Cronista
general de Indias_. In 1532 he was again in Santo Domingo, and in 1533
he was appointed _alcaid_ of the fortress there. But the remainder of
his life was passed in literary pursuits, and he died in Valladolid
in 1557 at the age of seventy-nine. From this account it can easily be
seen that whatever he wrote with regard to the affairs of Tierra-Firme
must be received with caution, as he was far from being an impartial
observer.[685]

* * * * *

The first document with regard to the final and successful settlement
of Tierra-Firme is the _cédula_ of June 9, 1508, in which Diego de
Nicuesa and Alonso de Ojeda were commissioned governors of Veragua and
Urabá for four years.[686] Juan de la Cosa was confirmed in his office
of _alguacil mayor de Urabá_ on the seventeenth of the same month;[687]
and the Governor of Española was directed to give him a house for his
wife and children, together with a sufficient number of Indians.[688]

As we have seen, the two governors were prevented by Diego Columbus
from taking the well-to-do class of colonists from Española upon which
they had counted. This statement is made on the authority of Nicuesa’s
lieutenant, Rodrigo de Colmenares, who afterward deserted Nicuesa at
Antigua, and went to Spain in 1512 in company with Caicedo to report
the existence of a new sea. While there, either on this or a later
visit, he presented a memorial to the King _sobre el desgraciado suceso
de Diego de Nicuesa_.[689] The allegations of Colmenares are borne out
by two _cédulas_ of Feb. 28, 1510;[690] while a _cédula_ of June 15,
1510, declared that the Gulf of Urabá belonged to the province which
had been assigned to Ojeda.[691] Nicuesa was informed of this decision
in a _cédula_ of the same date.[692] There are four more _cédulas_
of July 25, 1511, in two of which the Admiral Diego Columbus and the
treasurer Pasamonte are ordered to assist the unhappy governors, while
the other two were written to inform those governors that such orders
had been sent.[693] The fate of neither of them, however, is certain.
The judges of appeal in Española were ordered to inquire into the
crimes, _délits_, and excesses of Ojeda, Talavera, and companions.[694]
Talavera and his associates were hanged in Jamaica in 1511, and Ojeda’s
deposition was taken in 1513, and again in 1515 in Santo Domingo, in
the celebrated lawsuit; but beyond this his further movements are not
accurately known.[695] As for Nicuesa, he too underwent shipwreck and
starvation; and when at last fortune seemed about to smile upon him, he
was cruelly cast out by the mutinous settlers at Darien; and although a
story was current that he had been wrecked on Cuba and had there left
inscribed on a tree, “Here died the unfortunate Nicuesa,” yet the best
opinion is that he and his seventeen faithful followers perished at
sea.[696]

* * * * *

The only complete biography of Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa is that of Don
Manuel José Quintana,[697] who had access to the then unpublished
portion of Oviedo, and to documents many of which are possibly not
yet published. His _Vida_,[698] therefore, is very useful in filling
gaps in the account of the expeditions from Antigua both before and
after the coming of Pedrárias. There is no account by an eye-witness
of the expeditions undertaken by Vasco Nuñez before 1514; and the only
approach to such a document is the letter which Vasco Nuñez wrote to
the King on Jan. 20, 1513.[699] The writer of this letter came to the
Indies with Bastidas in 1500; and after the unhappy ending of that
voyage settled in Española. But he was not suited to the placid life of
a planter, and becoming involved in debt, was glad to escape from his
creditors in Enciso’s ship. It was by his advice that the San Sebastian
colony was transferred to the other side of the Gulf of Urabá; and when
there his shrewdness had discovered a way of getting rid of Enciso.
The exact part he played in the murder of Nicuesa is not clear; but
it is certain, as Bancroft points out, that his connection with that
nefarious act was the lever by which his enemies finally accomplished
his overthrow. It can be thus easily understood that the censures which
he passes on Enciso and Nicuesa must be received with caution. Still,
we should not forget that Vasco Nuñez succeeded where they failed. He
was a man of little or no education, and portions of this letter are
almost untranslatable. Nevertheless, Clements R. Markham has given an
English rendering in the Introduction to his translation of Andagoya’s
_Relacion_.[700] Among the other accounts,[701] that of Herrera is very
full, and, so far as it can be compared with accessible documents,
sufficiently accurate.

There is no real discrepancy in the various narratives, except with
regard to the date of the discovery of the Pacific, which Peter
Martyr says took place on the 26th of September, while all the other
authorities have the 25th; Oviedo going so far as to give the very hour
when the new waters first dawned on Balbóa’s sight.[702]

There is no lack of original material concerning the government
of Pedrárias. First come his commission[703] (July 27, 1513) and
instructions[704] (Aug. 2, 1513), which Navarrete has printed, together
with the letter written by the King on receipt of the reports of Vasco
Nuñez’ grand discovery.[705] The date of this paper is not given; but
there has recently been printed[706] a letter from the King to Vasco
Nuñez of Aug. 19, 1514. In this note the monarch states that he has
heard of the discovery of the new sea through Pasamonte, although he
had not then seen Arbolancha. Pasamonte had probably written in Vasco
Nuñez’ favor; for the King adds that he has written to Pedrárias that
he (Vasco Nuñez) should be well treated. It is possible that this is
the letter above mentioned, a portion only of which is printed in
Navarrete.

The date of the expedition to Dabaibe, in which so many men were lost,
is not certain; but Vasco Nuñez saw the necessity of putting forward a
defence, which he did in a letter to the King on the 16th of October,
1515.[707] In this letter, besides describing the really insuperable
obstacles in the way of a successful expedition in that direction,—in
which the lack of food, owing to the ravages of the locusts, bears a
prominent part,—he attacks Pedrárias and his government very severely.

The doings of Arbolancha in Spain are not known. There is a letter of
the King to Pedrárias, dated Sept. 27, 1514, appointing Vasco Nuñez
_adelantado_ of the coast region which he had discovered.[708] We have
several letters of the King to Pedrárias, to the new _adelantado_, and
to other officers, on November 23 and 27.[709]

The next document of importance is the narrative of Espinosa’s
expedition, written by himself. It is printed in the _Documentos
inéditos_ (vol. ii. pp. 467-522), with some corrections by the editors;
but it may be found in the original spelling, and without such
corrections, in another volume of that series,[710] where the date of
1514 is most erroneously assigned to it.

The _licenciate_ Gaspar de Espinosa came to Tierra-Firme with Pedrárias
as _alcalde mayor_. Soon after his arrival at Antigua he held the
_residencia_ of Vasco Nuñez, and then is not heard of again until he
is found in command of this expedition. He founded Panamá (for the
first time) and returned to Antigua, whence he followed Pedrárias to
Acla to try Vasco Nuñez for treason. He unwillingly convicted him, but
recommended mercy. After the great explorer’s death he cruised in his
vessels to the coast of Nicaragua; and later he played an important
part in the conquest of Peru, and died at Cuzco while endeavoring to
accommodate the differences between Pizarro and Almagro. The only other
document of his which I have found is a _Relacion e proceso_ concerning
the voyage of 1519.[711]

There are a few other documents bearing on the history of
Tierra-Firme;[712] but the best and most complete contemporary
account of this period[713] was written by Pascual de Andagoya, who
came to Antigua with Pedrárias. Andagoya was with Vasco Nuñez on his
last voyage, accompanied Espinosa on both his expeditions, and led
a force into Birú in 1522. After his return from that expedition he
lived in Panamá until 1529, when Pedro de los Rios banished him from
the isthmus. After a few years spent in Santo Domingo he returned to
Panamá as lieutenant to the new governor, Barrionuevo, and acted as
agent to Pizarro and the other conquerors of Peru until 1536, when
his _residencia_ was held with much rigor by the _licenciate_ Pedro
Vasquez, and he was sent to Spain. In 1539 he returned as _adelantado_
and governor of Castilla Nueva, as the province bordering on the
_Mar del Sur_ from the Gulf of San Miguel to the San Juan River was
then called. But the remainder of his life was one succession of
disappointments, and he died some time after 1545.[714]

From this brief biography it will be seen that Andagoya’s earlier
career was successful, and that he was on friendly terms with
Pedrárias, Espinosa, and Vasco Nuñez. He was therefore, so far as we
are concerned, an impartial witness of the events which he describes;
and his testimony is therefore more to be relied on than that of
Oviedo, who was absent from Tierra-Firme a great part of the time, and
who was besides inimical to Pedrárias. Otherwise Oviedo’s account is
the better; for the sequence of events is difficult, if not impossible,
to unravel from Andagoya.

The second chronicler of the Indies, Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas,
who published the first two volumes of his _Historia general_ in
1601,[715] drew upon himself the wrath of a descendant of Pedrárias,
Don Francisco Arias Dávila, Conde de Puñonrostro, who petitioned for
redress. _Memorials_, _relaciones_, and _refutaciones_ were given on
both sides until September, 1603, when the matter was referred to “Xil
Ramirez de Arellano, del Consexo de Su Maxestad e Su Fiscal.” This
umpire decided in effect[716] that Herrera had gone too far, and that
the acrimony of some of the passages objected to should be mitigated.
The papers which passed in this discussion, after remaining for a
long time buried in the Archives of the Indies, have been printed
in the thirty-seventh volume of _Documentos inéditos_,[717] and are
without doubt one of the most valuable sets among the papers in that
collection. Among them are many letters from the King to the royal
officials which throw much light on the history of that time. There
is nothing in them, however, to remove the unfavorable opinion of
Pedrárias which the execution of Vasco Nuñez aroused; for although
there can be little doubt that Vasco Nuñez meditated technical treason,
yet conviction for treason by the _alcalde mayor_ would not have
justified execution without appeal, especially when the fair-minded
judge, Gaspar Espinosa, recommended mercy. This is perfectly clear;
but the mind of Pedrárias, who presented the facts from his point of
view, in the _Testimónio de mandamiénto de Pedrárias Dávila mandando
proscesar a Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa_,[718] had been poisoned by the
jealous Garabito.

The convicted traitors were executed without delay or appeal of any
kind being given them. The general opinion is that this execution took
place in 1517, and that date has been adopted in this chapter; but
in the second volume of _Documentos inéditos_ (p. 556), there is a
_Peticion presentada por Hernando de Arguello, á nombre de Vasco Nuñez
de Balbóa, sobre que se le prorrogue el término que se le habia dado
para la construccion de unos navíos_, etc., which was granted, for
eight months, on the 13th day of January, 1518 (_en treze de Enero de
quiniéntos é diez é ocho años_). This document is signed by Pedrárias
Dávila, Alonso de la Puente, and Diego Marquez; and it is properly
attested by Martin Salte, _escribáno_. Argüello was the principal
financial supporter of Vasco Nuñez in the South Sea enterprise,
and was executed in the evening of the same day on which his chief
suffered.[719]

The first fifty-seven pages of the fourteenth volume of the _Documentos
inéditos_ are taken up with the affairs of Gil Gonzalez Dávila.
The first is an _asiénto_ with the pilot Niño, by which he was
given permission to discover and explore for one thousand leagues
to the westward from Panamá. Gil Gonzalez was to go in command of
the fleet,[720] composed of the vessels built by Vasco Nuñez, which
Pedrárias was ordered to deliver to the new adventurers, but which he
refused to do until Gil Gonzalez made the demand in person.[721]

A full statement of the equipments and cost of fitting out the fleet
in Spain is given in _Documentos inéditos_ (vol. xiv. pp. 8-20), and
is exceedingly interesting as showing what the Spaniards thought
essential to the outfit of an exploring expedition. What was actually
accomplished in the way of sailing, marching, and baptizing is fully
set forth in _Relacion de las leguas que el capitan Gil Gonzalez Dávila
anduvo á pié por tierra por la costa de la mar del Sur, y de los
caciques y indios que descubrió y se babtizaron, y del oro que dieron
para Sus Magestades_ (1522).[722]

The latter part of the career of Gil Gonzalez is described in the
_Informacion sobre la llegada de Gil Gonzalez Dávila y Cristóbal
de Olid á las Higueras_ (Oct. 8, 1524)[723] and in the succeeding
documents, especially a _Traslado testimoniado de una cédula del
Emperador Carlos V.... entre los capitanes Gil Gonzalez Dávila y
Cristóbal Dolid_ (Nov. 20, 1525).[724] The _Relacion_ of Andagoya[725]
contains a narrative of the expedition from a different point of
view. Besides these papers, Bancroft found a document in the Squier
Collection,[726] which he cites as _Carta de Gil Gonzalez Dávila el
Rey_ (March, 1524). This letter contains a great deal of detailed
information, of which Bancroft has made good use in his account of that
adventurer.[727]

* * * * *

There is no documentary evidence with regard to the settlement of
Jamaica by Juan de Esquivel, or of the circumnavigation of Cuba by
Sebastian de Ocampo; and there are but slight allusions to them in
the “chroniclers.”[728] There is not much to be found concerning the
settlement of Cuba, except the accounts given by the early chroniclers.
I should place Oviedo (vol. i. p. 494) first, although he got his
knowledge second hand from the account given by Las Casas; while the
story of this actual observer is necessarily tinged by the peculiar
views—peculiar for the nation and epoch—which he held in later life
with regard to the enslavement of the natives.[729]

With the voyage of Córdoba to Yucatan, Navarrete[730] again becomes
useful, although he printed no new evidence. The voyage, therefore,
rests upon the accounts given in the standard books,[731] upon
the _Historia verdadera_ of Bernal Diaz, the _Vida de Cortés_ in
Icazbalceta (i. 338), and a few documents recently dragged from the
recesses of the Indian Archives.

Bernal Diaz del Castillo came to Tierra-Firme with Pedrárias; but,
discouraged with the outlook there, he and about one hundred companions
found their way to Cuba, attracted thither by the inducements held
out by Velasquez. But there again he was doomed to disappointment,
and served under Córdoba, Grijalva, and Cortés. After the conquest of
Mexico he settled in Guatemala. Whatever may be the exaggerations in
the latter part of his _Historia verdadera_,[732] there is no reason
why Bernal Diaz should not have wished to tell the truth as to the
voyages of Córdoba and Grijalva, with one or two exceptions, to be
hereafter noted.

Prescott, in his _Conquest of Mexico_ (vol. i. p. 222), says that
Córdoba sailed for one of the neighboring Bahamas, but that storms
drove him far out of his course, etc. Bancroft[733] has effectually
disposed of this error. But is it not a curious fact that Bernal Diaz
and Oviedo should give the length of the voyage from Cape St. Anton
to the sighting of the islands off Yucatan as from six to twenty-one
days? Oviedo was probably nearer the mark, as it is very likely that
the old soldier had forgotten the exact circumstances of the voyage;
for it must be borne in mind that he did not write his book until
long after the events which it chronicles. As to the object of the
expedition, it was undoubtedly undertaken for the purpose of procuring
slaves, and very possibly Velasquez contributed a small vessel to the
two fitted out by the other adventurers;[734] but the claim set forth
by the descendants of Velasquez, that he sent four fleets _at his own
cost_—_La una con un F. H. de Córdoba_[735]—is preposterous.

The voyage of Juan de Grijalva was much better chronicled; for
with regard to it there are in existence three accounts written by
eye-witnesses. The first is that of Bernal Diaz,[736] which is minute,
and generally accurate; but it is not unlikely that in his envy at
the praise accorded to Cortés, he may have exaggerated the virtues of
Grijalva. The latter also wrote an account of the expedition, which
is embodied in Oviedo,[737] together with corrections suggested by
Velasquez, whom Oviedo saw in 1523.

But before these I should place the _Itinerario_ of Juan Diaz, a priest
who accompanied the expedition.[738] The original is lost; but an
Italian version is known, which was printed with the _Itinerario de
Varthema_ at Venice, in 1520.[739] This edition was apparently unknown
to Navarrete, who gives 1522 as the date of its appearance in Italian,
in which he is followed by Ternaux-Compans and Prescott.

Notwithstanding this mass of original material, it is not easy to
construct a connected narrative of this voyage, for Oviedo sometimes
contradicts himself; Bernal Diaz had undoubtedly forgotten the exact
dates, which he nevertheless attempts to give in too many cases; Juan
Diaz, owing partly to the numerous translations and changes incidental
thereto, is sometimes unintelligible; and Las Casas,[740] who had good
facilities for getting at the exact truth, is often very vague and
difficult to follow.

[Illustration: JUAN DE GRIJALVA.

Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, i. 312. Cf. also the Mexican
edition of Prescott, and Carbajal Espinosa’s _Historia de México_. i.
64.]

In addition to this material, the _Décadas abreviadas de los
descubrimientos, conquistas, fundaciones y otras cosas notables,
acaecidas en las Indias occidentales desde 1492 á 1640_, has been of
considerable service. This paper was found in manuscript form, without
date or signature, in the Biblioteca Nacional by the editors of the
_Documentos inéditos_, and printed by them in their eighth volume (pp.
5-52). It is not accurate throughout; but it gives the dates and order
of events in many cases so clearly, that it is a document of some
importance.

[Illustration: Edward Channing.]

THE EARLY CARTOGRAPHY OF THE GULF OF MEXICO AND ADJACENT PARTS.

BY THE EDITOR.

IN a previous section on the early maps of the Spanish and Portuguese
discoveries the Editor has traced the development of the geography of
the Gulf of Mexico with the group of the Antilles and the neighboring
coasts, beginning with the delineation of La Cosa in 1500. He has
indicated in the same section the influence of the explorations of
Columbus and his companions in shaping the geographical ideas of the
early years of the sixteenth century. Balbóa’s discovery in 1513 was
followed by the failure to find any passage to the west in the latitude
of the Antilles; but the disappointment was not sufficient to remove
the idea of such a passage from the minds of certain geographers for
some years to come. The less visionary among them hesitated to embrace
the notion, however, and we observe a willingness to be confined by
something like definite knowledge in the maker of a map of the Pacific
which is preserved in the Military Library at Weimar. This map shows
Cordova’s discoveries about Yucatan (1517), but has no indication
of the islands which Magellan discovered (1520) in the Pacific;
accordingly, Kohl places it in 1518. Balbóa’s discovery is noted in the
sea which was seen by the Castilians.[741]

[Illustration: THE PACIFIC, 1518.]

[Illustration: GULF OF MEXICO, 1520.

This map is also given in Weise’s _Discoveries of America_, p. 278.]

[Illustration: LORENZ FRIESS, 1522.]

A sketch of a map found by Navarrete in the Spanish archives, and given
by him in his _Coleccion_, vol. iii., as “Las Costas de Tierra-Firme
y las tierras nuevas,” probably embodies the results of Pineda’s
expedition to the northern shores of the Gulf in 1519. This was the map
sent to Spain by Garay, the governor of Jamaica. What seems to be the
mouth of the Mississippi will be noted as the “Rio del Espiritu Santo.”
The surprisingly accurate draft of the shores of the Gulf which Cortés
sent to Europe was published in 1524, and is given to the reader on
another page.[742]

[Illustration: MAIOLLO, 1527.

Sketch of the map in the Ambrosian Library, of which the part north
of Florida is given on a larger scale, after Desimoni’s sketch, with
coast names, in the present _History_, Vol. IV. pp. 28, 39. The present
sketch follows a fac-simile given in Weise’s _Discoveries of America_.]

There is a sketch of the northern shore of South America and the
“Insule Canibalorum sive Antiglie” which was made by Lorenz Friess
(Laurentius Frisius) in 1522. The outline, which is given herewith,
represents one of the sheets of twelve woodcut maps which were
not published till 1530—under the title _Carta marina navigatoria
Portugalensium_. Friess does not mention whence he got his material,
which seems to be of an earlier date than the time of using it; and
Kohl suspects it came from Waldseemüller. South America is marked “Das
nüw Erfunde land.”

In the Maiollo map of 1527 we find two distinct features,—the strait,
connecting with the Pacific, which Cortés had been so anxious to find;
and the insular Yucatan pushed farther than usual into the Gulf.
The notion that Yucatan was an island is said to have arisen from a
misconception of the meaning of the designation which the Indians
applied to the country.[743] The Portuguese Portulano of 1514-1518[744]
had made Yucatan a peninsula; but four years later Grijalva had been
instructed to sail round it, and Cortés in his map of 1520 had left
an intervening channel.[745] We see the uncertainty which prevailed
among cartographers regarding this question in the peninsular character
which Yucatan has in the map of 1520,[746] as resulting from Pineda’s
search; in the seeming hesitancy of the Toreno map,[747] and in the
unmistakable insularity of the Friess,[748] Verrazano,[749] and
Ribero[750] charts. The decision of the latter royal hydrographer
governed a school of map-makers for some years, and a similar strait
of greater or less width separates it from the main in the Finæus
map of 1531,[751] the Lenox woodcut of 1534,[752] the Ulpius globe
of 1542,[753] not to name others; though the peninsular notion still
prevailed with some of the cartographers.[754]

[Illustration: THE WEIMAR MAP OF 1527.]

A map which shows the extent of the explorations on the Pacific from
Balbóa’s time till Gonzales and others reached the country about the
Isthmus of Tehuantepec, is that of 1527, which was formerly ascribed
to Ferdinand Columbus, but has been shown (?) by Harrisse to be
more likely the work of Nuño Garcia de Toreno. The map, which is of
the world, and of which but a small section is given herewith, is
called _Carta universal en que se contiene todo lo que del mundo se a
descubierto hasta aora; hizola un cosmographo de su magestad anno M.
D. XXVII en Sevilla_. Its outline of the two Americas is shown in a
sketch given on an earlier page.[755] The original is preserved in the
Grand-Ducal Library at Weimar.

[Illustration: RIBERO, 1529.]

A map of similar character, dated two years later, is one which is
the work of Diego Ribero, a Portuguese in the service of Spain, who
had been the royal cosmographer since 1523,—an office which he was to
hold till his death, ten years later, in 1533. There are two early
copies of this map, of which a small section is herewith given; both
are on parchment, and are preserved respectively at Weimar and Rome,
though Thomassy[756] says there is a third copy. The Roman copy is in
the Archivio del Collegio di Propaganda, and is said to have belonged
to Cardinal Borgia. The North American sections of the map have been
several times reproduced in connection with discussions of the voyages
of Gomez and Verrazano.[757] The entire American continent was first
engraved by M. C. Sprengel in 1795, after a copy then in Büttner’s
library at Jena, when it was appended to a German translation of Muñoz,
with a memoir upon it which was also printed separately as _Ueber
Ribero’s älteste Weltkarte_. The map is entitled _Carta universal en
que se contiene todo lo que del mundo se ha descubierto fasta agora:
Hizola Diego Ribero cosmographo de su magestad: año de 1529. La Qual
se divide en dos partes conforme á la capitulaçion que hizieron los
catholicos Reyes de España, y el Rey don Juan de portugal en la Villa
[citta] de Tordesillas: Año de 1494_,—thus recording the Spanish
understanding, as the map of 1527 did, of the line of demarcation. The
Propaganda copy has “en Sevilla” after the date. The most serviceable
of the modern reproductions of the American parts is that given by
Kohl in his _Die beiden ältesten General-Karten von Amerika_, though
other drafts of parts are open to the student in Santarem’s _Atlas_
(pl. xxv.), Lelewel’s _Moyen-âge_ (pl. xli.), Ruge’s _Geschichte des
Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, and Bancroft’s _Central America_ (i.
146).[758]

These two maps of 1527 and 1529 established a type of the American
coasts which prevailed for some time. One such map is that of which a
fac-simile is given in the _Cartas de Indias_, called “Carta de las
Antillas, seno Mejicano y costas de tierra-firme, y de la America
setentrional,” which seems, however, to have been made later than
1541.[759] Another is preserved in the Ducal Library at Wolfenbüttel,
of which Harrisse makes mention in his _Cabots_, p. 185. A significant
map of this type, commonly cited as the _Atlas de Philippe II., dédié
à Charles Quint_, is more correctly defined in the title given to a
photographic reproduction,[760] _Portulano de Charles Quint donné
à Philippe II., accompagné d’une notice par MM. F. Spitzer et Ch.
Wiener_, Paris, 1875. The map is not dated; but the development of the
coasts of Florida, California, Peru, and of Magellan’s Straits, with
the absence of the coast-line of Chili, which had been tracked in 1536,
has led to the belief that it represents investigations of a period not
long before 1540. The original draft first attracted attention when
exhibited in 1875 at the Geographical Congress in Paris, and shortly
after it was the subject of several printed papers.[761] Major is
inclined to think it the work of Baptista Agnese, and Wieser is of the
same opinion; while for the American parts it is contended that the
Italian geographer—for the language of the map is Italian—followed the
maps of 1527 and 1529.

What would seem to be the earliest engraved map of this type exists,
so far as is known, in but a single copy, now in the Lenox Library.
It is a woodcut, measuring 21 × 17 inches, and is entitled _La carta
uniuersale della terra firma & Isole delle Indie occidētali, cio è del
mondo nuouo fatta per dichiaratione delli libri delle Indie, cauata
da due carte da nauicare fatte in Sibilia da li piloti della Maiesta
Cesarea_,—the maps referred to being those of 1527 and 1529, as is
supposed. Harrisse, however, claims that this Venice cut preceded the
map of 1527, and was probably the work of the same chartmaker. Stevens
holds that it followed both of these maps, and should be dated 1534;
while Harrisse would place it before Peter Martyr’s death in September,
1526. According to Brevoort and Harrisse,[762] the map was issued to
accompany the conglomerate work of Martyr and Oviedo, _Summario de la
generale historia de l’Indie occidentali_, which was printed in three
parts at Venice in 1534.[763] Murphy, in his _Verrazzano_ (p. 125),
quotes the colophon of the Oviedo part of the book as evidence of the
origin of the map, which translated stands thus: “Printed at Venice in
the month of December, 1534.”

[Illustration]

For the explanation of these books there has been made a universal map
of the countries of all the West Indies, together with a special map
[Hispaniola] taken from two marine charts of the Spaniards, one of
which belonged to Don Pietro Martire, councillor of the Royal Council
of said Indies, and was made by the pilot and master of marine charts,
Niño Garzia de Loreno [_sic_] in Seville; the other was made also by a
pilot of his Majesty, the Emperor, in Seville. Quaritch[764] says that
an advertisement at the end of the _secundo libro_ of Xeres, _Conquista
del Peru_ (Venice, 1534), shows that the map in the first edition of
Peter Martyr’s _Decades_ was made by Nuño Garcia de Toreno in Seville;
but the statement is questionable. Harrisse refers to a map of Toreno
preserved in the Royal Library at Turin, dated 1522, in which he is
called “piloto y maestro de cartas de nauegar de su Magestad.” The
American part of this last chart is unfortunately missing.[765]

Harrisse calls this Lenox woodcut the earliest known chart of Spanish
origin which is crossed by lines of latitude and longitude, and thinks
it marks a type adopted by the Spanish cosmographers a little after
the return of Del Cano from his voyage of circumnavigation and the
coming of Andagoya from Panama in 1522, with additions based on the
tidings which Gomez brought to Seville in December, 1525, from his
voyage farther north.

[Illustration: AN EARLY FRENCH MAP.]

It is not worth while to reproduce here various maps of this time, all
showing more or less resemblance to the common type of this central
portion of the New World. Such are the maps of Verrazano[766] and of
Thorne,[767] the draft of the Sloane manuscript,[768] the cordiform map
of Orontius Finæus,[769] one given by Kunstmann,[770] and the whole
series of the Agnese type.[771]

[Illustration: GULF OF MEXICO, 1536.]

There is a French map, which was found by Jomard in the possession of
a noble family in France, which Kohl supposes to be drawn in part from
Ribero. A sketch is annexed as of “An Early French Map.” The absence of
the Gulf of California and of all traces of De Soto’s expedition leads
Kohl to date it before 1533. Jomard placed the date later; but as the
map has no record of the expeditions of Ribault and Laudonnière, it
would appear to be earlier than 1554.[772]

There is a large manuscript map in the British Museum which seems to
have been made by a Frenchman from Spanish sources, judging from the
mixture and corruption of the languages used in it. In one inscription
there is mention of “the disembarkation of the Governor;” and this,
together with the details of the harbors on the west coast of Florida,
where Narvaez went, leads Kohl to suppose the map to have been drawn
from that commander’s reports. The sketch, which is annexed and marked
“Gulf of Mexico, 1536,” follows Kohl’s delineation in his Washington
collection.[773]

[Illustration: ROTZ, 1542.]

We can further trace the geographical history of the Antilles in the
Münster map of 1540,[774] in the Mercator gores of 1541,[775] and in
the Ulpius globe of 1542.[776] In this last year (1542) we find in
the Rotz _Idrography_, preserved in the British Museum, a map which
records the latitudes about three degrees too high for the larger
islands, and about two degrees too low for the more southern ones,
making the distance between Florida and Trinidad too great by five
degrees. The map is marked “The Indis of Occident quhas the Spaniards
doeth occupy.” The sketch here given follows Kohl’s copy.[777] Rotz
seems to have worked from antecedent Portuguese charts; and in the
well-known Cabot map of 1544, of which a section is annexed, as well as
in the Medina map of 1545,[778] we doubtless have the results reached
by the Spanish hydrographers. The “Carta marina” of the Italian Ptolemy
of 1548,[779] as well as the manuscript atlas of Nicholas Vallard
(1547), now in the Sir Thomas Phillipps Collection, may be traced
ultimately to the same source; and the story goes respecting the latter
that a Spanish bishop, Don Miguel de Silva, brought out of Spain and
into France the originals upon which it was founded. These originals,
it would appear, also served Homem in 1558 in the elaborate manuscript
map, now preserved in the British Museum, of which a sketch (in part)
is annexed (p. 229).

[Illustration: CABOT, 1544.

Sketch of a section of the so-called Sebastian Cabot Mappemonde in
the National Library at Paris, following a photographic reproduction
belonging to Harvard College Library. There is a rude draft of the
Antilles by Allfonsce of this same year.]

The maps of the middle of the century which did most to fix popularly
the geography of the New World were probably the Bellero map of
1554,[780] which was so current in Antwerp publications of about that
time, and the hemisphere of Ramusio (1556) which accompanied the third
volume of his _Viaggi_, and of which a fac-simile is annexed. There is
a variety of delineations to be traced out for the Antilles through the
sequence of the better-known maps of the next following years, which
the curious student may find in the maps of the Riccardi Palace,[781]
the Nancy globe,[782] the Martines map of 155-,[783] that of Forlani in
1560,[784] the map of Ruscelli in the Ptolemy of 1561, besides those
by Zalterius (1566),[785] Des Liens (1566),[786] Diegus (1568),[787]
Mercator (1569),[788] Ortelius (1570),[789] and Porcacchi (1572).[790]

[Illustration: RAMUSIO, 1556.

H. H. Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. 49, sketches this map, but errs
in saying the shape of the California peninsula was not copied in
later maps. Cf. map in Best’s _Frobisher_ 1578.]

[Illustration: HOMEM, 1558.]

[Illustration: MARTINES, 1578.]

Of the map of Martines, in 1578, which is in a manuscript atlas
preserved in the British Museum, Kohl says its parallels of latitude
are more nearly correct than on any earlier map, while its meridians of
longitude are expanded far too much.[791]

[Illustration: CUBA (_after Wytfliet_, 1597).

The earliest map of Cuba is that in the La Cosa Chart, which is
reproduced, among other places, in Ramon de la Sagra’s _Histoire
physique et politique de l’ile de Cuba_, 1842-1843, which contains
also the chart of Guillaure Testu. There are other early maps of
Cuba—besides those in maps of the Antilles already mentioned in the
present section—in Porcacchi, 1572 (pp. 81, 88), in the Ortelius of
1592, and in the Mercator atlases. The bibliography of Cuba is given
in Bachiler’s _Apuntes para la historia de la isla de Cuba_, Havana,
1861. For the cartography, cf. the _Mapoteca Columbiana_ of Uricoechea,
London, 1860, p. 53. Of the several maps of the Antilles toward the end
of the century, it may be sufficient to name the detailed map of the
West Indies in the Ortelius of 1584, the Hakluyt-Martyr map of 1587,
the map of Thomas Hood in Kunstmann, the De Bry map of 1596, as well as
the maps of the first distinctively American atlas,—that of Wytfliet in
1597.]

CHAPTER IV.

ANCIENT FLORIDA.

BY JOHN GILMARY SHEA, LL.D.

THE credit of being the first to explore our Atlantic coast has not yet
been positively awarded by critical historians. Ramusio preserves the
report of a person whom he does not name, which asserts that Sebastian
Cabot claimed for his father and himself, in the summer of 1497, to
have run down the whole coast, from Cape Breton to the latitude of
Cuba; but the most recent and experienced writer on Cabot treats the
claim as unfounded.[792]

The somewhat sceptical scholars of our day have shown little
inclination to adopt the theory of Francisco Adolpho de Varnhagen, that
Americus Vespucius on his first voyage reached Honduras in 1497, and
during the ensuing year ran along the northern shore of the Gulf of
Mexico, doubled the Florida cape, and then sailed northward along our
Atlantic coast to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where he built a vessel and
sailed to Cadiz.[793]

Although Columbus made his first landfall on one of the Bahamas, and
Cuba was soon after occupied, no definite knowledge seems to have
been obtained of the great mainland so near them. There is nothing
in narrative or map to betray any suspicion of its existence prior to
the year 1502, when a map executed in Lisbon at the order of Cantino,
an Italian merchant, for Hercules d’Este, shows a mainland north of
Cuba, terminating near that island in a peninsula resembling Florida.
The tract of land thus shown has names of capes and rivers, but they
can be referred to no known exploration. To some this has seemed to be
but a confused idea of Cuba as mainland;[794] by others it is regarded
as a vague idea of Yucatan. But Harrisse in his _Corte-Real_, where he
reproduces the map, maintains that “between the end of 1500 and the
summer of 1502 navigators, whose name and nationality are unknown,
but whom we presume to be Spaniards, discovered, explored, and named
the part of the shore of the United States which from the vicinity of
Pensacola Bay runs along the Gulf of Mexico to the Cape of Florida,
and, turning it, runs northward along the Atlantic coast to about the
mouth of the Chesapeake or Hudson.”[795]

But leaving these three claims in the realm of conjecture and doubt, we
come to a period of more certain knowledge.

The Lucayos of the Bahamas seem to have talked of a great land of
Bimini not far from them. The Spaniards repeated the story; and in the
edition of Peter Martyr’s _Decades_ published in 1511 is a map on which
a large island appears, named “Illa de Beimeni, parte.”[796]

Discovery had taken a more southerly route; no known Spanish vessel
had passed through the Bahama channel or skirted the coast. But some
ideas must have prevailed, picked up from natives of the islands, or
adventurous pilots who had ventured farther than their instructions
authorized. Stories of an island north of Hispaniola, with a fountain
whose waters conferred perpetual youth, had reached Peter Martyr in
Spain, for in the same edition of his _Decades_ he alludes to the
legends.

John Ponce de Leon, who had accompanied Columbus on his second voyage,
and had since played his part bravely amid the greatest vicissitudes,
resolved to explore and conquer Bimini. He had friends at Court, and
seems to have been a personal favorite of the King, who expressed a
wish for his advancement.[797] The patent he solicited was based on
that originally issued to Columbus; but the King laughingly said, that
it was one thing to grant boundless power when nothing was expected
to come of it, and very different to do so when success was almost
certain. Yet on the 23d of February, 1512, a royal grant empowered
John Ponce de Leon “to proceed to discover and settle the Island
of Bimini.”[798] The patent was subject to the condition that the
island had not been already discovered. He was required to make the
exploration within three years, liberty being granted to him to touch
at any island or mainland not subject to the King of Portugal. If he
succeeded in his expedition he was to be governor of Bimini for life,
with the title of _adelantado_.[799]

The veteran immediately purchased a vessel, in order to go to Spain
and make preparations for the conquest of Bimini. But the authorities
in Porto Rico seized his vessel; and the King, finding his services
necessary in controlling the Indians, sent orders to the Council of the
Indies to defer the Bimini expedition, and gave Ponce de Leon command
of the fort in Porto Rico.[800]

Thus delayed in the royal service, Ponce de Leon was unable to obtain
vessels or supplies till the following year. He at last set sail from
the port of San German in Porto Rico in March, 1513,[801] with three
caravels, taking as pilot Anton de Alaminos, a native of Palos who
had as a boy accompanied Columbus, and who was long to associate his
own name with explorations of the Gulf of Mexico. They first steered
northeast by north, and soon made the Caicos, Yaguna, Amaguayo, and
Manigua. After refitting at Guanahani, Ponce de Leon bore northwest;
and on Easter Sunday (March 27) discovered the mainland, along which he
ran till the 2d of April, when he anchored in 30° 8’ and landed. On the
8th he took possession in the name of the King of Spain, and named the
country—which the Lucayos called Cancio—Florida, from Pascua Florida,
the Spanish name for Easter Sunday.

The vessels then turned southward, following the coast till the 20th,
when Ponce landed near Abayoa, a cluster of Indian huts. On attempting
to sail again, he met such violent currents that his vessels could make
no headway, and were forced to anchor, except one of the caravels,
which was driven out of sight. On landing at this point Ponce found
the Indians so hostile that he was obliged to repel their attacks by
force. He named a river Rio de la Cruz; and, doubling Cape Corrientes
on the 8th of May, sailed on till he reached a chain of islands, to
which he gave the name of the Martyrs. On one of these he obtained wood
and water, and careened a caravel. The Indians were very thievish,
endeavoring to steal the anchors or cut the cables, so as to seize the
ships. He next discovered and named the Tortugas. After doubling the
cape, he ran up the western shore of Florida to a bay, in 27° 30’,
which for centuries afterward bore the name of Juan Ponce. There are
indications that before he turned back he may have followed the coast
till it trended westward. After discovering Bahama he is said to have
despatched one caravel from Guanima under John Perez de Ortubia, with
Anton de Alaminos, to search for Bimini, while he himself returned
to Porto Rico, which he reached September 21. He was soon followed by
Ortubia, who, it is said, had been successful in his search for Bimini.

Although Ponce de Leon had thus explored the Florida coast, and added
greatly to the knowledge of the Bahama group, his discoveries are not
noted in the editions of Ptolemy which appeared in the next decade, and
which retained the names of the Cantino map. The Ribeiro map (1529)
gives the Martyrs and Tortugas, and on the mainland Canico,—apparently
Cancio, the Lucayan name of Florida. In the so-called Leonardo da
Vinci’s Mappemonde, Florida appears as an island in a vast ocean that
rolls on to Japan.[802]

Elated with his success, John Ponce de Leon soon after sailed to
Spain; and, obtaining an audience of the King,—it is said through the
influence of his old master, Pero Nuñez de Guzman, Grand Comendador
of Calatrava,—gave the monarch a description of the attractive land
which he had discovered. He solicited a new patent for its conquest
and settlement; and on the 27th of September, 1514, the King empowered
him to go and settle “the Island of Brimini and the Island Florida”
which he had discovered under the royal orders. He was to effect
this in three years from the delivery of the _asiento_; but as he
had been employed in His Majesty’s service, it was extended so that
this term was to date from the day he set sail for his new province.
After reducing the Caribs, he was empowered to take of the vessels and
men employed in that service whatever he chose in order to conquer
and settle Florida. The natives were to be summoned to submit to the
Catholic Faith and the authority of Spain, and they were not to be
attacked or captured if they submitted. Provision was made as to the
revenues of the new province, and orders were sent to the viceroy, Don
Diego Columbus, to carry out the royal wishes.[803]

The Carib war was not, however, terminated as promptly as the King and
his officers desired. Time passed, and adventurers in unauthorized
expeditions to Florida rendered the Indians hostile.[804] It was not
till 1521 that Ponce de Leon was able to give serious thought to a
new expedition. His early hopes seem to have faded, and with them the
energy and impulsiveness of his youth. He had settled his daughters
in marriage, and, free from domestic cares, offered himself simply to
continue to serve the King as he had done for years. Writing to Charles
V. from Porto Rico on the 10th of February, 1521, he says:—

“Among my services I discovered, at my own cost and charge, the Island
Florida and others in its district, which are not mentioned as being
small and useless; and now I return to that island, if it please God’s
will, to settle it, being enabled to carry a number of people with
which I shall be able to do so, that the name of Christ may be praised
there, and Your Majesty served with the fruit that land produces.
And I also intend to explore the coast of said island further, and
see whether it is an island, or whether it connects with the land
where Diego Velasquez is, or any other; and I shall endeavor to learn
all I can. I shall set out to pursue my voyage hence in five or six
days.”[805]

[Illustration: PONCE DE LEON.

Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, edition of 1728.]

As he wrote to the Cardinal of Tortosa, he had expended all his
substance in the King’s service; and if he asked favors now it was “not
to treasure up or to pass this miserable life, but to serve His Majesty
with them and his person and all he had, and settle the land that he
had discovered.”[806]

He went prepared to settle, carrying clergymen for the colonists,
friars to found Indian missions, and horses, cattle, sheep, and swine.
Where precisely he made the Florida coast we do not know; but it is
stated that on attempting to erect dwellings for his colonists he was
attacked by the natives, who showed great hostility. Ponce himself,
while leading his men against his assailants, received so dangerous an
arrow wound, that, after losing many of his settlers by sickness and at
the hands of the Indians, he abandoned the attempt to plant a colony in
Florida, which had so long been the object of his hopes; and taking all
on board his vessels, he sailed to Cuba. There he lingered in pain, and
died of his wound.[807]

John Ponce de Leon closed his long and gallant career without solving
the problem whether Florida was an island or part of the northern
continent. Meanwhile others, following in the path he had opened,
were contributing to a more definite knowledge. Thus Diego Miruelo, a
pilot, sailed from Cuba in 1516 on a trading cruise; and running up
the western shore of the Floridian peninsula, discovered a bay which
long bore his name on Spanish maps, and was apparently Pensacola. Here
he found the Indians friendly, and exchanged his store of glass and
steel trinkets for silver and gold. Then, satisfied with his cruise,
and without making any attempt to explore the coast, he returned to
Cuba.[808]

The next year Francis Hernandez de Cordova[809] sent from Cuba on the
8th of February two ships and a brigantine, carrying one hundred and
ten men, with a less humane motive than Miruelo’s; for Oviedo assures
us that his object was to capture on the Lucayos, or Bahama Islands,
a cargo of Indians to sell as slaves. His object was defeated by
storms; and the vessels, driven from their course, reached Yucatan,
near Cape Catoche, which he named. The Indians here were as hostile
as the elements; and Hernandez, after several sharp engagements with
the natives, in which almost every man was wounded, was sailing back,
when storms again drove his vessels from their course. Unable to make
the Island of Cuba, Alaminos, the pilot of the expedition, ran into a
bay on the Florida coast, where he had been with Ponce de Leon on his
first expedition. While a party which had landed were procuring water,
they were attacked with the utmost fury by the Indians, who, swarming
down in crowds, assailed those still in the boats. In this engagement
twenty-two of the Indians were killed, six of the Spaniards in the
landing party were wounded,—including Bernal Diaz, who records the
event in his History,—and four of those in the boats, among the number
Anton de Alaminos, the pilot. The only man in the expedition who had
come away from Yucatan unwounded, a soldier named Berrio, was acting as
sentry on shore, and fell into the hands of the Indians. The commander
himself, Hernandez de Cordova, reached Cuba only to die of his wounds.

This ill-starred expedition led to two other projects of settlement
and conquest. Diego Velasquez, governor of Cuba, the friend and host
of Hernandez, obtained a grant, which was referred to by Ponce de Leon
in his final letter to the King, and which resulted in the conquest
of Mexico;[810] and Francis de Garay, governor of Jamaica, persuaded
by Alaminos to enter upon an exploration of the mainland, obtained
permission in due form from the priors of the Order of St. Jerome, then
governors of the Indies, and in 1519 despatched four caravels, well
equipped, with a good number of men, and directed by good pilots, to
discover some strait in the mainland,—then the great object of search.

Alonzo Alvarez de Pineda, the commander of the expedition, reached the
coast within the limits of the grant of Ponce de Leon, and endeavored
to sail eastward so as to pass beyond and continue the exploration.
Unable, from headwinds, to turn the Cape of Florida, he sailed westward
as far as the River Pánuco, which owes its name to him. Here he
encountered Cortés and his forces, who claimed the country by actual
possession.

The voyage lasted eight or nine months, and possession was duly taken
for the King at various points on the coast. Sailing eastward again,
Garay’s lieutenant discovered a river of very great volume, evidently
the Mississippi.[811] Here he found a considerable Indian town, and
remained forty days trading with the natives and careening his vessels.
He ran up the river, and found it so thickly inhabited that in a space
of six leagues he counted no fewer than forty Indian hamlets on the two
banks.

According to their report, the land abounded in gold, as the natives
wore gold ornaments in their noses and ears and on other parts of the
body. The adventurers told, too, of tribes of giants and of pigmies;
but declared the natives to have been friendly, and well disposed to
receive the Christian Faith.

Wild as these statements of Pineda’s followers were, the voyage settled
conclusively the geography of the northern shore of the Gulf, as it
proved that there was no strait there by which ships could reach Asia.
Florida was no longer to be regarded as an island, but part of a vast
continent. The province discovered for Garay received the name of
Amichel.

Garay applied for a patent authorizing him to conquer and settle the
new territory, and one was issued at Burgos in 1521. By its tenor
Christopher de Tapia, who had been appointed governor of the territory
discovered by Velasquez, was commissioned to fix limits between Amichel
and the discoveries of Velasquez on the west and those of Ponce de
Leon on the east. On the map given in Navarrete,[812] Amichel extends
apparently from Cape Roxo to Pensacola Bay.

After sending his report and application to the King, and without
awaiting any further authority, Garay seems to have deemed it prudent
to secure a footing in the territory; and in 1520 sent four caravels
under Diego de Camargo to occupy some post near Pánuco. The expedition
was ill managed. One of the vessels ran into a settlement established
by Cortés and made a formal demand of Cortés himself for a line of
demarcation, claiming the country for Garay. Cortés seized some of the
men who landed, and learned all Camargo’s plans. That commander, with
the rest of his force, attempted to begin a settlement at Pánuco; but
the territory afforded no food, and the party were soon in such straits
that, unable to wait for two vessels which Garay was sending to their
aid, Camargo despatched a caravel to Vera Cruz to beg for supplies.[813]

In 1523 Garay equipped a powerful fleet and force to conquer and settle
Amichel. He sailed from Jamaica at the end of June with the famous
John de Grijalva, discoverer of Yucatan, as his lieutenant. His force
comprised thirteen vessels, bearing one hundred and thirty-six cavalry
and eight hundred and forty infantry, with a supply of field-pieces. He
reached Rio de las Palmas on the 25th of July, and prepared to begin a
settlement; but his troops, alarmed at the unpromising nature of the
country, insisted on proceeding southward. Garay yielded, and sailed to
Pánuco, where he learned that Cortés had already founded the town of
San Esteban del Puerto. Four of his vessels were lost on the coast, and
one in the port. He himself, with the rest of his force, surrendered to
Cortés. He died in Mexico, while still planning a settlement at Rio de
las Palmas; but with his death the province of Amichel passed out of
existence.

Thus the discoveries of Ponce de Leon and of Garay, with those of
Miruelos, made known, by ten years’ effort, the coast-line from the Rio
Grande to the St. John’s in Florida.

* * * * *

The next explorations were intended to ascertain the nature of our
Atlantic coast north of the St. John’s.

In 1520 Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, one of the auditors of the Island of
St. Domingo, though possessed of wealth, honors, and domestic felicity,
aspired to the glory of discovering some new land, and making it the
seat of a prosperous colony. Having secured the necessary license, he
despatched a caravel under the command of Francisco Gordillo, with
directions to sail northward through the Bahamas, and thence strike
the shore of the continent. Gordillo set out on his exploration, and
near the Island of Lucayoneque, one of the Lucayuelos, descried another
caravel. His pilot, Alonzo Fernandez Sotil, proceeded toward it in
a boat, and soon recognized it as a caravel commanded by a kinsman
of his, Pedro de Quexos, fitted out in part, though not avowedly,
by Juan Ortiz de Matienzo, an auditor associated with Ayllon in the
judiciary. This caravel was returning from an unsuccessful cruise among
the Bahamas for Caribs,—the object of the expedition being to capture
Indians in order to sell them as slaves. On ascertaining the object
of Gordillo’s voyage, Quexos proposed that they should continue the
exploration together. After a sail of eight or nine days, in which
they ran little more than a hundred leagues, they reached the coast of
the continent at the mouth of a considerable river, to which they gave
the name of St. John the Baptist, from the fact that they touched the
coast on the day set apart to honor the Precursor of Christ. The year
was 1521, and the point reached was, according to the estimate of the
explorers, in latitude 33° 30′.[814]

Boats put off from the caravels and landed some twenty men on the
shore; and while the ships endeavored to enter the river, these
men were surrounded by Indians, whose good-will they gained by
presents.[815]

Some days later, Gordillo formally took possession of the country in
the name of Ayllon, and of his associate Diego Caballero, and of the
King, as Quexos did also in the name of his employers on Sunday, June
30, 1521. Crosses were cut on the trunks of trees to mark the Spanish
occupancy.[816]

Although Ayllon had charged Gordillo to cultivate friendly relations
with the Indians of any new land he might discover,[817] Gordillo
joined With Quexos in seizing some seventy of the natives, with whom
they sailed away, without any attempt to make an exploration of the
coast.

On the return of the vessel to Santo Domingo, Ayllon condemned his
captain’s act; and the matter was brought before a commission, presided
over by Diego Columbus, for the consideration of some important
affairs. The Indians were declared free, and it was ordered that they
should be restored to their native land at the earliest possible
moment. Meanwhile they were to remain in the hands of Ayllon and
Matienzo.

The latter made no attempt to pursue the discovery; but Ayllon,
adhering to his original purpose, proceeded to Spain with
Francisco,—one of the Indians, who told of a giant king and many
provinces,[818]—and on the 12th of June, 1523, obtained a royal
_cédula_.[819] Under this he was to send out vessels in 1524, to run
eight hundred leagues along the coast, or till he reached lands already
discovered; and if he discovered any strait leading to the west, he
was to explore it. No one was to settle within the limits explored by
him the first year, or within two hundred leagues beyond the extreme
points reached by him north and south; the occupancy of the territory
was to be effected within four years; and as the conversion of the
natives was one of the main objects, their enslavement was forbidden,
and Ayllon was required to take out religious men of some Order to
instruct them in the doctrines of Christianity. He obtained a second
_cédula_ to demand from Matienzo the Indians in his hands in order to
restore them to their native country.[820]

On his return to the West Indies, Ayllon was called on the King’s
service to Porto Rico; and finding it impossible to pursue his
discovery, the time for carrying out the _asiento_ was, by a _cédula_
of March 23, 1524, extended to the year 1525.[821]

To secure his rights under the _asiento_, he despatched two caravels
under Pedro de Quexos to the newly discovered land early in 1525. They
regained the good-will of the natives and explored the coast for two
hundred and fifty leagues, setting up stone crosses with the name of
Charles V. and the date of the act of taking possession. They returned
to Santo Domingo in July, 1525, bringing one or two Indians from each
province, who might be trained to act as interpreters.[822]

Meanwhile Matienzo began legal proceedings to vacate the _asiento_
granted by the King to Ayllon, on the ground that it was obtained
surreptitiously, and in fraud of his own rights as joint discoverer.
His witnesses failed to show that his caravel had any license to
make a voyage of exploration, or that he took any steps to follow up
the discovery made; but the suit embarrassed Ayllon, who was fitting
out four vessels to sail in 1526, in order to colonize the territory
granted to him. The armada from Spain was greatly delayed; and as he
expected by it a store of artillery and muskets, as well as other
requisites, he was at great loss. At last, however, he sailed from
Puerto de la Plata with three large vessels,—a caravel, a breton, and
a brigantine,—early in June, 1526.[823] As missionaries he took the
famous Dominican, Antonio de Montesinos, the first to denounce Indian
slavery, with Father Antonio de Cervantes and Brother Pedro de Estrada,
of the same Order. The ships carried six hundred persons of both sexes,
including clergymen and physicians, besides one hundred horses.

They reached the coast, not at the San Juan Bautista, but at another
river, at 33° 40´, says Navarrete, to which they gave the name of
Jordan.[824] Their first misfortune was the loss of the brigantine; but
Ayllon immediately set to work to replace it, and built a small vessel
such as was called a _gavarra_,—the first instance of ship-building
on our coast. Francisco, his Indian guide, deserted him; and parties
sent to explore the interior brought back such unfavorable accounts
that Ayllon resolved to seek a more fertile district. That he sailed
northward there can be little doubt; his original _asiento_ required
him to run eight hundred leagues along the coast, and he, as well as
Gomez, was to seek a strait or estuary leading to the Spice Islands.
The Chesapeake was a body of water which it would be imperative on him
to explore, as possibly the passage sought. The soil of the country
bordering on the bay, superior to that of the sandy region south of
it, would seem better suited for purposes of a settlement. He at last
reached Guandape, and began the settlement of San Miguel, where the
English in the next century founded Jamestown.[825]

Here he found only a few scattered Indian dwellings of the communal
system, long buildings, formed of pine posts at the side, and covered
with branches, capable of holding, in their length of more than a
hundred feet, a vast number of families. Ayllon selected the most
favorable spot on the bank, though most of the land was low and swampy.
Then the Spaniards began to erect houses for their shelter, the negro
slaves—first introduced here—doing the heaviest portion of the toil.
Before the colonists were housed, winter came on. Men perished of
cold on the caravel “Catalina,” and on one of the other vessels a
man’s legs were frozen so that the flesh fell off. Sickness broke out
among the colonists, and many died. Ayllon himself had sunk under the
pestilential fevers, and expired on St. Luke’s Day, Oct. 18, 1526.

He made his nephew, John Ramirez, then in Porto Rico, his successor as
head of the colony, committing the temporary administration to Francis
Gomez. Troubles soon began. Gines Doncel and Pedro de Bazan, at the
head of some malcontents, seized and confined Gomez and the _alcaldes_,
and began a career of tyranny. The Indians were provoked to hostility,
and killed several of the settlers; the negroes, cruelly oppressed,
fired the house of Doncel. Then two settlers, Oliveros and Monasterio,
demanded the release of the lawful authorities. Swords were drawn;
Bazan was wounded and taken, Doncel fled, but was discovered near his
blazing house. Gomez and his subordinates, restored to power, tried and
convicted Bazan, who was put to death.

Such were the stormy beginnings of Spanish rule in Virginia. It is not
to be wondered at that with one consent the colonists soon resolved to
abandon San Miguel de Guandape. The body of Ayllon was placed on board
a tender, and they set sail; but it was not destined to reach a port
and receive the obsequies due his rank. The little craft foundered; and
of the five hundred who sailed from Santo Domingo only one hundred and
fifty returned to that island.

* * * * *

Contemporaneous with the explorations made by and under Ayllon was an
expedition in a single vessel sent out by the Spanish Government in
1524 under Stephen Gomez, a Portuguese navigator who had sailed under
Magallanes, but had returned in a somewhat mutinous manner. He took
part in a congress of Spanish and Portuguese pilots held at Badajoz
to consider the probability of finding a strait or channel north
of Florida by which vessels might reach the Moluccas. To test the
question practically, Charles V. ordered Gomez to sail to the coast
of Bacallaos, or Newfoundland and Labrador, and examine the coast
carefully, in order to ascertain whether any such channel existed.
Gomez fitted out a caravel at Corunna, in northern Spain, apparently
in the autumn of 1524, and sailed across. After examining the Labrador
coast, he turned southward and leisurely explored the whole coast from
Cape Race to Florida, from which he steered to Santiago de Cuba, and
thence to Corunna, entering that port after ten months’ absence. He
failed to discover the desired channel, and no account in detail of
his voyage is known; but the map of Ribeiro,[826] drawn up in 1529,
records his discoveries, and on its coast-line gives names which were
undoubtedly bestowed by him, confirming the statement that he sailed
southerly. From this map and the descriptions of the coast in Spanish
writers soon after, in which descriptions mention is made of his
discoveries, we can see that he noted and named in his own fashion
what we now know as Massachusetts Bay, Cape Cod, Narragansett Bay, the
Connecticut, Hudson, and Delaware rivers.

This voyage completed the exploration of our coast from the Rio Grande
to the Bay of Fundy; yet Sebastián Cabot in 1536 declared that it
was still uncertain whether a single continent stretched from the
Mississippi to Newfoundland.[827]

* * * * *

The success of Cortés filled the Spanish mind with visions of empires
in the north rivalling that of Mexico, which but awaited the courage of
valiant men to conquer.

Panfilo de Narvaez, after being defeated by Cortés, whom he was sent to
supersede,[828] solicited of Charles V. a patent under which he might
conquer and colonize the country on the Gulf of Mexico, from Rio de
Palmas to Florida. A grant was made, under which he was required to
found two or more towns and erect two fortresses. He received the title
of _adelantado_, and was empowered to enslave all Indians who, after
being summoned in due form, would not submit to the Spanish King and
the Christian Faith. In an official document he styles himself Governor
of Florida, Rio de Palmas, and Espiritu Santo,—the Mississippi.[829]

Narvaez collected an armament suited to the project, and sailed from
San Lucar de Barrameda, June 17, 1527, in a fleet of five ships
carrying six hundred persons, with mechanics and laborers, as well as
secular priests, and five Franciscan friars, the superior being Father
Juan Xuarez. On the coast of Cuba his fleet was caught by a hurricane,
and one vessel perished. After refitting and acquiring other vessels,
Narvaez sailed from Cuba in March with four vessels and a brigantine,
taking four hundred men and eighty horses, his pilot being Diego
Miruelo, of a family which had acquired experience on that coast.

The destination was the Rio de Palmas; but his pilot proved
incompetent, and his fleet moved slowly along the southern coast of
Cuba, doubled Cape San Antonio, and was standing in for Havana when it
was driven by a storm on the Florida coast at a bay which he called
Bahia de la Cruz, and which the map of Sebastian Cabot identifies with
Apalache Bay.[830] Here Narvaez landed a part of his force (April 15),
sending his brigantine to look for a port or the way to Pánuco,—much
vaunted by the pilots,—and if unsuccessful to return to Cuba for a
vessel that had remained there. He was so misled by his pilots that
though he was near or on the Florida peninsula, he supposed himself not
far from the rivers Pánuco and Palmas. Under this impression he landed
most of his men, and directed his vessels, with about one hundred souls
remaining on them, to follow the coast while he marched inland. No
steps were taken to insure their meeting at the harbor proposed as a
rendezvous, or to enable the brigantine and the other ship to follow
the party on land. On the 19th of April Narvaez struck inland in a
northward or northeasterly direction; and having learned a little of
the country, moved on with three hundred men, forty of them mounted.
On the 15th of the following month they reached a river with a strong
current, which they crossed some distance from the sea. Cabeza de Vaca,
sent at his own urgent request to find a harbor, returned with no
encouraging tidings; and the expedition plodded on till, on the 25th
of June, they reached Apalache,—an Indian town of which they had heard
magnificent accounts. It proved to be a mere hamlet of forty wretched
cabins.

The sufferings of Narvaez’ men were great; the country was
poverty-stricken; there was no wealthy province to conquer, no fertile
lands for settlement. Aute (a harbor) was said to be nine days’ march
to the southward; and to this, after nearly a month spent at Apalache,
the disheartened Spaniards turned their course, following the Magdalena
River. On the 31st of July they reached the coast at a bay which
Narvaez styled Bahia de Cavallos; and seeing no signs of his vessels,
he set to work to build boats in which to escape from the country. The
horses were killed for food; and making forges, the Spaniards wrought
their stirrups, spurs, and other iron articles into saws, axes, and
nails. Ropes were made of the manes and tails of the horses and such
fibres as they could find; their shirts were used for sailcloth. By
the 20th of September five boats, each twenty-two cubits long, were
completed, and two days afterward the survivors embarked, forty-eight
or nine being crowded into each frail structure. Not one of the whole
number had any knowledge of navigation or of the coast.

Running between Santa Rosa Island and the mainland, they coasted along
for thirty days, landing where possible to obtain food or water, but
generally finding the natives fierce and hostile. On the 31st of
October they came to a broad river pouring into the Gulf such a volume
of water that it freshened the brine so that they were able to drink
it; but the current was too much for their clumsy craft. The boat
commanded by Narvaez was lost, and never heard of; that containing
Father Xuarez and the other friars was driven ashore bottom upward; the
three remaining boats were thrown on the coast of western Louisiana or
eastern Texas. The crews barely escaped with life, and found themselves
at the mercy of cruel and treacherous savages, who lived on or near
Malhado Island, and drew a precarious living from shellfish and minor
animals, prickly-pears and the like. They were consequently not as far
west as the bison range, which reached the coast certainly at Matagorda
Bay.[831] Here several of the wretched Spaniards fell victims to the
cruelty of the Indians or to disease and starvation, till Alvar Nuñez
Cabeza de Vaca, the treasurer of the expedition, escaping from six
years’ captivity among the Mariames, reached the Avavares, farther
inland, with two companions, Castillo and Dorantes, and a negro slave.
After spending eight months with them, he penetrated to the Arbadaos,
where the mesquite is first found, near the Rio Grande; and skirting
the San Saba Mountains, came to the bison plains and the hunter
nations; then keeping westward through tribes that lived in houses of
earth and knew the use of cotton and mined the turquoise, he finally
came upon some Spanish explorers on the River Petatlan; and thus on the
1st of April, 1536, with hearts full of joy and gratitude, the four men
entered the town of San Miguel in Sinaloa.

The vessels of Narvaez, not finding the alleged port of the pilots,
returned to the harbor where they had landed him, and were there
joined by the two vessels from Cuba; but though they remained nearly a
year, cruising along the coast of the Gulf, they never encountered the
slightest trace of the unfortunate Narvaez or his wretched followers.
They added nothing apparently to the knowledge of the coast already
acquired; for no report is extant, and no map alludes to any discovery
by them.

Thus ended an expedition undertaken with rashness and ignorance, and
memorable only from the almost marvellous adventures of Cabeza de Vaca
and his comrades, and the expeditions by land which were prompted by
his narrative.

* * * * *

The wealth of Mexico and Peru had inflamed the imagination of Spanish
adventurers; and though no tidings had been received of Narvaez, others
were ready to risk all they had, and life itself, in the hope of
finding some wealthy province in the heart of the northern continent.
The next to try his fortune was one who had played his part in the
conquest of Peru.

Hernando de Soto, the son of an esquire of Xerez de Badajoz, was
eager to rival Cortés and Pizarro. In 1537 he solicited a grant of
the province from Rio de las Palmas to Florida, as ceded to Narvaez,
as well as of the province discovered by Ayllon; and the King at
Valladolid, on the 20th of April, issued a concession to him,
appointing him to the government of the Island of Cuba, and requiring
him in person to conquer and occupy Florida within a year, erect
fortresses, and carry over at least five hundred men as settlers to
hold the country. The division of the gold, pearls, and other valuables
of the conquered caciques was regulated, and provision made for the
maintenance of the Christian religion and of an hospital in the
territory.

The air of mystery assumed by Cabeza de Vaca as to the countries that
he had seen, served to inflame the imagination of men in Spain; and
Soto found many ready to give their persons and their means to his
expedition. Nobles of Castile in rich slashed silk dresses mingled with
old warriors in well-tried coats of mail. He sailed from San Lucar in
April, 1538, amid the fanfaron of trumpets and the roar of cannon,
with six hundred as high-born and well-trained men as ever went forth
from Spain to win fame and fortune in the New World. They reached
Cuba safely, and Soto was received with all honor. More prudent than
Narvaez, Soto twice despatched Juan de Añasco, in a caravel with two
pinnaces, to seek a suitable harbor for the fleet, before trusting all
the vessels on the coast.[832]

Encouraged by the reports of this reconnoitring, Soto, leaving his
wife in Cuba, sailed from Havana in May, 1539, and made a bay on the
Florida coast ten leagues west of the Bay of Juan Ponce. To this he
gave the name of Espiritu Santo, because he reached it on the Feast of
Pentecost, which fell that year on the 25th of May.[833] On the 30th
he began to land his army near a town ruled by a chief named Uçita.
Soto’s whole force was composed of five hundred and seventy men, and
two hundred and twenty-three horses, in five ships, two caravels, and
two pinnaces. He took formal possession of the country in the name
of the King of Spain on the 3d of June, and prepared to explore and
subject the wealthy realms which he supposed to lie before him. Though
the chief at his landing-place was friendly, he found that all the
surrounding tribes were so hostile that they began to attack those who
welcomed him.

Ortiz, a Spaniard belonging to Narvaez’ expedition, who in his long
years of captivity had become as naked and as savage as were the
Indians, soon joined Soto.[834] He was joyfully received; though his
knowledge of the country was limited, his services were of vital
necessity, for the Indians secured by Añasco, and on whom Soto relied
as guides and interpreters, deserted at the first opportunity.

Soto had been trained in a bad school; he had no respect for the lives
or rights of the Indians. As Oviedo, a man of experience among the
_conquistadores_, says: “This governor was very fond of this sport of
killing Indians.”[835]

The plan of his march showed his disregard of the rights of the
natives. At each place he demanded of the cacique, or head chief, corn
for his men and horses, and Indians of both sexes to carry his baggage
and do the menial work in his camp. After obtaining these supplies,
he compelled the chief to accompany his army till he reached another
tribe whose chief he could treat in the same way; but though the first
chief was then released, few of the people of the tribe which he ruled,
and who had been carried off by Soto, were so fortunate as ever to be
allowed to return to their homes.

On the 15th of July Soto, sending back his largest ships to Cuba, moved
to the northeast to make his toilsome way amid the lakes and streams
and everglades of Florida. Before long his soldiers began to suffer
from hunger, and were glad to eat water-cresses, shoots of Indian
corn, and palmetto, in order to sustain life; for native villages were
few and scattered, and afforded little corn for the plunderers. The
natives were met only as foe-men, harassing his march. At Caliquen the
Indians, to rescue their chief, whom Soto was carrying to the next
town, made a furious onslaught on the Spaniards; but were driven to
the swamps, and nearly all killed or taken. Their dauntless spirit
was, however, unbroken. The survivors, though chained as slaves, rose
on their masters; and seizing any weapon within their reach, fought
desperately, one of them endeavoring to throttle Soto himself. Two
hundred survived this gallant attempt, only to be slaughtered by the
Indian allies of the Spanish commander. Soto fought his way westward
step by step so slowly that at the end of three months, Oct. 30, 1539,
he had only reached Agile,—a town in the province of Apalache. Añasco,
sent out from this point to explore, discovered the port where Narvaez
had embarked,—the remains of his forges and the bones of his horses
attesting the fact. Soto despatched him to Tampa Bay. Añasco with a
party marched the distance in ten days; and sending two caravels to
Cuba, brought to Soto in the remaining vessels the detachment left
at his landing-place. Before he reached his commander the Indians
had burned the town of Anaica Apalache, of which Soto had taken
possession.[836]

A good port, that of Pensacola, had been discovered to the westward;
but Soto, crediting an Indian tale of the rich realm of Yupaha in the
northeast, left his winter quarters March 3, 1540, and advanced in
that direction through tribes showing greater civilization. A month
later he reached the Altamaha, receiving from the more friendly natives
corn and game. This was not sufficient to save the Spaniards from much
suffering, and they treated the Indians with their wonted cruelty.[837]

At last Soto, after a march of four hundred and thirty leagues, much
of it through uninhabited land, reached the province ruled by the
chieftainess of Cofitachiqui. On the 1st of May she went forth to meet
the Spanish explorer in a palanquin or litter; and crossing the river
in a canopied canoe, she approached Soto, and after presenting him
the gifts of shawls and skins brought by her retinue, she took off
her necklace of pearls and placed it around the neck of Soto. Yet her
courtesy and generosity did not save her from soon being led about on
foot as a prisoner. The country around her chief town, which Jones
identifies with Silver Bluff, on the Savannah, below Augusta,[838]
tempted the followers of Soto, who wished to settle there, as from
it Cuba could be readily reached. But the commander would attempt no
settlement till he had discovered some rich kingdom that would rival
Peru; and chagrined at his failure, refused even to send tidings of his
operations to Cuba. At Silver Bluff he came upon traces of an earlier
Spanish march. A dirk and a rosary were brought to him, which were
supposed, on good grounds, to have come from the expedition of Ayllon.

Poring over the cosmography of Alonzo de Chaves, Soto and the officers
of his expedition concluded that a river, crossed on the 26th of May,
was the Espiritu Santo, or Mississippi. A seven days’ march, still in
the chieftainess’s realm, brought them to Chelaque, the country of
the Cherokees, poor in maize; then, over mountain ridges, a northerly
march brought them to Xualla, two hundred and fifty leagues from Silver
Bluff. At the close of May they were in Guaxule, where the chieftainess
regained her freedom. It was a town of three hundred houses, near the
mountains, in a well-watered and pleasant land, probably at the site of
Coosawattie Old Town. The chief gave Soto maize, and also three hundred
dogs for the maintenance of his men.

Marching onward, Soto next came to Canasagua, in all probability on a
river even now called the Connasauga, flowing through an attractive
land of mulberries, persimmons, and walnuts. Here they found stores
of bear oil and walnut oil and honey. Marching down this stream
and the Oostanaula, into which it flows, to Chiaha, on an island
opposite the mouth of the Etowa, in the district of the pearl-bearing
mussel-streams, Soto was received in amity; and the cacique had some
of the shellfish taken and pearls extracted in the presence of his
guest. The Spaniards encamped under the trees near the town, leaving
the inhabitants in quiet possession of their homes. Here, on the spot
apparently now occupied by Rome, they rested for a month. A detachment
sent to discover a reputed gold-producing province returned with no
tidings to encourage the adventurers; and on the 28th of June Soto,
with his men and steeds refreshed, resumed his march, having obtained
men to bear his baggage, though his demand of thirty women as slaves
was refused.[839]

Chisca, to which he sent two men to explore for gold, proved to be in
a rugged mountain land; and the buffalo robe which they brought back
was more curious than encouraging. Soto therefore left the territory of
the Cherokees, and took the direction of Coça, probably on the Coosa
river. The cacique of that place, warned doubtless by the rumors which
must have spread through all the land of the danger of thwarting the
fierce strangers, furnished supplies at several points on the route to
his town, and as Soto approached it, came out on a litter attired in a
fur robe and plumed headpiece to make a full surrender. The Spaniards
occupied the town and took possession of all the Indian stores of corn
and beans, the neighboring woods adding persimmons and grapes. This
town was one hundred and ninety leagues west of Xualla, and lay on
the east bank of the Coosa, between the mouths of the Talladega and
Tallasehatchee, as Pickett, the historian of Alabama, determines. Soto
held the chief of Coça virtually as a prisoner; but when he demanded
porters to bear the baggage of his men, most of the Indians fled. The
Spanish commander then seized every Indian he could find, and put him
in irons.

After remaining at Coça for twenty-five days, Soto marched to
Ullibahali, a strongly palisaded town, situated, as we may conjecture,
on Hatchet Creek. This place submitted, giving men as porters and
women as slaves. Leaving this town on the 2d of September, he marched
to Tallise, in a land teeming with corn, whose people proved equally
docile.[840] This submission was perhaps only to gain time, and draw
the invaders into a disadvantageous position.

Actahachi, the gigantic chief of Tastaluza, sixty leagues south of
Coça, which was Soto’s next station, received him with a pomp such
as the Spaniards had not yet witnessed. The cacique was seated on
cushions on a raised platform, with his chiefs in a circle around
him; an umbrella of buckskin, stained red and white, was held over
him. The curveting steeds and the armor of the Spaniards raised no
look of curiosity on his stern countenance, and he calmly awaited
Soto’s approach. Not till he found himself detained as a prisoner
would he promise to furnish the Spaniards with porters and supplies
of provisions at Mauila[841] to enable Soto to continue his march. He
then sent orders to his vassal, the chief of Mauila, to have them in
readiness.

As the Spaniards, accompanied by Actahachi, descended the Alabama,
passing by the strong town of Piache, the cacique of Mauila came to
meet them with friendly greetings, attended by a number of his subjects
playing upon their native musical instruments, and proffering fur robes
and service; but the demeanor of the people was so haughty that Luis de
Moscoso urged Soto not to enter the town. The _adelantado_ persisted;
and riding in with seven or eight of his guard and four horsemen, sat
down with the cacique and the chief of Tastaluza, whom, according to
custom, he had brought to this place. The latter asked leave to return
to his own town; when Soto refused, he rose, pretending a wish to
confer with some chiefs, and entered a house where some armed Indians
were concealed. He refused to come out when summoned; and a chief who
was ordered to carry a message to the cacique, but refused, was cut
down by Gallego with a sword. Then the Indians, pouring out from the
houses, sent volleys of arrows at Soto and his party. Soto ran toward
his men, but fell two or three times; and though he reached his main
force, five of his men were killed, and he himself, as well as all
the rest, was severely wounded. The chained Indian porters, who bore
the baggage and treasures of Soto’s force, had set down their loads
just outside the palisade. When the party of Soto had been driven
out, the men of Mauila sent all these into the town, took off their
fetters, and gave them weapons. Some of the military equipments of the
Spaniards fell into the hands of the Indians, and several of Soto’s
followers, who had like him entered the town, among them a friar and an
ecclesiastic, remained as prisoners.

The Indians, sending off their caciques, and apparently their women,
prepared to defend the town; but Soto, arranging his military array
into four detachments, surrounded it, and made an assault on the gates,
where the natives gathered to withstand them. By feigning flight Soto
drew them out; and by a sudden charge routed them, and gaining an
entrance for his men, set fire to the houses. This was not effected
without loss, as the Spaniards were several times repulsed by the
Indians. When they at last fought their way into the town, the Indians
endeavored to escape. Finding that impossible, as the gates were held,
the men of Mauila fought desperately, and died by the sword, or plunged
into the blazing houses to perish there.

The battle of Mauila was one of the bloodiest ever fought on our
soil between white and red men in the earlier days. The _Adelantado_
had twenty of his men killed, and one hundred and fifty wounded; of
his horses twelve were killed and seventy wounded. The Indian loss
was estimated by the Portuguese chronicler of the expedition at
twenty-five hundred, and by Rangel at three thousand. At nightfall
Biedma tells us that only three Indians remained alive, two of whom
were killed fighting; the last hung himself from a tree in the palisade
with his bowstring.[842] The Gentleman of Elvas states Soto’s whole
loss up to his leaving Mauila to have been one hundred and two by
disease, accident, and Indian fighting. Divine worship had been
apparently offered in the camp regularly up to this time; but in the
flames of Mauila perished all the chalices and vestments of the clergy,
as well as the bread-irons and their store of wheat-flour and wine, so
that Mass ceased from this time.[843]

Soto here ascertained that Francisco Maldonado was with vessels at the
port of Ichuse (or Ochuse) only six days’ march from him, awaiting his
orders. He was too proud to return to Cuba with his force reduced in
numbers, without their baggage, or any trophy from the lands he had
visited. He would not even send any tidings to Cuba, but concealed
from his men the knowledge which had been brought to him by Ortiz, the
rescued follower of Narvaez.

Stubborn in his pride, Soto, on the 14th of November, marched
northward; and traversing the land of Pafallaya (now Clarke, Marengo,
and Greene counties), passed the town of Taliepatua and reached
Cabusto, identified by Pickett with the site of the modern town of
Erie, on the Black Warrior. Here a series of battles with the natives
occurred; but Soto fought his way through hostile tribes to the
little town of Chicaça, with its two hundred houses clustered on a
hill, probably on the western bank of the Yazoo, which he reached in
a snow-storm on the 17th of December. The cacique Miculasa received
Soto graciously, and the Spanish commander won him by sending part of
his force to attack Sacchuma, a hostile town. Having thus propitiated
this powerful chief, Soto remained here till March; when, being ready
to advance on his expedition in search of some wealthy province, he
demanded porters of the cacique. The wily chief amused the invader with
promises for several days, and then suddenly attacked the town from
four sides, at a very early hour in the morning, dashing into the place
and setting fire to the houses. The Spaniards, taken by surprise, were
assailed as they came out to put on their armor and mount their horses.
Soto and one other alone succeeded in getting into the saddle; but
Soto himself, after killing one Indian with his spear, was thrown, his
girths giving way.

The Indians drew off with the loss of this one man, having killed
eleven Spaniards, many of their horses, and having greatly reduced
their herd of swine. In the conflagration of the town, Soto’s force
lost most of their remaining clothing, with many of their weapons and
saddles. They at once set to work to supply the loss. The woods gave
ash to make saddles and lances; forges were set up to temper the swords
and make such arms as they could; while the tall grass was woven into
mats to serve as blankets or cloaks.

They needed their arms indeed; for on the 15th of March the enemy, in
three divisions, advanced to attack the camp. Soto met them with as
many squadrons, and routed them with loss.

When Soto at last took up his march on the 25th of April, the sturdy
Alibamo, or Alimamu, or Limamu, barred his way with a palisade manned
by the painted warriors of the tribe. Soto carried it at the cost of
the lives of seven or eight of his men, and twenty-five or six wounded;
only to find that the Indians had made the palisade not to protect any
stores, but simply to cope with the invaders.[844]

At Quizquiz, or Quizqui, near the banks of the Mississippi, Soto
surprised the place and captured all the women; but released them to
obtain canoes to cross the river. As the Indians failed to keep their
promise, Soto encamped in a plain and spent nearly a month building
four large boats, each capable of carrying sixty or seventy men and
five or six horses. The opposite shore was held by hostile Indians; and
bands of finely formed warriors constantly came down in canoes, as if
ready to engage them, but always drawing off.

The Spaniards finally crossed the river at the lowest Chickasaw Bluff,
all wondering at the mighty turbid stream, with its fish, strange
to their eyes, and the trees, uprooted on the banks far above, that
came floating down.[845] Soto marched northward to Little Prairie in
quest of Pacaha and Chisca, provinces reported to abound in gold.
After planting a cross on St. John’s Day[846] at Casqui, where the
bisons’ heads above the entrances to the huts reminded them of Spain,
he entered Pacaha June 29, as Oviedo says. These towns were the best
they had seen since they left Cofitachiqui. Pacaha furnished them with
a booty which they prized highly,—a fine store of skins of animals,
and native blankets woven probably of bark. These enabled the men to
make clothing, of which many had long been in sore want. The people
gradually returned, and the cacique received Soto in friendly guise,
giving him his two sisters as wives.

While the army rested here nearly a month, expeditions were sent in
various directions. One, marching eight days to the northwest through
a land of swamps and ponds, reached the prairies, the land of Caluça,
where Indians lived in portable houses of mats, with frames so light
that a man could easily carry them.[847]

Despairing of finding his long-sought El Dorado in that direction, Soto
marched south and then southwest, in all a hundred and ten leagues, to
Quiguate, a town on a branch of the Mississippi. It was the largest
they had yet seen. The Indians abandoned it; but one half the houses
were sufficient to shelter the whole of Soto’s force.

On the first of September the expedition reached Coligua,—a populous
town in a valley among the mountains, near which vast herds of
bison roamed. Then crossing the river again,[848] Soto’s jaded and
decreasing force marched onward. Cayas, with its salt river and fertile
maize-lands, was reached; and then the Spaniards came to Tulla, where
the Indians attacked them, fighting from their housetops to the last.
The cacique at last yielded, and came weeping with great sobs to make
his submission.

Marching southeast, Soto reached Quipana; and crossing the mountains
eastward, wintered in the province of Viranque, or Autiamque, or
Utianque, on a branch of the Mississippi, apparently the Washita.[849]
The sufferings of the Spaniards during a long and severe winter were
terrible, and Ortiz, their interpreter, succumbed to his hardships and
died. Even the proud spirit of Soto yielded to his disappointments and
toil. Two hundred and fifty of his splendid force had left their bones
to whiten along the path which he had followed. He determined at last
to push to the shores of the Gulf, and there build two brigantines, in
order to send to Cuba and to New Spain for aid.

[Illustration: SOTO.

Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera (1728), iv. 21.]

Passing through Ayays and the well-peopled land of Nilco, Soto went
with the cacique of Guachoyanque to his well-palisaded town on the
banks of the Mississippi, at the mouth of the Red River, arriving there
on Sunday, April 17, 1542. Here he fell ill of the fever; difficulties
beset him on every side, and he sank under the strain. Appointing Luis
de Moscoço as his successor in command, he died on the 21st of May. The
_Adelantado_ of Cuba and Florida, who had hoped to gather the wealth
of nations, left as his property five Indian slaves, three horses, and
a herd of swine. His body, kept for some days in a house, was interred
in the town; but as fears were entertained that the Indians might dig
up the corpse, it was taken, wrapped in blankets loaded with sand, and
sunk in the Mississippi.[850]

[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF SOTO.]

Muscoço’s first plan was to march westward to Mexico. But after
advancing to the province of Xacatin, the survivors of the expedition
lost all hope; and returning to the Mississippi, wintered on its banks.
There building two large boats, they embarked in them and in canoes.
Hostile Indians pursued them, and twelve men were drowned, their canoes
being run down by the enemy’s _periaguas_. The survivors reached the
Gulf and coasted along to Pánuco.[851]

The expedition of Soto added very little to the knowledge of the
continent, as no steps were taken to note the topography of the country
or the language of the various tribes. Diego Maldonado and Gomez Arias,
seeking Soto, explored the coast from the vicinity of the Mississippi
nearly to Newfoundland; but their reports are unknown.

Notwithstanding the disastrous result of Soto’s expedition, and the
conclusive proof it afforded that the country bordering on the Gulf of
Mexico contained no rich kingdom and afforded little inducement for
settlements, other commanders were ready to undertake the conquest of
Florida. Among these was Don Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy of New
Spain, who sought, by offers of rank and honors, to enlist some of
the survivors of Soto’s march in a new campaign. In a more mercantile
spirit, Julian de Samano and Pedro de Ahumada applied to the Spanish
monarch for a patent, promising to make a good use of the privileges
granted them, and to treat the Indians well. They hoped to buy furs and
pearls, and carry on a trade in them till mines of gold and silver were
found. The Court, however, refused to permit the grant.[852]

[Illustration: ANTONIO DE MENDOZA, _Viceroy of New Spain_.]

Yet as a matter of policy it became necessary for Spain to occupy
Florida. This the Court felt; and when Cartier was preparing for his
voyage to the northern part of the continent,[853] Spanish spies
followed his movements and reported all to their Government. In Spain
it was decided that Cartier’s occupation of the frozen land, for
which he was equipping his vessels, could not in any way militate
against the interests of the Catholic monarch; but it was decided that
any settlement attempted in Florida must on some pretext be crushed
out.[854] Florida from its position afforded a basis for assailing the
fleets which bore from Vera Cruz the treasures of the Indies; and the
hurricanes of the tropics had already strewn the Florida coast with the
fragments of Spanish wrecks. In 1545 a vessel laden with silver and
precious commodities perished on that coast, and two hundred persons
reached land, only to fall by the hands of the Indians.[855]

* * * * *

The next Spanish attempt to occupy Florida was not unmixed with
romance; and its tragic close invests it with peculiar interest. The
Dominicans, led by Father Antonio de Montesinos and Las Casas,—who had
by this time become Bishop of Chiapa,—were active in condemning the
cruelties of their countrymen to the natives of the New World; and the
atrocities perpetrated by Soto in his disastrous march gave new themes
for their indignant denunciations.[856]

One Dominican went further. Father Luis Cancer de Barbastro, when
the Indians of a province had so steadily defied the Spaniards and
prevented their entrance that it was styled “Tierra de Guerra,”
succeeded by mild and gentle means in winning the whole Indian
population, so that the province obtained the name of “Vera Paz,” or
True Peace. In 1546 this energetic man conceived the idea of attempting
the peaceful conquest of Florida. Father Gregory de Beteta and other
influential members of his Order seconded his views. The next year
he went to Spain and laid his project before the Court, where it was
favorably received. He returned to Mexico with a royal order that all
Floridians held in slavery, carried thither by the survivors of Soto’s
expedition, should be confided to Father Cancer to be taken back to
their own land. The order proved ineffectual. Father Cancer then sailed
from Vera Cruz in 1549 in the “Santa Maria del Enzina,” without arms
or soldiers, taking Father Beteta, Father Diego de Tolosa, Father
John Garcia, and others to conduct the mission. At Havana he obtained
Magdalen, a woman who had been brought from Florida, and who had become
a Christian. The vessel then steered for Florida, and reaching the
coast, at about 28°, on the eve of Ascension Day, ran northward, but
soon sailed back. The missionaries and their interpreter landed, and
found some of the Indians fishing, who proved friendly. Father Diego, a
mission coadjutor, and a sailor, resolved to remain with the natives,
and went off to their cabins. Cancer and his companions awaited their
return; but they never appeared again. For some days the Spaniards on
the ship endeavored to enter into friendly relations with the Indians,
and on Corpus Christi Fathers Cancer and Garcia landed and said Mass
on shore. At last a Spaniard named John Muñoz, who had been a prisoner
among the Indians, managed to reach the ship; and from him they
learned that the missionary and his companions had been killed by the
treacherous natives almost immediately after reaching their cabins.
He had not witnessed their murder, but declared that he had seen the
missionary’s scalp. Magdalen, however, came to the shore and assured
the missionaries that their comrade was alive and well.

It had thus become a serious matter what course to pursue. The vessel
was too heavy to enter the shallow bays, the provisions were nearly
exhausted, water could not be had, and the ship’s people were clamoring
to return to Mexico. The missionaries, all except Father Cancer,
desired to abandon the projected settlement, but he still believed that
by presents and kindness to the Indians he could safely remain. His
companions in vain endeavored to dissuade him. On Tuesday, June 25,
he was pulled in a boat near the shore. He leaped into the water and
waded towards the land. Though urged to return, he persevered. Kneeling
for a few minutes on the beach, he advanced till he met the Indians.
The sailors in the boat saw one Indian pull off his hat, and another
strike him down with a club. One cry escaped his lips. A crowd of
Indians streamed down to the shore and with arrows drove off the boat.
Lingering for awhile, the vessel sailed back to Vera Cruz, after five
lives had thus rashly been sacrificed.[857]

On the arrival of the tidings of this tragic close of Cancer’s mission
a congress was convened by Maximilian, King of Bohemia, then regent
in Spain; and the advocates of the peace policy in regard to the
Indians lost much of the influence which they had obtained in the royal
councils.[858]

The wreck of the fleet, with rich cargoes of silver, gold, and other
precious commodities, on the northern shore of the Gulf of Mexico in
1553, when several hundred persons perished, and the sufferings of the
surviving passengers, among whom were several Dominicans, in their
attempt to reach the settlements; and the wreck of Farfan’s fleet on
the Atlantic coast near Santa Elena in December, 1554,—showed the
necessity of having posts on that dangerous coast of Florida, in order
to save life and treasure.[859]

The Council of the Indies advised Philip II. to confide the conquest
and settlement of Florida to Don Luis de Velasco, viceroy of New
Spain, who was anxious to undertake the task. The Catholic monarch had
previously rejected the projects of Zurita and Samano; but the high
character of Velasco induced him to confide the task to the viceroy
of Mexico. The step was a gain for the humanitarian party; and the
King, on giving his approval, directed that Dominican friars should be
selected to accompany the colonists, in order to minister to them and
convert the Indians. Don Luis de Velasco had directed the government in
Mexico since November, 1550, with remarkable prudence and ability. The
natives found in him such an earnest, capable, and unwavering protector
that he is styled in history the Father of the Indians.

The plans adopted by this excellent governor for the occupation
of Florida were in full harmony with the Dominican views. In the
treatment of the Indians he anticipated the just and equitable methods
which give Calvert, Williams, and Penn so enviable a place in American
annals.[860]

The occupation was not to be one of conquest, and all intercourse with
the Indians was to be on the basis of natural equity. His first step
was prompted by his characteristic prudence.[861] In September, 1558,
he despatched Guido de Labazares, with three vessels and a sufficient
force, to explore the whole Florida coast, and select the best port he
found for the projected settlement. Labazares, on his return after an
investigation of several months, reported in favor of Pensacola Bay,
which he named Felipina; and he describes its entrance between a long
island and a point of land. The country was well wooded, game and fish
abounded, and the Indian fields showed that Indian corn and vegetables
could be raised successfully.[862] On the return of Labazares in
December, preparations were made for the expedition, which was placed
under the command of Don Tristan de Luna y Arellano. The force
consisted of fifteen hundred soldiers and settlers, under six captains
of cavalry and six of infantry, some of whom had been at Coça, and were
consequently well acquainted with the country where it was intended
to form the settlement. The Dominicans selected were Fathers Pedro de
Feria, as vicar-provincial of Florida, Dominic of the Annunciation,
Dominic de Salazar, John Maçuelas, Dominic of Saint Dominic, and a lay
brother. The object being to settle, provisions for a whole year were
prepared, and ammunition to meet all their wants.

The colonists, thus well fitted for their undertaking, sailed from
Vera Cruz on the 11th of June, 1559; and by the first of the following
month were off the bay in Florida to which Miruelo had given his name.
Although Labazares had recommended Pensacola Bay, Tristan de Luna
seems to have been induced by his pilots to give the preference to the
Bay of Ichuse; and he sailed west in search of it, but passed it, and
entered Pensacola Bay. Finding that he had gone too far, Luna sailed
back ten leagues east to Ichuse, which must have been Santa Rosa Bay.
Here he anchored his fleet, and despatched the factor Luis Daza, with
a galleon, to Vera Cruz to announce his safe arrival. He fitted two
other vessels to proceed to Spain, awaiting the return of two exploring
parties; he then prepared to land his colonists and stores.[863]
Meanwhile he sent a detachment of one hundred men under captains Alvaro
Nyeto and Gonzalo Sanchez, accompanied by one of the missionaries, to
explore the country and ascertain the disposition of the Indians. The
exploring parties returned after three weeks, having found only one
hamlet, in the midst of an uninhabited country.[864] Before Luna had
unloaded his vessels, they were struck, during the night of September
19,[865] by a terrible hurricane, which lasted twenty-four hours,
destroying five ships, a galleon and a bark, and carrying one caravel
and its cargo into a grove some distance on land. Many of the people
perished, and most of the stores intended for the maintenance of the
colony were ruined or lost.

The river, entering the Bay of Ichuse, proved to be very difficult
of navigation, and it watered a sparsely-peopled country. Another
detachment,[866] sent apparently to the northwest, after a forty days’
march through uncultivated country, reached a large river, apparently
the Escambia, and followed its banks to Nanipacna, a deserted town of
eighty houses. Explorations in various directions found no other signs
of Indian occupation. The natives at last returned and became friendly.

Finding his original site unfavorable, Tristan de Luna, after
exhausting the relief-supplies sent him, and being himself prostrated
by a fever in which he became delirious, left Juan de Jaramillo at
the port with fifty men and negro slaves, and proceeded[867] with the
rest of his company, nearly a thousand souls, to Nanipacna, some by
land, and some ascending the river in their lighter craft. To this
town he gave the name of Santa Cruz. The stores of Indian corn, beans,
and other vegetables left by the Indians were soon consumed by the
Spaniards, who were forced to live on acorns or any herbs they could
gather.

The Viceroy, on hearing of their sufferings, sent two vessels to
their relief in November, promising more ample aid in the spring. The
provisions they obtained saved them from starvation during the winter,
but in the spring their condition became as desperate as ever. No
attempt seems to have been made to cultivate the Indian fields, or to
raise anything for their own support.[868]

In hope of obtaining provisions from Coça, Jaramillo sent his
sergeant-major with six captains and two hundred soldiers, accompanied
by Father Dominic de Salazar and Dominic of the Annunciation, to that
province. On the march the men were forced to eat straps, harnesses,
and the leather coverings of their shields; some died of starvation,
while others were poisoned by herbs which they ate. A chestnut wood
proved a godsend, and a fifty days’ march brought them to Olibahali
(Hatchet Creek), where the friendly natives ministered to their
wants.[869]

About the beginning of July they reached Coça, on the Coosa River,
then a town of thirty houses, near which were seven other towns of the
same tribe. Entering into friendly intercourse with these Indians, the
Spaniards obtained food for themselves and their jaded horses. After
resting here for three months, the Spaniards, to gain the good-will of
the Coosas, agreed to aid them in a campaign against the Napochies,—a
nation near the Ochechiton,[870] the Espiritu Santo, or Mississippi.
These were in all probability the Natchez. The Coosas and their Spanish
allies defeated this tribe, and compelled them to pay tribute, as of
old, to the Coosas. Their town, saved with difficulty from the flames,
gave the Spaniards a supply of corn. On their return to Coça, the
sergeant-major sent to report to Tristan de Luna; but his messengers
found no Spaniard at Nanipacna, save one hanging from a tree. Tristan
de Luna, supposing his men lost, had gone down to Ochuse Bay, leaving
directions on a tree, and a buried letter.[871] Father Feria and
some others had sailed for Havana, and all were eager to leave the
country.[872] Tristan de Luna was reluctant to abandon the projected
settlement, and wished to proceed to Coça with all the survivors of
his force. His sickness had left him so capricious and severe, that he
seemed actually insane. The supplies promised in the spring had not
arrived in September, though four ships left Vera Cruz toward the end
of June. Parties sent out by land and water found the fields on the
Escambia and Mobile[873] forsaken by the Indians, who had laid waste
their towns and removed their provisions. In this desperate state
George Ceron, the _maestro de campo_, opposed the Governor’s plan,[874]
and a large part of the force rallied around him. When Tristan de Luna
issued a proclamation ordering the march, there was an open mutiny,
and the Governor condemned the whole of the insurgents to death. Of
course he could not attempt to execute so many, but he did hang one who
deserted. The mutineers secretly sent word to Coça, and in November the
party from that province with the two missionaries arrived at Pensacola
Bay.[875] Don Tristan’s detachment was also recalled from the original
landing, and the whole force united. The dissensions continued till
the missionaries, amid the solemnities of Holy Week, by appealing
to the religious feelings of the commander and Ceron, effected a
reconciliation.[876]

At this juncture Angel de Villafañe’s fleet entered the harbor of
Ichuse. He announced to the people that he was on his way to Santa
Elena, which Tristan de Luna had made an ineffectual effort to reach.
All who chose were at liberty to accompany him. The desire to evacuate
the country where they had suffered so severely was universal. None
expressed a wish to remain; and Tristan de Luna, seeing himself utterly
abandoned, embarked for Havana with a few servants. Villafañe then took
on board all except a detachment of fifty or sixty men who were left at
Ichuse under Captain Biedma, with orders to remain five or six months;
at the expiration of which time they were to sail away also, in case no
instructions came.

Villafañe, with the “San Juan” and three other vessels and about two
hundred men, put into Havana; but there many of the men deserted, and
several officers refused to proceed.[877]

With Gonzalo Gayon as pilot, Villafañe reached Santa Elena—now Port
Royal Sound—May 27, 1561, and took possession in the name of the
King of Spain. Finding no soil adapted for cultivation, and no port
suitable for planting a settlement, he kept along the coast, doubled
Cape Roman, and landing on the 2d of June, went inland till he reached
the Santee, where he again took formal possession. On the 8th he was
near the Jordan or Pedee; but a storm drove off one of his vessels.
With the rest he continued his survey of the coast till he doubled Cape
Hatteras. There, on the 14th of June, his caravel well-nigh foundered,
and his two smaller vessels undoubtedly perished. He is said to have
abandoned the exploration of the coast here, although apparently it was
his vessel, with the Dominican Fathers, which about this time visited
Axacan, on the Chesapeake, and took off a brother of the chief.[878]

Villafañe then sailed to Santo Domingo, and Florida was abandoned. In
fact, on the 23d of September the King declared that no further attempt
was to be made to colonize that country, either in the Gulf or at
Santa Elena, alleging that there was no ground to fear that the French
would set foot in that land or take possession of it; and the royal
order cites the opinion of Pedro Menendez against any attempt to form
settlements on either coast.[879]

As if to show the fallacy of their judgment and their forecast, the
French (and what was worse, from the Spanish point of view, French
Calvinists) in the next year, under Ribault, took possession of Port
Royal,—the very Santa Elena which Villafañe considered unfitted for
colonization. Here they founded Charlesfort and a settlement, entering
Port Royal less than three months after the Spanish officers convened
in Mexico had united in condemning the country.

Pedro Menendez de Aviles had, as we have seen, been general of the
fleet to New Spain in 1560, and on his return received instructions
to examine the Atlantic coast north of the very spot where the French
thus soon after settled. In 1561 he again commanded the fleet; but on
his homeward voyage a terrible storm scattered the vessels near the
Bermudas, and one vessel, on which his only son and many of his kinsmen
had embarked, disappeared. With the rest of his ships he reached
Spain, filled with anxiety, eager only to fit out vessels to seek his
son, who, he believed, had been driven on the Florida coast, and was
probably a prisoner in the hands of the Indians. At this critical
moment, however, charges were brought against him; and he, with his
brother, was arrested and detained in prison for two years, unable to
bring the case to trial, or to obtain his release on bail.

When Menendez at last succeeded in obtaining an audience of the King,
he solicited, in 1564, permission to proceed with two vessels to
Bermuda and Florida to seek his son, and then retire to his home, which
he had not seen for eighteen years. Philip II. at last consented; but
required him to make a thorough coast-survey of Florida, so as to
prepare charts that would prevent the wrecks which had arisen from
ignorance of the real character of the sea-line. Menendez replied that
his Majesty could confer no higher boon upon him for his long and
successful services on the seas than to authorize him to conquer and
settle Florida.

Nothing could be in greater accordance with the royal views than to
commit to the energy of Menendez[880] the task which so many others
had undertaken in vain. A patent, or _asiento_, was issued March 20,
1565, by the provisions of which Menendez was required to sail in May
with ten vessels, carrying arms and supplies, and five hundred men,
one hundred to be capable of cultivating the soil. He was to take
provisions to maintain the whole force for a year, and was to conquer
and settle Florida within three years; explore and map the coast,
transport settlers, a certain number of whom were to be married;
maintain twelve members of religious Orders as missionaries, besides
four of the Society of Jesus; and to introduce horses, black cattle,
sheep, and swine for the two or three distinct settlements he was
required to found at his own expense.[881] The King gave only the use
of the galleon “San Pelayo,” and bestowed upon Menendez the title
of _Adelantado_ of Florida, a personal grant of twenty-five leagues
square, with the title of Marquis, and the office of Governor and
Captain-General of Florida.

While Menendez was gathering, among his kindred in Asturias and
Biscay, men and means to fulfil his part of the undertaking, the
Court of Spain became aware for the first time that the Protestants
of France had quietly planted a colony on that very Florida coast.
Menendez was immediately summoned in haste to Court; and orders were
issued to furnish him in America three vessels fully equipped, and an
expeditionary force of two hundred cavalry and four hundred infantry.
Menendez urged, on the contrary, that he should be sent on at once
with some light vessels to attack the French; or, if that was not
feasible, to occupy a neighboring port and fortify it, while awaiting
reinforcements. The Government, by successive orders, increased the
Florida armament, so that Menendez finally sailed from Cadiz, June
29, with the galleon “San Pelayo” and other vessels to the number of
nineteen, carrying more than fifteen hundred persons, including farmers
and mechanics of all kinds.

The light in which Spaniards, especially those connected with commerce
and colonies, regarded the Protestants of France was simply that of
pirates. French cruisers, often making their Protestantism a pretext
for their actions, scoured the seas, capturing Spanish and Portuguese
vessels, and committing the greatest atrocities. In 1555 Jacques Sorie
surprised Havana, plundered it, and gave it to the flames, butchering
the prisoners who fell into his hands. In 1559 Megander pillaged Porto
Rico, and John de la Roche plundered the ships and settlements near
Carthagena.[882]

It seems strange, however, that neither in Spain nor in America was it
known that this dreaded and hated community, the Huguenots of France,
had actually, in 1562, begun a settlement at the very harbor of Santa
Elena where Villafañe had taken possession in the name of the Spanish
monarch a year before. Some of the French settlers revolted, and very
naturally went off to cruise against the Spaniards, and with success;
but the ill-managed colony of Charlesfort on Port Royal Sound had
terminated its brief existence without drawing down the vengeance of
Spain.

When the tidings of a French occupancy of Florida startled the Spanish
Court, a second attempt of the Huguenots at settlement had been
made,—this time at the mouth of St. John’s River, where Fort Caroline
was a direct menace to the rich Spanish fleets, offering a safe refuge
to cruisers, which in the name of a pure gospel could sally out to
plunder and to slay. Yet that settlement, thus provoking the fiercest
hostility of Spain, was ill-managed. It was, in fact, sinking, like
its predecessor, from the unfitness of its members to make the teeming
earth yield them its fruits for their maintenance. René Laudonnière,
the commandant, after receiving some temporary relief from the English
corsair Hawkins,[883] and learning that the Spaniards meditated
hostilities, was about to burn his fort and abandon the country, when
John Ribault arrived as commandant, with supplies and colonists, as
well as orders to maintain the post. His instructions from Coligny
clearly intended that he should attack the Spaniards.[884]

The two bitter antagonists, each stimulated by his superiors, were thus
racing across the Atlantic, each endeavoring to outstrip the other,
so as to be able first to assume the offensive. The struggle was to
be a deadly one, for on neither side were there any of the ordinary
restraints; it was to be a warfare without mercy.

After leaving the Canaries, Menendez’ fleet was scattered by storms.
One vessel put back; the flagship and another were driven in one
direction, five vessels in another. These, after encountering another
storm, finally reached Porto Rico on the 9th of August, and found the
flagship and its tender there.[885]

The other ships from Biscay and Asturias had not arrived; but Menendez,
fearing that Ribault might outstrip him, resolved to proceed, though
his vessels needed repairs from the injuries sustained in the storm. If
he was to crush Fort Caroline, he felt that it must be done before the
French post was reinforced; if not, all the force at his disposal would
be insufficient to assume the offensive. He made the coast of Florida
near Cape Cañaveral on the 25th of August; and soon after, by landing
a party, ascertained from the natives that the French post was to the
northward. Following the coast in that direction, he discovered, on
the 28th, a harbor which seemed to possess advantages, and to which he
gave the name of the great Bishop of Hippo, Augustine, who is honored
on that day. Sailing on cautiously, he came in sight of the mouth of
the St. John’s River about two o’clock in the afternoon of the 4th of
September. The ten days he had lost creeping along the coast were fatal
to his project, for there lay the four vessels of Ribault, the flagship
and its consort flinging to the breeze the colors of France.

Menendez’ officers in council were in favor of running back to
Santo Domingo till the whole force was united and ready to assume
the offensive; but Menendez inspired them with his own intrepidity,
and resolved to attack at once. A tremendous thunderstorm prevented
operations till ten at night, when he bore down on the French, and ran
his ship, the “Pelayo,” between the two larger vessels of Ribault. To
his hail who they were and what they were doing there, the reply was
that John Ribault was their captain-general, and that they came to the
country by order of the King of France; and the French in return asked
what ships they were, and who commanded them. To quote his own words,
“I replied to them that I was Peter Menendez, that I came by command of
the King of Spain to this coast and land to burn and hang the French
Lutherans found in it, and that in the morning I would board his ships
to know whether he belonged to that sect; because if he did, I could
not avoid executing on them the justice which his Majesty commanded.
They replied that this was not right, and that I might go without
awaiting the morning.”

[Illustration: FLORIDA.

[This sketch-map of the scene of the operations of the Spanish and
the French follows one given by Fairbanks in his _History of St.
Augustine_. Other modern maps, giving the old localities, are found in
Parkman, Gaffarel etc.—ED.]]

As Menendez manœuvred to get a favorable position, the French vessels
cut their cables and stood out to sea. The Spaniards gave chase,
rapidly firing five cannon at Ribault’s flagship,—which Menendez
supposed that he injured badly, as boats put off to the other vessels.
Finding that the French outsailed him, Menendez put back, intending
to land soldiers on an island at the mouth of the river and fortify a
position which would command the entrance; but as he reached the St.
John’s he saw three French vessels coming out, ready for action.

[Illustration: SITE OF FORT CAROLINE.

[After a map in Fairbanks’s _History of St. Augustine_; but his view of
the site is open to question.—ED.]]

His project was thus defeated; and too wily to be caught at a
disadvantage by the returning French vessels, Menendez bore away to the
harbor of St. Augustine, which he estimated at eight leagues from the
French by sea, and six by land. Here he proceeded to found the oldest
city in the present territory of the United States.

[Illustration: ST. AUGUSTINE.

[This view of Pagus Hispanorum, as given in Montanus and Ogilby,
represents the town founded by Menendez at a somewhat later period, if
it is wholly truthful of any period. The same view was better engraved
at Leide by Vander Aa.—ED.]]

Two hundred mail-clad soldiers, commanded by Captain John de San
Vicente and Captain Patiño, landed on the 6th of September, 1565.
The Indians were friendly, and readily gave the settlers the large
house of one of the caciques which stood near the shore of the river.
Around this an intrenchment was traced; and a ditch was soon dug, and
earthworks thrown up, with such implements as they had at hand, for the
vessel bearing their tools had not yet arrived.

[Illustration: SPANISH VESSELS.

(_From the_ PAGUS HISPANORUM _in Montanus_.)]

The next day three of the smaller vessels ran into the harbor, and
from them three hundred more of the soldiers disembarked, as well as
those who had come to settle in the country,—men, women, and children.
Artillery and munitions for the fort were also landed. The eighth
being a holiday in the Catholic Church,—the Nativity of the Blessed
Virgin,—was celebrated with due solemnity. Mass was offered for the
first time at a spot ever after held in veneration, and where in time
arose the primitive shrine of Nuestra Señora de la Leche.

Then the work of debarkation was resumed; one hundred more persons
landed; and great guns, precious stores of provisions, and munitions
were brought to the new fort.

[Illustration: THE BUILDING OF FORT CAROLINE.]

[Illustration: FORT CAROLINE COMPLETED.

(_Lemoyne, in De Bry._)

[Two pictures of Fort Caroline accompany the _Brevis narratio_ of
Lemoyne,—one the beginning of work upon it, and the other the completed
structure, “a more finished fortification than could possibly have
been constructed, but to be taken as a correct outline,” as Fairbanks
(p. 54) presumes. The engraving of the completed fort is reproduced
in Fairbanks’s _St. Augustine_, Stevens’s _Georgia_, etc. Another and
better view of it, called “Arx Carolina—Charlesfort sur Floride,” was
engraved at Leide by Vander Aa, but it is a question if it be truthful.
No traces of the fort have ever been recorded by subsequent observers,
but Fairbanks places it near a place called St. John’s Bluff, as shown
in the accompanying map. Others have placed it on the Bell River (an
estuary of the St. Mary’s River), at a place Called Battle Bluff. Cf.
Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, i. p. xxxvi.—ED.]]

Amid all this bustle and activity the Spaniards were startled by the
appearance of two large French vessels[886] in the offing, evidently
ready for action. It was no part of Menendez’ plan to engage them, and
he waited till, about three in the afternoon, they bore away for the
St. John’s. Then he prepared to land in person. As his boat left the
vessel with banners unfurled, amid the thunder of cannon and the sounds
of warlike music, Mendoza Grajales, the first priest of St. Augustine,
bearing a cross, went down at the head of those on shore to meet the
_adelantado_, all chanting the Te Deum. Menendez proceeded at once with
his attendants to the cross, which he kissed on bended knee.

Formal possession of the land was then taken in the name of Philip II.,
King of Spain. The captains of the troops and the officers of the new
colony came forward to take the oath to Peter Menendez de Aviles as
governor, captain-general, and _adelantado_ of Florida and its coasts
under the patents of the Spanish King. Crowds of friendly Indians, with
their chieftains, gathered around.

From them the Spanish commander learned that his position was admirably
taken, as he could, at a short distance, strike the river on which the
French lay, and descend it to assail them. Here then he resolved to
make his position as strong as possible, till the rest of his armament
arrived. His galleon “San Pelayo,” too large to enter the port, rode
without, in danger from the sudden storms that visit the coast, and
from the French. Putting on board some French prisoners whom he had
captured in a boat, he despatched her and another vessel to Santo
Domingo. He organized his force by appointing officers,—a lieutenant
and a sergeant-major, and ten captains. The necessity of horses to
operate rapidly induced him to send two of his lighter vessels to
Havana to seek them there; and by this conveyance he addressed to
Philip II. his first letter from Florida.[887]

The masts of his vessels could scarcely have vanished from the eyes
of the Spanish force, when the French vessels appeared once more, and
nearly captured Menendez himself in the harbor, where he was carrying
to the shore, in the smaller vessels that he had retained, some
artillery and munitions from the galleons. He escaped, however, though
the French were so near that they called on him to surrender. And he
ascribed his deliverance rather to prayer than to human skill; for,
fierce seaman as he was, he was a man of deep and practical religious
feeling, which influenced all his actions.

Menendez’ position was now one of danger. The force at his command
was not large, and the French evidently felt strong enough, and were
determined to attack him. He had acknowledged his inability to cope
with them on the ocean, and could not have felt very sanguine of being
able to defend the slight breastworks that had been thrown up at St.
Augustine.

Fortune favored him. Ribault, after so earnestly determining to
assume the offensive, fatally hesitated. Within two days a tremendous
hurricane, which the practised eye of Menendez had anticipated, burst
on the coast. The French were, he believed, still hovering near, on the
lookout for his larger vessels, and he knew that with such a norther
their peril was extreme. It was, moreover, certain that they could not,
for a time at least, make the St. John’s, even if they rode out the
storm.

This gave him a temporary superiority, and he resolved to seize his
opportunity. Summoning his officers to a council of war, he laid before
them his plan of marching at once to attack Fort Caroline, from which
the French had evidently drawn a part of their force, and probably
their most effective men. The officers generally, as well as the two
clergymen in the settlement, opposed his project as rash; but Menendez
was determined. Five hundred men—three hundred armed with arquebuses,
the rest with pikes and targets—were ordered to march, each one
carrying rations of biscuit and wine. Menendez, at their head, bore
his load like the rest. They marched out of the fort on the 16th of
September, guided by two caciques who had been hostile to the French,
and by a Frenchman who had been two years in the fort. The route proved
one of great difficulty; the rain poured in torrents, swelling the
streams and flooding the lowlands, so that the men were most of the
time knee-deep in water. Many loitered, and, falling back, made their
way to St. Augustine. Others showed a mutinous disposition, and loudly
expressed their contempt for their sailor-general.

On the 29th, at the close of the day, he was within a short distance of
the French fort, and halted to rest so as to storm it in the morning.
At daybreak the Spaniards knelt in prayer; then, bearing twenty
scaling-ladders, Menendez advanced, his sturdy Asturians and Biscayans
in the van. Day broke as, in a heavy rain, they reached a height from
which their French guide told them they could see the fort, washed by
the river. Menendez advanced, and saw some houses and the St. John’s;
but from his position could not discover the fort. He would have gone
farther; but the Maese de Campo and Captain Ochoa pushed on till they
reached the houses, and reconnoitred the fort, where not a soul seemed
astir. As they returned they were hailed by a French sentinel, who took
them for countrymen. Ochoa sprang upon him, striking him on the head
with his sheathed sword, while the Maese de Campo stabbed him. He
uttered a cry; but was threatened with death, bound, and taken back.
The cry had excited Menendez, who, supposing that his officers had been
killed, called out: “Santiago! at them! God helps us! Victory! The
French are slaughtered! Don Pedro de Valdes, the Maese de Campo, is in
the fort, and has taken it!”

The men, supposing that the officers were in advance with part of the
force, rushed on till they came up with the returning officers, who,
taking in the situation, despatched the sentry and led the men to the
attack. Two Frenchmen, who rushed out in their shirts, were cut down.
Others outside the fort seeing the danger, gave the alarm; and a man
at the principal gate threw it open to ascertain what the trouble was.
Valdes, ready to scale the fort, saw the advantage, sprang on the man
and cut him down, then rushed into the fort, followed by the fleetest
of the Spanish detachment. In a moment two captains had simultaneously
planted their colors on the walls, and the trumpets sounded for victory.

The French, taken utterly by surprise, made no defence; about fifty,
dashing over the walls of the fort, took to the woods, almost naked,
and unarmed, or endeavored in boats and by swimming to reach the
vessels in the stream. When Menendez came up with the main body, his
men were slaughtering the French as they ran shrieking through the
fort, or came forward declaring that they surrendered. The women, and
children under the age of fifteen, were, by orders of the commander,
spared. Laudonnière, the younger Ribault, Lemoyne, and the carpenter Le
Challeux, whose accounts have reached us, were among those who escaped.

Menendez had carried the fort without one of his men being killed or
wounded. The number of the French thus unsparingly put to the sword
is stated by Menendez himself as one hundred and thirty-two, with ten
of the fugitives who were butchered the next day. Mendoza Grajales
corroborates this estimate. Fifty were spared, and about as many
escaped to the vessels; and some, doubtless, perished in the woods.

The slaughter was too terrible to need depicting in darker colors; but
in time it was declared that Menendez hung many, with an insulting
label: “I do not this to Frenchmen, but to Heretics.” The Spanish
accounts, written with too strong a conviction of the propriety of
their course to seek any subterfuge, make no allusion to any such
act; and the earliest French accounts are silent in regard to it. The
charge first occurs in a statement written with an evident design to
rouse public indignation in France, and not, therefore, to be deemed
absolutely accurate.

No quarter was given, for the French were regarded as pirates; and as
the French cruisers gave none, these, who were considered as of the
same class, received none.

The booty acquired was great. A brigantine and a galiot fell into
the hands of the Spaniards, with a vessel that had grounded. Another
vessel lay near the fort, and Spanish accounts claim to have sunk it
with the cannon of the fort, while the French declare they scuttled
it. Two other vessels lay at the mouth of the river, watching for the
Spaniards, whose attack was expected from the sea, and not from the
land side. Besides these vessels and their contents, the Spaniards
gained in the fort artillery and small-arms, supplies of flour and
bread, horses, asses, sheep, and hogs.[888] Such was the first struggle
on our soil between civilized men; it was brief, sanguinary, merciless.

Menendez named the captured fort San Mateo, from its capture on the
feast of St. Matthew (September 21). He set up the arms of Spain, and
selected a site for a church, which he ordered to be built at once.
Then, leaving Gonçalo de Villaroel in command, with a garrison of three
hundred men, he prepared to march back to St. Augustine with about one
hundred, who composed the rest of the force which had remained with him
till he reached Caroline. But of them all he found only thirty-five
able or willing to undertake the march; and with these he set out,
deeming his presence necessary at St. Augustine. Before long, one of
the party pushed on to announce his coming.

The Spaniards there had learned of the disaster which had befallen
Ribault’s fleet from a Frenchman who was the sole survivor of one small
vessel that had been driven ashore, its crew escaping a watery death
only to perish by the hands of the Indians. The vessel was secured and
brought to St. Augustine. The same day, September 23, a man was seen
running toward the fort, uttering loud shouts. The priest, Mendoza
Grajales, ran out to learn the tidings he bore. The soldier threw his
arms around him, crying: “Victory! Victory! the French fort is ours!”
He was soon recounting to his countrymen the story of the storming of
Caroline. Toward nightfall the _adelantado_ himself, with his little
party, was seen approaching. Mendoza in surplice, bearing a crucifix,
went forth to meet him. Menendez knelt to kiss the cross, and his
men imitated his example; then they entered the fort in procession,
chanting the Te Deum.[889]

Menendez despatched some light boats with supplies to San Mateo; but
the fort there took fire a few days after its capture, and was almost
entirely destroyed, with much of the booty. He sent other light craft
to Santo Domingo with prisoners, and others still to patrol the coast
and seek any signs of the galleon “San Pelayo,” or of the French. Then
he turned his whole attention to work on his fort and town, so as to
be in readiness to withstand any attack from Ribault if the French
commander should return and prove to be in a condition to assail him
while his forces were divided. He also cultivated friendly intercourse
with the neighboring chiefs whom he found hostile to the French and
their allies.

On the 28th, some of the Indians came to report by signs that the
French were six leagues distant, that they had lost their ships, and
that they had reached the shore by swimming. They had halted at a
stream which they could not cross,—evidently Matanzas inlet. Menendez
sent out a boat, and followed in another with some of his officers and
Mendoza, one of the clergymen. He overtook his party, and they encamped
near the inlet, but out of sight. On the opposite side, the light of
the camp-fires marked the spot occupied by the French. The next day,
seeing Menendez, a sailor swam over, and stated that he had been sent
to say that they were survivors of some of Ribault’s vessels which had
been wrecked; that many of their people had been drowned, others killed
or captured by the Indians; and that the rest, to the number of one
hundred and forty, asked permission and aid to reach their fort, some
distance up the coast.

[Illustration: FLORIDA, 1591 (_Lemoyne, in De Bry_).

[This is the only cartographical result of the French occupation. It
is also reproduced in Gaffarel’s _Floride Française_, and in Shipp’s
_De Soto and Florida_. It was literally copied by Hondius in 1607, and
not so well in the Mercator-Hondius _Atlas_ of 1633. Lescarbot followed
it; but in his 1618 edition altered for the worse the course of the St.
John’s River; and so did De Laet. Cf. Kohl, _Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 48,
and Brinton, _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 80, who says (p. 86) that De
Laet was the first to confine the name Florida to the peninsula; but
Thevet seems nearly to do so in the map in his _Cosmographia_, which he
based on Ortelius, a part of which is given in fac-simile in Weise’s
_Discoveries of America_, p. 304; and it seems also to be the case in
the earlier Mercator gores of 1541. The map accompanying Charlevoix’
narrative will be found in his _Nouvelle France_, i. 24, and in Shea’s
translation of it, i. 133.—ED.]]

Menendez told him that he had captured the fort and put all to the
sword. Then, after asking whether they were Catholics or Lutherans, and
receiving the reply, the Spaniard sent the sailor to his companions,
to say that if they did not give up their arms and surrender, he would
put them all to the sword. On this an officer came over to endeavor
to secure better terms, or to be allowed to remain till vessels could
be obtained to take them to France; but Menendez was inexorable. The
officer pleaded that the lives of the French should be spared; but
Menendez, according to Mendoza, replied, “that he would not give them
such a pledge, but that they should bring their arms and their persons,
and that he should do with them according to his will; because if he
spared their lives he wished them to be grateful to him for it, and if
he put them to death they should not complain that he had broken his
word.” Solis de Meras, another clergyman, brother-in-law of Menendez,
and in St. Augustine at the time, in his account states that Menendez
said, “That if they wished to lay down their colors and their arms, and
throw themselves on his mercy, they could do so, that he might do with
them what God should give him the grace to do; or that they could do as
they chose: for other truce or friendship could not be made with him;”
and that he rejected an offer of ransom which they made.

Menendez himself more briefly writes: “I replied that they might
surrender me their arms and put themselves under my pleasure, that
I might do with them what our Lord might ordain; and from this
resolution I do not and will not depart, unless our Lord God inspired
me otherwise.” The words held out hopes that were delusive; but the
French, hemmed in by the sea and by savages, saw no alternative.
They crossed, laid down their arms, and were bound, by order of
Menendez,—ostensibly to conduct them to the fort. Sixteen, chiefly
Breton sailors, who professed to be Catholics, were spared; the rest,
one hundred and eleven in all, were put to death in cold blood,—as
ruthlessly as the French, ten years before, had despatched their
prisoners amid the smoking ruins of Havana, and, like them, in the name
of religion.[890]

Ribault himself, who was advancing by the same fatal route, was
ignorant alike of the fall of Caroline and of the slaughter of the
survivors of the advanced party; he too hoped to reach Laudonnière.
Some days after the cruel treatment of the first band he reached
the inlet, whose name to this day is a monument of the bloody
work,—Matanzas.

The news of the appearance of this second French party reached
Menendez on the 10th of October,—at the same time almost as that of
the destruction of Fort San Mateo and its contents by fire, and while
writing a despatch to the King, unfolding his plan for colonizing and
holding Florida, by means of a series of forts at the Chesapeake, Port
Royal, the Martyrs, and the Bay of Juan Ponce de Leon. He marched
to the inlet with one hundred and fifty men. The French were on the
opposite side, some making a rude raft. Both parties sounded drum and
trumpet, and flung their standards to the breeze, drawing up in line of
battle. Menendez then ordered his men to sit down and breakfast. Upon
this, Ribault raised a white flag, and one of his men was soon swimming
across. He returned with an Indian canoe that lay at the shore, and
took over La Caille, an officer. Approaching Menendez, the French
officer announced that the force was that of John Ribault, viceroy
for the French king, three hundred and fifty men in all, who had been
wrecked on the coast, and was now endeavoring to reach Fort Caroline.
He soon learned how vain was the attempt. The fate of the fort and of
its garrison, and the stark bodies of the preceding party, convinced
him that those whom he represented must prepare to meet a similar fate.
He requested Menendez to send an officer to Ribault to arrange terms
of surrender; but the reply was that the French commander was free to
cross with a few of his men, if he wished a conference.

When this was reported to him, the unfortunate Ribault made an effort
in person to save his men. He was courteously received by Menendez,
but, like his lieutenant, saw that the case was hopeless. According
to Solis de Meras, Ribault offered a ransom of one hundred and fifty
thousand ducats for himself and one part of his men; another part,
embracing many wealthy nobles, preferring to treat separately. Menendez
declined the offer, expressing his regret at being compelled to forego
the money, which he needed. His terms were as enigmatical as before. He
declared, so he himself tells us, “that they must lay down their arms
and colors and put themselves under my pleasure; that I should do with
their persons as I chose, and that there was nothing else to be done or
concluded with me.”

Ribault returned to his camp and held a council with his officers. Some
were inclined to throw themselves on the mercy of Menendez; but the
majority refused to surrender. The next morning Ribault came over with
seventy officers and men, who decided to surrender and trust to the
mercy of the merciless. The rest had turned southward, preferring to
face new perils rather than be butchered.

The French commander gave up the banner of France and that of Coligny,
with the colors of his force, his own fine set of armor, and his seal
of office. As he and his comrades were bound, he intoned one of the
Psalms; and after its concluding words added: “We are of earth, and to
earth we must return; twenty years more or less is all but as a tale
that is told.” Then he bade Menendez do his will. Two young nobles, and
a few men whom Menendez could make useful, he spared; the rest were at
once despatched.[891]

The French who declined to surrender retreated unpursued to Cañaveral,
where they threw up a log fort and began to build a vessel in order to
escape from Florida. Menendez, recalling some of the men who remained
at San Mateo, set out against them with one hundred and fifty men,
three vessels following the shore with one hundred men to support his
force. On the 8th of November apparently, he reached the fort. The
French abandoned it and fled; but on promise that their lives should
be spared, one hundred and fifty surrendered. Menendez kept his word.
He destroyed their fort and vessel; and leaving a detachment of two
hundred under Captain Juan Velez de Medrano to build Fort Santa Lucia
de Cañaveral in a more favorable spot, he sailed to Havana. Finding
some of his vessels there, he cruised in search of corsairs—chiefly
French and English—who were said to be in great force off the coast
of Santo Domingo, and who had actually captured one of his caravels;
he was afraid that young Ribault might have joined them, and that he
would attack the Spanish posts in Florida.[892] But encountering a
vessel, Menendez learned that the King had sent him reinforcements,
which he resolved to await, obtaining supplies from Campechy for his
forts, as the Governor of Havana refused to furnish any.

The Spaniards in the three Florida posts were ill-prepared for even a
Florida winter, and one hundred died for want of proper clothing and
food. Captain San Vicente and other malcontents excited disaffection,
so that mutinies broke out, and the insurgents seized vessels and
deserted. Fort San Mateo was left with only twenty-one persons in it.

In February, 1566, Menendez explored the Tortugas and the adjacent
coast, seeking some trace of the vessel in which his son had been lost.
His search was fruitless; but he established friendly relations with
the cacique Carlos, and rescued several Spanish prisoners from that
cruel chief, who annually sacrificed one of them.

Meanwhile the French fugitives excited the Indians who were friendly
to them to attack the Spanish posts; and it was no longer safe for
the settlers to stir beyond the works at San Mateo and St. Augustine.
Captain Martin de Ochoa, one of the bravest and most faithful officers,
was slain at San Mateo; and Captain Diego de Hevia and several others
were cut off at St. Augustine. Emboldened by success, the Indians
invested the latter fort, and not only sent showers of arrows into it,
but by means of blazing arrows set fire to the palmetto thatching of
the storehouses. The Spaniards in vain endeavored to extinguish the
flames; the building was consumed, with all their munitions, cloth,
linen, and even the colors of the _adelantado_ and the troops. This
encouraged the Indians, who despatched every Spaniard they could reach.

Menendez reached St. Augustine, March 20, to find it on the brink of
ruin. Even his presence and the force at his command could not bring
the mutineers to obedience. He was obliged to allow Captain San Vicente
and many others to embark in a vessel. Of the men whom at great labor
and expense he had brought to Florida, full five hundred deserted.
After their departure he restored order; and, proceeding to San Mateo,
relieved that place. His next step was to enter into friendly relations
with the chief of Guale, and to begin a fort of stockades, earth, and
fascines at Port Royal which he called San Felipe. Here he left one
hundred and ten men under Stephen de las Alas. From this point the
adventurous Captain Pardo, in 1566 and the following year, explored
the country, penetrating to the silver region of the Cherokees, and
visiting towns reached by De Soto from Cofitachiqui to Tascaluza.[893]

Returning to St. Augustine, Menendez transferred the fort to its
present position, to be nearer the ship landing and less exposed to
the Indians. All the posts suffered from want of food; and even for the
soldiers in the King’s pay the _adelantado_ could obtain no rations
from Havana, although he went there in person. He obtained means to
purchase the necessary provisions only by pledging his own personal
effects.

Before his return there came a fleet of seventeen vessels, bearing
fifteen hundred men, with arms, munitions, and supplies, under Sancho
de Arciniega. Relief was immediately sent to San Mateo and to Santa
Elena, where most of the soldiers had mutinied, and had put Stephen
de las Alas in irons, and sailed away. Menendez divided part of his
reinforcements among his three posts, and then with light vessels
ascended the St. John’s. He endeavored to enter into negotiations with
the caciques Otina and Macoya; but those chiefs, fearing that he had
come to demand reparation for the attacks on the Spaniards, fled at his
approach. He ascended the river till he found the stream narrow, and
hostile Indians lining the banks. On his downward voyage Otina, after
making conditions, received the _adelantado_, who came ashore with only
a few attendants. The chief was surrounded by three hundred warriors;
but showed no hostility, and agreed to become friendly to the Spaniards.

On his return Menendez despatched a captain with thirty soldiers and
two Dominican friars to establish a post on Chesapeake Bay; they were
accompanied by Don Luis Velasco, brother of the chief of Axacan, who
had been taken from that country apparently by Villafañe, and who had
been baptized in Mexico. Instead, however, of carrying out his plans,
the party persuaded the captain of the vessel to sail to Spain.

Two Jesuit Fathers also came to found missions among the Indians; but
one of them, Father Martinez, landing on the coast, was killed by the
Indians; and the survivor, Father Rogel, with a lay brother, by the
direction of Menendez began to study the language of the chief Carlos,
in order to found a mission in his tribe. To facilitate this, Menendez
sent Captain Reynoso to establish a post in that part of Florida.[894]

News having arrived that the French were preparing to attack Florida,
and their depredations in the Antilles having increased, Menendez
sailed to Porto Rico, and cruised about for a time, endeavoring to meet
some of the corsairs. But he was unable to come up with any; and after
visiting Carlos and Tequeste, where missions were now established,
he returned to St. Augustine. His efforts, individually and through
his lieutenants, to gain the native chiefs had been to some extent
successful; Saturiba was the only cacique who held aloof. He finally
agreed to meet Menendez at the mouth of the St. John’s; but, as the
Spanish commander soon learned, the cacique had a large force in
ambush, with the object of cutting him and his men off when they
landed. Finding war necessary, Menendez then sent four detachments,
each of seventy men, against Saturiba; but he fled, and the Spaniards
returned after skirmishes with small bands, in which they killed thirty
Indians.

Leaving his posts well defended and supplied, Menendez sailed to Spain;
and landing near Coruña, visited his home at Aviles to see his wife and
family, from whom he had been separated twenty years. He then proceeded
to Valladolid, where, on the 20th of July, he was received with honor
by the King.

During his absence a French attack, such as he had expected, was made
on Florida. Fearing this, he had endeavored to obtain forces and
supplies for his colony; but was detained, fretting and chafing at the
delays and formalities of the _Casa de Contratacion_ in Seville.[895]

An expedition, comprising one small and two large vessels, was fitted
out at Bordeaux by Dominic de Gourgues, with a commission to capture
slaves at Benin. De Gourgues sailed Aug. 22, 1567, and at Cape Blanco
had a skirmish with some negro chiefs, secured the harbor, and sailed
off with a cargo of slaves. With these he ran to the Spanish West
Indies, and disposed of them at Dominica, Porto Rico, and Santo
Domingo, finding Spaniards ready to treat with him. At Puerto de la
Plata, in the last island, he met a ready confederate in Zaballos, who
was accustomed to trade with the French pirates. Zaballos bought slaves
and goods from him, and furnished him a pilot for the Florida coast.
Puerto de la Plata had been a refuge for some of the deserters from
Florida, and could afford definite information. Here probably the idea
of Gourgues’ Florida expedition originated; though, according to the
bombastic French account, it was only off the Island of Cuba that De
Gourgues revealed his design. He reached the mouth of the St. John’s,
where the French narratives place two forts that are utterly unknown
in Spanish documents, and which were probably only batteries to cover
the entrance. Saluted here as Spanish, the French vessels passed on,
and anchored off the mouth of the St. Mary’s,—the Tacatacuru of the
Indians. By means of a Frenchman, a refugee among the Indians, Gourgues
easily induced Saturiba, smarting under the recent Spanish attack, to
join him in a campaign against San Mateo. The first redoubt was quickly
taken; and the French, crossing in boats, their allies swimming,
captured the second, and then moved on Fort San Mateo itself. The
French account makes sixty men issue from each of what it calls forts,
each party to be cut off by the French, and then makes all of each
party of sixty to fall by the hands of the French and Indians, except
fifteen or thereabout kept for an ignominious death.

Gourgues carried off the artillery of the fort and redoubts; but before
he could transport the rest of his booty to the vessels, a train left
by the Spaniards in the fort was accidentally fired by an Indian who
was cooking fish; the magazine blew up, with all in it. Gourgues hanged
the prisoners who fell into his hands at San Mateo, and descending the
river, hanged thirty more at the mouth, setting up an inscription: “Not
as to Spaniards, but as to Traitors, Robbers, and Murderers.” Returning
to his vessels, he hoisted sail on the 3d of May, and early in June
entered the harbor of La Rochelle. His loss, which is not explained, is
said to have been his smallest vessel, five gentlemen and some soldiers
killed.[896]

[Illustration: WYTFLIET, 1597.

[Cf. the “Florida et Apalche” in Acosta, German edition, Cologne, 1598
(also in 1605); that of Hieronymus Chaves, given in Ortelius, 1592; and
later the maps of the French cartographer Sanson, showing the coast
from Texas to Carolina.—ED.]]

When Gourgues made his descent, Menendez was already at sea, having
sailed from San Lucar on the 13th of March, with abundant supplies and
reinforcements, as well as additional missionaries for the Indians,
under Father John Baptist Segura as vice-provincial. After relieving
his posts in Florida and placing a hundred and fifty men at San Mateo,
he proceeded to Cuba, of which he had been appointed governor. To
strengthen his colony, he solicited permission to colonize the Rio
Pánuco; but the authorities in Mexico opposed his project, and it
failed. The Mississippi, then known as the Espiritu Santo, was supposed
to flow from the neighborhood of Santa Elena, and was depended on as
a means of communication.[897] The next year the _adelantado_ sent
a hundred and ninety-three persons to San Felipe, and eighty to St.
Augustine. Father Rogel then began missions among the Indians around
Port Royal; Father Sedeño and Brother Baez began similar labors on
Guale (now Amelia) Island, the latter soon compiling a grammar and
catechism in the language of the Indians. Others attempted to bring the
intractable chief Carlos and his tribe within the Christian fold. Rogel
drew Indians to his mission at Orista; he put up houses and a church,
and endeavored to induce them to cultivate the ground. But their
natural fickleness would not submit to control; they soon abandoned
the place, and the missionary returned to Fort San Felipe. A school
for Indian boys was opened in Havana, and youths from the tribes of
the coast were sent there in the hope of making them the nucleus of
an Indian civilization. In 1570 Menendez, carrying out his project of
occupying Chesapeake Bay, sent Father Segura with several other Jesuits
to establish a mission at Axacan, the country of the Indian known as
Don Luis Velasco, who accompanied missionaries, promising to do all
in his power to secure for them a welcome from his tribe. The vessel
evidently ascended the Potomac and landed the mission party, who then
crossed to the shores of the Rappahannock. They were received with
seeming friendship, and erected a rude chapel; but the Indians soon
showed a hostile spirit, and ultimately massacred all the party except
an Indian boy. When Menendez returned to Florida from Spain in 1572,
he sailed to the Chesapeake, and endeavored to secure Don Luis and his
brother; but they fled. He captured eight Indians known to have taken
part in the murder of the missionaries, and hanged them at the yard-arm
of his vessel.[898]

From this time Menendez gave little personal attention to the affairs
of Florida, being elsewhere engaged by the King; and he died at
Santander, in Spain, Sept. 17, 1574, when about to take command of an
immense fleet which Philip II. was preparing. With his death Florida,
where his nephew Pedro Menendez Marquez[899] had acted as governor,
languished. Indian hostilities increased, San Felipe was invested,
abandoned, and burned, and soon after the Governor himself was
slain.[900] St. Augustine was finally burned by Drake.

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.

OUR account of the voyages of Ponce de Leon is mainly from the
_cédulas_ to him and official correspondence, correcting Herrera,[901]
who is supposed by some to have had the explorer’s diary, now lost.
Oviedo[902] mentions Bimini[903] as forty leagues from Guanahani. The
modern edition[904] of Oviedo is vague and incorrect; and gives Ponce
de Leon two caravels, but has no details. Gomara[905] is no less
vague. Girava records the discovery, but dates it in 1512.[906] As
early as 1519 the statement is found that the Bay of Juan Ponce had
been visited by Alaminos, while accompanying Ponce de Leon,[907]—which
must refer to this expedition of 1513. The “Traza de las costas”
given by Navarrete (and reproduced by Buckingham Smith),[908] with
the Garay patent of 1521, would seem to make Apalache Bay the western
limit of the discoveries of Ponce de Leon, of whose expedition and
of Alaminos’s no report is known. Peter Martyr[909] alludes to it,
but only incidentally, when treating of Diego Velasquez. Barcia, in
his _Ensayo cronológico_,[910] writing specially on Florida, seems to
have had neither of the patents of Ponce de Leon, and no reports; and
he places the discovery in 1512 instead of 1513.[911] Navarrete[912]
simply follows Herrera.

In the unfortunate expedition of Cordova Bernal Diaz was an actor,
and gives us a witness’s testimony;[913] and it is made the subject
of evidence in the suit in 1536 between the Pinzon and Colon
families.[914] The general historians treat it in course.[915]

The main authority for the first voyage of Garay is the royal letters
patent,[916] the documents which are given by Navarrete[917] and in
the _Documentos inéditos_,[918] as well as the accounts given in Peter
Martyr,[919] Gomara,[920] and Herrera.[921]

Of the pioneer expedition which Camargo conducted for Garay to make
settlement of Amichel, and of its encounter with Cortés, we have the
effect which the first tidings of it produced on the mind of the
Conqueror of Mexico in his second letter of Oct. 30, 1520; while in
his third letter he made representations of the wrongs done to the
Indians by Garay’s people, and of his own determination to protect
the chiefs who had submitted to him.[922] For the untoward ending of
Garay’s main expedition, Cortés is still a principal dependence in his
fourth letter;[923] and the official records of his proceedings against
Garay in October, 1523, with a letter of Garay dated November 8, and
evidently addressed to Cortés, are to be found in the _Documentos
inéditos_,[924] while Peter Martyr,[925] Oviedo,[926] and Herrera[927]
are the chief general authorities. Garay’s renewed effort under his
personal leadership is marked out in three several petitions which he
made for authority to colonize the new country.[928]

[Illustration: AYLLON’S EXPLORATIONS.

[This sketch follows Dr. Kohl’s copy of a map in a manuscript atlas
in the British Museum (no. 9,814), without date; but it seems to be a
record of the explorations (1520) of Ayllon, whose name is corrupted
on the map. The map bears near the main inscription the figure of a
Chinaman and an elephant,—tokens of the current belief in the Asiatic
connections of North America. Cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_,
p. 82, 99, on the “Traza de costas de Tierra Ferme y de las Tierras
Nuevas,” accompanying the royal grant to Garay in 1521, being the
chart of Cristóbal de Tobia, given in the third volume of Navarrete’s
_Coleccion_, and sketched on another page of the present volume
(_ante_, p. 218) in a section on “The Early Cartography of the Gulf of
Mexico and adjacent Parts,” where some light is thrown on contemporary
knowledge of the Florida coast.—ED.]]

Of the preliminary expedition on the Atlantic coast of Gordillo and
the subsequent attempt of his chief, Ayllon, to settle in Virginia,
there is a fund of testimony in the papers of the suit which Matienzo
instituted against Ayllon, and of which the greater part is still
unprinted; but a few papers, like the complaint of Matienzo and some
testimony taken by Ayllon when about to sail himself, can be found in
the _Documentos inéditos_.[929] As regards the joint explorations of
the vessels of Gordillo and Quexos, the testimony of the latter helps
us, as well as his act of taking possession, which puts the proceeding
in 1521; though some of Ayllon’s witnesses give 1520 as the date.
Both parties unite in calling the river which they reached the San
Juan Bautista, and the _cédula_ to Ayllon places it in thirty-five
degrees. Navarrete in saying they touched at Chicora and Gualdape
confounds the first and third voyages; and was clearly ignorant of the
three distinct expeditions;[930] and Herrera is wrong in calling the
river the Jordan,[931]—named, as he says, after the captain or pilot
of one of the vessels,—since no such person was on either vessel,
and no such name appears in the testimony: the true Jordan was the
Wateree (Guatari).[932] That it was the intention of Ayllon to make the
expedition one of slave-catching, would seem to be abundantly disproved
by his condemnation of the commander’s act.[933]

Ayllon, according to Spanish writers, after reaching the coast in
his own voyage, in 1526, took a northerly course. Herrera[934] says
he attempted to colonize north of Cape Trafalgar (Hatteras); and the
_piloto mayor_ of Florida, Ecija, who at a later day, in 1609, was sent
to find out what the English were doing, says positively that Ayllon
had fixed his settlement at Guandape. Since by his office Ecija must
have had in his possession the early charts of his people, and must
have made the locality a matter of special study, his assertion has far
greater weight than that of any historian writing in Spain merely from
documents.[935] It is also the opinion of Navarrete[936] that Ayllon’s
course must have been north.

Oviedo[937] does not define the region of this settlement more closely
than to say that it was under thirty-three degrees, adding that it is
not laid down on any map. The Oydores of Santo Domingo, in a letter to
the King in 1528,[938] only briefly report the expedition, and refer
for particulars to Father Antonio Montesinos.[939]

The authorities for the voyage of Gomez are set forth in another
volume.[940]

* * * * *

Upon the expedition of Narvaez, and particularly upon the part taken in
it by Cabeza de Vaca, the principal authority is the narrative of the
latter published at Zamora in 1542 as _La relacion que dio Aluar Nuñez
Cabeça de Vaca de lo acaescido en las Indias en la armada donde yua por
gouernador Pãphilo de narbaez_.[941] It was reprinted at Valladolid in
1555, in an edition usually quoted as _La relacion y comentarios[942]
del governador Aluar Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca de lo acaescido en las dos
jornadas que hizo á los Indios_.[943] This edition was reprinted
under the title of _Navfragios de Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca_, by
Barcia (1749) in his _Historiadores primitivos_,[944] accompanied by
an “exámen apologético de la historia” by Antonio Ardoino, which
is a defence of Cabeza de Vaca against the aspersions of Honorius
Philoponus,[945] who charges Cabeza de Vaca with claiming to have
performed miracles.

[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF NARVAEZ (_From Buckingham Smith_).]

The _Relacion_, translated into Italian from the first edition, was
included by Ramusio in his _Collection_[946] in 1556. A French version
was given by Ternaux in 1837.[947] The earliest English rendering,
or rather paraphrase, is that in Purchas;[948] but a more important
version was made by the late Buckingham Smith, and printed (100 copies)
at the expense of Mr. George W. Riggs, of Washington, in 1851, for
private circulation.[949] A second edition was undertaken by Mr. Smith,
embodying the results of investigations in Spain, with a revision
of the translation and considerable additional annotation; but the
completion of the work of carrying it through the press, owing to
Mr. Smith’s death,[950] devolved upon others, who found his mass of
undigested notes not very intelligible. It appeared in an edition of
one hundred copies in 1871.[951] In these successive editions Mr. Smith
gave different theories regarding the route pursued by Cabeza de Vaca
in his nine years journey.[952]

[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF CABEZA DE VACA (_From Buckingham Smith_).]

The documents[953] which Mr. Smith adds to this new edition convey
but little information beyond what can be gathered from Cabeza de
Vaca himself. He adds, however, engravings of Father Juan Xuarez and
Brother Juan Palos, after portraits preserved in Mexico of the twelve
Franciscans who were first sent to that country.[954]

Some additional facts respecting this expedition are derived at second
hand from a letter which Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes wrote after their
arrival in Mexico to the _Andiencia_ of Hispaniola, which is not now
known, but of which the substance is professedly given by Oviedo.[955]

The Bahia de la Cruz of Narvaez’ landing, made identical with Apalache
Bay by Cabot, is likely to have been by him correctly identified, as
the point could be fixed by the pilots who returned with the ships to
Cuba, and would naturally be recorded on the charts.[956] Smith[957]
believed it to be Tampa Bay. The _Relacion_ describes the bay as one
whose head could be seen from the mouth; though its author seems in
another place to make it seven or eight leagues deep.[958] Narvaez and
his party evidently thought they were nearer Panuco, and had no idea
they were so near Havana. Had they been at Tampa Bay, or on a coast
running north and south, they can scarcely be supposed to have been
so egregiously mistaken.[959] If Tampa was his landing place, it is
necessary to consider the bay where he subsequently built his boats as
Apalache Bay.[960] Charlevoix[961] identifies it with Apalache Bay,
and Siguenza y Gongora finds it in Pensacola.[962]

Of the expedition of Soto we have good and on the whole satisfactory
records. The Concession made by the Spanish King of the government of
Cuba and of the conquest of Florida is preserved to us.[963] There are
three contemporary narratives of the progress of the march. The first
and best was printed in 1557 at Evora as the _Relaçam verdadeira dos
trabalhos [=q] ho gouernador dō Fernādo de Souto e certos fidalgos
portugueses passarom no descobrimēto da provincia da Frlorida_. _Agora
nouamente feita per hū fidalgo Deluas._[964] It is usually cited in
English as the “Narrative of the Gentleman of Elvas,” since Hakluyt
first translated it, and reprinted it in 1609 at London as _Virginia
richly valued by the Description of the Mainland of Florida, her
next Neighbor_.[965] It appeared again in 1611 as _The worthye and
famous Historie of the Travailles, Discovery, and Conquest of Terra
Florida_, and was included in the supplement to the 1809 edition
of the Collection of Hakluyt. It was also reprinted from the 1611
edition in 1851 by the Hakluyt Society as _Discovery and Conquest of
Florida_,[966] edited by William B. Rye, and is included in Force’s
_Tracts_ (vol. iv.) and in French’s _Historical Collections of
Louisiana_ (vol. ii. pp. 111-220). It is abridged by Purchas in his
_Pilgrimes_.[967]

[Illustration: YO EL REY.

[The sign-manual of Charles V. to the _Asiento y Capitulacion_ granted
to De Soto, 1537, as given by B. Smith in his _Coleccion_, p.
146.—ED.]]

Another and briefer original Spanish account is the _Relacion del
suceso de its jornada que hizo Hernando de Soto_ of Luys Hernandez de
Biedma, which long remained in manuscript in the Archivo General de
Indias at Seville,[968] and was first published in a French version
by Ternaux in 1841;[969] and from this William B. Rye translated it
for the Hakluyt Society.[970] Finally, the original Spanish text,
“Relación de la Isla de la Florida,” was published by Buckingham Smith
in 1857 in his _Coleccion de varios documentos para la historia de la
Florida_.[971]

In 1866 Mr. Smith published translations of the narratives of the
Gentleman of Elvas and of Biedma, in the fifth volume (125 copies) of
the Bradford Club Series under the title of _Narratives of the Career
of Hernando de Soto in the Conquest of Florida, as told by a Knight
of Elvas, and in a Relation_ [presented 1544] _by Luys Hernandez de
Biedma_.

[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF BIEDMA.

From the _Coleccion_, p. 64, of Buckingham Smith.]

The third of the original accounts is the _Florida del Ynca_ of
Garcilasso de la Vega, published at Lisbon in 1605,[972] which he
wrote forty years after Soto’s death, professedly to do his memory
justice.[973] The spirit of exaggeration which prevails throughout the
volume has deprived it of esteem as an historical authority, though
Theodore Irving[974] and others have accepted it. It is based upon
conversations with a noble Spaniard who had accompanied Soto as a
volunteer, and upon the written but illiterate reports of two common
soldiers,—Alonzo de Carmona, of Priego, and Juan Coles, of Zabra.[975]
Herrera largely embodied it in his _Historia general_.

Still another account of the expedition is the official Report which
Rodrigo Ranjel, the secretary of Soto, based upon his Diary kept on
the march. It was written after reaching Mexico, whence he transmitted
it to the Spanish Government. It remained unpublished in that part of
Oviedo’s _History_ which was preserved in manuscript till Amador de los
Rios issued his edition of Oviedo in 1851. Oviedo seems to have begun
to give the text of Ranjel as he found it; but later in the progress
of the story he abridges it greatly, and two chapters at least are
missing, which must have given the wanderings of Soto from Autiamque,
with his death, and the adventures of the survivors under Mosçoso. The
original text of Ranjel is not known.

These independent narratives of the Gentlemen of Elvas, Biedma,
and Ranjel, as well as those used by Garcilasso de la Vega, agree
remarkably, not only in the main narrative as to course and events, but
also as to the names of the places.

There is also a letter of Soto, dated July 9, 1539, describing his
voyage and landing, which was published by Buckingham Smith in 1854
at Washington,[976] following a transcript (in the Lenox Library) of
a document in the Archives at Simancas, and attested by Muñoz. It is
addressed to the municipality of Santiago de Cuba, and was first made
known in Ternaux’s _Recueil des pièces sur la Floride_. B. F. French
gave the first English version of it in his _Historical Collections of
Louisiana_, part ii. pp. 89-93 (1850).[977]

[Illustration: THE MISSISSIPPI, SIXTEENTH CENTURY.

[This sketch is from a copy in the Kohl Washington Collection, after
a manuscript atlas in the Bodleian. It is without date, but seemingly
of about the middle of the sixteenth century. The “B. de Miruello”
seems to commemorate a pilot of Ponce de Leon’s day. The sketch of the
Atlantic coast made by Chaves in 1536 is preserved to us only in the
description given by Oviedo, of which an English version will be found
in the _Historical Magazine_, x. 371.—ED.]]

The route of De Soto is, of course, a question for a variety of
views.[978] We have in the preceding narrative followed for the
track through Georgia a paper read by Colonel Charles C. Jones, Jr.,
before the Georgia Historical Society, and printed in Savannah in
1880,[979] and for that through Alabama the data given by Pickett in
his _History of Alabama_,[980] whose local knowledge adds weight to his
opinion.[981] As to the point of De Soto’s crossing the Mississippi,
there is a very general agreement on the lowest Chickasaw Bluff.[982]
We are without the means, in any of the original sources, to determine
beyond dispute the most northerly point reached by Soto. He had
evidently approached, but had learned nothing of, the Missouri River.
Almost at the same time that Soto, with the naked, starving remnant
of his army, was at Pacaha, another Spanish force under Vasquez de
Coronado, well handled and perfectly equipped, must in July and August,
1541, have been encamped so near that an Indian runner in a few days
might have carried tidings between them. Coronado actually heard of his
countryman, and sent him a letter; but his messenger failed to find
Soto’s party.[983] But, strangely enough, the cruel, useless expedition
of Soto finds ample space in history, while the well-managed march of
Coronado’s careful exploration finds scant mention.[984] No greater
contrast exists in our history than that between these two campaigns.

* * * * *

A sufficient indication has been given, in the notes of the preceding
narrative, of the sources of information concerning the futile attempts
of the Spaniards at colonization on the Atlantic coast up to the time
of the occupation of Port Royal by Ribault in 1562. Of the consequent
bloody struggle between the Spanish Catholics and the French Huguenots
there are original sources on both sides.

On the Spanish part we have the _Cartas escritas al rey_ of Pedro
Menendez (Sept. 11, Oct. 15, and Dec. 5, 1565), which are preserved
in the Archives at Seville, and have been used by Parkman,[985] and
the _Memoria del buen suceso i buen viage_ of the chaplain of the
expedition, Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales.[986] Barcia’s _Ensayo
cronológico_ is the most comprehensive of the Spanish accounts, and he
gives a large part of the _Memorial de las jornadas_ of Solis de Meras,
a brother-in-law of Menendez. It has never been printed separately;
but Charlevoix used Barcia’s extract, and it is translated from Barcia
in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_ (vol.
ii. p. 216). Barcia seems also to have had access to the papers of
Menendez,[987] and to have received this Journal of Solis directly from
his family.

On the French side, for the first expedition of Ribault in 1562 we
have the very scarce text of the _Histoire de l’expédition Française
en Floride_, published in London in 1563, which Hakluyt refers to as
being in print “in French and English” when he wrote his _Westerne
Planting_.[988] Sparks[989] could not find that it was ever published
in French; nor was Winter Jones aware of the existence of this 1563
edition when he prepared for the Hakluyt Society an issue of Hakluyt’s
_Divers Voyages_ (1582), in which that collector had included an
English version of it as _The True and Last Discoverie of Florida,
translated into Englishe by one Thomas Hackit_, being the same text
which appeared separately in 1563 as the _Whole and True Discovery of
Terra Florida_.[990]

At Paris in 1586 appeared a volume, dedicated to Sir Walter Raleigh,
entitled, _L’histoire notable de la Floride, ... contenant les trois
voyages faits en icelle par certains capitaines et pilotes François
descrits par le Capitaine Laudonnière, ... à laquelle a esté adjousté
un quatriesme voyage fait par le Capitaine Gourgues, Mise en lumiere
par M. Basanier_. This was a comprehensive account, or rather
compilation, of the four several French expeditions,—1562, 1564, 1565,
1567,—covering the letters of Laudonnière for the first three, and
an anonymous account, perhaps by the editor Basanier, of the fourth.
Hakluyt, who had induced the French publication, gave the whole an
English dress in his _Notable History, translated by R. H._, printed in
London in 1587,[991] and again in his _Principall Navigations_, vol.
iii., the text of which is also to be found in the later edition and in
French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_ (1869), i.
165.[992]

[Illustration: ROUTE OF DE SOTO (_after Delisle_),—WESTERLY PART.

[This map of Delisle, issued originally at Paris, is given in the
Amsterdam (1707) edition of Garcilasso de la Vega’s _Histoire des Incas
et de la conquête de la Floride_, vol. ii; cf. _Voyages au nord_,
vol. v., and Delisle’s _Atlas nouveau_. The map is also reproduced
in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, and Gravier’s _La
Salle_ (1870). Other maps of the route are given by Rye, McCulloch, and
Irving; by J. C. Brevoort in Smith’s _Narratives of Hernando de Soto_,
and in Paul Chaix’ _Bassin du Mississipi au seizième siècle_.

Besides the references already noted, the question of his route has
been discussed, to a greater or less extent, in Charlevoix’ _Nouvelle
France_; in Warden’s _Chronologie historique de l’Amérique_, where
the views of the geographer Homann are cited; in Albert Gallatin’s
“Synopsis of the Indian Tribes” in the _Archæologia Americana_, vol.
ii.; in Nuttall’s _Travels in Arkansas_ (1819 and 1821); in Williams’s
_Florida_ (New York, 1837); in McCulloch’s _Antiquarian Researches
in America_ (Baltimore, 1829); in Schoolcraft’s _Indian Tribes_,
vol. iii.; in Paul Chaix’ _Bassin du Mississipi au seizième siècle_;
in J. W. Monette’s _Valley of the Mississippi_ (1846); in Pickett’s
_Alabama_; in Gayarré’s _Louisiana_; in Martin’s _Louisiana_; in
_Historical Magazine_, v. 8; in _Knickerbocker Magazine_, lxiii. 457;
in _Sharpe’s Magazine_, xlii. 265; and in Lambert A. Wilmer’s _Life
of De Soto_ (1858). Although Dr. Belknap in his _American Biography_
(1794, vol. i. p. 189), had sought to establish a few points of De
Soto’s march, the earliest attempt to track his steps closely was
made by Alexander Meek, in a paper published at Tuscaloosa in 1839 in
_The Southron_, and reprinted as “The Pilgrimage of De Soto,” in his
_Romantic Passages in Southwestern History_ (Mobile, 1857), p. 213.
Irving, in the revised edition of his _Conquest of Florida_, depended
largely upon the assistance of Fairbanks and Smith, and agrees mainly
with Meek and Pickett. In his appendix he epitomizes the indications
of the route according to Garcilasso and the Portuguese gentleman.
Rye collates the statements of McCulloch and Monette regarding the
route beyond the Mississippi, and infers that the identifying of the
localities is almost impossible. Chaix (_Bassin du Mississipi_) also
traces this part.—ED.]]

[Illustration: ROUTE OF DE SOTO (_after Delisle_),—EASTERLY PART.]

Jacques Lemoyne de Morgues, an artist accompanying Laudonnière, wrote
some years later an account, and made maps and drawings, with notes
describing them. De Bry made a visit to London in 1587 to see Lemoyne,
who was then in Raleigh’s service; but Lemoyne resisted all persuasions
to part with his papers.[993] After Lemoyne’s death De Bry bought them
off his widow (1588), and published them in 1591, in the second part
of his _Grands voyages_, as _Brevis narratio_.[994]

One Nicolas le Challeux, or Challus, a carpenter, a man of sixty, who
was an eye-witness of the events at Fort Caroline, and who for the
experiences of Ribault’s party took the statements of Dieppe sailors
and of Christopher le Breton, published a simple narrative at Dieppe
in 1566 under the title of _Discours de l’histoire de la Floride_,
which was issued twice,—once with fifty-four, and a second time
with sixty-two, pages,[995] and the same year reprinted, with some
variations, at Lyons as _Histoire mémorable du dernier voyage fait par
le Capitaine Iean Ribaut en l’an MDLXV_ (pp. 56).[996]

It is thought that Thevet in his _Cosmographie universelle_ (1575) may
have had access to Laudonnière’s papers; and some details from Thevet
are embodied in what is mainly a translation of Le Challeux, the _De
Gallorum expeditione in Floridam anno MDLXV brevis historia_, which was
added (p. 427) by Urbain Chauveton, or Calveton, to the Latin edition
of Benzoni,—_Novæ novi orbis historiæ tres libri_, printed at Geneva in
1578 and 1581,[997] and reproduced under different titles in the French
versions, published likewise at Geneva in 1579, 1588, and 1589.[998]
There is a separate issue of it from the 1579 edition.[999]

It was not long before exaggerated statements were circulated, based
upon the representations made in _Une requête au roi_ (Charles IX.) of
the widows and orphans of the victims of Menendez, in which the number
of the slain is reported at the impossible figure of nine hundred.[1000]

Respecting the expedition of De Gourgues there are no Spanish
accounts whatever, Barcia[1001] merely taking in the main the French
narrative,—in which, says Parkman, “it must be admitted there is a
savor of romance.”[1002] That Gourgues was merely a slaver is evident
from this full French account. Garibay notes his attempt to capture at
least one Spanish vessel; and he certainly had on reaching Florida two
barks, which he must have captured on his way. Basanier and many who
follow him suppress entirely the slaver episode in this voyage. All the
De Gourgues narratives ignore entirely the existence of St. Augustine,
and make the three pretended forts on the St. John to have been of
stone; and Prévost, to heighten the picture, invents the story of the
flaying of Ribault, of which there is no trace in the earlier French
accounts.

There are two French narratives. One of them, _La reprinse de la
Floride_, exists, according to Gaffarel,[1003] in five different
manuscript texts.[1004] The other French narrative is the last paper
in the compilation of Basanier, already mentioned. Brinton[1005] is
inclined to believe that it is not an epitome of the _Reprinse_, but
that it was written by Basanier himself from the floating accounts of
his day, or from some unknown relater. Charlevoix mentions a manuscript
in the possession of the De Gourgues family; but it is not clear which
of these papers it was.

The story of the Huguenot colony passed naturally into the historical
records of the seventeenth century;[1006] but it got more special
treatment in the next century, when Charlevoix issued his _Nouvelle
France_.[1007] The most considerable treatments of the present century
have been by Jared Sparks in his _Life of Ribault_,[1008] by Francis
Parkman in his _Pioneers of France in the New World_,[1009] and by Paul
Gaffarel in his _Histoire de la Floride Française_.[1010] The story has
also necessarily passed into local and general histories of this period
in America, and into the accounts of the Huguenots as a sect.[1011]

[Illustration]

CHAPTER V.

LAS CASAS, AND THE RELATIONS OF THE SPANIARDS TO THE INDIANS.

BY GEORGE EDWARD ELLIS,

_Vice-President of the Massachusetts Historical Society._

WHEN the great apostle of the new faith, on his voyage from Asia to
Europe, was shipwrecked on a Mediterranean island, “the barbarous
people” showed him and his company “no little kindness.” On first
acquaintance with their chief visitor they hastily judged him to be
a murderer, whom, though he had escaped the sea, yet vengeance would
not suffer to live. But afterward “they changed their minds, and said
that he was a god.”[1012] The same extreme revulsion of feeling and
judgment was wrought in the minds of the natives of this New World when
the ocean-tossed voyagers from the old continent first landed on these
shores, bringing the parted representatives of humanity on this globe
into mutual acquaintance and intercourse. Only in this latter case the
change of feeling and judgment was inverted. The simple natives of the
fair western island regarded their mysterious visitors as superhuman
beings; further knowledge of them proved them to be “murderers,”
rapacious, cruel, and inhuman,—fit subjects for a dire vengeance.

In these softer times of ours the subject of the present chapter might
well be passed silently, denied a revival, and left in the pitiful
oblivion which covers so many of the distressing horrors of “man’s
inhumanity to man.” But, happily for the writer and for the reader,
the title of the chapter is a double one, and embraces two themes. The
painful narrative to be rehearsed is to be relieved by a tribute of
admiring and reverential homage to a saintly man of signal virtues and
heroic services, one of the grandest and most august characters in the
world’s history. Many of the obscure and a few of the dismal elements
and incidents of long-passed times, in the rehearsal of them on fresh
pages, are to a degree relieved by new light thrown upon them, by the
detection and exposure of errors, and by readjustments of truth. Gladly
would a writer on the subject before us avail himself of any such means
to reduce or to qualify its repulsiveness. But advancing time, with
the assertion of the higher instincts of humanity which have sharpened
regrets and reproaches for all the enormities of the past, has not
furnished any abatements for the faithful dealing with this subject
other than that just presented.

It is a fact worthy of a pause for thought, that in no single instance
since the discovery of our islands and continent by Europeans—to
say nothing about the times before it—has any new race of men come
to the knowledge of travellers, explorers, and visitors from the
realms of so-called civilization, when the conditions were so fair
and favorable in the first introduction and acquaintance between the
parties as in that between Columbus and the natives of the sea-girt
isle of Hispaniola. Not even in the sweetest idealizings of romance
is there a more fascinating picture than that which he draws of those
unsophisticated children of Nature, their gentleness, docility, and
friendliness. They were not hideous or repulsive, as barbarians;
they did not revolt the sight, like many of the African tribes, like
Bushmen, Feejeans, or Hottentots; they presented no caricaturings of
humanity, as giants or dwarfs, as Amazons or Esquimaux; their naked
bodies were not mutilated, gashed, or painted; they uttered no yells
or shrieks, with mad and threatening gestures. They were attractive in
person, well formed, winning and gentle, and trustful; they were lithe
and soft of skin, and their hospitality was spontaneous, generous, and
genial. Tribes of more warlike and less gracious nature proved to exist
on some of the islands, about the isthmus and the continental regions
of the early invasion; but the first introduction and intercourse of
the representatives of the parted continents set before the Europeans
a race of their fellow-creatures with whom they might have lived and
dealt in peace and love.

And what shall we say of the new-comers, the Spaniards,—the subjects of
the proudest of monarchies, the representatives of the age of chivalry;
gentlemen, nobles, disciples of the one Holy Catholic Church, and
soldiers of the Cross of Christ? What sort of men were they, what was
their errand, and what impress did they leave upon the scenes so fair
before their coming, and upon those children of Nature whom they found
so innocent and loving, and by whom they were at first gazed upon with
awe and reverence as gods?

In only one score of the threescore years embraced in our present
subject the Spaniards had sown desolation, havoc, and misery in and
around their track. They had depopulated some of the best-peopled
of the islands, and renewed them with victims deported from others.
They had inflicted upon hundreds of thousands of the natives all the
forms and agonies of fiendish cruelty, driving them to self-starvation
and suicide as a way of mercy and release from an utterly wretched
existence. They had come to be viewed by their victims as fiends of
hate, malignity, and all dark and cruel desperation and mercilessness
in passion. The hell which they denounced upon their victims was shorn
of its worst terror by the assurance that these tormentors were not to
be there.

Only what is needful for the truth of history is to be told here, while
shocking details are to be passed by. And as the rehearsal is made to
set forth in relief the nobleness, grandeur of soul, and heroism of a
man whose nearly a century of years was spent in holy rebuke, protest,
exposure, and attempted redress of this work of iniquity, a reader may
avert his gaze from the narration of the iniquity and fix it upon the
character and career of the “Apostle to the Indians.”

There was something phenomenal and monstrous, something so aimless,
reckless, wanton, unprovoked, utterly ruinous even for themselves,
in that course of riot and atrocity pursued by the Spaniards, which
leads us—while palliation and excuse are out of the question—to seek
some physical or moral explanation of it. This has generally been
found in referring to the training of Spanish nature in inhumanity,
cruelty, contempt of human life, and obduracy of feeling, through
many centuries of ruthless warfare. It was in the very year of the
discovery of America that the Spaniards, in the conquest of Granada,
had finished their eight centuries of continuous war for wresting their
proud country from the invading Moors. This war had made every Spaniard
a fighter, and every infidel an enemy exempted from all tolerance
and mercy. Treachery, defiance of pledges and treaties, brutalities,
and all wild and reckless stratagems, had educated the champions of
the Cross and faith in what were to them but the accomplishments of
the soldier and the fidelity of the believer. Even in the immunities
covenanted to the subject-Moors, of tolerance in their old home and
creed, the ingenuities of their implacable foes found the means of new
devices for oppression and outrage. The Holy Office of the Inquisition,
with all its cavernous secrets and fiendish processes, dates also from
the same period, and gave its fearful consecration to all the most
direful passions.

With that training in inhumanity and cruelty which the Spanish
adventurers brought to these shores, we must take into view that
towering, overmastering rapacity and greed which were to glut
themselves upon the spoils of mines, precious stones, and pearls.
The rich soil, with the lightest tillage, would have yielded its
splendid crops for man and beast. Flocks would have multiplied and
found their own sustenance for the whole year without any storage in
garner, barn, or granary. A rewarding commerce would have enriched
merchants on either side of well-traversed ocean pathways. But not
the slightest thought or recognition was given during the first
half-century of the invasion to any such enterprise as is suggested
by the terms colonization, the occupancy of soil for husbandry and
domestication. Spanish pride, indolence, thriftlessness regarded
every form of manual labor as a demeaning humiliation. There was no
peasantry among the new-comers. The humblest of them in birth, rank,
and means was a gentleman; his hands could not hold a spade or a rake,
or guide the plough. The horse and the hound were the only beasts on
his inventory of values. Sudden and vast enrichment by the treasures
of gold wrung from the natives, first in their fragmentary ornaments,
and then by compulsory toil from the mines which would yield it in
heaps, were the lure and passion of the invaders. The natives, before
they could reach any conception of the Divine Being of the Catholic
creed, soon came to the understanding of the real object of their
worship: as a cacique plainly set forth to a group of his trembling
subjects, when, holding up a piece of gold, he said, “This is the
Spaniards’ god.” A sordid passion, with its overmastery of all the
sentiments of humanity, would inflame the nerves and intensify all
the brutal propensities which are but masked in men of a low range of
development even under the restraints of social and civil life. We must
allow for the utter recklessness and frenzy of their full indulgence
under the fervors of hot climes, in the loosening of all domestic
and neighborly obligations, in the homelessness of exile and the mad
freedom of adventure. Under the fretting discomforts and restraints
of the ocean-passage hither, the imagination of these rapacious
treasure-seekers fed itself on visions of wild license of arbitrary
power over simple victims, and of heaps of treasure to be soon carried
back to Spain to make a long revel in self-indulgence for the rest of
life.

“Cruelties” was the comprehensive term under which Las Casas gathered
all the enormities and barbarities, of which he was a witness for
half a century, as perpetrated on the successive scenes invaded by
his countrymen on the islands and the main of the New World. He had
seen thousands of the natives crowded together, naked and helpless,
for slaughter, like sheep in a park or meadow. He had seen them wasted
at the extremities by torturing fires, till, after hours of agony,
they turned their dying gaze, rather in amazed dread than in rage,
upon their tormentors. Mutilations of hands, feet, ears, and noses
surrounded him with ghastly spectacles of all the processes of death
without disease. One may well leave all details to the imagination; and
may do this all the more willingly that even the imagination will fail
to fill and fashion the reality of the horror.

* * * * *

Previous to the successful ventures on the western ocean, the
Portuguese had been resolutely pursuing the work of discovery by
pushing their daring enterprise farther and farther down the coast of
Africa, till they at last turned the Cape.[1013] The deportation of the
natives and their sale as slaves at once became first an incidental
reward, and then the leading aim of craving adventurers. It was but
natural that the Spaniards should turn their success in other regions
to the same account. Heathen lands and heathen people belonged by
Papal donation to the soldiers of the Cross; they were the heritage of
the Church. The plea of conversion answered equally for conquest and
subjugation of the natives on their own soil, and for transporting them
to the scenes and sharers of a pure and saving faith.

A brief summary of the acts and incidents in the first enslavement of
the natives may here be set down. Columbus took with him to Spain, on
his first return, nine natives. While on his second voyage he sent to
Spain, in January, 1494, by a return vessel, a considerable number,
described as Caribs, “from the Cannibal Islands,” for “slaves.” They
were to be taught Castilian, to serve as interpreters for the work of
“conversion” when restored to their native shores. Columbus pleads that
it will benefit them by the saving of their souls, while the capture
and enslaving of them will give the Spaniards consequence as evidence
of power. Was this even a plausible excuse, and were the victims really
cannibals? The sovereigns seemed to approve the act, but intimated
that the “cannibals” might be converted at home, without the trouble
of transportation. But Columbus enlarged and generalized sweepingly
upon his scheme, afterward adding to it a secular advantage, suggesting
that as many as possible of these cannibals should be caught for the
sake of their souls, and then sold in Spain in payment for cargoes
of live stock, provisions, and goods, which were much needed in the
islands. The monarchs for a while suspended their decision of this
matter. But the abominable traffic was steadily catching new agents
and victims, and the slave-trade became a leading motive for advancing
the rage for further discoveries. The Portuguese were driving the work
eastward, while the Spaniards were keenly following it westward. In
February, 1495, Columbus sent back four ships, whose chief lading was
slaves. From that time began the horrors attending the crowding of
human cargoes with scant food and water, with filth and disease, and
the daily throwing over into the sea those who were privileged to die.
Yet more victims were taken by Columbus when he was again in Spain in
June, 1496, to circumvent his enemies. Being here again in 1498, he had
no positive prohibition against continuing the traffic. A distinction
was soon recognized, and allowed even by the humane and pious Isabella.
Captives taken in war against the Spaniards might be brought to Spain
and kept in slavery; but natives who had been seized for the purpose of
enslaving them, she indignantly ordered should be restored to freedom.
This wrong, as well as that of the _repartimiento_ system, in the
distribution of natives to Spanish masters as laborers, was slightly
held in check by this lovable lady during her life. She died while
Columbus was in Spain, Nov. 26, 1504. Columbus died at Valladolid, May
20, 1506. The ill that he had done lived after him, to qualify the
splendor of his nobleness, grandeur, and constancy.

And here we may bring upon the scene that one, the only Spaniard who
stands out luminously, in the heroism and glory of true sanctity, amid
these gory scenes, himself a true soldier of Christ.

* * * * *

Bartholomew Las Casas was born at Seville in 1474. Llorente—a faithful
biographer, and able editor and expositor of his writings, of whom
farther on we are to say much more—asserts that the family was French
in its origin, the true name being Casuas; which appears, indeed, as an
alias on the titlepage of some of his writings published by the apostle
in his lifetime.[1014]

Antoine Las Casas, the father of Bartholomew, was a soldier in the
marine service of Spain. We find no reference to him as being either in
sympathy or otherwise with the absorbing aim which ennobled the career
of his son. He accompanied Columbus on his first western voyage in
1492, and returned with him to Spain in 1493.

During the absence of the father on this voyage the son, at the age of
eighteen, was completing his studies at Salamanca. In May, 1498,[1015]
at the age of about twenty-four, he went to the Indies with his father,
in employment under Columbus, and returned to Cadiz, Nov. 25, 1500.
In an address to the Emperor in 1542, Bartholomew reminded him that
Columbus had given liberty to each of several of his fellow-voyagers
to take to Spain a single native of the islands for personal service,
and that a youth among those so transported had been intrusted to
him. Perhaps under these favoring circumstances this was the occasion
of first engaging the sympathies of Las Casas for the race to whose
redemption he was to consecrate his life. Isabella, however, was highly
indignant at this outrage upon the natives, and under pain of death
to the culprits ordered the victims to be restored to their country.
It would seem that they were all carried back in 1500 under the
Commander Bobadilla, and among them the young Indian who had been in
the service of Bartholomew. One loves to imagine that in some of the
wide wanderings of the latter, amid the scenes of the New World, he may
again have met with this first specimen of a heathen race who had been
under intimate relations with himself, and who had undoubtedly been
baptized.

We shall find farther on that the grievous charge was brought against
Las Casas, when he had drawn upon himself bitter animosities, that he
was the first to propose the transportation of negro slaves to the
islands, in 1517. It is enough to say here, in anticipation, that
Governor Ovando, in 1500, received permission to carry thither negro
slaves “who had been born under Christian Powers.” The first so carried
were born in Seville of parents brought from Africa, and obtained
through the Portuguese traffickers.

On May 9, 1502, Las Casas embarked for the second time with Columbus,
reaching San Domingo on June 29. In 1510 he was ordained priest by the
first Bishop of Hispaniola, and was the first ecclesiastic ordained in
the so-called Indies to say there his virgin Mass. This was regarded
as a great occasion, and was attended by crowds; though a story is
told, hardly credible, that there was then not a drop of wine to be
obtained in the colony. The first Dominican monks, under their Bishop,
Cordova, reached the islands in 1510. As we shall find, the Dominicans
were from the first, and always, firm friends, approvers, and helpers
of Las Casas in his hard conflict for asserting the rights of humanity
for the outraged natives. The fact presents us with one of the strange
anomalies in history,—that the founders and prime agents of the
Inquisition in Europe should be the champions of the heathen in the New
World.

The monks in sympathy with the ardent zeal of Las Casas began to preach
vehemently against the atrocious wrongs which were inflicted upon the
wretched natives, and he was sent as curate to a village in Cuba. The
Franciscans, who had preceded the Dominicans, had since 1502 effected
nothing in opposition to these wrongs. Utterly futile were the orders
which came continually from the monarchs against overworking and
oppressing the natives, as their delicate constitutions, unused to
bodily toil, easily sank under its exactions. The injunctions against
enslaving them were positive. Exception was made only in the case
of the Caribs, as reputed cannibals, and the then increasing number
of imported negro slaves, who were supposed to be better capable of
hard endurance. Las Casas was a witness and a most keen and sensitive
observer of the inflictions—lashings and other torturing atrocities—by
which his fellow-countrymen, as if goaded by a demoniac spirit, treated
these simple and quailing children of Nature, as if they were organized
without sensitiveness of nerve, fibre, or understanding, requiring of
them tasks utterly beyond their strength, bending them to the earth
with crushing burdens, harnessing them to loads which they could not
drag, and with fiendish sport and malice hacking off their hands
and feet, and mutilating their bodies in ways which will not bear a
description. It was when he accompanied the expedition under Velasquez
for the occupation of Cuba, that he first drew the most jealous
and antagonistic opposition and animosity upon himself, as standing
between the natives and his own countrymen, who in their sordidness,
rapacity, and cruelty seemed to have extinguished in themselves every
instinct of humanity and every sentiment of religion. Here too was
first brought into marked observation his wonderful power over the
natives winning their confidence and attachment, as they were ever
after docile under his advice, and learned to look to him as their
true friend. We pause to contemplate this wonderful and most engaging
character, as, after filling his eye and thought with the shocking
scenes in which his countrymen—in name the disciples of Jesus and
loyal members of his Church—perpetrated such enormities against beings
in their own likeness, he began his incessant tracking of the ocean
pathways in his voyages to lay his remonstrances and appeals before
successive monarchs. Beginning this service in his earliest manhood, he
was to labor in it with unabated zeal till his death, with unimpaired
faculties, at the age of ninety-two. He calls himself “the Clerigo.”
He was soon to win and worthily to bear the title of “Universal
Protector of the Indians.” Truly was he a remarkable and conspicuous
personage,—unique, as rather the anomaly than the product of his age
and land, his race and fellowship. His character impresses us alike
by its loveliness and its ruggedness, its tenderness and its vigor,
its melting sympathy and its robust energies. His mental and moral
endowments were of the strongest and the richest, and his spiritual
insight and fervor well-nigh etherealized him. His gifts and abilities
gave him a rich versatility in capacity and resource. He was immensely
in advance of his age, so as to be actually in antagonism with it. He
was free alike from its prejudices, its limitations, and many of its
superstitions, as well as from its barbarities. He was single-hearted,
courageous, fervent, and persistent, bold and daring as a venturesome
voyager over new seas and mysterious depths of virgin wildernesses,
missionary, scholar, theologian, acute logician, historian, curious
observer of Nature, the peer of Saint Paul in wisdom and zeal. Charles
V. coming to the throne at the age of sixteen, when Las Casas was
about forty, was at once won to him by profound respect and strong
attachment, as had been the case with Charles’s grandfather Ferdinand,
whom Las Casas survived fifty years, while he outlived Columbus sixty
years.

The Clerigo found his remonstrances and appeals to his own nominally
Christian fellow-countrymen wholly ineffectual in restraining or even
mitigating the oppressions and cruelties inflicted upon the wretched
natives. There was something phenomenal, as has been said, in the
license yielded to the ingenuity of Spanish barbarity. It combined
all the devices of inquisitorial torturing with the indulgence of
the bestial ferocities of the bullfight. At times it seemed as if
the heartless oppressors were seeking only for a brutal mirth in
inventing games in which their victims should writhe and yell as for
their amusement. Then, as opportunity suggested or served, a scheme
of the most cunning treachery and malice would turn an occasion of
revelry or feasting, to which the natives had been invited or been
beguiled by their tormentors, into a riot of fury and massacre. The
utter aimlessness and recklessness of most of these horrid enormities
impress the reader in these days as simply the indulgence of a wanton
spirit in giving free license in human passions to those mocking
employments of grinning devils in the old church paintings as they
inflict retributions on the damned spirits in hell. The forked weapons,
the raging flames, and the hideous demoniac delights exhibited in
paintings, with which the eyes of the Spaniards were so familiar, found
their all-too-faithful counterparts in the tropical zones and valleys
of our virgin islands. The only pretences offered, not for justifying
but for inflicting such wanton barbarities on the natives, were such
as these,—that they refused to make known or to guide their oppressors
to rich mines, or to work beyond their powers of endurance, or to bear
intolerable burdens, or to furnish food which they had not to give.
Touching and harrowing it is to read of many instances in which the
simple diplomacy of the natives prompted them to neglect the little
labor of husbandry required to supply their own wants, in order that
the invaders might with themselves be brought to starvation. Whenever
the Clerigo accompanied a body of Spaniards on the way to an Indian
village, he always made an effort to keep the two people apart by night
and by day, and he employed himself busily in baptizing infants and
little children. He could never be too quick in this service, as these
subjects of his zeal were the victims of the indiscriminate slaughter.
The only consolation which this tender-hearted yet heroic missionary
could find, as his share in the enterprise of his people, was in
keeping the reckoning on his tablets of the number of those born under
the common heathen doom whom he had snatched, by a holy drop, from the
jaws of hell.

Baffled in all his nearly solitary endeavors to check the direful havoc
and wreck of poor humanity on the scenes which were made so gory and
hateful, Las Casas returned again to Spain in 1515, buoyed by resolve
and hope that his dark revelations and bold remonstrances would draw
forth something more effective from the sovereign. He was privileged by
free and sympathizing interviews with Ferdinand at Placentia. But any
hope of success here was soon crushed by the monarch’s death. Las Casas
was intending to go at once to Flanders to plead with the new King,
Charles I., afterward Emperor, but was delayed by sympathetic friends
found in Cardinal Ximenes and Adrian, the Regents.

It may seem strange and unaccountable that Las Casas should have
encountered near the Court of a benignant sovereign a most malignant
opposition to all his endeavors from first to last in securing the
simply humane objects of his mission. But in fact he was withstood as
resolutely at home as abroad, and often by a more wily and calculating
policy. He found enemies and effective thwarters of his influence and
advice in the order of the Jeronymites. Of the grounds and methods
of their harmful activity, as well as of some of the more ostensible
and plausible of the motives and alleged reasons which made him
personal enemies both in Spain and in the Indies, we must speak with
some detail farther on. It may be well here to follow him summarily
in his frequent alternation between his missionary fields and his
homeward voyages, to ply his invigorated zeal with new and intenser
earnestness from his fuller experiences of the woes and outrages which
he sought to redress. With some, though insufficient, assurances
of regal authority in support of his cause, he re-embarked for the
Indies, Nov. 11, 1516, and reached Hispaniola in December, fortified
with the personal title of the “Universal Protector of the Indians.”
He sailed again for Spain, May 7, 1517. His plainness of speech had
in the interval increased the animosity and the efforts to thwart
him of the local authorities on the islands, and had even induced
coldness and lack of aid among his Dominican friends. He had many
public and private hearings in Spain, stirring up against himself
various plottings and new enemies. In each of these homeward visits Las
Casas of course brought with him revelations and specific details of
new accumulations of iniquity against the natives; and with a better
understanding of himself, and also of all the intrigues and interests
warring against him, his honest soul assured him that he must at last
win some triumph in his most righteous cause. So he heaped the charges
and multiplied the disclosures which gave such vehemence and eloquence
to his pleadings. Having during each of his home visits met some form
of misrepresentation or falsehood, he would re-embark, furnished as
he hoped with some new agency and authority against the evil-doers.
But his enemies were as ingenious and as active as himself. Perhaps
the same vessel or fleet which carried him to the islands, with orders
intended to advance his influence, would bear fellow-passengers with
documents or means to thwart all his reinforced mission. He left Spain
again in 1520, only to cast himself on a new sea of troubles soon
inducing him to return. His sixth voyage carried him this time to the
mainland in Mexico, in 1537. He was in Spain once more in 1539. While
waiting here for the return of the Emperor, he composed six of his many
essays upon his one unchanging theme, all glowing with his righteous
indignation, and proffering wise and plain advice to the monarch. Yet
again he crossed the now familiar ocean to America, in 1544, it being
his seventh western voyage, and returned for the seventh and last time
to Spain in 1547. Here were fourteen sea-voyages, with their perils,
privations, and lack of the common appliances and comforts shared in
these days by the rudest mariners. These voyages were interspersed by
countless trips and ventures amid the western islands and the main,
involving twofold, and a larger variety of harassments and risks, with
quakings, hurricanes, and reefs, exposures in open skiffs, and the
privilege of making one’s own charts. But one year short of fifty in
the count out of his lengthened life were spent by this man of noble
ardor, of dauntless soul, and of loving heart in a cause which never
brought to him the joy of an accomplished aim.

Las Casas shared, with a few other men of the most fervent and
self-sacrificing religious zeal, an experience of the deepest inward
conviction, following upon, not originally prompting to, the full
consecration of his life to his devoutest aim. Though he had been
ordained to the priesthood in 1510, he was afterward made to realize
that he had not then been the subject of that profound experience known
in the formulas of piety as true conversion. He dates this personal
experience, carrying him to a deeper devotional consciousness than he
had previously realized, to the influence over him of a faithful lay
friend, Pedro de la Renteria, with whom he became intimate in 1514. To
the devout conversation, advice, and example of this intimate companion
he ascribed his better-informed apprehension of the radical influences
which wrought out the whole system of wrong inflicted upon the natives.
Las Casas himself, like all the other Spaniards, had a company of
Indian servants, who were in effect slaves; and he put them to work,
the benefit of which accrued to himself. A form of servitude which
exceeded all the conditions of plantation slavery had been instituted
by Columbus under the system of so-called _repartimientos_. It was
founded on the assumption that the Spanish monarch had an absolute
proprietary right over the natives, and could make disposals and
allotments of their services to his Christian subjects, the numbers
being proportioned to the rank, standing, and means of individuals,
the meanest Spaniard being entitled to share in the distribution of
these servitors. This allowance made over to men of the lowest grade of
intelligence, character, and humanity, the absolute and irresponsible
power over the life and death of the natives intrusted to the disposal
of masters. Under it were perpetrated cruelties against which there
were no availing remonstrances, and for which there was no redress.
The domestic cattle of civilized men are to be envied above the human
beings who were held under the system of _repartimientos_,—tasked,
scourged, tormented, and hunted with bloodhounds, if they sank under
toils and inflictions beyond their delicate constitutions, or sought
refuge in flight.

The slavery which afterward existed in the British Colonies and in
these United States had scarce a feature in common with that which
originated with the Spanish invaders. Las Casas thinks that Ferdinand
lived and died without having had anything like a full apprehension
of the enormities of the system. This, however, was not because
efforts were lacking to inform him of these enormities, or to engage
his sovereign intervention to modify and restrain, if not positively
to prohibit, them. As we shall see, the system was so rooted in the
greed and rapacity of the first adventurers here, who were goaded by
passion for power and wealth, that foreign authority was thwarted in
every attempt to overrule it. The most favored advisers of Ferdinand
endeavored at first to keep him in ignorance of the system, and then,
as he obtained partial information about it, to lead him to believe
that it was vitally indispensable to conversion, to colonization, and
to remunerative trade. The Dominican missionaries had, as early as
1501, informed the monarch of the savage cruelties which the system
imposed. All that they effected was to induce Ferdinand to refer the
matter to a council of jurists and theologians. Some of these were even
alleged to have personal interests in the system of _repartimientos_;
but at any rate they were under the influence and sway of its most
selfish supporters. As the result of their conference, they persuaded
the monarch that the system was absolutely necessary,—as, first,
the Spaniards themselves were incapable of bodily labor under a
debilitating climate; and second, that the close and dependent relation
under which the natives were thus brought to their masters could alone
insure the possibility of their conversion to the true faith. Ferdinand
was so far won over to the allowance of the wrong as to issue an
ordinance in its favor; while he sought to limit, restrain, and qualify
it by injunctions which, of course, were futile in their dictation, for
operating at a distance, in islands where sordid personal interests
were all on the side of a defiance of them.

The Clerigo affirms that his own conscience was more startlingly
aroused to a full sense of the wrongs and iniquities of the system
of the _repartimientos_ by his religious friend Renteria. He had
previously, of course, so far as he was himself made the master or
guardian in this relation of any number of the natives, brought his
humanity and his ardor for justice into full exercise. But he was
quickened by his friend to the duty of private and also of bold public
protest against the system, and most plainly to offenders in proportion
to the number of the victims which they enthralled and to the cruelty
inflicted upon them. It was not his wont to allow any timidity or
personal regards or temporizing calculations to compel his silence or
to moderate his rebukes. His infirmity rather led him to excess in
impatience and passion in his remonstrances. His bold and denunciatory
preaching—though it appears that in this, and, as we shall note, on
other occasions of speech and writing, he restrained himself from using
the name of conspicuous offenders—caused an intense consternation and
excitement. His clerical character barely saved him from personal
violence. He found his hearers obdurate, and utterly beyond the sway
of his protests and appeals. Again, therefore, he turned his face
toward Spain, sustained by the fond assurance that he could so engage
the King’s intervention by his disclosures and rehearsals, that the
royal authority should at this time be effectually exerted against a
giant iniquity. This was his homeward errand in 1515. That even his
presence and speech had had some restraining influence in Cuba, is
signified by the fact that after his withdrawal and during his absence
all the wrongs and miseries of which the natives, wholly impotent to
resist, were the victims, ran into wilder license. The Spaniards kept
bloodhounds in training and in hunger, to scour the woods and thickets
and wilderness depths for the despairing fugitives. Whole families of
the natives took refuge in voluntary and preferred self-destruction.

Two Dominicans of like mind with Las Casas accompanied him on his
errand. Pedro de Cordova, prelate of the Dominicans, was his stanch
friend. The Clerigo reached Seville in the autumn of 1515, and at once
addressed himself to Ferdinand. He found the monarch old and ailing.
The most able and malignant opponent with whose support, enlisted
upon the side of the wrong and of the wrongdoers, Las Casas had to
contend, was the Bishop of Burgos, Fonseca, whose influence had sway
in the Council for the Indies.[1016] After the King’s death, Jan. 23,
1516, Las Casas enjoyed the countenance, and had hope of the effectual
aid, of the two Regents, previously mentioned, during the minority
of Charles, the heir to the throne. The earnestness and persistency
of the Clerigo so far availed as to obtain for him instructions to
be carried to those in authority in the islands for qualifying the
_repartimiento_ system, and with penalties for the oppressions under
it. Some Jeronymites were selected to accompany him on his return,
as if to reinforce the objects of his mission, and to insure the
efficacy of the title conferred upon him as the “Protector of the
Indians.” The Jeronymites, however, had been corrupted by the cunning
and intrigues of the wily and exasperated enemies of Las Casas, who
effected in secrecy what they could not or dared not attempt publicly
against the courageous Clerigo and his purposes backed by authority.
Already alienated during the voyage, they reached San Domingo in
December, 1516. Perhaps candor may induce the suggestion that while the
Jeronymites, from motives of prudence, temporized and qualified their
activity in their errand, Las Casas was heady and unforbearing in his
uncompromising demand for instant redress of wrong. At any rate he was
wholly foiled in the exercise of his delegated authority; and so, with
a fire in his blood which allowed no peace to his spirit, he was again
in Spain in July, 1517. Here he found Cardinal Ximenes, his friendly
patron, near to death. He was, however, encouraged with the hope
and promise of patronage from high quarters. For a season his cause
presented a favorable aspect. He had become sadly assured that upon the
Spaniards in the islands, whose hearts and consciences were smothered
by their greed and inhumanity, no influence, not even that of ghostly
terrorism, which was tried in the refusal of the sacraments, would be
of the least avail. His only resource was to engage what force there
might be in the piety and humanity of the Church at home, in the sense
of justice among high civil dignitaries, and in such sympathetic aid as
he might draw from his countrymen who had no interest in the mining or
the commerce sustained by the impositions upon the natives. The young
King had wise councillors, and they made with him some good plans for
means of relieving the natives from severities in their tasks of labor,
from cruel inflictions in working the mines, and from exorbitant taxes
exacting of them produce and commodities enormously exceeding their
possible resources, however willing they might be in yielding. It was
at this time and under its emergency, that Las Casas unfortunately
gave something more than his assent, even his countenance and advice,
to a proposition the effect of which was to root in pure and free
soil an enormity whose harvesting and increase were a sum of woes. He
certainly did advise that each Spaniard, resident in Hispaniola, should
be allowed to import a dozen negro slaves. He did this, as he afterward
affirmed and confessed, under the lure of a deep mist and delusion. So
painful was the remorse which he then experienced for his folly and
error, that he avows that he would part with all he had in the world
to redress it. He says that when he gave this advice he had not at all
been aware of the outrages perpetrated by the Portuguese dealers in
entrapping these wretched Africans. Besides this, he had been promised
by the colonists that if they might be allowed to have negroes, whose
constitutions were stronger for endurance, they would give up the
feeble natives. We may therefore acquit Las Casas in his confessed sin
of ignorance and willing compromise in an alternative of wrongs. But
he is wholly guiltless of a charge which has been brought against him,
founded upon this admitted error, of having been the first to propose
and to secure the introduction of African slavery into the New World.
As has already been said, the wrong had been perpetrated many years
before Las Casas had any agency in it by deed or word. While the young
King was still in Flanders negro slaves had been sent by his permission
to Hispaniola. The number was limited to a thousand for each of the
four principal islands. As there was a monopoly set up in the sale
of these doleful victims, the price of them was speedily and greatly
enhanced.[1017]

Las Casas devised and initiated a scheme for the emigration of laboring
men from Spain. Thwarted in this purpose, he formed a plan for a colony
where restrictions were to be enforced to guard against the worst
abuses. Fifty Spaniards, intended to be carefully selected with regard
to character and habits, and distinguished by a semi-clerical garb and
mode of life, were his next device for introducing some more tolerable
conditions of work and thrift in the islands. Ridicule was brought to
bear, with all sorts of intrigues and tricks, to baffle this scheme.
But the Clerigo persevered in meeting all the obstructions thrown in
his way, and sailed for San Domingo in July, 1520. He established his
little Utopian colony at Cumana; but misadventures befel it, and it
came to a melancholy end. It seemed for a season as if the tried and
patient Clerigo was at last driven to complete disheartenment. Wearied
and exhausted, he took refuge in a Dominican convent in San Domingo,
receiving the tonsure in 1522. Here he was in retirement for eight
years, occupying himself in studying and writing, of which we have many
results. During this interval the work of depopulation and devastation
was ruinously advancing under Cortés, Alvarado, and Pizarro, in Mexico,
Guatemala, and Peru. There is some uncertainty about an alleged
presence of Las Casas at the Court in Spain in 1530. But he was in
Mexico in 1531, in Nicaragua in 1534, and in Spain again in 1539, in
behalf of a promising work undertaken in Tuzulutlan, from which all lay
Spaniards were to be excluded. Having accomplished, as he hoped, the
object of his visit, he would have returned at once to the American
main; but was detained by the Council of the Indies as the person best
able and most trustworthy to give them certain information which they
desired. It was at this period that he wrote his remarkable work, _The
Destruction of the Indies_. This bold and daring product of his pen
and of the righteous indignation which had heretofore found expression
from his eloquent and fervid speech, will soon be examined in detail.
It may be said now that this work, afterward so widely circulated
and translated into all the languages of Europe,—perhaps with some
reductions from the original,—was not at first allowed to be published,
but was submitted to the Emperor and his ministers. As the shocking
revelations made in this book state in round numbers the victims of the
Spaniards in different places, it is at once observable that there are
over-statements and exaggerations. This, however, applies only to the
numbers, not at all to the acts of barbarity and iniquity.[1018] The
book was published twelve years after it was written, and was dedicated
to Philip, the heir to the throne.

It may be as well here to complete the summary of the career of Las
Casas. While detained by the Council he was engaged in the advice and
oversight of a new code of laws for the government of the colonies and
the colonists. Up to this time he had crossed the ocean to the islands
or the main twelve times, and had journeyed to Germany four times to
confer with the Emperor. He was offered the bishopric of Cusco, in
Toledo, but was not thus to be withdrawn from his foreign mission.
In order, however, to secure authority to enforce the new laws, he
accepted the foreign bishopric of Chiapa, was consecrated at Seville
in 1544, embarked on July 4, with forty-four monks, and arrived at
Hispaniola. He bore the aversion and hate which his presence everywhere
provoked, was faithful to the monastic habits, and though so abstemious
as to deny himself meat, he kept the vigor of his body. He resolutely
forbade absolution to be given to Spaniards holding slaves contrary to
the provisions of the new laws. Resigning his bishopric, he returned to
Spain for the last time in 1547,—engaging in his bold controversy with
Sepulveda, to be soon rehearsed. He resided chiefly in the Dominican
College at Valladolid. In 1564, in his ninetieth year, he wrote a work
on Peru. On a visit to Madrid in the service of the Indians, after a
short illness, he died in July, 1566, at the age of ninety-two, and was
buried in the convent of “Our Lady of Atocha.”

* * * * *

The most resolute and effective opponents which Las Casas found at
the Spanish Court were Oviedo and Sepulveda, representatives of two
different classes of those who from different motives and by different
methods stood between him and the King. Oviedo had held high offices
under Government both in Spain and in various places in the New World.
He wrote a history of the Indies, which Las Casas said was as full of
lies almost as of pages. He also had large interests in the mines and
in the enslaving of the natives. Sepulveda[1019] was distinguished as
a scholar and an author. Las Casas charges that his pen and influence
were engaged in the interest of parties who had committed some of the
greatest ravages, and who had personal advantages at stake. Sepulveda
in his opposition to the Clerigo makes two points or “Conclusions,”—1.
That the Spaniards had a right to subjugate and require the submission
of the Indians, because of their superior wisdom and prudence; and
that, therefore, the Indians were bound to submit and acquiesce. 2.
That in case of their refusal to do so they might justly be constrained
by force of arms. It was the proceeding on these assumptions that,
as Las Casas pleaded, had led to the entire depopulation of vast
territories. With high professions of loyalty Sepulveda urged that his
motive in writing was simply to justify the absolute title of the King
of Spain to the Indies. In offering his book to the Royal Council he
importunately solicited its publication; and as this was repeatedly
refused, he engaged the urgency of his friends to bring it about. Las
Casas, well knowing what mischief it would work, strongly opposed the
publication. The Council, regarding the matter as purely theological,
referred Sepulveda’s treatise for a thorough examination to the
universities of Salamanca and Alcala. They pronounced it unsound in
doctrine and unfit to be printed. Sepulveda then secretly sent it to
Rome, and through his friend, the Bishop of Segovia, procured it to be
printed. The Emperor prohibited its circulation in Spain, and caused
the copies of it to be seized.

Las Casas resolved to refute this dangerous treatise, and Sepulveda was
personally cited to a dispute, which was continued through five days.
As a result, the King’s confessor, Dominic de Soto, an eminent divine,
was asked to give a summary of the case. This he did in substance as
follows:—

“The prime point is whether the Emperor may justly make war on the
Indians before the Faith has been preached to them, and whether after
being subdued by arms they will be in any condition to receive the
light of the Gospel, more tractable, more docile to good impressions,
and ready to give up their errors. The issue between the disputants
was, that Sepulveda maintained that war was not only lawful and
allowable, but necessary; while Las Casas insisted upon the direct
contrary,—that war was wholly unjust, and offered invincible obstacles
to conversion. Sepulveda presented four arguments on his side: 1. The
enormous wickedness and criminality of the Indians, their idolatry,
and their sins against nature. 2. Their ignorance and barbarity
needed the mastery of the intelligent and polite Spaniards. 3. The
work of conversion would be facilitated after subjugation. 4. That
the Indians treat each other with great cruelty, and offer human
sacrifices to false gods. Sepulveda fortifies these arguments by
examples and authorities from Scripture, and by the views of doctors
and canonists,—all proceeding upon the assumed exceeding wickedness of
the Indians. In citing _Deuteronomy_ xx. 10-16, he interprets ‘far-off
cities’ as those of a different religion. Las Casas replies that it
was not simply as idolaters that the seven nations in Canaan were to
be destroyed,—as the same fate, on that score, might have been visited
upon all the inhabitants of the earth, except Israel,—but as intruders
upon the Promised Land. The early Christian emperors, beginning with
Constantine, did not make their wars as against idolaters, but for
political reasons. He cites the Fathers as giving testimony to the
effect of a good example and against violent measures. The Indians
under the light of Nature are sincere, but are blinded in offering
sacrifices. They are not like the worst kind of barbarians, to be
hunted as beasts; they have princes, cities, laws, and arts. It is
wholly unjust, impolitic, and futile to wage war against them as
simply barbarians. The Moors of Africa had been Christians in the
time of Augustine, and had been perverted, and so might rightfully be
reclaimed.”

The Royal Council, after listening to the dispute and the summary of
its points, asked Las Casas to draw up a paper on the question whether
they might lawfully enslave the Indians, or were bound to set free all
who were reduced to bondage. He replied that the law of God does not
justify war against any people for the sake of making them Christians;
so the whole course of treatment of the Indians had been wrong from
the start. The Indians were harmless; they had never had the knowledge
or the proffer of Christianity: so they had never fallen away, like
the Moors of Africa, Constantinople, and Jerusalem. No sovereign
prince had authorized the Spaniards to make war. The Spaniards cannot
pretend that their reason for making war was because of the cruelty of
the Indians to each other. The slaughter of them was indiscriminate
and universal. They were enslaved and branded with the King’s arms.
The monarch never authorized these execrable artifices and shocking
atrocities, a long catalogue of which is specified.

The Clerigo then warms into an earnest dissertation on natural and
Christian equity. He quotes some beautiful sentences from the will
of Isabella, enjoining her own humanity on her husband and daughter.
He makes a strong point of the fact that Isabella first, and then a
council of divines and lawyers at Burgos, and Charles himself in 1523,
had declared that all the inhabitants of the New World had been born
free. Only Las Casas’ earnestness, his pure and persistent purpose,
relieve of weariness his reiteration of the same truths and appeals to
the King. He insists over and over again that the delegating of any
portion of the King’s own personal authority to any Spaniard resident
in the New World, or even to the Council of the Indies, opens the door
to every form and degree of abuse, and that he must strictly reserve
all jurisdiction and control to himself.

In a second treatise, which Las Casas addressed to Charles V., he
states at length the practical measures needful for arresting the
wrongs and disasters consequent upon the enslaving of the Indians.
Of the twenty methods specified, the most important is that the King
should not part with the least portion of his sovereign prerogative. He
meets the objection artfully raised by Sepulveda, that if the King thus
retains all authority to himself he may lose the vast domain to his
crown, and that the Spaniards will be forced to return to Europe and
give up the work of Gospel conversion.

Las Casas wrote six memorials or argumentative treatises addressed to
the sovereigns on the one same theme. The sameness of the information
and appeals in them is varied only by the increasing boldness of the
writer in exposing iniquities, and by the warmer earnestness of his
demand for the royal interposition. His sixth treatise is a most bold
and searching exposition of the limits of the royal power over newly
discovered territory, and within the kingdoms and over the natural
rights of the natives. A copy of this paper was obtained by a German
ambassador in Spain, and published at Spire, in Latin, in 1571. It is
evident that for a considerable period after the composition—and, so
to speak, the publication—of these successive protests and appeals
of the Clerigo, only a very limited circulation was gained by them.
Artful efforts were made, first to suppress them, and then to confine
the knowledge of the facts contained in them to as narrow a range as
possible. His enemies availed themselves of their utmost ingenuity and
cunning to nullify his influence. Sometimes he was ridiculed as a crazy
enthusiast,—a visionary monomaniac upon an exaggerated delusion of his
own fancy. Again, he would be gravely and threateningly denounced as an
enemy to Church and State, because he imperilled the vast interests of
Spain in her colonies.

The principal and most important work from the pen of Las Casas,
on which his many subsequent writings are based and substantially
developed, bears (in English) the following title: _A Relation of
the First Voyages and Discoveries made by the Spaniards in America.
With an Account of their Unparalleled Cruelties on the Indians, in
the Destruction of above Forty Millions of People; together with the
Propositions offered to the King of Spain to prevent the further
Ruin of the West Indies. By Don Bartholomew de las Casas, Bishop of
Chiapa, who was an Eye-witness of their Cruelties._ It was composed in
Spanish, and finished at Valencia, Dec. 8, 1542, near the beginning
of the reign of Philip II., to whom it is dedicated. This was about
fifty years after the discovery of America; and during the greater
part of the period Las Casas had lived as an observer of the scenes
and events which he describes. He makes Hispaniola his starting-point,
as the navigators usually first touched there. The reader will at
once be struck by the exaggeration, the effect of a high-wrought and
inflamed imagination, so evident in the words of the title, which
set the number of the victims of Spanish cruelty at forty millions.
Of this weakness of Las Casas in over-estimate and exaggeration of
numbers, we shall have to take special notice by and by. It is enough
to say here that his license in this direction is confined to this one
point, and is by no means to be viewed as discrediting his integrity,
fidelity, and accuracy in other parts of his testimony. He certainly
had been deeply impressed with the density of the population in some
of the islands, for he says: “It seems as if Providence had amassed
together the greatest part of mankind in this region of the earth.”
He tells us that his motives for writing and publishing his exposure
of iniquities were,—the call made upon him by pious and Christian
people thus to enlist the sympathies and efforts of the good to
redress the wrong; and his sincere attachment to his King and Master,
lest God should avenge the wrong on his kingdom. For this purpose he
has followed the Court with his pleadings, and will not cease his
remonstrances and appeals. At the time of completing his work savage
cruelties were prevailing over all the parts of America which had been
opened, slightly restrained for the time in Mexico, through the stern
intervention of the King. An addition to his work in 1546 recognized
many new ordinances and decrees made by his Majesty at Barcelona since
1542, and signed at Madrid in 1543. But nevertheless a new field for
oppression and wickedness had been opened in Peru, with exasperations
from civil war and rebellion among the natives; while the Spaniards on
most frivolous pretexts defied the orders of the King, pretending to
wait for his answers to their pleas in self-justification. The period
was one in which the rapacity of the invaders was both inflamed and
gratified by abundance of spoil, which sharpened the avarice of the
earlier claimants, and drew to them fresh adventurers.

Las Casas gives a very winning description of the natives under his
observation and in his ever-kindly and sympathetic relations with
them. He says they are simple, humble, patient, guileless, submissive,
weak, and effeminate; incapable of toil or labor, short-lived,
succumbing to slight illnesses; as frugal and abstemious as hermits;
inquisitive about the Catholic religion, and docile disciples. They
were lambs who had encountered tigers, wolves, and lions. During the
lifetime of Las Casas Cuba had been rendered desolate and a desert;
then St. John and Jamaica; and in all thirty islands had come to the
same fate. A system of deportation from one island to another had been
devised to obtain new supplies of slaves. The Clerigo deliberately
charges that in forty years the number of victims counted to fifty
millions. Enslaving was but a protracted method of killing,—all in the
greed for gold and pearls. The sight of a fragment of the precious
metal in the hands of a native was the occasion for demanding more of
him, as if he had hidden treasure, or for his guiding the Spaniards
to some real or imagined mines. Las Casas follows his details and
examples of iniquity through the islands in succession, then through
the provinces of Nicaragua, New Spain, Guatemala, Pannco, Jalisco,
Yucatan, St. Martha, Carthagena, the Pearl Coast, Trinidad, the
River Yuya-pari, Venezuela, Florida, La Plata, and Peru,—being in
all seventeen localities,—repeating the similar facts, hardly with
variations. Against the Spaniards with their horses, lances, swords,
and bloodhounds, the natives could oppose only their light spears and
poisoned arrows. The victims would seek refuge in caves and mountain
fastnesses, and if approached would kill themselves, as the easiest
escape from wanton tortures. Las Casas says: “I one day saw four or
five persons, of the highest rank, in Hispaniola, burned by a slow
fire.” Occasionally, he tells us, a maddened Indian would kill a
Spaniard, and then his death would be avenged by the massacre of a
score or a hundred natives. Immediately upon the knowledge of the death
of Isabella, in 1504, as if her humanity had been some restraint, the
barbarous proceedings were greatly intensified. The Spaniards made
the most reckless waste of the food of the natives. Las Casas says:
“One Spaniard will consume in a day the food of three Indian families
of ten persons each for a month.” He avows that when he wrote there
were scarce two hundred natives left in St. John and Jamaica, where
there had once been six hundred thousand. For reasons of caution or
prudence—we can hardly say from fear, for never was there a more
courageous champion—Las Casas suppresses the names of the greatest
offenders. The following are specimens of his method: “Three merciless
tyrants have invaded Florida, one after another, since 1510.” “A
Spanish commander with a great number of soldiers entered Peru,”
etc. “In the year 1514 a merciless governor, destitute of the least
sentiment of pity or humanity, a cruel instrument of the wrath of
God, pierced into the continent.” “The fore-mentioned governor,” etc.
“The captain whose lot it was to travel into Guatemala did a world of
mischief there.” “The first bishop that was sent into America imitated
the conduct of the covetous governors in enslaving and spoiling.” “They
call the countries they have got by their unjust and cruel wars their
conquests.” “No tongue is capable of describing to the life all the
horrid villanies perpetrated by these bloody-minded men. They seemed
to be the declared enemies of mankind.” The more generous the presents
in treasures which were made by some timid cacique to his spoilers, the
more brutally was he dealt with, in the hope of extorting what he was
suspected of having concealed. Las Casas stakes his veracity on the
assertion: “I saw with my own eyes above six thousand children die in
three or four months.”

To reinforce his own statements the Clerigo quotes letters from high
authorities. One is a protest which the Bishop of St. Martha wrote in
1541 to the King of Spain, saying that “the Spaniards live there like
devils, rather than Christians, violating all the laws of God and man.”
Another is from Mark de Xlicia, a Franciscan friar, to the King, the
General of his Order, who came with the first Spaniards into Peru,
testifying from his eyesight to all enormities, in mutilations, cutting
off the noses, ears, and hands of the natives, burning and tortures,
and keeping famished dogs to chase them.

Las Casas follows up his direful catalogue of horrors into the “New
Kingdom of Grenada,” in 1536, which he says received its name from the
native place of “the captain that first set his foot in it.” Those
whom he took with him into Peru were “very profligate and extremely
cruel men, without scruple or remorse, long accustomed to all sorts of
wickedness.” The second “governor,” enraged that his predecessor had
got the first share of the plunder, though enough was left for spoil,
turned informer, and made an exposure of his atrocities in complaints
to the Council of the Indies, in documents which “are yet to be seen.”
The spoils were prodigious quantities of gold and precious stones,
especially emeralds. The “governor” seized and imprisoned the cacique,
or inca, Bogata, requiring him to send for and gather up all the gold
within his reach; and after heaps of it had been brought, put him to
horrid torture in order to extort more.

There were published at Madeira certain “Laws and Constitutions” made
by the King at Barcelona, in 1542, under the influence of Las Casas,
as the result of a council at Valladolid. Strict orders to put a stop
to the iniquitous proceedings were circumvented by agents sent in the
interest of the authors of the outrages. The Clerigo petitioned the
King to constitute all the natives his free subjects, with no delegated
lordship over them, and enjoined upon him “to take an oath on the
Holy Gospels, for himself and his successors, to this effect, and to
put it in his will, solemnly witnessed.” He insists that this is the
only course to prevent the absolute extermination of the natives. He
adds that the Spaniards in their covetousness combine to keep out
priests and monks, not the slightest attempt being made to convert the
natives, though the work would be easy, and they themselves crave it.
“The Spaniards have no more regard to their salvation than if their
souls and bodies died together, and were incapable of eternal rewards
or punishments.” Yet he admits that it would hardly be reasonable to
expect these efforts for conversion of the heathen from men who are
themselves heathen, and so ignorant and brutish that they “do not
know even the number of the commandments.” “As for your Majesty,” the
Clerigo says, with a keen thrust, “the Indians think you are the most
cruel and impious prince in the world, while they see the cruelty
and impiety your subjects so insolently commit, and they verily
believe your Majesty lives upon nothing but human flesh and blood.”
He positively denies the imputations alleged to justify cruelty,—that
the Indians indulged in abominable lusts against nature, and were
cannibals. As for their idolatry, that is a sin against God, for
Him, not for man, to punish. The monarchs, he insists, had been most
artfully imposed upon in allowing the deportation of natives from the
Lucay Islands to supply the havoc made in Hispaniola. The Clerigo goes
into the most minute details, with specifications and reiterations of
horrors, ascribing them to the delegated authority exercised by petty
officers, under the higher ones successively intrusted with power.
There is a holy fervor of eloquence in his remonstrances and appeals to
his Majesty to keep the sole power in his own hands, as he reminds him
that fearful retributive judgments from God may be visited upon his own
kingdom. The Council of the Indies, he says, had desired him to write
to the monarch about the exact nature of the right of the kings of
Spain to the Indies; and he intimates that the zeal which he had shown
in exposing iniquities under those whom the King had put in authority
in the New World had been maliciously turned into a charge that he had
questioned the royal title to those regions. As will appear, Las Casas,
under the leadings of that intelligent search for the fundamentals of
truth and righteousness which a quickened conscience had prompted,
found his way to the principles of equity on this subject.

He had, therefore, previously sent to the King thirty well-defined and
carefully stated “Propositions,” which he regards as so self-evident
that he makes no attempt to argue or prove them. His enemies have in
view to cover up their iniquities by misleading the King. Therefore,
for conscience’ sake, and under a sense of obligation to God, he sets
himself to a sacred task. Little foreseeing that his life and labor
were to be protracted till he had nearly doubled his years, he says
that, finding himself “growing old, being advanced to the fiftieth year
of his age,” and “from a full acquaintance with America,” his testimony
shall be true and clear.

His subtle enemies plead against him that the King has a right to
establish himself in America by force of arms, however ruthless the
process,—quoting the examples of Nimrod, Alexander, the old Romans,
and the Turks. They allege also that the Spaniards have more prudence
and wisdom than other peoples, and that their country is nearest to
the Indies. He therefore announces his purpose to put himself directly
before the King, and stand for his “Propositions,” which he sends in
advance in writing, suggesting that if it be his Majesty’s pleasure,
they be translated into Latin and published in that language, as well
as in Spanish.

The “Propositions” may be stated in substance as follows; they were
keenly studied and searched by those who were anxious to detect flaws
or heresies in them:—

1. The Pope derives from Christ authority and power extending over
all men, believers or infidels, in matters pertaining to salvation and
eternal life. But these should be exercised differently over infidels
and those who have had a chance to be believers.

2. This prerogative of the Pope puts him under a solemn obligation to
propagate the Gospel, and to offer it to all infidels who will not
oppose it.

3. The Pope is obliged to send capable ministers for this work.

4. Christian princes are his most proper and able helpers in it.

5. The Pope may exhort and even oblige Christian princes to this
work, by authority and money, to remove obstructions and to send true
workers.

6. The Pope and princes should act in accord and harmony.

7. The Pope may distribute infidel provinces among Christian princes
for this work.

8. In this distribution should be had in view the instruction,
conversion, and interests of the infidels themselves, not the increase
of honors, titles, riches, and territories of the princes.

9. Any incidental advantage which princes may thus gain is allowable;
but temporal ends should be wholly subordinate, the paramount objects
being the extending of the Church, the propagation of the Faith, and
the service of God.

10. The lawful native kings and rulers of infidel countries have a
right to the obedience of their subjects, to make laws, etc., and
ought not to be deprived, expelled, or violently dealt with.

11. To transgress this rule involves injustice and every form of wrong.

12. Neither these native rulers nor their subjects should be deprived
of their lands for their idolatry, or any other sin.

13. No tribunal or judge in the world has a right to molest these
infidels for idolatry or any other sins, however enormous, while still
infidels, and before they have voluntarily received baptism, unless
they directly oppose, refuse, and resist the publication of the Gospel.

14. Pope Alexander VI., under whom the discovery was made, was
indispensably obliged to choose a Christian prince to whom to commit
these solemn obligations of the Gospel.

15. Ferdinand and Isabella had especial claims and advantages for this
intrustment by the Pope above all other Catholic princes, because they
had with noble efforts driven out the infidels and Mohammedans from
the land of their ancestors, and because they sent at their own charge
Columbus, the great discoverer, whom they named the chief admiral.

16. As the Pope did right in this assignment, so he has power
to revoke it, to transfer the country to some other prince, and
to forbid, on pain of excommunication, any rival prince to send
missionaries.

17. The kings of Castile and Leon have thus come lawfully to
jurisdiction over the Indies.

18. This obliges the native kings of the Indies to submit to the
jurisdiction of the kings of Spain.

19. Those native kings, having freely and voluntarily received the
Faith and baptism, are bound (as they were not before) to acknowledge
this sovereignty of the kings of Spain.

20. The kings of Spain are bound by the law of God to choose and send
fit missionaries to exhort, convert, and do everything for this cause.

21. They have the same power and jurisdiction over these infidels
before their conversion as the Pope has, and share his obligations to
convert them.

22. The means for establishing the Faith in the Indies should be
the same as those by which Christ introduced his religion into the
world,—mild, peaceable, and charitable; humility; good examples of a
holy and regular way of living, especially over such docile and easy
subjects; and presents bestowed to win them.

23. Attempts by force of arms are impious, like those of Mahometans,
Romans, Turks, and Moors: they are tyrannical, and unworthy of
Christians, calling out blasphemies; and they have already made the
Indians believe that our God is the most unmerciful and cruel of all
Gods.

24. The Indians will naturally oppose the invasion of their country by
a title of conquest, and so will resist the work of conversion.

25. The kings of Spain have from the first given and reiterated their
orders against war and the ill-treatment of the Indians. If any
officers have shown commissions and warrants for such practices, they
have been forged or deceptive.

26. So all wars and conquests which have been made have been unjust
and tyrannical, and in effect null; as is proved by proceedings on
record in the Council against such tyrants and other culprits, who are
amenable to judgment.

27. The kings of Spain are bound to reinforce and establish those
Indian laws and customs which are good—and such are most of them—and
to abolish the bad; thus upholding good manners and civil policy. The
Gospel is the method for effecting this.

28. The Devil could not have done more mischief than the Spaniards
have done in distributing and spoiling the countries, in their
rapacity and tyranny; subjecting the natives to cruel tasks, treating
them like beasts, and persecuting those especially who apply to the
monks for instruction.

29. The distribution of the Indians among the Spaniards as slaves is
wholly contrary to all the royal orders given by Isabella successively
to Columbus, Bobadilla, and De Lares. Columbus gave three hundred
Indians to Spaniards who had done the most service to the Crown, and
took but one for his own use. The Queen ordered all except that one
to be sent back. What would she have said to the present iniquities?
The King is reminded that his frequent journeys and absences have
prevented his fully informing himself of these facts.

30. From all these considerations it follows that all conquests,
acquisitions, usurpations, and appropriations by officers and private
persons have no legality, as contrary to the orders of the Spanish
monarchs.

Here certainly is an admirable and cogent statement of the principles
of equity and righteousness, as based upon natural laws and certified
and fortified by the great verities and sanctions supposed to be
held in reverence by professed Christians. Las Casas, in taking for
his starting-point the Pope’s supreme and inclusive right over half
the globe, just brought to the knowledge of civilized men, seems to
make a monstrous assumption, only greater than that of the Spanish
kings’ holding under and deriving dominion from him. But we may well
pardon this assumption to so loyal a disciple of the Church, when we
consider how nobly he held this Papal right as conditioned and limited,
involving lofty duties, and balanced by an obligation to confer
inestimable blessings. He had ever before him the contrast between
fair scenes of luxurious Nature, ministering to the easy happiness of
a gentle race of delicate and short-lived beings akin to himself, and
the ruthless passions, lusts, and savagery of his own countrymen and
fellow-Christians. We can well account for the opposition and thwarting
of his efforts amid these scenes, but may need a further explanation of
the resistance and ill-success which he encountered when pleading his
cause before monarchs and great councillors at home, whose sympathies
seem to have been generally on his side. He often stood wholly alone
in scenes where these ravaging cruelties had full sweep,—alone in the
humane sensitiveness with which he regarded them; alone in freedom
from the mastering passions of greed and rapacity which excited them;
and alone in realizing the appalling contrast between the spirit of
blood and rapine which prompted them, and the spirit of that Gospel,
the assumed championship of which at these ends of the earth was the
blasphemous pretence of these murderers. Those ruthless tyrants, who
here treated hundreds and thousands of the natives subject to them
worse than even brutes from which useful service is expected, would
not, of course, have the front to offer on the spot the pretence set up
for them by their abetters at the Spanish Court,—that they were thus
drawing the natives to them for their conversion; they laughed at the
Clerigo when they did not openly thwart him.

Las Casas had many powerful and embittered opponents, and by the use of
various means and artifices they were able to put impediments in his
way, to qualify and avert what would seem to be the natural effects of
his ardent appeals and shocking disclosures, and to keep him through
his protracted life in what looked like a hopeless struggle against
giant iniquities. Nor is it necessary that we go deeper than the
obvious surface of the story to find the reasons for the opposition and
discomfiture which he encountered. It may be that all those who opposed
him or who would not co-operate with him were not personally interested
in the iniquities which he exposed and sought to redress. Something
may need to be said by and by concerning alleged faults of temper,
over-ardor of zeal and overstatement, and wild exaggeration attributed
to this bold apostle of righteousness. But that the substance of
all his charges, and the specifications of inhumanity, cruelty, and
atrocity which he set forth in detail, and with hardly enough diversity
to vary his narrative, is faithful to the soberest truth, cannot be
questioned. He spoke and wrote of what he had seen and known. He had
looked upon sights of shocking and enormous iniquity and barbarity,
over every scene which he had visited in his unresting travel. His
sleep by night had been broken by the piteous shrieks of the wretched
victims of slow tortures.

Much help may be derived by a reader towards a fuller appreciation of
the character and life-work of Las Casas from the biography of him and
the translation and editing of his principal writings by his ardent
admirer, Llorente.[1020] This writer refers to a previous abridged
translation of the works of Las Casas, published in Paris in 1642.
His own edition in French, in 1822, is more full, though somewhat
condensed and reconstructed. He remarks justly upon the prolixity of
Las Casas, his long periods, his repetitions, his pedantic quotations
from Scripture and the Latin authors, as the results of his peripatetic
training. His translator and editor credits to the magnanimity and
nobleness of nature of Las Casas the omission of the names of great
offenders in connection with the terrible wrongs done by them. This
reserve of Las Casas has been already referred to. But Llorente, in
seventeen critical notes, answering to the same number of divisions
in the _Relation_ of Las Casas, supplies the names of the leading
criminals; and he also gives in a necrology the shocking or tragic
elements and the dates of the death of these “men of blood.” He adds
to the “Remedies” which Las Casas had suggested to Charles V. the
whole additional series of measures proposed up to 1572. Llorente says
that, admitting that the starting-point in the Thirty Propositions
of Las Casas,—namely, the assumption of the Papal prerogative as to
new-discovered territory,—was in his day “incontestable,” it is now
recognized as a falsity. He furnishes an essay of his own upon the
right and wrong of the claim; and he adds to that of Las Casas a
treatise on the limits of the sovereign power of the King. Paw first,
and then Raynal and Robertson, had brought the charge against Las
Casas of having first introduced African slavery into the New World.
As we have seen, the charge was false. Gregoire, bishop of Blois, read
an _Apologie_ before the Institute of France in 1801, in vindication
of the Clerigo. This _Apologie_ is given at length by Llorente. He
adds, from manuscripts in the Royal Library of Paris, two inedited
treatises of Las Casas, written in 1555-1564,—one against a project
for perpetuating the _commanderies_ in the New World; the other on the
necessity of restoring the crown of Peru to the Inca Titus.[1021]

Llorente says it is not strange that the apostle Las Casas, like other
great and noble men, met with enemies and detractors. Some assailed him
through prejudice, others merely from levity, and without reflection.
Four principal reproaches have been brought against him:—

1. He is charged with gross exaggeration in his writings, as by the
Spanish writers Camporicanes, Nuix, and Muñoz, and of course by those
interested in excusing the work of conquest and devastation, who cannot
justify themselves without impeaching Las Casas as an impostor. His
sufficient vindication from this charge may be found in a mass of
legal documents in the Archives, in the Records of the Council for
the Indies, and in Government processes against wrongdoers. Herrera,
who had seen these documents, says: “Las Casas was worthy of all
confidence, and in no particular has failed to present the truth.”
Torquemada, having personally sought for evidence in America, says the
same. Las Casas, when challenged on this point, boldly affirmed: “There
were once more natives in Hispaniola than in all Spain,” and that Cuba,
Jamaica, and forty other islands, with parts of Terra Firma, had all
been wrecked and made desolate. He insists over and over again that his
estimates are within the truth.

2. Another charge was of imprudence in his ill-considered proceedings
with the Indians. Allowance is to be made on the score of his
zeal, his extreme ardor and vehemence,—an offset to the apathy and
hard-heartedness of those around him. He was in a position in which he
could do nothing for the Indians if he kept silence. He witnessed the
reckless and defiant disobedience of the positive instructions of the
King by his own high officers.

3. The third charge was of _inconsistency_ in condemning the enslaving
of Indians, and favoring that of negroes. This has already been
disposed of.

4. The final charge was that he was consumed by ambition. Only a single
writer had the effrontery to ascribe to Las Casas the desperate purpose
of seizing upon the sovereignty of a thousand leagues of territory. The
whole foundation of the charge was his attempt to plant a particular
colony in the province of Cumana, near St. Martha, on Terra Firma. So
far from claiming sovereignty for himself, he even denied the right of
the King to bestow such sovereignty.

He was, says Llorente, blameless; there is no stain upon his great
virtues. Indeed, not only Spain, but all nations, owe him a debt for
his opposition to despotism, and for his setting limits to royal power
in the age of Charles V. and the Inquisition.

Then follows Llorente’s translation into French of Las Casas’ Memoir
on the _Cruelties practised on the Indians_, with the Dedicatory
Letter addressed to Philip II., 1552. The Spaniards at Hispaniola
and elsewhere forgot that they were men, and treated the innocent
creatures around them for forty-two years as if they were famished
wolves, tigers, and lions. So that in Hispaniola, where once were three
millions, there remained not more than two hundred. Cuba, Porto Rico,
and Jamaica had been wholly depopulated. On more than sixty Lucayan
islands, on the smallest of which were once five hundred thousand
natives, Las Casas says, “my own eyes” have seen but eleven.

These appalling enumerations of the victims of Spanish cruelty during
half a century from the first coming of the invaders to the islands
and main of America, are set before the reader in the figures and
estimates of Las Casas. Of course the instant judgment of the reader
will be that there is obvious and gross exaggeration in them. It
remains to this day a debated and wholly undecided question among
archæologists, historians, and explorers best able to deal with it,
as to the number of natives on island and continent when America was
opened to knowledge. There are no facts within our use for any other
mode of dealing with the question than by estimates, conjectures,
and inferences. A reasonable view is that the southern islands were
far more thickly peopled than the main, vast regions of which, when
first penetrated by the whites, were found to be perfect solitudes.
The general tendency now with those who have pursued any thorough
investigations relating to the above question, is greatly to reduce
the number of the aborigines below the guesses and the once-accepted
estimates. Nor does it concern us much to attempt any argument as to
the obvious over-estimates made by Las Casas, or to decide whether they
came from his imagination or fervor of spirit, or whether, as showing
himself incredible in these rash and wild enumerations, he brings his
veracity and trustworthiness under grave doubts in other matters.

Las Casas says that near the Island of San Juan are thirty others
without a single Indian. More than two thousand leagues of territory
are wholly deserted. On the continent ten kingdoms, “each larger than
Spain,” with Aragon and Portugal, are an immense solitude, human life
being annihilated there. He estimates the number of men, women, and
children who have been slaughtered at more than fifteen millions.
Generally they were tormented, no effort having been made to convert
them. In vain did the natives, helpless with their feeble weapons,
hide their women and children in the mountains. When, maddened by
desperation, they killed a single Spaniard, vengeance was taken by
the score. The Clerigo, as if following the strictest process of
arithmetic, gives the number of victims in each of many places, only
with variations and aggravations. He asserts that in Cuba, in three or
four months, he had seen more than seven thousand children perish of
famine, their parents having been driven off to the mines. He adds
that the worst of the cruelties in Hispaniola did not take place till
after the death of Isabella, and that efforts were made to conceal from
her such as did occur, as she continued to demand right and mercy. She
had done her utmost to suppress the system of _repartimientos_, by
which the natives were distributed as slaves to masters.

An inference helpful to an approximate estimate of the numbers and
extent of the depopulation of the first series of islands seized on by
the Spaniards, might be drawn from the vast numbers of natives deported
from other groups of islands to replace the waste and to restore
laborers. Geographers have somewhat arbitrarily distinguished the West
Indies into three main groupings of islands,—the Lucayan, or Bahamas,
of fourteen large and a vast number of small islands, extending, from
opposite the coast of Florida, some seven hundred and fifty miles
oceanward; the Greater Antilles, embracing Cuba, San Domingo, Porto
Rico, Jamaica, etc., running, from opposite the Gulf of Mexico, from
farther westward than the other groups; and the Lesser Antilles, or
Carribean, or Windward Islands. The last-named, from their repute of
cannibalism, were from the first coming of the Spaniards regarded as
fair subjects for spoil, violence, and devastation. After ruin had
done its work in the Greater Antilles, recourse was had to the Lucayan
Islands. By the foulest and meanest stratagems for enticing away the
natives of these fair scenes, they were deported in vast numbers to
Cuba and elsewhere as slaves. It was estimated that in five years
Ovando had beguiled and carried off forty thousand natives of the
Lucayan Islands to Hispaniola.

The amiable and highly honored historian, Mr. Prescott, says in
general, of the numerical estimates of Las Casas, that “the good
Bishop’s arithmetic came more from his heart than his head.”[1022]

From the fullest examination which I have been able to make, by the
comparison of authorities and incidental facts, while I should most
frankly admit that Las Casas gave even a wild indulgence to his dismay
and his indignation in his figures, I should conclude that he had
positive knowledge, from actual eyesight and observation, of every
form and shape, as well as instance and aggregation, of the cruelties
and enormities which aroused his lifelong efforts. Besides the means
and methods used to discredit the statements and to thwart the appeals
of Las Casas at the Court, a very insidious attempt for vindicating,
palliating, and even justifying the acts of violence and cruelty which
he alleged against the Spaniards in the islands and on the main, was in
the charge that their victims were horribly addicted to cannibalism and
the offering of human sacrifices. The number estimated of the latter
as slaughtered, especially on great royal occasions, is appalling, and
the rites described are hideous. It seems impossible for us now, from
so many dubious and conflicting authorities, to reach any trustworthy
knowledge on this subject. For instance, in Anahuac, Mexico, the annual
number of human sacrifices, as stated by different writers, varies from
twenty to fifty thousand. Sepulveda in his contest with Las Casas was
bound to make the most of this dismal story, and said that no one of
the authorities estimated the number of the victims at less than twenty
thousand. Las Casas replied that this was the estimate of brigands, who
wished thus to win tolerance for their own slaughterings, and that the
actual number of annual victims did not exceed twenty.[1023] It was a
hard recourse for Christians to seek palliation for their cruelties in
noting or exaggerating the superstitious and hideous rites of heathens!

It is certain, however, that this plea of cannibalism was most
effectively used, from the first vague reports which Columbus took
back to Spain of its prevalence, at least in the Carribean Islands,
to overcome the earliest humane protests against the slaughter of
the natives and their deportation for slaves. In the all-too hideous
engravings presented in the volumes in all the tongues of Europe
exposing the cruelties of the Spanish invaders, are found revolting
delineations of the Indian shambles, where portions of human bodies,
subjected to a fiendish butchery, are exposed for sale. Las Casas
nowhere denies positively the existence of this shocking barbarism.
One might well infer, however, from his pages that he was at least
incredulous as to its prevalence; and to him it would only have
heightened his constraining sense of the solemn duty of professed
Christians to bring the power of the missionary, rather than the
maddened violence of destruction, to bear upon the poor victims of so
awful a sin. Nor does the evidence within our reach suffice to prove
the prevalence, to the astounding extent alleged by the opponents of
Las Casas, of monstrous and bestial crimes against nature practised
among the natives. Perhaps a parallel between the general morality
respectively existing in the license and vices of the invaders and
the children of Nature as presented to us by Columbus, as well as by
Las Casas, would not leave matter for boasting to the Europeans. Mr.
Prescott enters into an elaborate examination of a subject of frequent
discussion by American historians and archæologists,—who have adopted
different conclusions upon it,—as to whether venereal diseases had
prevalence among the peoples of the New World before it was opened to
the intercourse of foreigners. I have not noticed in anything written
by Las Casas that he brings any charge on this score against his
countrymen. Quite recent exhumations made by our archæologists have
seemingly set the question at rest, by revealing in the bones of our
prehistoric races the evidences of the prevalence of such diseases.

Sufficient means, in hints and incidental statements, have been
furnished in the preceding pages from which the reader may draw his own
estimate, as appreciative and judicious as he may be able to make it,
of the character of Las Casas as a man and as a missionary of Christ. A
labored analysis or an indiscriminating eulogium of that character is
wholly uncalled for, and would be a work of supererogation. His heart
and mind, his soul and body, his life, with all of opportunity which
it offered, were consecrated; his foibles and faults were of the most
trivial sort, never leading to injury for others, and scarcely working
any harm for himself.

It is a well-proved and a gladdening truth, that one who stands for
the championship of any single principle involving the rights of
humanity will be led by a kindled vision or a gleam of advanced wisdom
to commit himself to the assumption of some great, comprehensive,
illuminating verity covering a far wider field than that which he
personally occupies. Thus Las Casas’ assertion of the common rights of
humanity for the heathen natives expanded into a bold denial of the
fundamental claims of ecclesiasticism. It was the hope and aim of his
opponents and enemies to drive him to a committal of himself to some
position which might be charged with at least constructive heresy,
through some implication or inference from the basis of his pleadings
that he brought under question the authority of the Papacy. Fonseca
and Sepulveda were both bent upon forcing him into that perilous
attitude towards the supreme ecclesiastical power. To appreciate fully
how nearly Las Casas was thought to trespass on the verge of a heresy
which might even have cost him his life, but would certainly have
nullified his personal influence, we must recognize the full force of
the one overmastering assumption, under which the Pope and the Spanish
sovereigns claimed for themselves supreme dominion over territory
and people in the New World. As a new world, or a disclosure on the
earth’s surface of vast realms before unknown to dwellers on the old
continents, its discovery would carry with it the right of absolute
ownership and of rule over all its inhabitants. It was, of course, to
be “conquered” and held in subjection. The earth, created by God, had
been made the kingdom of Jesus Christ, who assigned it to the charge
and administration of his vicegerent, the Pope. All the continents
and islands of the earth which were not Christendom were heathendom.
It mattered not what state of civilization or barbarism, or what
form or substance of religion, might be found in any new-discovered
country. The Papal claim was to be asserted there, if with any need
of explanation, for courtesy’s sake, certainly without any apology or
vindication. Could Las Casas be inveigled into any denial or hesitating
allowance of this assumption? He was on his guard, but he stood
manfully for the condition, the supreme obligation, which alone could
give warrant to it. The papal and the royal claims were sound and good;
they were indeed absolute. But the tenure of possession and authority
in heathendom, if it were to be claimed through the Gospel and the
Church, looked quite beyond the control of territory and the lordship
over heathen natives, princes, and people,—it was simply to prompt
the work and to facilitate, while it positively enjoined the duty
of, conversion,—the bringing of heathen natives through baptism and
instruction into the fold of Christ. Fonseca and Sepulveda were baffled
by the Clerigo as he calmly and firmly told the monarchs that their
prerogative, though lawful in itself, was fettered by this obligation.
In asserting this just condition, Las Casas effectually disabled his
opponents.

The following are the closing sentences of the Reply of Las Casas to
Sepulveda:—

“The damages and the loss which have befallen the Crown of Castile
and Leon will be visited also upon the whole of Spain, because the
tyranny wrought by these desolations, murders, and slaughters is so
monstrous that the blind may see it, the deaf may hear it, the dumb
may rehearse it, and the wise judge and condemn it after our very
short life. I invoke all the hierarchies and choirs of angels, all the
saints of the Celestial Court, all the inhabitants of the globe, and
chiefly all those who may live after me, for witnesses that I free my
conscience of all that has transpired; and that I have fully exposed
to his Majesty all these woes; and that if he leaves to Spaniards the
tyranny and government of the Indies, all of them will be destroyed
and without inhabitants,—as we see that Hispaniola now is, and the
other islands and parts of the continent for more than three thousand
leagues, without occupants. For these reasons God will punish Spain
and all her people with an inevitable severity. So may it be!”

It is grateful to be assured of the fact that during the years of his
last retirement in Spain, till the close of his life at so venerable
an age, Las Casas enjoyed a pension sufficient for his comfortable
subsistence. Allowing only a pittance of it for his own frugal support,
he devoted it mostly to works of charity. His pen and voice and time
were still given to asserting and defending the rights of the natives,
not only as human beings, but as free of all mastery by others. Though
his noble zeal had made him enemies, and he had appeared to have
failed in his heroic protests and appeals, he had the gratification of
knowing before his death that restraining measures, sterner edicts,
more faithful and humane officials, and in general a more wise and
righteous policy, had abated the rage of cruelty in the New World.
But still the sad reflection came to qualify even this satisfaction,
that the Spaniards were brought to realize the rights of humanity by
learning that their cruelty had wrought to their own serious loss in
depopulating the most fertile regions and fastening upon them the hate
of the remnants of the people. The reader of the most recent histories,
even of the years of the first quarter of this century, relating to
the Spanish missions in the pueblos of Mexico and California, will
note how some of the features of the old _repartimiento_ system, first
introduced among the Greater Antilles, survived in the farm-lands and
among the peons and converts of the missionaries.

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.

THE subject of this chapter is so nearly exclusively concerned with the
personal history, the agency, and the missionary work of Las Casas,
both in the New World and at the Court of Spain, that we are rather to
welcome than to regret the fact that he is almost our sole authority
for the statements and incidents with which we have had to deal.

[Illustration: LAS CASAS.]

Giving due allowance to what has already been sufficiently recognized
as his intensity of spirit, his wildness of imagination, and his
enormous overstatement in his enumeration of the victims of Spanish
cruelty, he must be regarded as the best authority we could have
for the use which he serves to us.[1024] Free as he was from all
selfish and sinister motives, even the daring assurance with which
he speaks out before the monarch and his councillors, and prints on
his titlepages the round numbers of these victims, prompts us to give
full credit to his testimony on other matters, even if we substitute
thousands in place of millions. As to the forms and aggravations of
the cruel methods in which the Spaniards dealt with the natives, the
recklessness and ingenuity of the work of depopulation,—which was as
naturally the consequence of the enslaving of the Indians as of their
indiscriminate slaughter,—Las Casas’ revelations seem to have passed
unchallenged by even his most virulent enemies.

Sepulveda may be received by us as the representative alike in spirit
and in argument of the opposition to Las Casas. He was an acute and
able disputant, and would readily have availed himself of any weak
points in the positions of the apostle. It is observable that, instead
of assailing even the vehement and exaggerated charges alleged by Las
Casas against the Spanish marauders for their cruelty, he rather spends
his force upon the maintenance of the abstract rights of Christian
champions over the heathen and their territory. The Papal and the Royal
prerogatives were, in his view, of such supreme and sweeping account
in the controversy, as to cover all the incidental consequences of
establishing them. He seemed to argue that heathens and heathenism
invited and justified conquest by any method, however ruthless; that
the rights of the Papacy and of Christian monarchs would be perilled by
allowing any regards of sentiment or humanity to stand in the way of
their assertion; and that even the sacred duty of conversion was to be
deferred till war and tyranny had obtained the absolute mastery over
the natives.

* * * * *

The eight years spent by Las Casas in retirement in the Dominican
convent at San Domingo were used by him in study and meditation. His
writings prove, in their references and quotations from the classics,
as well as from Scripture, that his range was wide, and that his mind
was invigorated by this training.

[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF LAS CASAS.]

In 1552-1553, at Seville, Las Casas printed a series of nine tracts,
which are the principal source of our information in relation to his
allegations against the Spanish oppressors of the Indians. It is only
necessary to refer the reader to the bibliographies[1025] for the full
titles of these tracts, of which we simply quote enough for their
identification, while we cite them in the order in which they seem to
have been composed, following in this the extensive Note which Field
has given in his _Indian Bibliography_:—

1. _Breuissima relacion de la destruycion de las Indias ... año 1552_;
50 unnumbered leaves.

The series of tracts is usually cited by this title, which is that of
the first tract,[1026] for there is no general printed designation of
the collection. Four folios appended to this, but always reckoned as a
distinct tract, are called,—

[Illustration: TITLE OF FIRST TRACT.]

2. _Lo que se sigue es vn pedaço de vna carta_, etc. It records the
observations of a Spanish traveller upon the enormities practised on
the natives.[1027]

3. _Entre los remedios ... para reformaciō de las Indias_; 1552; 53
unnumbered leaves. It gives the eighth of the proposed remedies,
assigning twenty reasons against the enslaving of the natives.[1028]

4. _Aqui se cōtienē vnos auisos y reglas para los confessores_, etc;
1552; 16 unnumbered leaves. It gives the rules for the confessors of
his bishopric of Chiapa to deny the offices of the Church to such as
held _repartimientos_.[1029]

5. _Aqui se contiene vna disputa ... entre el obispo ... y el
doctor Gines de Sepulveda_; 1552; 61 unnumbered leaves. This strong
enunciation of Las Casas’ convictions grew out of his controversy with
Sepulveda.[1030] It contains, first, a summary by Domingo de Soto of
the differences between the two disputants; second, the arguments of
Sepulveda; and third, the replies of Las Casas,—twelve in all.

6. _Este es vn tratado ... sobre la materia de los Yndios, que se han
hecho en ellas esclauos_; 1552; 36 unnumbered leaves. This contains
reasons and judicial authorities on the question of the restitution of
the natives to freedom.[1031]

7. _Aqui se cōtienē treynta proposiciones ..._; 1552; 10 leaves.
These are the Propositions, mentioned on a preceding page, as Las
Casas’ reply to those who objected to the rigor of his rules for his
confessors.[1032]

8. _Principia quedā ex quibus procedendum_, etc; 1552; 10 leaves. This
gives the principles on which he conducts his defence of the rights of
the natives.[1033]

9. _Tratado cōprobatorio del imperio soberano_, etc.; 80 unnumbered
leaves. The title-date is 1552, but that in the colophon is 1553. The
purpose is “to prove the sovereign empire and universal dominion by
which the kings of Castile and Leon hold the West Indies.”[1034]

Complete sets of these tracts have become very rare, though it is not
uncommon to find, in current catalogues, single copies of some of those
less scarce.[1035]

[Illustration: TITLE OF THE FOURTH TRACT.

[From the copy in Harvard College Library.—ED.]]

In 1571, five years after Las Casas’ death, what is sometimes called
a tenth part was printed at Frankfort, under the title of _Explicatio
questionis utrum Reges vel Principes jure aliquo.... Cives ac subditos
a regia corona alienare?_ This further showing of the arguments of
Las Casas is even rarer than its predecessors.[1036] Its authorship,
without much reason, has been sometimes denied.[1037] It is translated,
however, in Llorente’s edition, as is also a letter of Las Casas which
he wrote in 1555 to the Archbishop of Toledo, protesting against
the contemplated sale of _Encomiendas_ in perpetuity, which, being
communicated to the King, led to the prohibition of the plan.

In 1854 Henry Stevens printed, in a style corresponding to that of the
tracts of 1552, a series of six papers from original manuscripts in his
possession, interesting as contributions to the history of Las Casas
and his work;[1038] and there is also a letter of Las Casas in the
volume a few years since printed by the Spanish Government as _Cartas
de Indias_. There is an enumeration of thirteen other treatises, noted
as still in manuscript, which is to be found in Sabin’s _Dictionary_
or in his separate _Works of Las Casas_; but Mr. Field is inclined
for one reason or another to reduce the number to five, in addition
to the two which were published by Llorente.[1039] There are also two
manuscripts recorded in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_.[1040]

[Illustration: TITLE OF THE SEVENTH TRACT.

[From a copy in the Harvard College Library.—ED.]]

[Illustration: LAS CASAS’ INDORSEMENT ON THE MANUSCRIPT OF HIS
“HISTORIA”.

[This is slightly reduced from the fac-simile given in vol. iii. of
the 1875 (Madrid) edition of the _Historia_.—ED.]]

The most labored of Las Casas’ books was his _Historia de las
Indias_,—the original manuscript of which is still preserved, according
to Helps, in the library of the Academy of History at Madrid.[1041] Las
Casas began this work while in his convent in 1527,[1042] and seems
to have worked upon it, without finishing it, up to 1561. It has all
the fervor and vigor of his nature; and so far as it is the result of
his own observation, its character is unimpeachable. It is in large
part, as Helps has remarked, autobiographic; but it does not bring the
story down later than 1520. Its style is characteristically rambling
and awkward, and more or less confused with extraneous learning, the
result of his convent studies, and interjected with his usual bursts of
a somewhat tiresome indignation. Outside of his own knowledge he had
large resources in documents, of which we have no present knowledge. He
seems to have had a prescience of the feelings in his countrymen which
would long keep the manuscript from the printing-office, for he left
instructions at his death that no one should use it for forty years.
The injunction did not prevent Herrera having access to it; and when
this latter historian published his book in 1601, the world got a large
part of Las Casas’ work,—much of it copied by Herrera _verbatim_,—but
extracted in such a way that Las Casas could have none of his proper
effect in ameliorating the condition of the Indians and exposing
the cruelty of their oppression. In this way Las Casas remained too
long eclipsed, as Irving says, by his copyist. Notwithstanding the
publication of the book was prohibited, various manuscript copies got
abroad, and every reputable historian of the Spanish rule has made
use of Las Casas’ labors.[1043] Finally, the Royal Academy of History
at Madrid undertook the revision of the manuscript; but that body was
deterred from putting their revision on the press by the sentiments,
which Spanish scholars had always felt, adverse to making public so
intense an arraignment of their countrymen.[1044] At last, however,
in 1875-1876, the Academy finally printed it in five volumes.[1045]
The _Historia_ was of course not included, nor were two of the tracts
of the issues of 1552 (nos. 4 and 8) embraced, in the edition of Las
Casas’ _Obras_ which Llorente issued in Paris in 1822 in the original
Spanish, and also in the same year in a French translation, _Œuvres
de Las Casas_.[1046] This work is dedicated “Au modèle des virtues
héréditaires, A. M. le Comte de las Casas.” Sufficient recognition has
been made in the preceding narrative of this work of Llorente. As a
Spaniard by birth, and a scholar well read in the historical literature
of his own country, as one trained and exercised in the priestly
office, though he had become more or less of a heretic, and as a most
ardent admirer of the virtues and the heroic services of the great
Apostle to the Indians, he had the attainments, qualifications, and
motives for discharging with ability and fidelity the biographical and
editorial task which he undertook. It is evident from his pages that he
devoted conscientious labor in investigation, and a purpose of strict
impartiality to its discharge. He is not an undiscriminating eulogist
of Las Casas, but he penetrates with a true sympathetic admiration to
the noble unselfishness and the sublime constancy of this sole champion
of righteousness against powerful forces of iniquity.

The number of versions of all or of part of the series of the 1552
tracts into other languages strikingly indicates the interest which
they created and the effect which they produced throughout Europe. None
of the nations showed more eagerness to make public these accusations
against the Spaniards by one of their own number, than the Flemings
and Dutch. The earliest of all the translations, and one of the rarest
of these publications, is the version of the first tract, with parts
of others, which appeared in the dialect of Brabant, in 1578,—the
precursor of a long series of such testimonies, used to incite the
Netherlanders against the Spanish rule.[1047] The French came next
with their _Tyrannies et cruautéz des Espagnols_, published at Antwerp
in 1579, in which the translator, Jacques de Miggrode, softened the
horrors of the story with a due regard for his Spanish neighbors.[1048]
A somewhat bolder venture was a new version, not from the originals,
but from the Dutch translation, and set out with all the horrors of De
Bry’s seventeen engravings, which was supplied to the French market
with an Amsterdam imprint in 1620. It is a distorted patchwork of parts
of the three of the 1552 tracts. In a brief preface, the translator
says that the part relating to the Indies is derived from the original,
printed at Seville by Sebastian Trugillo in 1552, the writer “being Las
Casas, who seems to be a holy man and a Catholic.” There were still
other French versions, printed both in France and in Holland. The
earliest English translation is a version signed by M. M. S., entitled
_The Spanish Colonie, or Briefe Chronicle of the Acts and Gestes of the
Spaniardes in the West Indies, called the Newe Worlde, for the Space
of XL. Yeeres_, issued in London in 1583.[1049] The best-known of the
English versions is _The Tears of the Indians_, “made English by J.
P.,” and printed in London in 1656.[1050] “J. P.” is John Phillips,
a nephew of John Milton. His little book, which contains a terse
translation of Las Casas’s “Cruelty,” etc., without his controversy
with Sepulveda, is dedicated to Oliver Cromwell. It is prefaced
by a glowing appeal “To all true Englishmen,” which rehearses the
proud position they hold in history for religion, liberty, and human
rights, and denounces the Spaniards as “a Proud, Deceitful, Cruel, and
Treacherous Nation, whose chiefest Aim hath been the Conquest of this
Land,” etc., closing with a call upon them to aid the Protector in the
threatened contest for the West Indies.

While Phillips places the number of the slaughtered Indians at twenty
millions, these are reckoned at forty millions by the editor of another
English version, based upon the French _Tyrannies et cruautéz_, which
was printed at London, in 1699, as _A Relation of the First Voyages
and Discoveries made by the Spaniards in America_.[1051] The earliest
German edition appeared, in 1597, as _Newe Welt: warhafftige Anzeigung
der Hispanier grewlichen ... Tyranney_.[1052] The Latin edition
appeared at Frankfort, in 1598, as _Narratio regionum Indicarvm per
Hispanos qvosdam deuastatarum verissima_.[1053] This Latin translation
has a brief introduction, mainly a quotation from Lipsius, commenting
on these atrocities. The version is spirited and faithful, covering
the narrative of Las Casas and his discussion with Sepulveda. The
engravings by De Bry are ghastly and revolting, and present all too
faithfully the shocking enormities related in the text. It is a
fearful parody of deception and truth which introduces a hooded friar
as holding a crucifix before the eyes of one under torment by fire or
mutilation. We can scarcely regret that the circumstances under which
the indiscriminate slaughter was waged but rarely allowed of this
desecration of a sacred symbol. The artist has overdrawn his subjects
in delineating heaps of richly wrought and chased vessels as brought by
the hounded victims to appease their tormentors.

To close this list of translations, it is only necessary to refer to
the sundry ways in which Las Casas was helped to create an influence in
Italy, the Italian text in these publications usually accompanying the
Spanish.[1054]

[Illustration]

EDITORIAL NOTE.

THE most important distinctive lives of Las Casas are those of
Llorente, prefixed to his edition of Las Casas’ _Œuvres_; that which
Quintana (born, 1772; died, 1857) gives in his _Vidas de Españoles
célebres_, vol. iii., published at Madrid in 1833, and reprinted, with
Quintana’s _Obras_, in the _Biblioteca de autores Españoles_ in 1852;
and the _Vida y escritos de Las Casas_ of A. M. Fabié, published at
Madrid in 1879, in two volumes, with a large number of unpublished
documents, making vols. 70 and 71 of the _Documentos inéditos_
(_España_). The life which was constructed mainly by the son of Arthur
Helps out of _The Spanish Conquest in America_ by the father, is the
most considerable account in English. The larger work was written in a
spirit readily appreciative of the character of Las Casas, and he is
made such a centre of interest in it as easily to favor the excision of
parts of it to form the lesser book. This was hardly possible with the
broader connections established between Las Casas and his times which
accompany the portrayal of his career in the works of Prescott and H.
H. Bancroft. The great friend of the Indian is mainly, however, to be
drawn from his own writings.

Las Casas was by no means alone in his advocacy of the rights of the
natives, as Harrisse (_Bibl. Am. Vet. Add._, p. 119) has pointed out;
naming Julian Garces, Francis of Vittoria, Diego de Avendaño, Alonzo
de Noreña, and even Queen Isabel herself, as evinced by her will
(in Dormer, _Discursos varios_, p. 381). The fame of Las Casas was
steadfastly upheld by Remesal in his _Historia de Chyapa_, etc., 1619
(cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 339); and the great apostle found
a successor in his labors in Juan de Palafox y Mendoça, whose appeal
to the King, printed about 1650, and called _Virtudes del Indio, é
naturaleza y costumbres de los Indios de Nueva España_, has become very
rare. (Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 691.) Brasseur de Bourbourg, in
the fourth volume of his _Nations civilisées du Mexique_, set forth in
all their enormity the barbarities of the Spanish conquerors; but he
seeks to avoid all imputations of exaggeration by shunning the evidence
drawn from Las Casas.

The opponents of Las Casas—who became in due time the best-hated man in
the Spanish colonies—were neither few nor powerless, as the thwarting
of Las Casas’ plans constantly showed. The Fray Toribio Motolinia took
issue with Las Casas, and Ramirez, in his Life of Motolinia contained
in Icazbalceta’s _Coleccion_, undertakes to show (p. lvii) the
difference between them. Cf. B. Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 67.

[Illustration]

The most conspicuous of his fellow-observers, who reached conclusions
constantly quite at variance with Las Casas, was Gonzalo Fernandez de
Oviedo y Valdes,—to give his full name, though Oviedo is the one by
which he is usually cited. Oviedo was but a few years younger than Las
Casas. He had seen Columbus’ triumph at Barcelona, and had come to
America with Pedrarias ten years after Las Casas, and spent thirty-four
of the next forty years in the New World, holding part of the time
the office of inspector of the gold-smeltings at Darien, and latterly
living at Hispaniola. He is thought to have begun his historical
studies as early as 1520, and he published his first book, usually
called the _Sumario_, in 1526, on his return from his second voyage.
It is a description of the West Indies and its natives. Returning to
Spain in 1530, he was after a while made the official chronicler of the
Indies, and in 1535 began the publication of his great _Historia de las
Indias_. On this chief labor Ticknor (_Spanish Literature_, ii. 33)
traces him at work certainly as late as 1548, and he may have added to
it down to 1555. He had the royal direction to demand of the various
governors whatever document and aid he might need as he went on.
Ticknor calls him the first authorized chronicler of the New World,—“an
office,” he adds, “which was at one time better paid than any other
similar office in the kingdom, and was held at different times by
Herrera, Tamayo, Solis, and other writers of distinction, and ceased
(he believed) with the creation of the Academy of History.” Oviedo was
a correspondent of Ramusio, and found the acquaintance helpful. He
knew Cortes, and exchanged letters with him. Ticknor, after speaking of
the scope of the _Historia_ as taxing the powers of Oviedo beyond their
strength, still accounts the work of great value as a vast repository
of facts, and not wholly without merit as a composition.

[Illustration: TITLE OF OVIEDO, 1526, REDUCED.]

In the estimates commonly made of Oviedo there is allowed him but scant
scholarship, little power of discrimination,—as shown in his giving at
times as much weight to hearsay evidence as to established testimony,—a
curious and shrewd insight, which sometimes, with his industry, leads
him to a better balance of authorities than might be expected from
his deficient judgment. His resources of material were uncommon; but
his use of them is generally tedious, with a tendency to wander from
his theme. Ternaux sees in him the prejudices of his times,—and these
were not certainly very friendly to the natives. Las Casas could no
more endure him than he could bear with the average _conquistador_.
The bishop charges the historian with constantly bearing false witness
against the Indians, and with lying on every page. Oviedo died at
Valladolid in 1557. (Cf. Prescott’s _Mexico_, ii. 283; Irving’s
_Columbus_, App. xxviii.; H. H. Bancroft, _Chroniclers_, p. 20, and
_Central America_, i. 309, 463-467.)

[Illustration: ARMS OF OVIEDO.

Reduced from the cut at the end of the edition of Oviedo, 1535.]

The bibliography of Oviedo deserves to be traced. His initial
publication, _De la natural hystoria de las Indias_, was printed
at Toledo in 1526,—not in 1525, as the Real Academia says in their
reprint, nor 1528, as Ticknor gives it. It is often cited as Oviedo’s
_Sumario_, since that is the first word of the secondary title.
(Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. xiv. no. 57,987; Harrisse, _Notes on
Columbus_, p. 12; and _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 139; Ternaux, no. 35;
Rich, 1832, no. 6, £12 12_s._; Carter-Brown, i. 89.) There are also
copies in the Library of Congress and Harvard College. The Spanish
text is included in Barcia’s _Historiadores primitivos_ and in Vedia’s
_Hist. prim. de Indias_, 1858, vol. i. It is in large part translated
into English in Eden’s _Decades of the New World_, 1555 (chap. 18), and
this version is condensed in Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_, iv. 5. There is an
Italian version in Ramusio’s _Viaggi_, iii. 44.

The publication of Oviedo’s great work, which is quite different from
the 1526 book, was begun at Seville, in 1535, under the title of
_Historia general de las Indias_. In this he gave the first nineteen
books, and ten chapters of book 20. At the end is a _carta missiva_, to
which the author usually attached his own signature, and that annexed
is taken (slightly reduced) from the copy in Harvard College Library.
(Cf. Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,988; Harrisse, _Bibl. Am. Vet._, no. 207;
Murphy, nos. 1886-87; Carter-Brown, i. 114, with fac-simile of title.)
Ramusio translated these nineteen books. In 1547, what purports to
be a summary, but is in fact a version, of Xeres by Jacques Gohory,
appeared in Paris as _L’histoire de la terre neuve du Péru en l’Inde
occidentale_. (Cf. _Bib. Am. Vet._, no. 264; Ternaux, no. 52; Sabin,
vol. xiv. no. 57,994.)

In 1547 a new edition of the Spanish, somewhat increased, appeared at
Salamanca as _Coronica de las Indias; la hystoria general de las Indias
agora nueuamente impressa, corregida, y emendada_. Sometimes it is
found in the same cover with the _Peru_ of Xeres, and then the title
varies a little. The book is rare and costly. Rich, in 1832 (no. 17),
priced it at £10 10_s._; it has been sold recently at the Sunderland
sale for £61, and in the library of an old admiral (1883, no. 340)
for £40; Quaritch has priced it at £63, and Maisonneuve (Leclerc, no.
432), at 1,000 francs. There is a copy in Harvard College Library. (Cf.
Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,989; Carter-Brown, i. 145; BIBL. AM. VET., no.
278; _Additions_, no. 163; and Murphy, no. 1885.)

[Illustration]

A full French translation of ten books, made by Jean Poleur, appeared
in Paris under the title of _Histoire naturelle et généralle des
Indes_, without the translator’s name in 1555, and with it in 1556.
(Cf. Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,992-93; Ternaux, no. 47; Carter-Brown,
i. 214; Beckford, iii. 342; Murphy, no. 1884; Leclerc, no. 434, 130
francs, and no. 2,888, 350 francs; Quaritch, no. 12,313, £7 10_s._)
There is a copy in Harvard College Library.

The twentieth book, _Libro xx de la segunda parte de la general
historia de las Indias_ appeared for the first time and separately at
Valladolid in 1557; the death of the author while his book was in press
prevented the continuance of its publication. (Cf. Rich, 1832, no. 34,
£6 6_s._; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,991; Carter-Brown, i. 219.)

The fate of the remaining parts of the manuscript was for a while
uncertain. Rich, in 1832, said that books xxi. to xxviii., which were
in the printer’s hands at Oviedo’s death, were not recovered, while
he knew of manuscript copies of books xxix. to xlviii. in several
collections. Irving says he found a copy of the unprinted parts in
the Colombina Library at Seville. Harrisse _(Notes on Columbus_ and
_Bibl. Am. Vet._, no. 207) says the manuscript was scattered, but was
brought together again after some vicissitudes. Another statement
places it in the Casa de la Contratacion after Oviedo’s death; whence
it was transferred to the Convent of Monserrat. Meanwhile sundry
manuscript copies were taken. (Cf. _Notes on Columbus_, p. 17.) In
1775 the publication of it was ordered by Government; but it was not
till 1851-1855 that the Real Academia de la Historia at Madrid issued
the fifty books, complete in four volumes folio, under the editing of
José Amador de los Rios, who added to the publication several maps, a
bibliography, and the best Life of Oviedo yet written. (Cf. Sabin, vol.
xiv. no. 57,990; the set is worth about $20. See further, Brunet, iv.
299; Ternaux, no. 46; Panzer, vii. 124; Stevens, _Nuggets_, ii. 2,067.)
Ternaux had already, in 1840, published in French, as a _Histoire de
Nicaragua_ (in his second series, vol. iii.) thirteen chapters of book
xlii.

There was an Italian traveller in the Spanish provinces between 1541
and 1556 who, while he thought that Las Casas mistook his vocation in
attempting to administer a colony, bears evidence to the atrocities
which Las Casas so persistently magnified. This wanderer was a
Milanese, Girolamo Benzoni, who at the early age of twenty-two had
started on his American travels. He did not altogether succeed in
ingratiating himself with the Spaniards whom he encountered, and
perhaps his discontent colored somewhat his views. He was not much
of a scholar, yielded not a little to credulity, and picked up mere
gossip indeed, but of a kind which gives us much light as to the
conditions both of the Europeans and natives. (Cf. Field, _Indian
Bibliography_, no. 117; Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 232; Admiral
Smith’s Introduction to the Hakluyt Society edition.) After his return
he prepared and published—prefixing his own likeness, as shown here
in fac-simile—the results of his observations in his _Historia del
Mondo Nuovo_, which was issued at Venice in 1565. It became a popular
book, and spread through Europe not only in the original Italian, but
in French and Latin versions. In Spanish it never became current; for
though it so greatly concerns that people, no one of them ventured to
give it the help of a translation into their vernacular; and as be had
not said much in praise of their American career, it is not altogether
strange.

The bibliography of the book merits explanation. It is treated at
length in Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol. ii. no. 4,791, and in the _Studi
biog. e bibliog. della Società Geografica Italiana_, i. 293 (1882).
The original Italian edition, _La Historia del Mondo Nuovo, laqual
tratta dell’ Isole & Mari nuovamente ritrovati, & delle nuove Citta
da lui proprio vedute, per acqua & per terra in quattordeci anni_,
was published at Venice in 1565. There are copies in Harvard College,
Cornell University, and the Carter-Brown libraries. Cf. Rich (1832),
no. 43—£1 1_s._ 0_d._; Leclerc (1878), no. 59—120 francs; A. R. Smith
(1874), £2 2_s._ 0_d._; Brinley, no. 10; Carter-Brown, i. 253; Huth, i.
132; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 117; Sparks, no. 240; Stevens
(1870), no. 171. A second Italian edition—_Nuovamente ristampata... con
la giunta d’alcune cose notabile dell’Isole di Canaria_—was issued at
Venice in 1572. Cf. Rich (1832), no. 49, £1 1_s._ 0_d._; Carter-Brown,
i. 289; Stevens, no. 172; Muller (1877), no. 285; Sunderland, no.
1,213; H. C. Murphy, no. 2,838; Huth, i. 132; J. J. Cooke, nos. 219,
220.

The first Latin edition _Novæ Novi Orbis Historiæ_, translated by Urban
Chauveton (who added an account of the French expedition to Florida),
was published at Geneva in 1578; followed by a second in 1581; a
third in 1586, with Lery’s book on Brazil added; others in 1590 (no
place); 1598 and 1600 (Geneva); (Coloniæ Allobrogum), 1612, with three
other tracts; and at Hamburg in 1648. Besides these the Latin version
appeared in De Bry, parts iv., v., and vi., printed at Frankfort in
1592, 1593, 1594, 1595, and at Oppenheim in 1617. Cf. Carter-Brown, i.
318, 338, 365; ii. 123, 629; Stevens, _Nuggets_, 2,300; _Bibl. Hist._,
no. 173-174; Muller (1872), nos. 78, 79; (1877), 287; Sunderland, no.
1,214; Cooke, nos. 218, 222; Pinart, no. 97; Huth, i. 132; Field, p.
119. There are copies of the 1578 edition in the Boston Public and
Harvard College libraries.

The French editions were issued at Geneva in 1579 and 1589. The notes
are different from those of the Latin editions; and there are no notes
to book iii., as in the Latin. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 326; Cooke, no.
221; Court, no. 32.

There are two German versions. The first was by Nicholas Höniger, and
was printed at Basle, in 1579, as _Der Newenn Weldt_. It was reissued,
with tracts of Peter Martyr and others, in 1582. The version of Abel
Scherdigers was issued at Helmstadt in 1590, 1591, again at Frankfort
in 1595, and at Wittenberg in 1606. There were in addition some
later imprints, besides those included in De Bry and in Saeghman’s
_Voyagien_. Cf. Rich, no. 61; Carter-Brown, i. 344, 388, ii. 44, 917;
Muller (1872), nos. 80, 1880, (1877), 286.

The first Dutch edition appeared at Haarlem in 1610; there was an
abridged issue at Amsterdam in 1663. Cf. Tiele, nos. 276, 277; Muller
(1872), nos. 81, 82; Carter-Brown, ii. 97.

Purchas gave an abstract in English; but there was no complete English
version till Admiral Smith’s was published by the Hakluyt Society in
1857. This has fac-similes of the cuts of the 1572 edition; and De Bry
also followed the early cuts.

[Illustration]

In 1542 and 1543 Las Casas largely influenced the royal decrees
relating to the treatment of the Indians, which were signed by the
monarch, Nov. 20, 1542, and June 4, 1543, and printed at Alcala in
1543 as _Leyes y Ordenanças_. This book stands as the earliest printed
ordinances for the New World, and is rare. Rich in 1832 (no. 13)
priced it at £21. (Cf. _Bib. Am. Vet._, no. 247; Carter-Brown, vol. i.
no. 130; Sabin, vol. x. p. 320.) There were later editions at Madrid
in 1585,[1055] and at Valladolid in 1603. Henry Stevens, in 1878,
issued a fac-simile edition made by Harris after a vellum copy in the
Grenville Collection, accompanied by a translation, with an historical
and bibliographical introduction.

The earliest compilation of general laws for the Indies, entitled
_Provisiones, cedulas, instrucciones de su Magestad_, was printed
in Mexico in 1563. This is also very rare; Rich priced it in 1832
at £16 16_s._ It was the work of Vasco de Puga, and Helps calls it
“the earliest summary of Spanish colonial law.” The Carter-Brown copy
(_Catalogue_, i. 242) was sent to England for Mr. Helps’s use, there
being no copy in that country, so far as known.

The next collection was _Provisiones, cédulas_, etc., arranged by
Diego de Encinas, and was printed at Madrid in 1596. The work early
became scarce, and Rich priced it at £5 5_s._ in 1832 (no. 81). It is
in Harvard College and the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, vol. i.
no. 502). The bibliography of the general laws, particularly of later
collections, is sketched in Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 285, and
_Mexico_, iii. 550; and in chap. xxvii. of this same volume the reader
will find an examination of the administration and judicial system
of the Spaniards in the New World;[1056] and he must go chiefly to
Bancroft (_Central America_, i. 255, 257, 261, 285; _Mexico_, ii. 130,
516, 563, etc.) and Helps (_Spanish Conquest and Life of Las Casas_)
for aid in tracing the sources of the subject of the legal protection
sought to be afforded to the natives, and the attempted regulation of
the slavery which they endured. Helps carefully defines the meaning and
working of the _encomienda_ system, which gave in effect a property
value to the subjection of the natives to the Conquerors. Cf. _Spanish
Conquest_ (Am. ed.), iii. 113, 128, 157, 212.

CHAPTER VI.

CORTÉS AND HIS COMPANIONS.

BY JUSTIN WINSOR,

_The Editor._

GRIJALVA had returned in 1518 to Cuba from his Western
expedition,[1057] flushed with pride and expectant of reward. It was
his fate, however, to be pushed aside unceremoniously, while another
was sent to follow up his discoveries. Before Grijalva had returned,
the plan was formed; and Hernando Cortés distanced his competitors in
suing for the leadership of the new expedition. Cortés was at this time
the _alcalde_ of Santiago in Cuba, and about thirty-three years old,—a
man agile in mind, and of a frame well compacted for endurance; with a
temper to please, and also to be pleased, if you would but wait on his
wishes. He had some money, which Velasquez de Cuellar, the Governor,
needed; he knew how to decoy the intimates of the Governor, and bait
them with promises: and so the appointment of Cortés came, but not
altogether willingly, from Velasquez.

Cortés was born in Spain,[1058] of humble, respectable stock. Too
considerable animal spirits had made him an unprofitable student at
Salamanca, though he brought away a little Latin and a lean store of
other learning. A passion for the fairer sex and some military ardor,
dampened with scant income all the while, characterized the following
years; till finally, in 1504, he sailed on one of the fleets for the
New World. Here he soon showed his quality by participating in the
suppression of an Indian revolt. This got him a small official station,
and he varied the monotony of life with love intrigues and touches
of military bravado. In 1511, when Diego Columbus sent Velasquez on
an expedition to Cuba, Cortés joined it as the commander’s executive
officer. A certain adroitness turned a quarrel which he had with
Velasquez (out of which grew his marriage with a fair Catalina) to his
advantage with the Governor, who made him in the end the _alcalde_ of
Santiago,—a dignity which mining and stock-raising luckily enabled the
adventurer to support. He was in this condition when all schemes worked
happily, and Velasquez was induced to commission him commander-in-chief
of the new expedition.

[Illustration: VELASQUEZ.

Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, i. 298. It is lithographed in
Cabajal’s _México_, ii. 21.]

The Governor gave him instructions on the 23d of October, 1518.
Cortés understood, it turned out, that these were to be followed when
necessary and disregarded when desirable. There seemed, indeed, to
have been no purpose to confine the business of the expedition to
exploration, as the instructions set forth.[1059] Cortés put all his
substance into ships and outfits. He inveigled his friends into helping
him. Velasquez converted what Government resources he could to the
purpose of the expedition, while at the same time he seems to have
cunningly sold to Cortés his own merchandise at exorbitant prices.
Twenty thousand ducats apparently went into somebody’s pockets to get
the expedition well started.[1060] Three hundred men, including some
of position, joined him. The Governor’s jester, instigated, as is
supposed, by Velasquez’ relatives, threw out a hint that Cortés was
only preparing to proclaim his independence when he reached the new
domain. The thought worried the Governor, and seems in part to have
broken the spell of the admiration which he entertained for Cortés; yet
not so much so but he could turn a cold shoulder to Grijalva when he
arrived with his ships, as happened at this juncture.

Cortés could not afford to dally; and secret orders having been given
for all to be in readiness on the evening of the 17th of November,
on the next morning the fleet sailed.[1061] There were six vessels
composing it, and a seventh later joined them. At Trinidad (Cuba) his
force was largely augmented with recruits from Grijalva’s men. Here
messengers arrived from Velasquez, ordering the authorities to depose
Cortés and put another in command. Cortés had, however, too strongly
environed himself; and he simply took one of the messengers into his
service, and sent back the other with due protestations of respect.
Then he sailed to San Cristóbal (Havana), sending a force overland to
pick up horses. The flagship met a mishap on the way, but arrived at
last. Cortés landed and displayed his pomp. Letters from Velasquez
still followed him, but no one dared to arrest him. He again sailed.
His fleet had now increased to twelve vessels, the largest measuring
one hundred tons; his men were over six hundred, and among them only
thirteen bore firelocks; his artillery consisted of ten guns and four
falconets. Two hundred natives, men and women, were taken as slaves.
Sixteen horses were stowed away on or below deck.[1062] This was the
force that a few days later, at Guaguanico, Cortés passed in review,
while he regaled his men with a specious harangue, steeped in a
corsair’s piety. On the 18th of February they steered boldly away on
the mission which was to become famous.

Looking around upon his officers, Cortés could discover, later if not
then, that he had some stanch lieutenants. There was Pedro de Alvarado,
who had already shown his somewhat impetuous quality while serving
under Grijalva. There was Francisco de Montejo, a good administrator
as well as a brave soldier. Names not yet forgotten in the story of
the Conquest were those of Alonso de Avila, Cristóbal de Olid, and the
youngest of all, Gonzalo de Sandoval, who was inseparable from his
white stallion Motilla. Then there were Velasquez de Leon, Diego de
Ordaz, and others less known to fame.

The straggling vessels gathered again at Cozumel Island, near the point
of Yucatan. Cortés sent an expedition to discover and ransom some
Christians who were in the interior, as he heard. The mission failed;
but a single one of the wanderers, by some other course, found the
Spaniards, and was welcomed as an interpreter. This man reported that
he and another were the sole survivors of a ship’s company wrecked on
the coast eight years before.

[Illustration: CANNON OF CORTÉS’ TIME.

As represented in a cut by Israel van Mecken, which is here reduced
from a fac-simile in A. O. Essenwein’s _Kulturhistorischer Bilder
Atlas_, ii., _Mittelalter_ (Leipsic, 1883), pl. cxv. It will be
observed that the pieces have no trunnions, and are supported in a kind
of trough. They were breech-loaders by means of chambers, three of
which, with handles, are seen (in the cut) lying on the ground, and one
is in place, in the gun on the right. In the Naval Museum at Annapolis
there are guns captured in the Mexican war, that are supposed to be the
ones used by Cortés. A search of the records of the Ordnance Department
at Washington, instituted for me by Commodore Sicard, at the suggestion
of Prof. Charles E. Munroe of the Naval Academy, has not, however,
revealed any documentary evidence; but a paper in the _Army and Navy
Journal_, Nov. 22, 1884, p. 325, shows such guns to have been captured
by Lieutenant Wyse in the “Darien.” The guns at Annapolis are provided
with like chambers, as seen in photographs kindly sent to me. Similar
chambers are now, or were recently, used in firing salutes on the
Queen’s birthday in St. James’s Park. Cf. Stanley’s _De Gama’s Voyages_
(Hakluyt Society), p. 227.]

Early in March the fleet started to skirt the Yucatan shore, and
Cortés had his first fight with the natives at Tabasco,—a conflict
brought on for no reason but that the town would not supply provisions.
The stockade was forced, and the place formally occupied. A more signal
victory was required; and the Spaniards, getting on shore their horses
and artillery, encountered the savage hordes and dispersed them,—aided,
as the veracious story goes, by a spectral horseman who shone upon the
field. The native king only secured immunity from further assaults by
large presents. The Spaniards then re-embarked, and next cast anchor at
San Juan de Ulloa.

[Illustration: CORTÉS’ VOYAGE TO MEXICO.

This is a reproduction of the map in Arthur Helps’s _Spanish Conquest_,
ii. 236.]

Meanwhile the rumors of the descent of the Spaniards on the coast
had certainly hurried to Montezuma at his capital; and his people
doubtless rehearsed some of the many portents which are said to have
been regarded.[1063] We read also of new temples erected, and immense
sacrifices of war-captives made, to propitiate the deities and avert
the dangers which these portents and forebodings for years past had
indicated to the believing.

[Illustration: CORTÉS AND HIS ARMS.

Copied from a cut in Gabriel Lasso de la Vega’s _Cortés valeroso_,—a
poem published at Madrid in 1588. There is a copy in Harvard College
Library; cf. Carter-Brown, i. 377. The same cut is also used in the
edition published in 1594, then called _Mexicana_.]

The men of Grijalva had already some months earlier been taken to be
similar woful visitants, and one of Montezuma’s officers had visited
Grijalva’s vessel, and made report of the wonders to the Mexican
monarch. Studied offices of propitiation had been ordered, when word
came back that the ship of the bearded men had vanished.

[Illustration: GABRIEL LASSO DE LA VEGA.

Fac-simile of the portrait in _Cortés valeroso_.]

The coming of Cortés was but a dreaded return. While his ship lay at
Juan de Ulloa, two canoes came from the main, and their occupants
climbed to his deck. No one could understand them. The rescued Spaniard
who had been counted on as an interpreter was at a loss. At last a
female slave, Marina by name, taken at Tabasco, solved the difficulty.
She could understand this same Spaniard, and knew also Aztec.[1064]
Through this double interpretation Cortés now learned that the mission
of his visitors was one of welcome and inquiry. After the usual
interchange of gifts, Cortés sent word to the cacique that he would
soon confer with him. He then landed a force, established a camp,
and began to barter with the natives. To a chief, who soon arrived,
Cortés announced his intention to seek the presence of Montezuma and
to deliver the gifts and messages with which he was charged as the
ambassador of his sovereign. Accordingly, bearing such presents as
Cortés cared to send forward, native messengers were sent to Montezuma
to tell tales of the sights they had seen,—the prancing horses and the
belching cannon. The Mexican king sought to appease the eagerness of
the new-comers by returning large stores of fabrics and gold, wishing
them to be satisfied and to depart. The gold was not a happy gift to
produce such an end.

Meanwhile Cortés, by his craft, quieted a rising faction of the party
of Velasquez which demanded to be led back to Cuba. He did this by
seeming to acquiesce in the demand of his followers in laying the
foundations of a town and constituting its people a municipality
competent to choose a representative of the royal authority. This done,
Cortés resigned his commission from Velasquez, and was at once invested
with supreme power by the new municipality. The scheme which Velasquez
had suspected was thus brought to fruition. Whoever resisted the new
captain was conquered by force, persuasion, tact, or magnetism; and
Cortés became as popular as he was irresistible.

At this point messengers presented themselves from tribes not far
off who were unwilling subjects of the Aztec power. The presence of
possible allies was a propitious circumstance, and Cortés proceeded to
cultivate the friendship of these tribes. He moved his camp day by day
along the shore, inuring his men to marches, while the fleet sailed in
company. They reached a large city, and were regaled. Each chief told
of the tyranny of Montezuma, and the eyes of Cortés glistened. The
Spaniards went on to another town, slaves being provided to bear their
burdens. Here they found tax-gatherers of Montezuma collecting tribute.
Emboldened by Cortés’ glance, his hosts seized the Aztec emissaries and
delivered them to the Spaniards. Cortés now played a double game. He
propitiated the servants of Montezuma by secretly releasing them, and
added to his allies by enjoining every tribe he could reach to resist
the Aztec collectors of tribute.

The wandering municipality, as represented in this piratical army, at
last stopped at a harbor where a town (La Villa Rica de Vera Cruz)
sprang up, and became the base of future operations.[1065]

Montezuma and his advisers, angered by the reports of the revolt of
his subjects, had organized a force to proceed against them, when the
tax-gatherers whom Cortés had released arrived and told the story of
Cortés’ gentleness and sympathy. It was enough; the rebellion needed
no such active encounter. The troops were not sent, and messengers
were despatched to Cortés, assuring the Spanish leader that Montezuma
forbore to chastise the entertainers of the white strangers. Cortés
now produced other of the tax-gatherers whom he had been holding, and
they and the new embassy went back to Montezuma more impressed than
before; while the neighboring people wondered at the deference paid
by Montezuma’s lieutenants to the Spaniards. It was no small gain for
Cortés to have instigated the equal wonder of two mutually inimical
factions.

[Illustration: CORTÉS.

After a picture on panel in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s
gallery. It is described in the _Catalogue of the Cabinet_ of that
Society as “Restored by Henry Sargent about 1831, and again by George
Howorth about 1855.” Cf. _Proceedings_, i. 446, where it is said to
have been given by the family of the late Dr. Foster, of Brighton, who
received it by inheritance from a Huguenot family who brought it to New
England after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.]

The Spanish leader took occasion to increase his prestige by
despatching expeditions hither and thither. Then he learned of efforts
made by Velasquez to supplant him. To confirm his rule against the
Cuban Governor he needed the royal sanction; and the best way to get
that was to despatch a vessel with messages to the Emperor, and give
him earnest of what he might yet expect in piles of gold thrown at his
feet. So the flagship sailed for Spain; and in her in command and to
conduct his suit before the throne, Cortés sent faithful servitors,
such as had influence at court, to outwit the emissaries of Velasquez.
Sailing in July, touching at Cuba long enough to raise the anger of
Velasquez, but not long enough for him to catch them, these followers
of Cortés reached Spain in October, and found the agents of Velasquez
ready for them. Their vessel was seized, and the royal ear was held
by Bishop Fonseca and other friends of the Cuban Governor; yet not so
effectually but that the duplicate letters of Cortés’ messengers were
put into the Emperor’s hand, and the train of natives paraded before
him.

[Illustration: THE MARCH OF CORTÉS ON MEXICO.

A reproduction of the map in Ruge’s _Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p.
363. Similar maps are given by Prescott, Helps, and Bancroft. Cabajal
(_México_, ii. 200) gives a map of the route followed from the Gulf,
with a profile of the country traversed. Bancroft (_Mexico_, vol. ii.)
gives a map of New Spain as known to the Conquerors. Early maps of Nova
Hispania, or New Spain, are not infrequent. Cf. Blaeu’s _Atlas_, De
Bry, several issued by Vander Aa, of Amsterdam, the Brussels edition
(1704) of Solis, Lorenzana’s _Cortés_ (1770), and various others.]

Now came the famous resolve of Cortés. He would band his heterogeneous
folk together—adherents of Cortés and of Velasquez—in one common cause
and danger. So he adroitly led them to be partners in the deed which he
stealthily planned.[1066] Hulk after hulk of the apparently worm-eaten
vessels of the fleet sank in the harbor, until there was no flotilla
left upon which any could desert him. The march to Mexico was now
assured. The force with which to accomplish this consisted of about
four hundred and fifty Spaniards, six or seven light guns, fifteen
horses, and a swarm of Indian slaves and attendants. A body of the
Totonacs accompanied them.[1067] Two or three days brought them into
the higher plain and its enlivening vegetation. When they reached the
dependencies of Montezuma, they found orders had been given to extend
to them every courtesy. They soon reached the Anahuac plateau, which
reminded them not a little of Spain itself. They passed from cacique to
cacique, some of whom groaned under the yoke of the Aztec; but not one
dared do more than orders from Montezuma dictated. Then the invaders
approached the territory of an independent people, those of Tlascala,
who had walled their country against neighboring enemies. A fight took
place at the frontiers, in which the Spaniards lost two horses. They
forced passes against great odds, but again lost a horse or two,—which
was a perceptible diminution of their power to terrify. The accounts
speak of immense hordes of the Tlascalans, which historians now take
with allowances, great or small. Cortés spread what alarm he could
by burning villages and capturing the country people. His greatest
obstacle soon appeared in the compacted army of Tlascalans arrayed in
his front. The conflict which ensued was for a while doubtful. Every
horse was hurt, and sixty Spaniards were wounded; but the result was
the retreat of the Tlascalans. Divining that the Spanish power was
derived from the sun, the enemy planned a night attack; but Cortés
suspected it, and assaulted them in their own ambush.

Cortés now had an opportunity to display his double-facedness and his
wiles. He received embassies both from Montezuma and from the senate of
the Tlascalans. He cajoled each, and played off his friendship for the
one in cementing an alliance with the other. But to Tlascala and Mexico
he would go, so he told them.

[Illustration: CORTÉS.[1068]]

The Tlascalans were not averse, for they thought it boded no good to
the Aztecs if he could be bound to themselves. Montezuma dreaded the
contact, and tried to intimidate the strangers by tales of the horrible
difficulties of the journey.

[Illustration: MONTEZUMA.

This cut of the “Rex ultimus Mexicanorum” is a fac-simile from Montanus
and Ogilby, p. 253. The source of the likeness is not apparent, and
the picture seems questionable. Prescott, in his second volume, gives
a likeness, which belonged to the descendants of the Aztec king, the
Counts of Miravalle. It is claimed to have been painted by an artist,
Maldonado, who accompanied Cortés; but, on the other hand, some have
represented it as an ideal portrait painted after the Conquest.
Prescott (vol. ii. p. 72) makes up his description of Montezuma
from various early authorities,—Diaz, Zuazo (MS.), Ixtlilxochitl,
Gomara, Oviedo, Acosta, Sahagun, Toribio, etc., particularizing the
references. H. H. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 285) also depicts him from
the early sources. He is made of an age from forty to fifty-four
by different writers; but the younger period is thought by most to
be nearest. Bancroft refers to the prints in Th. Armin’s _Das alte
Mexico_ (Leipsic, 1865) as representing a coarse Aztec warrior,
and the native picture in Carbajal Espinosa’s _Historia de México_
(Mexico, 1862) as purely conventional. The same writer thinks the
colored portrait, “peint par ordre de Cortes,” in Linati’s _Costûmes
et mœurs de Mexique_ (Brussels) conforms to the descriptions; while
that in Clavigero’s _Storia antica del Messico_ (1780) is too small
to be satisfactory. The line of Montezuma’s descendants is traced in
Prescott, _Mexico_, ii. 339, iii. 446, and in Bancroft, _Mexico_, i.
459. Cf. also the portrait of Montezuma, “d’après Sandoval,” given in
Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 393, and that in Cumplido’s Mexican edition
of Prescott’s _Mexico_ vol. iii.]

Presently the army took up its march for Tlascala, where they were
royally received, and wives in abundance were bestowed upon the
leaders. Next they passed to Cholula, which was subject to the Aztecs;
and here the Spaniards were received with as much welcome as could be
expected to be bestowed on strangers with the hostile Tlascalans in
their train. The scant welcome covered treachery, and Cortés met it
boldly. Murder and plunder impressed the Cholulans with his power, and
gave some sweet revenge to his allies. Through the wiles of Cortés a
seeming reconciliation at last was effected between these neighboring
enemies. But the massacre of Cholula was not a pastime, the treachery
of Montezuma not forgotten; and the march was again resumed, about six
thousand native allies of one tribe and another following the army. The
passage of a defile brought the broad Valley of Mexico into view; and
Montezuma, awed by the coming host, sent a courtier to personate him
and to prevail upon Cortés to avoid the city. The trick and the plea
were futile. On to one of the aquatic cities of the Mexican lakes the
Spaniards went, and were received in great state by a vassal lord of
Montezuma, who now invited the Spanish leader to the Aztec city. On
they went. Town after town received them; and finally, just without his
city, Montezuma, in all his finery and pomp, met the Spanish visitors,
bade them welcome, and committed them to an escort which he had
provided. It was the 8th of November, 1519. Later in his own palace,
in the quarters which had been assigned to Cortés, and on several
occasions, the two indulged in reciprocal courtesies and watched each
other. Cortés was not without fear, and his allies warned him of Aztec
treachery. His way to check foul designs was the bold one of seizing
Montezuma and holding him as a hostage; and he did so under pretence
of honoring him. A chieftain who had attacked a party of the Spaniards
by orders of Montezuma some time before, was executed in front of
the palace. Montezuma himself was subjected for a while to chains.
Expeditions were sent out with impunity to search for gold mines;
others explored the coast for harbors. A new governor was sent back
to Villa Rica, and he sent up shipwrights; so it was not long before
Cortés commanded a flotilla on the city lakes, and the captive king was
regaled with aquatic sports.

[Illustration: MONTEZUMA.[1069]]

[Illustration: MEXICO BEFORE THE CONQUEST.

This is reduced from the cut in Henry Stevens’s _American
Bibliographer_, p. 86, which in turn is reproduced from the edition
of Cortés’ letters published at Nuremberg in 1524. Bancroft in his
_Mexico_ (vol. i. p. 280) gives a greatly reduced sketch of the same
plan, and adds to it a description and references to the various
sources of our information regarding the Aztec town; and this may
be compared with the same author’s _Native Races_, ii. 560. Helps
describes the city in his _Spanish Conquest_ (New York ed., ii. 277,
423), where he thinks that the early chroniclers failed to make clear
the full number of the causeways connecting the town with the main,
and traversing the lake. Prescott describes it in his _Mexico_ (Kirk’s
ed., ii. 101), and discredits the plan given in Bullock’s _Mexico_ as
one prepared by Montezuma for Cortés. This last plan is also given
in Carbajal’s _Historia de México_ (1862), ii. 221. The nearly equal
distance on all sides at which the shores of the lake stand from the
town is characteristic of this earliest of the plans (1524); and in
this particular it is followed in various plans and bird’s-eye views
of the town of the sixteenth century, and in some of a later date.
The Aztec town had been founded in 1325, and had been more commonly
called Tenochtitlan, which the Spaniards turned into Temixtitan and
Tenustitan, the term Mexico being properly applied to one of the
principal wards of the city. The two names were first sometimes joined,
as Temixtitlan-Mexico (1555); but in the end the more pronounceable
part survived, and the rest was lost. Cf. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 12-14,
with references. The correspondence of sites in the present city
as compared with those of the Aztec time and of the conquerors, is
examined in Alaman’s _Discertaciones sobre la historia de la república
Méjicana_ (Mexico, 1844-1849), ii. 202, 246; Carbajal Espinosa’s
_Historia de México_, ii. 226, and by Ramirez in the Mexican edition
of Prescott. Cf. Ant. du Pinet’s _Descriptions de plusieurs villes et
forteresses_, Lyon, 1564.]

Then came symptoms of conspiracy among the native nobles, with the
object of overthrowing the insolent strangers; and Cacama, a nephew
of Montezuma and a chief among them, indulged the hope of seizing the
throne itself. Montezuma protested to his people that his durance
was directed by the gods, and counselled caution. When this did not
suffice, he gave orders, at the instigation of Cortés, to seize Cacama,
who was brought to Mexico and placed in irons. The will of Cortés
effected other displacements of the rural chiefs; and the allegiance of
Montezuma to the Spanish sovereign became very soon as sure and abject
as forms could make it.

Tribute was ordered, and trains bore into the city wealth from all the
provinces,—to be the cause of heart-burnings and quarrels in the hour
of distribution. The Aztec king and the priests were compelled to order
the removal of idols from their temples, and to see the cross and altar
erected in their places.

Meanwhile the difficulties of Cortés were increasing. The desecration
of the idols had strengthened the party of revolt, and Montezuma was
powerless to quiet them. He warned the Spaniards of their danger.
Cortés, to dispel apprehension, sent men to the coast with the
ostensible purpose of building ships for departure. It was but a trick,
however, to gain time; for he was now expecting a response to his
letters sent to Spain, and he hoped for supplies and a royal commission
which might enable him to draw reinforcements from Cuba.

The renegade leader, however, had little knowledge of what was planning
at this very moment in that island. Velasquez de Cuellar, acting
under a sufficient commission, had organized an expedition to pursue
Cortés, and had given the command of it to Panfilo de Narvaez. The
friends of Cortés and those who dreaded a fratricidal war joined in
representations to the _audiencia_, which sent Lucas Vasquez de Aillon
to prevent an outbreak. The fleet under Narvaez left Cuba, Aillon on
board, with instructions to reach a peaceable agreement with Cortés;
but this failing, they were to seek other regions. In April, 1520,
after some mishaps, the fleet, which had been the largest ever seen in
those waters, anchored at San Juan de Ulloa, where they got stories of
the great success of Cortés from some deserters of one of his exploring
parties. On the other hand, these same deserters, learning from Narvaez
the strength and purpose of the new-comers,—for the restraint of Aillon
proved ineffectual,—communicated with the neighboring caciques; and
the news was not slow in travelling to Montezuma, who heard it not
long after the mock submission of Cortés and the despatching of the
ship-builders to the coast.

[Illustration.

Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, ii. 274. For appearance and
other portraits, see Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 75. One of a sinister
aspect often engraved, but which Ramirez distrusts, is given in
Cabajal’s _México_, ii. 341; in the _Proceso de residencia contra Pedro
de Alvarado_ (Mexico, 1847); and in Cumplido’s Mexican edition of
Prescott’s _Mexico_, vol. iii.]

Narvaez next tried, in vain, to swerve Velasquez de Leon from his
fidelity to Cortés,—for this officer was exploring with a party in the
neighborhood of the coast. Sandoval, in command at Villa Rica, learned
Narvaez’ purposes from spies; and when messengers came to demand the
surrender of the town, an altercation ensued, and the chief messengers
were seized and sent to Cortés. The Conqueror received them kindly,
and, overcoming their aversion, he sent them back to Narvaez with
letters and gifts calculated to conciliate. While many under Narvaez
were affected, the new leader remained stubborn, seized Aillon, who was
endeavoring to mediate, and sent him on shipboard with orders to sail
for Cuba. Thus the arrogance of Narvaez was greatly helping Cortés in
his not very welcome environment.

Cortés now boldly divided his force; and leaving Alvarado behind with
perhaps one hundred and forty men,—for the accounts differ,[1070]—and
taking half that number with him, beside native guides and carriers,
marched to confront Narvaez. Velasquez de Leon with his force
joined him on the way, and a little later Sandoval brought further
reinforcements; so that Cortés had now a detachment of nearly three
hundred men. Cortés had prudently furnished them long native lances,
with which to meet Narvaez’ cavalry, for his own horsemen were very
few. Adroitness on the part of Cortés and a show of gold had their
effect upon messengers who, with one demand and another, were sent
to him by Narvaez. Velasquez was sent by Cortés to the enemy’s camp;
but the chief gain to Cortés from this manœuvre was a more intimate
knowledge of the army and purpose of Narvaez. He then resolved to
attack the intruder,—who, however, became aware of the intention of
Cortés, but, under the stress of a storm, unaccountably relaxed his
precautions. Cortés took advantage of this carelessness; and attacking
boldly by night, carried everything before him, and captured the rival
leader. The loss was but small to either side. The followers of the
invader now became adherents of Cortés, and were a powerful aid in his
future movements.[1071] The same good fortune had given him possession
of the invader’s fleet.

[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF PEDRO DE ALVARADO.

Copied from a fac-simile in Cabajal’s _México_, ii. 686.]

Meanwhile there were stirring times with Alvarado in Mexico. The Aztecs
prepared to celebrate a high religious festival. Alvarado learned, or
pretended to learn, that the disaffected native chiefs were planning to
rise upon the Spaniards at its close. So he anticipated their scheme by
attacking them while at their worship and unarmed. Six hundred or more
of the leading men were thus slain. The multitude without the temple
were infuriated, and the Spaniards regained their quarters, not without
difficulty, Alvarado himself being wounded. Behind their defences they
managed to resist attack till succor came.

Cortés, who had learned of the events, was advancing, attaching to
himself the peoples who were inimical to the Aztecs; but as he got
within the Aztec influence he found more sullenness than favor. When he
entered Mexico he was not resisted. The city seemed almost abandoned as
his force made their way to the Spanish fort and entered its gates.

As a means of getting supplies, Cortés ordered the release of a brother
of Montezuma, who at once used his liberty to plan an insurrection. An
attack on the Spanish quarters followed, which Cortés sought to repel
by sorties; but they gained little. The siege was so roughly pressed
that Cortés urged Montezuma to present himself on the parapet and check
the fierceness of the assault. The captive put on his robes of state
and addressed the multitude; but he only became the target of their
missiles, and was struck down by a stone.[1072] The condition of the
Spaniards soon became perilous in the extreme. A parley with the chief
of the Aztecs was of no avail; and Cortés resolved to cut his way along
the shortest causeway from the city, to the mainland bordering the
lake. In this he failed. Meanwhile a part of his force were endeavoring
to secure the summit of a neighboring pyramid, from which the Mexicans
had annoyed the garrison of the fort. Cortés joined in this attack, and
it was successful. The defenders of the temples on its summit were all
killed or hurled from the height, and Cortés was master of the spot.

Events followed quickly in this June of 1520. There was evidently a
strong will in command of the Mexicans. The brother of Montezuma was
a doughtier foe than the King had been. The temporary success on the
pyramid had not diminished the anxiety of Cortés. Montezuma was now
dying on his hands. The King had not recovered from the injuries which
his own people had inflicted, and sinking spirits completed the work
of the mob. On the 30th of June he died, at the age of forty-one,
having been on the throne since 1503.[1073] Cortés had hoped for some
turn of fortune from this event; but none came. He was more than ever
convinced of the necessity of evacuating the city. Another sortie had
failed as before; and the passage of the causeway was again planned
for the evening of that day.[1074] The order of march, as arranged,
included the whole Spanish force and about six thousand allies.
Pontoons of a rough description were contrived for bridging the chasms
in the causeway. As many jewels and gold as would not encumber them
were taken, together with such prisoners of distinction as remained to
them, besides the sick and wounded.

[Illustration: HELPS’S MAP.

This is the map given by Helps in his _Spanish Conquest_. One of the
differences in the variety of maps which have been offered of the
Valley of Mexico, to illustrate the conquest by Cortés, consists in the
number and direction of the causeways. The description and the remains
of the structures themselves have not sufficed to make investigators
of one mind respecting them. Prescott (Kirk’s ed., vol. ii.) does not
represent so many causeways as Helps does. The map in Bancroft (vol. i.
p. 583) is still different in this respect. There is also a plan of the
city and surrounding country in Cabajal’s _México_ (vol. ii. p. 538);
and two others have been elsewhere given in the present volume (pp.
364, 379).]

A drizzling rain favored their retreat; but the Mexicans were finally
aroused, and attacked their rear. A hundred or more Spaniards were
cut off, and retreated to the fort, where they surrendered a few
days later, and were sacrificed. The rest, after losses and much
tribulation, reached the mainland. Nothing but the failure of the
Mexicans to pursue the Spaniards, weakened as they were, saved Cortés
from annihilation. The Aztecs were too busy with their successes; for
forty Spaniards, not to speak of numerous allies, had been taken, and
were to be immolated; and rites were to be performed over their own
dead.

Cortés the next morning was marshalling the sorry crowd which was left
of his army, when a new attack was threatened. His twelve hundred and
fifty Spaniards and six thousand allies had been reduced respectively
to five hundred and two thousand;[1075] and he was glad to make a
temple, which was hard by, a place of refuge and defence. Here he had
an opportunity to count his losses. His cannon and prisoners were
all gone. Some of his bravest officers did not respond to his call.
He could count but twenty-four of his three or four score of horses.
After dark he resumed his march. His pursuers still worried him, and
hunger weakened his men. He lost several horses at one point, and
was himself badly wounded. Reaching a plain on the 7th of July, the
Spaniards confronted a large force drawn up against them. Cortés had
but seven muskets left, and no powder; so he trusted to pike and sabre.
With these he rushed upon them; but the swarm of the enemy was too
great. At last, however, making a dash with some horsemen at the native
commander, who was recognized by his state and banner, the Mexican was
hurled prostrate and killed, and the trophy captured. The spell was
broken, and the little band of Spaniards and their allies hounded the
craven enemy in every direction. This victory at Otumba (Otompan) was
complete and astounding.

[Illustration: TREE OF TRISTE NOCHE.

This cut is borrowed from _Harper’s Magazine_, January, 1874, p. 172,
and represents the remains of the tree under which Cortés and his
followers gathered after that eventful night. There is another view of
this tree in _Tour du monde_, 1862, p. 277.]

The march was resumed; and not till within the Tlascalan borders
was there any respite and rest. In the capital of his allies Cortés
breathed freer. He learned, however, of misfortunes to detached parties
of Spaniards which had been sent out from Villa Rica. He soon got some
small supplies of ammunition and men from that seaport. Amid all this,
Cortés himself succumbed to a fever from his wounds, and barely escaped
death.

Meantime Cuitlahuatzin, the successful brother of Montezuma, had
been crowned in Mexico, where a military rule (improved by what the
Spaniards had taught them) was established. The new monarch sent
ambassadors to try to win the Tlascalans from their fidelity to Cortés;
but the scheme failed, and Cortés got renewed strength in the fast
purpose of his allies. His prompt and defiant ambition again overcame
the discontents among his own men, and induced him to take the field
once more against the Tepeacans, enemies of the Tlascalans, who lived
near by. It took about a month to subdue the whole province. Other
strongholds of Aztec influence fell one by one. The prestige of the
Spanish arms was rapidly re-established, and the Aztec forces went
down before them here and there in detachments. New arrivals on the
coast pronounced for Cortés, and two hundred men and twenty horses soon
joined his army. The small-pox, which the Spaniards had introduced,
speedily worked more disaster than the Spaniards, as it spread through
the country; and among the victims of it was the new monarch of the
Aztecs, leaving the throne open to the succession of Quauhtemotzin, a
nephew and son-in-law of Montezuma.

[Illustration: CHARLES V.

Fac-simile of a woodcut of Charles V. in _Pauli Jovii elogia virorum
bellica virtute illustrium_, Basle, 1575, p. 365, and 1596, p. 240.]

On the 30th of October, 1520, Cortés addressed his second letter to the
Emperor Charles V. He and his adherents craved confirmation for his
acts, and reinforcements. Other letters were despatched to Hispaniola
and Jamaica for recruits and supplies. Some misfortunes prevented the
prompt sailing of the vessel for Spain, and Cortés was enabled to join
a supplemental letter to the Emperor. The vessels also carried away
some of the disaffected, whom Cortés was not sorry to lose, now that
others had joined him.

[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF CHARLES V.]

Meanwhile Cortés had established among the Tepeacans a post of
observation named Segura; and from this centre Sandoval made a
successful incursion among the Aztec dependencies. Cortés himself was
again at Tlascala, settling the succession of its government; for
the small-pox had carried off Maxixcatzin, the firm friend of the
Spaniards. Here Cortés set carpenters to work constructing brigantines,
which he intended to carry to Tezcuco, on the Lake of Mexico, where it
was now his purpose to establish the base of future operations against
the Aztec capital. The opportune arrival of a ship at Villa Rica with
supplies and materials of war was very helpful to him.

Cortés first animated all by a review of his forces, and then went
forward with the advance toward Tezcuco. He encountered little
opposition, and entered the town to find the inhabitants divided in
their fears and sympathies. Many had fled toward Mexico, including the
ruler who had supplanted the one given them by Cortés and Montezuma.
Under the instigation of Cortés a new one was chosen whom he could
trust.

[Illustration: CHARLES V.

Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, iii. 84. Cf. the full-length
likeness given in Cumplido’s Mexican edition of Prescott’s _Mexico_,
vol. iii., and various other portraits of the Emperor.]

Cortés began his approach to Mexico by attacking and capturing, with
great loss to the inhabitants, one of the lake towns; but the enemy,
cutting a dike and flooding the place, forced the retirement of the
invaders, who fell back to Tezcuco. Enough had been accomplished
to cause many of the districts dependent on the Aztecs to send in
embassies of submission; and Cortés found that he was daily gaining
ground. Sandoval was sent back to Tlascala to convoy the now completed
brigantines, which were borne in pieces on the shoulders of eight
thousand carriers. Pending the launching of the fleet, Cortés conducted
a reconnoissance round the north end of the lakes to the scene of his
sorrowful night evacuation, hoping for an interview with an Aztec chief.

[Illustration: TOPOGRAPHY OF THE MEXICAN VALLEY.

This is the map given in Wilson’s _New Conquest of Mexico_, p. 390, in
which he makes the present topography represent that of Cortés’ time,
in opposition to the usual view that at the period of the Conquest the
waters of the lake covered the parts here represented as marsh. The
waters of Tezcuco are at present seven or eight feet (Prescott says
four feet) below the level of the city, and Wilson contends that they
did not in Cortés’ time much exceed in extent their present limits;
and it is one of his arguments against Cortés’ representations of deep
water about the causeways that such a level of the lake would have put
the town of Tezcuco six or seven feet under water. Wilson gives his
views on this point at length in his _New Conquest_, pp. 452-460. The
map will be seen also to show the line of General Scott’s approach
to the city in 1847. (Cf. Prof. Henry Coppée on the “Coincidences of
the Conquests of Mexico, 1520-1847,” in the _Journal of the Military
Service Institution_, March, 1884.) The modern city of Mexico lies
remote by several miles from the banks of the lake which represents
to-day the water commonly held to have surrounded the town in the
days of the Conquest. The question of the shrinking of the lagunes is
examined in Orozco y Berra’s _Mémoire pour la carte hydrographique
de la Vallée de Mexico_, and by Jourdanet in his _Influence de la
pression de l’air sur la vie de l’homme_, p. 486. A colored map
prepared for this latter book was also introduced by Jourdanet in his
edition of _Sahagun_ (1880), where (p. xxviii) he again examines the
question. From that map the one here presented was taken, and the marsh
surrounding “Lac de Texcoco” marks the supposed limits of the lake in
Montezuma’s time. Jourdanet’s map is called, “Carte hydrographique de
la Vallée de Mexico d’après les travaux de la Commission de la Vallée
en 1862, avec addition des anciennes limites du Lac de Texcoco.”

Humboldt in his _Essai politique sur la Nouvelle Espagne_, while
studying this problem of the original bounds of the water, gives a
map defining them as traced in 1804-1807; and this is reproduced in
John Black’s translation of Humboldt’s _Personal Essay on the Kingdom
of New Spain_, third edition, London, 1822. Humboldt gives accounts
of earlier attempts to map the valley with something like accuracy,
as was the case with the Lopez map of 1785. Siguenza’s map of the
sixteenth century, though false, has successively supplied, through the
publication of it which Alzate made in 1786, the geographical data of
many more modern maps. Cf. the map in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s
_Mexico_ (1846), vol. iii., and the enumeration of maps of the valley
given in Orozco y Berra’s _Cartografia Mexicana_, pp. 315-316.

A map of Mexico and the lake also appeared in _Le petit atlas maritime_
(Paris, 1764); and this is given in fac-simile in the _Proceedings of
the American Philosophical Society_, xxi. 616, in connection with a
translation of the _Codex Ramirez_ by Henry Phillips, Jr.

There is reason to believe that the decrease in the waters had begun to
be perceptible in the time of Cortés; and Humboldt traces the present
subsidence to the destruction of neighboring forests. Bernal Diaz makes
record of the changes observable within his recollection, and he wrote
his account fifty years after the Conquest.

The geographers of the eighteenth century often made the waters of the
valley flow into the Pacific. The map in the 1704 edition of Solis
shows this; so do the maps of Bower and other English cartographers, as
well as the map from Herrera on a later page (p. 392).

The inundations to which the city has been subjected (the most serious
of which was in 1629), and the works planned for its protection
from such devastations are the subject of a rare book by Cepeda and
Carillo, _Relacion universal del sitio en que esta fundada la ciudad de
México_ (Mexico, 1637). Copies are found complete and incomplete. Cf.
Carter-Brown, ii. 441; Leclerc, no. 1,095, complete, 400 francs, and
no. 1,096, incomplete, 200 francs; Quaritch, incomplete, £10.]

In this, however, he failed, and returned to Tezcuco. Then followed
some successful fighting on the line of communication with the coast,
which enabled Cortés to bring up safely some important munitions,
besides two hundred soldiers, who had lately reached Villa Rica from
the islands whither he had sent for help the previous autumn.

[Illustration]

The Spanish leader now conducted another reconnoissance into the
southern borders of the Mexican Valley,—a movement which overcame much
opposition,—and selected Coyohuacan as a base of operations on that
side against the Aztec city. After this he returned to Tezcuco, and was
put to the necessity of quelling an insurrection, in which his own
death had been planned.

At last the brigantines were launched. At the command of Cortés the
allies mustered. On the 28th of April, 1521, the Spanish general
counted his own countrymen, and found he had over nine hundred in all,
including eighty-seven horsemen. He had three heavy guns, and fifteen
smaller ones, which were mostly in the fleet. Cortés kept immediate
charge of the brigantines, and allotted the main divisions of the army
to Alvarado, Olid, and Sandoval. The land forces proceeded to occupy
the approaches which the reconnoissances had indicated,—Alvarado at
Tlacopan, Olid at Coyohuacan, on the westerly shores of the lake, and,
later, Sandoval at Iztapalapan, on the eastern side. Each of these
places commanded the entrance to causeways leading to the city. The
land forces were no sooner in position than Cortés appeared with his
fleet. The Aztecs attacked the brigantines with several hundred canoes;
but Cortés easily overcame all, and established his naval supremacy.
He then turned to assist Olid and Alvarado, who were advancing along
their respective causeways; and the stronghold, Xoloc, at the junction
of the causeway, was easily carried. Here the besiegers maintained
themselves with an occasional fight, while Sandoval was sent to occupy
Tepeyacac, which commanded the outer end of the northern causeway.
This completed the investment. A simultaneous attack was now made from
the three camps. The force from Xoloc alone succeeded in entering the
city; but the advantage gained was lost, and Cortés, who was with this
column, drew his forces back to camp. His success, however, was enough
to impress the surrounding people, who were watching the signs; and
various messengers came and offered the submission of their people
to the Spaniards. The attacks were renewed on subsequent days; and
little by little the torch was applied, and the habitable part of the
town grew less and less. The lake towns as they submitted furnished
flotillas, which aided the brigantines much in their incursions into
the canals of the town. For a while the Mexicans maintained night
communication across the lake for supplies; but the brigantines at last
stopped this precarious traffic.

Alvarado on his side had made little progress; but the market of
Tlatelulco was nearer him, and that was a point within the city which
it was desirable to reach and fortify. Sandoval was joined to Alvarado,
who increased the vigor of his assault, while Cortés again attacked
on the other side. The movement failed, and the Mexicans were greatly
encouraged. The Spaniards, from their camps, saw by the blaze of the
illuminations on the temple tops the sacrifice of their companions
who had been captured in the fight. The bonds that kept the native
allies in subjection were becoming, under these reverses, more sensibly
loosened day by day, and Cortés spared several detachments from his
weakened force to raid in various directions to preserve the prestige
of the Spanish power.

The attack was now resumed on a different plan. The fighting-men led
the way and kept the Mexicans at bay; while the native auxiliaries
razed every building as they went, leaving no cover for the Aztec
marauders. The demolition extended gradually to the line of Alvarado’s
approach, and communication was opened with him. This leader was now
approaching the great market-place, Tlatelulco. By renewed efforts he
gained it, only to lose it; but the next day he succeeded better, and
formed a junction with Cortés. Not more than an eighth part of the city
was now in the hands of its inhabitants; and here pestilence and famine
were the Spaniards’ prompt allies.

[Illustration: MEXICO UNDER THE CONQUERORS.

This is the engraving given in the _Nieuwe Weereld_ (1670) of Montanus,
which was repeated in Ogilby’s _America_, and is familiar from
reproductions elsewhere. It may be traced back as a sketch to the much
less elaborate one given by Bordone in his _Libro_ of 1528, later
called his _Isolario_, which was accompanied by one of the earliest
descriptions by a writer not a conqueror. Bancroft (_Mexico_, ii. 14)
gives a small outline engraving of a similar picture, and recapitulates
the authorities on the rebuilding of the city by Cortés. The Cathedral,
however, was not begun till 1573, and was over sixty years in building
(Ibid., iii. 173).

One of the most interesting of the early accounts, accompanied as it
was with a plan of the town and lake, made part of the narrative of the
“Anonymous Conqueror.” This picture has been reproduced by Icazbalceta
in his _Coleccion_ (i. 390) from the engraving in Ramusio, whence we
derive our only knowledge of this anonymous writer. The Ramusio plan is
also given on the next page.

The plate used in the 1572 edition of Porcacchi (p. 105) served for
many successive editions. Another plan of the same year showing an
oval lake surrounding the town, is found in Braun and Hogenberg’s
_Civitates orbis terrarum_ (Cologne, 1572), and of later dates, and the
French edition, _Théâtre des cités du monde_ (Brussels, 1574), i. 59. A
similar outline characterizes the small woodcut (6×6 inches) which is
found in Münster’s _Cosmographia_ (1598), p. dccccxiiii.

Later views and plans appeared in Gottfriedt’s _Newe Welt_ (1655); in
Solis’s _Conquista_ (1704), p. 261, reproduced in the English edition
of 1724; in La Croix’ _Algemeene Weereld Beschryving_ (1705); in
Herrera (edition of 1728), p. 399; in Clavigero (1780), giving the
lake and the town (copied in Verne’s _De’couverte de la Terre_, p.
248), and also a map of Anahuac, both reproduced in the London (1787)
and Philadelphia (1817) editions, as well as in the Spanish edition
published at Mexico in 1844; in Solis, edition of 1783 (Madrid), where
the lake is given an indefinite extension; in Keating’s edition of
Bernal Diaz, besides engraved plates by the Dutch publisher Vander Aa.

The account of Mexico in 1554 written by Francisco Cervantes Salazar,
and republished with annotations by Icazbalceta in 1875 (Carter-Brown,
i. 595) is helpful in this study of the ancient town. Cf. “Mexico et
ses environs en 1554,” by L. Massbieau, in the _Revue de géographie_,
October, 1878.

A descriptive book, _Sitio, naturaleza y propriedades de la ciudad de
México_, by Dr. Diego Cisneros, published at Mexico in 1618, is become
very rare. Rich in 1832 priced a copy at _£_6 6_s_.,—a great sum for
those days (Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,146; Carter-Brown, ii. 199).]

Still the Aztec King, Quauhtemotzin, scorned to yield; and the
slaughter went on from day to day, till finally, on the 13th of August,
1521, the end came. The royal Aztec was captured, trying to escape in a
boat; and there was no one left to fight. Of the thousand Spaniards who
had done the work about a tenth had succumbed; and probably something
like the same proportion among the many thousand allies. The Mexican
loss must have been far greater, perhaps several times greater.[1076]
The Spaniards were no sooner in possession than quarrels began over the
booty. Far less was found than was hoped for, and torture was applied,
with no success, to discover the hiding-places. The captive prince was
not spared this indignity. Cortés was accused of appropriating an undue
share of what was found, and hot feelings for a while prevailed.

The conquest now had to be maintained by the occupation of the country;
and the question was debated whether to build the new capital on the
ruins of Mexico, or to establish it at Tezcuco or Coyohuacan. Cortés
preferred the prestige of the traditional site, and so the new Spanish
town rose on the ruins of the Aztec capital; the Spanish quarter
being formed about the square of Tenochtitlan (known in the early
books usually as Temixtitan), which was separated by a wide canal
from the Indian settlement clustered about Tlatelulco. Two additional
causeways were constructed, and the Aztec aqueduct was restored.
Inducements were offered to neighboring tribes to settle in the city,
and districts were assigned to them. Thus were hewers of wood and
drawers of water abundantly secured. But Mexico never regained with the
natives the dominance which the Aztecs had given it. Its population was
smaller, and a similar decadence marked the fate of the other chief
towns; Spanish rule and disease checked their growth. Even Tezcuco
and Tlascala soon learned what it was to be the dependents of the
conquerors.

[Illustration]

Cortés speedily decided upon further conquests. The Aztec tribute-rolls
told him of the comparative wealth of the provinces, and the turbulent
spirits among his men were best controlled in campaigns. He needed
powder, so he sent some bold men to the crater of Popocatepetl to get
sulphur. They secured it, but did not repeat the experiment. Cortés
also needed cannon. The Aztecs had no iron, but sufficient copper;
and finding a tin mine, his craftsmen made a gun-metal, which soon
increased his artillery to a hundred pieces.

Expeditions were now despatched hither and thither, and province after
province succumbed. Other regions sent in their princes and chief men
with gifts and words of submission. The reports which came back of the
great southern sea opened new visions; and Cortés sent expeditions to
find ports and build vessels; and thus Zacalula grew up. Revolts here
and there followed the Spanish occupancy, but they were all promptly
suppressed.

While all this was going on, Cortés had to face a new enemy. Fonseca,
as patron of Velasquez, had taken occasion in the absence of the
Emperor, attending to the affairs of his German domain, to order
Cristóbal de Tapia from Hispaniola to take command in New Spain and to
investigate the doings of Cortés. He arrived in December, 1521, with a
single vessel at Villa Rica, and was guardedly received by Gonzalo de
Alvarado, there in command. Tapia now despatched a messenger to Cortés,
who replied with many blandishments, and sent Sandoval and others as a
council to confer with Tapia, taking care to have among its members a
majority of his most loyal adherents.

They met Dec. 12, 1521, and the conference lasted till Jan. 6, 1522.
It resulted in a determination to hold the orders borne by Tapia in
abeyance till the Emperor himself could be heard. Tapia protested in
vain, and was quickly hustled out of the country. He was not long
gone when new orders for him arrived,—this time under the sign-manual
of the Emperor himself. This increased the perplexity; but Cortés
won the messenger in his golden fashion. Shortly afterwards the same
messenger set off for Spain, carrying back the letters with him. These
occurrences did not escape notice throughout the country, and Cortés
was put to the necessity of extreme measures to restore his prestige;
while in his letter to the Emperor he threw the responsibility of his
action upon the council, who felt it necessary, he alleged, to take the
course they did to make good the gains which had already been effected
for the Emperor. In a spirit of conciliation, however, Cortés released
Narvaez, who had been confined at Villa Rica; and so in due time
another enemy found his way to Spain, and joined the cabal against the
Conqueror of Mexico.

[Illustration: CORTÉS.

Fac-simile of a woodcut in _Pauli Jovii elogia virorum bellica virtute
illustrium_ (Basle, 1575), p. 348, and 1596, p. 229, called a portrait
of Cortés.

The autograph follows one given by Prescott, revised ed., vol. iii.
Autographs of his proper name, and of his title, Marques del Valle,
are given in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott, vol. iii. An original
autograph was noted for sale in Stevens (_Bibliotheca geographica_, no.
760), which is given in fac-simile in some of the illustrated copies of
that catalogue. Prescott (vol. i. p. 447) mentions a banner, preserved
in Mexico, though in rags, which Cortés is said to have borne in the
Conquest. But compare Wilson’s _New Conquest_, p. 369.]

In the spring (1522) Cortés was cheered by a report from the
_Audiencia_ of Santo Domingo, confirming his acts and promising
intercession with the Emperor. To support this intercession, Cortés
despatched to Spain some friends with his third letter, dated at
Coyohuacan May 15, 1522. These agents carried also a large store of
propitiatory treasure. Two of the vessels, which held most of it, were
captured by French corsairs,[1077] and the Spanish gains enriched the
coffers of Francis I. rather than those of Charles V. The despatches
of Cortés, however, reached their destination, though Fonseca and the
friends of Velasquez had conspired to prevent their delivery, and
had even appropriated some part of the treasure which a third vessel
had securely landed. Thus there were charges and countercharges, and
Charles summoned a council to investigate. Cortés won. Velasquez,
Fonseca, and Narvaez were all humiliated in seeing their great rival
made, by royal command, governor and captain-general of New Spain.

Meanwhile Cortés, hearing of a proposed expedition under Garay to
take possession of the region north of Villa Rica, conducted a force
himself to seize, in advance, that province known as Pánuco, and to
subjugate the Huastecs who dwelt there. This was done. The plunder
proved small; but this disappointment was forgotten in the news which
now, for the first time, reached Cortés of his late success in Spain.
The whole country was jubilant over the recognition of his merit; and
opportunely came embassies from Guatemala bringing costlier tributes
than the Spaniards had ever seen before. This turned their attention to
the south. There was apprehension that the Spaniards who were already
at Panamá might sooner reach these rich regions, and might earlier find
the looked-for passage from the Gulf to the south sea. To anticipate
them, no time could be lost. So Alvarado, Olid, and Sandoval were
given commands to push explorations and conquests southward and on
either shore. Before the expeditions started, news came that Garay,
arriving from Jamaica, had landed with a force at Pánuco to seize that
region in the interests of the Velasquez faction. The mustered forces
were at once combined under Cortés’ own lead, and marched against
Garay,—Alvarado in advance. Before Cortés was ready to start, he
was relieved from the necessity of going in person by the receipt of
a royal order from Spain confirming him in the possession of Pánuco
and forbidding Garay to occupy any of Cortés’ possessions. This order
was hurriedly despatched to Alvarado; but it did not reach him till
he had made some captives of the intruders. Garay readily assented to
lead his forces farther north if restitution should be made to him
of the captives and munitions which Alvarado had taken. This was not
so easily done, for plunder in hand was doubly rich, and Garay’s own
men preferred to enlist with Cortés. To compose matters Garay went
to Mexico, where Cortés received him with ostentatious kindness, and
promised him assistance in his northern conquests. In the midst of
Cortés’ hospitality his guest sickened and died, and was buried with
pomp.

While Garay was in Mexico, his men at Pánuco, resenting the control
of Garay’s son, who had been left in charge of them, committed such
ravages on the country that the natives rose on them, and were so
rapidly annihilating them that Alvarado, who had left, was sent back
to check the outbreak. He encountered much opposition; but conquered
as usual, and punished afterward the chief ringleaders with abundant
cruelty. Such of Garay’s men as would, joined the forces of Cortés,
while the rest were sent back to Jamaica.

The thoughts of Cortés were now turned to his plan of southern
exploration, and early in December Alvarado was on his way to
Guatemala.[1078] Desperate fighting and the old success attended
Cortés’ lieutenant, and the Quiché army displayed their valor in
vain in battle after battle. It was the old story of cavalry and
arquebusiers. As Alvarado approached Utatlan, the Quiché capital, he
learned of a plot to entrap him in the city, which was to be burned
about his ears. By a counterplot he seized the Quiché nobles, and
burned them and their city. By the aid of the Cakchiquels he devastated
the surrounding country. Into the territory of this friendly people he
next marched, and was received royally by King Sinacam in his city of
Patinamit (Guatemala), and was soon engaged with him in an attack on
his neighbors, the Zutugils, who had lately abetted an insurrection
among Sinacam’s vassals. Alvarado beat them, of course, and established
a fortified post among them after they had submitted, as gracefully as
they could. With Quichés and Cakchiquels now in his train, Alvarado
still went on, burned towns and routed the country’s defenders, till,
the rainy season coming on, he withdrew his crusaders and took up his
quarters once more at Patinamit, late in July, 1524. From this place
he sent despatches to Cortés, who forwarded two hundred more Spanish
soldiers for further campaigns.

The Spanish extortions produced the usual results. The Cakchiquels
turned under the abuse, deserted their city, and prepared for a
campaign. The Spaniards found them abler foes than any yet encountered.
The Cakchiquels devastated the country on which Alvarado depended for
supplies, and the Spaniards found themselves reduced to great straits.
It was only after receiving reinforcements sent by Cortés that Alvarado
was enabled to push his conquests farther, and possess himself of the
redoubtable fortress of Mixco and successfully invade the Valley of
Zacatepec.

* * * * *

The expedition to Honduras was intrusted to Cristóbal de Olid, and
started about a month after Alvarado’s to Guatemala. Olid was given a
fleet; and a part of his instructions was to search for a passage to
the great south sea. He sailed from the port now known as Vera Cruz
on the 11th of January, 1524, and directed his course for Havana,
where he was to find munitions and horses, for the purchase of which
agents had already been sent thither by Cortés. While in Cuba the
blandishments of Velasquez had worked upon Olid’s vanity, and when he
sailed for Honduras he was harboring thoughts of defection. Not long
after he landed he openly announced them, and gained the adherence
of most of his men. Cortés, who had been warned from Cuba of Olid’s
purpose, sent some vessels after him, which were wrecked. Thus Casas,
their commander, and his men fell into Olid’s hands. After an interval,
an opportunity offering, the captive leader conspired to kill Olid.
He wounded and secured him, brought him to a form of trial, and cut
off his head. Leaving a lieutenant to conduct further progress, Casas
started to go to Mexico and make report to Cortés.

[Illustration: GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS.

Following the map given in Ruge’s, _Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p.
391. Cf. map in Fanshawe’s _Yucatan_.]

Meanwhile, with a prescience of the mischief brewing, and impelled
by his restless nature, Cortés had determined to march overland to
Honduras; and in the latter part of October, 1524, he set out. He
started with great state; but the difficulties of the way made his
train a sorry sight as they struggled through morass after morass,
stopped by river after river, which they were under the necessity
of fording or bridging. All the while their provisions grew less
and less. To add to the difficulties, some Mexican chieftains, who
had been taken along as hostages for the security of Mexico, had
conspired to kill Cortés, and then to march with their followers back
to Mexico as deliverers. The plot was discovered, and the leaders
were executed.[1079] Some of the towns passed by the army had been
deserted by their inhabitants, without leaving any provisions behind.
Guides which they secured ran away. On they went, however, hardly in
a condition to confront Olid, should he appear, and they were now
approaching his province. At last some Spaniards were met, who told
them of Casas’ success; and the hopes of Cortés rose. He found the
settlers at Nito, who had been decimated by malaria, now engaged in
constructing a vessel in which to depart. His coming cheered them; and
a ship opportunely appearing in the harbor with provisions, Cortés
purchased her and her lading. He then took steps to move the settlement
to a more salubrious spot. Using the newly acquired vessel, he explored
the neighboring waters, hoping to find the passage to the south sea;
and making some land expeditions, he captured several pueblos, and
learned, from a native of the Pacific coast whom he fell in with, that
Alvarado was conducting his campaign not far away. Finally, he passed
on to Trujillo, where he found the colony of Olid’s former adherents,
and confirmed the dispositions which Casas had made, while he sent
vessels to Cuba and Jamaica for supplies.

At this juncture Cortés got bad news from Mexico. Cabal and anti-cabal
among those left in charge of the government were having their effect.
When a report reached them of the death of Cortés and the loss of
his army, it was the signal for the bad spirits to rise, seize the
government, and apportion the estates of the absentees. The most
steadfast friend of Cortés—Zuazo—was sent off to Cuba, whence he got
the news to Cortés by letter. After some hesitation and much saying
of Masses, Cortés appointed a governor for the Honduras colony; and
sending Sandoval with his forces overland, he embarked himself to go
by sea. Various mishaps caused his ship to put back several times.
Discouraged at last, and believing there was a divine purpose in
keeping him in Honduras for further conquest, he determined to remain
a while, and sent messengers instead to Mexico. Runners were also sent
after Sandoval to bring him back.

Cortés now turned his attention to the neighboring provinces; and
one after another he brought them into subjection, or gained their
respect by interfering to protect them from other parties of marauding
Spaniards. He had already planned conquests farther south, and Sandoval
had received orders to march, when a messenger from Mexico brought the
exhortations of his friends for his return to that city. Taking a small
force with him, including Sandoval, he embarked in April, 1526. After
being tempest-tossed and driven to Cuba, he landed late in May near
Vera Cruz, and proceeded in triumph to his capital.

Cortés’ messenger from Honduras had arrived in good time, and
had animated his steadfast adherents, who succeeded very soon in
overthrowing the usurper Salazar and restoring the Cortés government.
Then followed the request for Cortés’ return, and in due time his
arrival. The natives vied with each other in the consideration which
they showed to Malinche, as Cortés was universally called by them.
Safe in their good wishes, Cortés moved by easy stages toward Mexico.
Everybody was astir with shout and banner as he entered the city
itself. He devoted himself at once to re-establishing the government
and correcting abuses.

* * * * *

Meanwhile the enemies of Cortés at Madrid had so impressed the Emperor
that he ordered a judge, Luis Ponce de Leon, to proceed to Mexico and
investigate the charges against the Governor, and to hold power during
the suspension of Cortés’ commission. Cortés received him loyally, and
the transfer of authority was duly made,—Cortés still retaining the
position of captain-general. Before any charges against Cortés could
be heard, Ponce sickened and died, July 20, 1526; and his authority
descended to Marcos de Aguilar, whom he had named as successor. He
too died in a short time; and Cortés had to resist the appeals of
his friends, who wished him to reassume the governorship and quiet
the commotions which these sudden changes were producing. Meanwhile
the enemies of Cortés were actively intriguing in Spain, and Estrada
received a royal decree to assume alone the government, which with two
others he had been exercising since the death of Aguilar. The patience
of Cortés and his adherents was again put to a test when the new ruler
directed the exile of Cortés from the city. Estrada soon saw his
mistake, and made advances for a reconciliation, which Cortés accepted.

But new developments were taking place on the coast. The Emperor had
taken Pánuco out of Cortés’ jurisdiction by appointing Nuño de Guzman
to govern it, with orders to support Ponce if Cortés should resist that
royal agent. Guzman did not arrive on the coast till May 20, 1527,
when he soon, by his acts, indicated his adherence to the Velasquez
party, and a disposition to encroach upon the bounds of New Spain. He
was forced to deal with Cortés as captain-general; and letters far
from conciliatory in character passed from Guzman to the authorities
in Mexico. Estrada had found it necessary to ask Cortés to conduct a
campaign against his ambitious neighbor; but Cortés felt that he could
do more for himself and New Spain in the Old, and so prepared to leave
the country and escape from the urgency of those of his partisans who
were constantly trying to embroil him with Estrada. A letter from the
new President of the Council of the Indies urging his coming, helped
much to the determination. He collected what he could of treasure,
fabric, and implement to show the richness of the country. A great
variety of animals, representatives of the various subjugated peoples,
and a showy train of dependents, among them such conspicuous characters
as Sandoval and Tapia, with native princes and chieftains, accompanied
him on board the vessels.

* * * * *

[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF SANDOVAL.

After a fac-simile in Cabajal, _México_, ii. 686.]

Cortés, meanwhile, was ignorant of what further mischief his enemies
had done in Spain. The Emperor had appointed a commission (_audiencia_)
to examine the affairs of New Spain, and had placed Guzman at the
head. It had full power to assume the government and regulate the
administration. In December, 1528, and January, 1529, all the members
assembled at Mexico. The jealous and grasping quality of their rule
was soon apparent. The absence of Cortés in Spain threatened the
continuance of their power; for reports had reached Mexico of the
enthusiasm which attended his arrival in Spain. They accordingly
despatched messengers to the Spanish court renewing the charges against
Cortés, and setting forth the danger of his return to Mexico. Alvarado
and other friends of Cortés protested in vain, and had to look on and
see, under one pretext or another, all sorts of taxes and burdens laid
upon the estates of the absent hero. He was also indicted in legal form
for every vice and crime that any one might choose to charge him with;
and the indictments stood against him for many years.

Guzman was soon aware of the smouldering hatred which the rule of
himself and his associate had created; and he must have had suspicions
of the representations of his rapacity and cruelty which were reaching
Madrid from his opponents. To cover all iniquities with the splendor
of conquest, he gathered a formidable army and marched to invade the
province of Jalisco.

[Illustration: SANDOVAL.

Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, ii. 32. It is dressed up in
Cabajal’s _México_, ii. 254.]

Cortés, with his following, had landed at Palos late in 1528, and
was under the necessity, a few days later, of laying the body of
Sandoval—worn out with the Honduras campaign—in the vaults of La
Rabida. It was a sad duty for Cortés, burdened with the grief that
his young lieutenant could not share with him the honors now in store,
as he made his progress to Toledo, where the Court then was. He was
received with unaccustomed honor and royal condescensions,—only the
prelude to substantial grants of territory in New Spain, which he was
asked to particularize and describe. He was furthermore honored with
the station and title of Marqués del Valle de Oajaca. He was confirmed
as captain-general; but his reinstatement as governor was deferred till
the reports of the new commission in New Spain should be received.
He was, however, assured of liberty to make discoveries in the south
sea, and to act as governor of all islands and parts he might discover
westward.

[Illustration: CORTÉS.

Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, ii. 1. There is also a portrait
which hangs, or did hang, in the series of Viceroys in the Museo at
Mexico. This was engraved for Don Antonio Uguina, of Madrid; and
from his engraving the picture given second by Prescott is copied.
Engravings of a picture ascribed to Titian are given in Townsend’s
translation of Solis (London, 1724) and in the Madrid edition of Solis
(1783). Cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 39, _note_. The Spanish
translation of Clavigero, published in Mexico in 1844, has a portrait;
and one “after Velasquez” is given in Laborde’s _Voyage pittoresque_,
vol. iv., and in Jules Verne’s _Découverte de la Terre_.

A small copperplate representing Cortés in armor, with an uplifted
finger and a full beard (accompanied by a brief sketch of his career)
is given in _Select Lives collected out of A. Thevet, Englished
by I. S._ (Cambridge, 1676), which is a section of a volume,
_Prosopographia_ (Cambridge, 1676), an English translation of Thevet’s
Collection of Lives. The copper may be the same used in the French
original.]

The wife of Cortés, whom he had left in Cuba, had joined him in Mexico
after the conquest, and had been received with becoming state. Her
early decease, after a loftier alliance would have become helpful to
his ambition, had naturally raised a suspicion among Cortés’ traducers
that her death had been prematurely hastened.

[Illustration: CORTÉS’ ARMOR.

Copied from an engraving (in Ruge’s _Das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_,
p. 405) of the original in the Museum at Madrid. Wilson refers to
some plate armor in the Museum at Mexico, which he, of course, thinks
apocryphal (_New Conquest_, p. 444).]

He had now honors sufficient for any match among the rank of grandees;
and a few days after he was ennobled he was married, as had been
earlier planned, to the daughter of the late Conde de Aguilar and niece
of the Duque de Béjar,—both houses of royal extraction.

Cortés now prepared to return to Mexico with his new titles. He learned
that the Emperor had appointed a new _audiencia_ to proceed thither,
and it promised him better justice than he had got from the other. The
Emperor was not, however, satisfied as yet that the presence of Cortés
in Mexico was advisable at the present juncture, and he ordered him to
stay; but the decree was too late, and Cortés, with a great retinue,
had already departed. He landed at Vera Cruz, in advance of the new
judge, July 15, 1530.

His reception was as joyous as it had been four years before; and
though an order had reached him forbidding his approach within ten
leagues of Mexico till the new _audiencia_ should arrive, the support
of his retinue compelled him to proceed to Tezcuco, where he awaited
its coming, while he was put in the interim to not a little hazard and
inconvenience by the efforts of the Guzman government to deprive him of
sustenance and limit his intercourse with the natives.

Near the end of the year the new Government arrived,—or all but its
president, Fuenleal, for he was the Bishop of Santo Domingo, whom the
others had been ordered to take on board their vessel on the way; but
stress of weather had prevented their doing this. The Bishop did not
join them till September. In Mexico they took possession of Cortés’
house, which they had been instructed to appropriate at an appraisement.

[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF FUENLEAL (_Episcopus Sancti Dominici_).]

The former Government was at once put on trial, and judgment was in
most cases rendered against them, so that their property did not
suffice to meet the fines imposed. Cortés got a due share of what they
were made to disgorge, in restitution of his own losses through them.
Innumerable reforms were instituted, and the natives received greater
protection than ever before.

Guzman, meanwhile, was on his expedition toward the Pacific coast,
conducting his rapacious and brutal conquest of Nueva Galicia. He
refused to obey the call of the new _audiencia_, while he despatched
messengers to Mexico to protect, if possible, his interests. By them
also he forwarded his own statement of his case to the Emperor. Cortés,
vexed at Guzman’s anticipation of his own intended discoveries toward
the Pacific, sent a lieutenant to confront him; but Guzman was wily
enough to circumvent the lieutenant, seized him, and packed him off to
Mexico with scorn and assurance.

[Illustration: MEXICO AND ACAPULCO.

Fac-simile of a map in Herrera, i. 408.]

It was his last hour of triumph. His force soon dwindled; his adherents
deserted him; his misdeeds had left him no friends; and he at last
deserted the remnant of his army, and starting for Pánuco, turned aside
to Mexico on the way. He found in the city a new _régime_. Antonio
de Mendoza had been sent out as viceroy, and to succeed Fuenleal at
the same time as president of the _audiencia_. He had arrived at Vera
Cruz in October, 1535. His rule was temperate and cautious. Negroes,
who had been imported into the country in large numbers as slaves,
plotted an insurrection: but the Viceroy suppressed it; and if there
was native complicity in the attempt, it was not proved. The Viceroy
had received from his predecessors a source of trial and confusion
in the disputed relations which existed between the civil rulers and
the Captain-General. There were endless disputes with the second
_audiencia_, and disagreements continued to exist with the Viceroy,
about the respective limits of the powers of the two as derived from
the Emperor.

Cortés had been at great expense in endeavoring to prosecute discovery
in the Pacific, and he had the vexation of seeing his efforts
continually embarrassed by the new powers. Previous to his departure
for Spain he had despatched vessels from Tehuantepec to the Moluccas
to open traffic with the Asiatic Indies; but the first _audiencia_
had prevented the despatch of a succoring expedition which Cortés had
planned. On his return to New Spain the Captain-General had begun
the construction of new vessels both at Tehuantepec and at Acapulco;
but the second _audiencia_ interfered with his employment of Indians
to carry his material to the coast. He however contrived to despatch
two vessels up the coast under Hurtado de Mendoza, which left in
May, 1532. They had reached the coast to the north, where Guzman was
marauding, who was glad of the opportunity of thwarting the purpose
of his rival. He refused the vessels the refuge of a harbor, and they
were subsequently lost. Cortés now resolved to give his personal
attention to these sea explorations, and proceeding to Tehuantepec,
he superintended the construction of two vessels, which finally left
port Oct. 29, 1533. They discovered Lower California. Afterward one
of the vessels was separated from the other, and fell in distress
into the hands of Guzman while making a harbor on the coast. The other
ship reached Tehuantepec. Cortés appealed to the _audiencia_, who
meted equal justice in ordering Guzman to surrender the vessel, and in
commanding Cortés to desist from further exploration. An appeal to the
Emperor effected little, for it seems probable that the _audiencia_
knew what support it had at court. Cortés next resolved to act on his
own responsibility and take command in person of a third expedition.

[Illustration: ACAPULCO.[1080]]

So, in the winter of 1534-1535, he sent some vessels up the coast, and
led a land force in the same direction. Guzman fled before him. Cortés
joined his fleet at the port where Guzman had seized his ship on the
earlier voyage, and embarked. Crossing to the California peninsula,
he began the settlement of a colony on its eastern shore. He left the
settlers there, and returned to Acapulco to send forward additional
supplies and recruits.

[Illustration: CORTÉS.

This follows a sketch of the picture, in the Hospital of Jesus at
Mexico, which is given in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 359. Prescott
gives an engraving after a copy then in his own possession. The picture
in the Hospital is also said to be a copy of one taken in Spain a few
years before the death of Cortés, during his last visit. The original
is not known to exist. The present descendants of the Conqueror, the
family of the Duke of Monteleone in Italy, have only a copy of the
one at Mexico. Another copy, made during General Scott’s occupation
of the city, is in the gallery of the Pennsylvania Historical Society
(_Catalogue_, no. 130). The upper part of the figure is reproduced in
Carbajal’s _Historia de México_, ii. 12; and it is also given entire in
Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s _Mexico_, vol. iii.]

At this juncture the new Viceroy had reached Mexico; and it was
not long before he began to entertain schemes of despatching
fleets of discovery, and Cortés found a new rival in his plans.
The Captain-General got the start of his rival, and sent out a new
expedition from Acapulco under Francisco de Ulloa; but the Viceroy gave
orders to prevent other vessels following, and his officers seized
one already at sea, which chanced to put into one of the upper ports.
Cortés could endure such thraldom no longer, and early in 1540 he left
again for Spain to plead his interests with the Emperor. He never saw
the land of his conquest again.

We left Guzman for a while in Mexico, where Mendoza not unkindly
received him, as one who hated Cortés as much or more than he did.
Guzman was bent on escaping, and had ordered a vessel to be ready on
the coast. He was a little too late, however. The Emperor had sent
a judge to call him to account, and Guzman suddenly found this evil
genius was in Mexico. The judge put him under arrest and marched him
to prison. A trial was begun; but it dragged along, and Guzman sent
an appeal forward to the Council for the Indies, in which he charged
Cortés with promoting his persecution. He was in the end remanded to
Spain, where he lingered out a despised life for a few years, with
a gleam of satisfaction, perhaps, in finding, some time after, that
Cortés too had found a longer stay in New Spain unprofitable.

[Illustration: CORTÉS MEDAL.

This follows the engraving in Ruge’s _Das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_
(p. 361) of a specimen in the Royal Cabinet at Berlin. The original is
of the same size.]

Cortés had reached Spain in the early part of 1540, and had been
received with honor by the Court; but when he began to press for a
judgment that might restore his losses and rehabilitate him in his
self-respect, he found nothing but refusal and procrastination. He
asked to return to Mexico, but found he could not. With a reckless aim
he joined an expedition against Algiers; but the ship on which he
embarked was wrecked, and he only saved himself by swimming, losing
the choicest of his Mexican jewels, which he carried on his person.
Then again he memorialized the Emperor for a hearing and award, but
was disregarded. Later he once more appealed, but was still unheard.
Again he asked permission to return to New Spain. This time it was
granted; but before he could make the final preparations, he sank under
his burdens, and at a village near Seville Cortés died on the 2d of
December, 1547, in his sixty-second year.[1081]

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE DOCUMENTARY SOURCES OF MEXICAN HISTORY.

MR. H. H. BANCROFT, in speaking of the facilities which writers of
Spanish American history now have in excess of those enjoyed by the
historian of thirty years ago, claims that in documentary evidence
there are twenty papers for his use in print to-day for one then.[1082]
These are found in part in the great _Coleccion_ of Pacheco and others
mentioned in the Introduction. The Mexican writer Joaquin Garcia
Icazbalceta (born 1825) made a most important contribution in the two
volumes of a _Coleccion de documentos para la historia de México_
which passes by his name and which appeared respectively in 1858 and
1866.[1083] He found in Mexico few of the papers which he printed,
obtaining them chiefly from Spain.

[Illustration: Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta]

Of great interest among those which he gives is the _Itinerario_
of Grijalva, both in the Italian and Spanish text.[1084] Of Cortés
himself there are in this publication various letters not earlier made
public. The quarrel between him and Velasquez is illustrated by other
papers. Here also we find what is mentioned elsewhere as “De rebus
gestis Cortesii” printed as a “Vida de Cortés,” and attributed to C.
Calvet de Estrella. The recital of the so-called “Anonymous Conqueror,”
held by some to be Francisco de Terrazas, is translated from Ramusio
(the original Spanish is not known), with a fac-simile of the plan of
Mexico.[1085] There is also the letter from the army of Cortés to the
Emperor; and in the second volume various other papers interesting
in connection with Cortés’ career, including the memorial of Luis de
Cárdenas, etc. Two other papers have been recognized as important. One
of these in the first volume is the _Historia de los Indios de Nueva
España_ of Fray Toribio Motolinia, accompanied by a Life of the Father
by Ramirez, with a gathering of bibliographical detail. Toribio de
Benavente—Motolinia was a name which he took from a description of him
by the natives—had come over with the Franciscans in 1523. He was a
devoted, self-sacrificing missionary; but he proved that his work did
not quiet all the passions, for he became a violent opponent of Las
Casas’ views and measures.[1086] His labors took him the length and
breadth of the land; his assiduity acquired for him a large knowledge
of the Aztec tongue and beliefs; and his work, besides describing
institutions of this people, tells of the success and methods secured
or adopted by himself and his companions in effecting their conversion
to the faith of the conquerors. Robertson used a manuscript copy of the
work, and Obadiah Rich procured a copy for Prescott, who ventured the
assertion, when he wrote, that it had so little of popular interest
that it would never probably be printed.[1087]

Bancroft[1088] calls the _Relacion_ of Andrés de Tápia one of the most
valuable documents of the early parts of the Conquest. It ends with the
capture of Narvaez; recounting the antecedent events, however, with
“uneven completeness.” It is written warmly in the interests of Cortés.
Icazbalceta got what seemed to be the original from the Library of the
Academy of History in Madrid, and printed it in his second volume (p.
554). It was not known to Prescott, who quotes it at second hand in
Gomara.[1089]

The next most important collection is that published in Mexico from
1852 to 1857,[1090] under the general title of _Documentos para la
historia de México_. This collection of four series, reckoned variously
in nineteen or twenty-one volumes, is chiefly derived from Mexican
sources, and is largely illustrative of the history of northwestern
Mexico, and in general concerns Mexican history of a period posterior
to the Conquest.

There have been two important series of documents published and in part
unearthed by José Fernando Ramirez, who became Minister of State under
Maximilian. The first of these is the testimony at the examination
of the charges which were brought against Pedro de Alvarado, and
some of those made in respect to Nuño de Guzman,—_Procesos de
residencia_,[1091] which was published in Mexico in 1847;[1092] the
other set of documents pertain to the trial of Cortés himself. Such of
these as were found in the Mexican Archives were edited by Ignacio L.
Rayon under the title of _Archivo Mexicano; Documentos para la historia
de México_, and published in the city of Mexico in 1852-1853, in two
volumes. At a later day (1867-1868) Ramirez discovered in the Spanish
Archives other considerable portions of the same trial, and these have
been printed in the _Coleccion de documentos inéditos de las Indias_,
vols. xxvi.-xxix.

The records of the municipality of Mexico date from March 8, 1524, and
chronicle for a long time the sessions as held in Cortés’ house; and
are particularly interesting, as Bancroft says,[1093] after 1524, when
we no longer have Cortés’ own letters to follow, down to 1529. Harrisse
has told us what he found in the repositories of Italy, particularly at
Venice, among the letters sent to the Senate during this period by the
Venetian ambassadors at Madrid.[1094] Three volumes have so far been
published of a _Coleccion de documentos para la historia de Costa-Rica_
at San José de Costa-Rica, under the editing of León Fernández,
which have been drawn from the Archives of the Indies and from the
repositories in Guatemala. A few letters of Alvarado and other letters
of the Conquest period are found in the _Coleccion de documentos
antiguous de Guatemala_ published at Guatemala in 1857.[1095]

No more voluminous contributor to the monographic and documentary
history of Mexico can be named than Carlos Maria de Bustamante.
There will be occasion in other connections to dwell upon particular
publications, and some others are of little interest to us at present,
referring to periods as late as the present century. Bustamante was
a Spaniard, but he threw himself with characteristic energy into a
heated advoracy of national Mexican feelings; and this warmly partisan
exhibition of himself did much toward rendering the gathering of his
scattered writings very difficult, in view of the enemies whom he made
and of their ability to suppress obnoxious publications when they
came into power. Most of these works date from 1812 to 1850, and
when collected make nearly or quite fifty volumes, though frequently
bound in fewer.[1096] The completest list, however, is probably that
included in the enumeration of authorities prefixed by Bancroft to his
_Central America_ and _Mexico_, which shows not only the printed works
of Bustamante, but also the autograph originals,—which, Bancroft says,
contain much not in the published works.[1097] Indeed, these lists
show an extremely full equipment of the manuscript documentary stores
relating to the whole period of Mexican history,[1098] including a copy
of the _Archivo general de México_, as well as much from the catalogues
of José Maria Andrade and José Fernando Ramirez, records of the early
Mexican councils, and much else of an ecclesiastical and missionary
character not yet put in print.[1099]

Of particular value for the documents which it includes is the
_Historia de la fundacion y discurso de la provincia de Santiago de
México, de la orden de predicadores, por las vidas de sus varones
insignes y casos notables de Nueva España_, published in Madrid in
1596.[1100] The author, Davilla Padilla, was born in Mexico in 1562
of good stock; he became a Dominican in 1579, and died in 1604. His
opportunities for gathering material were good, and he has amassed a
useful store of information regarding the contact of the Spanish and
the Indians, and the evidences of the national traits of the natives.
His book has another interest, in that we find in it the earliest
mention of the establishment of a press in Mexico.[1101]

One of the earliest of the modern collections of documents and early
monographs is the _Historiadores primitivos de las Indias occidentales_
of Andres Gonzales de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga (known usually
as Barcia), published at Madrid in 1749 in three volumes folio,
and enriched with the editor’s notes. The sections were published
separately; and it was not till after the editor’s death (1743) that
they were grouped and put out collectively with the above distinctive
title. In this form the collection is rare, and it has been stated
that not over one or two hundred copies were so gathered.[1102]

* * * * *

First among all documents respecting the Conquest are the letters sent
by Cortés himself to the Emperor; and of these a somewhat detailed
bibliographical account is given in the Notes following this Essay,
as well as an examination of the corrective value of certain other
contemporaneous and later writers.

[Illustration]

NOTES.

=A.= THE LETTERS OF CORTÉS.—I. _The Lost First Letter_, _July_ 10,
1519. The series of letters which Cortés sent to the Emperor is
supposed to have begun with one dated at Vera Cruz in July, 1519,
which is now lost, but which Barcia and Wilson suppose to have been
suppressed by the Council of the Indies at the request of Narvaez.
There are contemporaneous references to show that it once existed.
Cortés himself mentions it in his second letter, and Bernal Diaz
implies that it was not shown by Cortés to his companions. Gomara
mentions it, and is thought to give its purport in brief. Thinking
that Charles V. may have carried it to Germany, Robertson caused the
Vienna Archives to be searched, but without avail; though it has been
the belief that this letter existed there at one time, and another sent
with it is known to be in those Archives. Prescott caused thorough
examinations of the repositories of London, Paris, and Madrid to be
made,—equally without result.

Fortunately the same vessel took two other letters, one of which we
have. This was addressed by the _justicia y regimiento_ of La Villa
Rica de la Vera Cruz, and was dated July 10, 1519. It was discovered,
by Robertson’s agency, in the Imperial Library at Vienna. It rehearses
the discoveries of Córdoba and Grijalva, and sustains the views of
Cortés, who charged Velasquez with being incompetent and dishonest.
This letter is sometimes counted as the first of the series; for though
it was not written by Cortés, he is thought to have inspired it.[1103]

The other letter is known only through the use of it which contemporary
writers made. It was from some of the leading companions in arms of
Cortés, who, while they praised their commander, had something to say
of others not quite to the satisfaction of Cortés. The Conqueror, it
is intimated, intrigued to prevent its reaching the Emperor,—which may
account for its loss. Las Casas and Tapia both mention it.[1104]

Beside the account given in Gomara of Cortés’ early life and his doings
in the New World up to the time of his leaving Cuba in 1519, there
is a contemporary narrative, quite in Cortés’ interest, of unknown
authorship, which was found by Muñoz at Simancas.[1105] The Latin
version is called “De rebus gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii;” but it is
called “Vida de Hernan Cortés” in the Spanish rendering which is given
by Icazbalceta in his _Coleccion de documentos_, i. 309-357.[1106]

A publication of Peter Martyr at Basle in 1521 is often taken as a
substitute for the lost first epistle of Cortés. This is the _De nuper
sub D. Carolo repertis insulis ... Petri Martyris enchiridion_, which
gives a narrative of the expeditions of Grijalva and Cortés, as a sort
of supplement to what Peter Martyr had written on the affairs of the
Indies in his Three Decades. It was afterward included in his Basle
edition of 1533 and in the Paris _Extraict_ of 1532.[1107]

[Illustration]

Harrisse[1108] points out an allusion to the expedition of Cortés and a
description of those of Córdoba and Grijalva, in _Ein Auszug ettlicher
Sendbrieff ... von wegen einer new gefunden Inseln_, published at
Nuremberg in March, 1520;[1109] and Harrisse supposes the information
is derived from Peter Martyr.[1110] Bancroft[1111] points out a mere
reference in a publication of 1522,—_Translationuss hispanischer
Sprach_, etc.

II. _The Second Letter, Oct. 30, 1520._ We possess four early editions
of this,—two Spanish (1, 2) and one Latin (3), and one Italian (4).

1. The earliest Spanish edition was published at Seville Nov. 8, 1522,
as _Carta de relaciō_, having twenty-eight leaves, in gothic type.[1112]

2. The second Spanish edition, _Carta de relacion_, was printed at
Saragossa in 1524. It is in gothic letter, twenty-eight leaves, and has
a cut of Cortés before Charles V. and his Court, of which a reduced
fac-simile is herewith given.[1113]

[Illustration: CORTÉS’ GULF OF MEXICO.

This fac-simile follows the reproduction given by Stevens in his
_American Bibliographer_, p. 86, and in his _Notes_, etc., pl. iv.
Dr. Kohl published in the _Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde_, neue
Folge, vol. xv., a paper on the “Aelteste Geschichte der Entdeckung
und Erforschung des Golfs von Mexico durch die Spanier von 1492 bis
1543.” Cf. also Oscar Peschel’s _Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_ (1858),
chap. vii., and Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_,
p. 355.]

3. The first Latin edition was published in folio at Nuremberg, in
August, 1524, in roman type, with marginal notes in gothic, and was
entitled: _Præclara Ferdinādi Cortesii de noua maris Oceani Hypania
narratio_. It was the work of Pierre Savorgnanus.[1114]

[Illustration: TITLE OF THE LATIN CORTÉS, 1524.—REDUCED.]

[Illustration: ARMS, ON THE REVERSE OF TITLE, OF THE LATIN CORTÉS,
1524.]

[Illustration: CLEMENT VII.

Fac-simile of a cut in the Latin Cortés of 1524. It was this Pope who
was so delighted with the Indian jugglers sent to Rome by Cortés. The
Conqueror also made His Holiness other more substantial supplications
for his favor, which resulted in Cortés receiving plenary indulgence
for his and his companions’ sins (Prescott, iii. 299).]

4. The Italian edition, _La preclara narratione di Ferdinando Cortese
della Nuova Hispagna del Mare Oceano ... per Nicolo Liburnio con
fidelta... tradotta_, was printed at Venice in 1524. It follows the
Latin version of Savorgnanus, and includes also the third letter.

This edition has a new engraving of the map in the Nuremberg edition,
though Quaritch and others have doubted if such a map belongs to it.
Leclerc (no. 151) chronicles copies with and without the map.[1115] An
abstract of the second letter in Italian, _Noue de le Isole et Terra
Ferma nouamente trouate_, had already appeared two years earlier, in
1522, at Milan.[1116]

There were other contemporary abstracts of this letter. Sigmund Grimm,
of Augsburg, is said to be the author of one, published about 1522 or
1523, called _Ein schöne newe Zeytung, so kayserlich Mayestet auss
India yetz newlich zūckommen seind_. It is cited in Harrisse and the
_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_; and Ternaux (no. 5) is thought to err in
assigning the date of 1520 to it, as if printed in Augsburg. Of about
the same date is another described by Sabin (vol. iv. no. 16,952) as
printed at Antwerp, and called _Tressacree Imperiale et Catholique
Mageste ... eust nouvelles des marches ysles et terre ferme occeanes_.
This seems to be based, according to Brunet, _Supplément_ (vol. i. col.
320), on the first and second letters, beginning with the departure, in
1519, from Vera Cruz, and ending with the death of Montezuma.[1117]

The second letter forms part of various collected editions, as follows:—

_In Spanish._ Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 543) notes the second and third
letters as being published in the Spanish _Thesóro de virtudes_ in 1543.

Barcia’s _Historiadores primitivos_ (1749); also edited by Enrique de
Vedia, Madrid, 1852-1853.

_Historia de Nueva España, escrita por su esclarecido Conquistador
Hernan Cortés, aumentada con otros documentos y notas por Don Francisco
Antonio Lorenzana, arzobispo de México_, Mexico, 1770. This important
work, embracing the second, third, and fourth letters, has a large view
of the great temple of Mexico, a map of New Spain,[1118] and thirty-one
plates of a hieroglyphic register of the tributaries of Montezuma,—the
same later reproduced in better style by Kingsborough. Lorenzana was
born in 1722, and rising through the gradations of his Church, and
earning a good name as Bishop of Puebla, was made Archbishop of Toledo
shortly after he had published the book now under consideration.
Pius VI. made him a cardinal in 1789, and he died in Rome in 1804.
Icazbalceta was not able to ascertain whether the Bishop had before him
the original editions of the letters or Barcia’s reprint; but he added
to the value of his text by numerous annotations. In 1828 an imperfect
reprint of this book, “á la ortografía moderna,” was produced in New
York for the Mexican market, by Manuel del Mar, under the title of
_Historia de Méjico_,[1119] to which a life of Cortés, by R. C. Sands,
was added.[1120] Icazbalceta notes some of the imperfections of this
edition in his _Coleccion_, vol. i. p. xxxv.[1121]

[Illustration]

_Cartas y relaciones al Emperador Carlos V., colegidas é ilustradas
por P. de Gayangos_, Paris, 1866. Besides the Cortés letters, this
distinguished scholar included in this book various other contemporary
documents relating to the Conquest, embracing letters sent to Cortés’
lieutenants; and he also added an important introduction. He included
the fifth letter for the first time in the series, and drew upon the
archives of Vienna and Simancas with advantage.[1122]

The letters were again included in the _Biblioteca histórica de la
Iberia_ published at Mexico in 1870.

* * * * *

_In Latin._ The second and third letters, with the account of Peter
Martyr, were issued at Cologne in 1532, with the title _De insulis
nuper inventis_, etc., as shown in the annexed fac-simile of the title,
with its portrait of Charles V. and the escutcheons of Spanish towns
and provinces.[1123]

[Illustration: LORENZANA’S MAP OF NEW SPAIN.]

[Illustration]

_In French._ Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 73) notes a
French rendering of a text, seemingly made up of the first and second
letters, and probably following a Spanish original, now lost, which was
printed at Antwerp in 1523.[1124] This second letter is also epitomized
in the French _Extraict ou recueil des isles nouvellement trouvées_ of
Peter Martyr, printed at Paris in 1532, and in Bellegarde’s _Histoire
universelle des voyages_ (Amsterdam, 1708), vol. i.

The principal French translation is one based on Lorenzana, abridging
that edition somewhat, and numbering the letters erroneously first,
second, and third. It was published at Paris in 1778, 1779, etc., under
the title _Correspondance de Fernand Cortes avec l’Empereur Charles
Quint_, and was translated by the Vicomte de Flavigny.[1125] The text
of Flavigny’s second letter is included in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii.
368-420. There were also editions of Flavigny printed in Switzerland
and at Frankfort.

* * * * *

_In German._ A translation of the second and third letters, made by
Andrew Diether and Birck, was published at Augsburg in 1550 as _Cortesi
von dem Newen Hispanien_. After the second letter, which constitutes
part i., the beginning of part ii. is borrowed from Peter Martyr, which
is followed by the third letter of Cortés; and this is succeeded in
turn, on folios 51-60, by letters from Venezuela about the settlements
there (1534-1540), and one from Oviedo written at San Domingo in 1543.
There are matters which are not contained in any of the Spanish or
Latin editions.[1126]

The second, third, and fourth letters—translated by J. J. Stapfer,
who supplied a meritorious introduction and an appendix—were
printed at Heidelberg in 1779 as _Eroberung von Mexico_, and again
at Berne in 1793.[1127] Another German version, by Karl Wilhelm
Koppe,—_Drei Berichte des General-Kapitäns Cortes an Karl V._,—with an
introduction and notes, was published at Berlin in 1834. It has the
tribute-registers and map of New Spain, as in Lorenzana’s edition.[1128]

* * * * *

_In Dutch and Flemish._ Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no.
72) notes a tract of thirty leaves, in gothic letter, called _De
Contreyen vanden Eylanden_, etc., which was printed in Antwerp in 1523
(with a French counterpart at the same time), and which seems to have
been based on the first and second letters, combined in a Spanish
original not now known. There is a copy in the National Library at
Paris. There was a Dutch version, or epitome, in the Dutch edition
of Grynæus, 1563, and a Flemish version appeared in Ablyn’s _Nieuwe
Weerelt_, at Antwerp, 1563. There was another Dutch rendering in
Gottfried and Vander Aa’s _Zee-en landreizen_ (1727)[1129] and in the
_Brieven van Ferdinand Cortes_, Amsterdam, 1780.[1130]

* * * * *

_In Italian._ In the third volume of Ramusio.

* * * * *

_In English._ Alsop translated from Flavigny the second letter,
in the _Portfolio_, Philadelphia, 1817. George Folsom, in 1843,
translated from Lorenzana’s text the second, third, and fourth letters,
which he published as _Despatches written during the Conquest_,
adding an introduction and notes, which in part are borrowed from
Lorenzana.[1131] Willes in his edition of Eden, as early as 1577, had
given an abridgment in his _History of Travayle_.[1132] (See Vol. III.
p. 204.)

* * * * *

III. _The Third Letter, covering the internal, Oct. 30, 1520, to May
15, 1522._ It is called _Carta tercera de relaciō_, and was printed
(thirty leaves) at Seville in 1523.[1133]

The next year, 1524, a Latin edition (_Tertia narratio_) appeared
at Nuremberg in connection with the Latin of the second letter of
that date.[1134] This version was also made by Savorgnanus, and was
reprinted in the _Novus orbis_ of 1555.[1135]

This third letter appeared also in collective editions, as explained
under the head of the second letter. This letter was accompanied by
what is known as the “secret letter,” which was first printed in the
_Documentos inéditos_, i. 11, in Kingsborough, vol. viii., and in
Gayangos’ edition of the letters.

* * * * *

IV. _The Fourth Letter, covering the interval, May, 1522, to October,
1524._ There were two Spanish editions (_a_, _b_).

_a. La quarta relacion_ (Toledo, 1525), in gothic letter, twenty-one
leaves.[1136]

_b. La quarta relaciō_ (Valencia, 1526), in gothic type, twenty-six
leaves.[1137]

This letter was accompanied by reports to Cortés from Alvarado and
Godoy, and these are also included in Barcia, Ramusio, etc.

A secret letter (dated October 15) of Cortés to the Emperor,—_Esta es
una carta que Hernando Cortés escrivio al Emperador_,—sent with this
fourth letter, is at Simancas. It was printed by Icazbalceta in 1855
(Mexico, sixty copies),[1138] who reprinted it in his _Coleccion_,
i. 470. Gayangos, in 1866, printed it in his edition (p. 325) from a
copy which Muñoz had made. Icazbalceta again printed it sumptuously,
“en caracteres góticos del siglo XVI.,” at Mexico in 1865 (seventy
copies).[1139] This letter also appears in collections mentioned under
the second letter. It was in this letter that Cortés explained to the
Emperor his purpose of finding the supposed strait which led from the
Atlantic to the south sea.

* * * * *

V. _The fifth letter, dated Sept. 3, 1526._ It pertains to the famous
expedition to Honduras.[1140] It is called _Carta quinta de relacion_,
and was discovered through Robertson’s instrumentality, but not printed
at length till it appeared in the _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_
(_España_), iv. 8-167, with other “relaciones” on this expedition.
George Folsom reprinted it in New York in 1848 as “carta sexta ...
publicada ahora por primera vez” by mistake for “carta quinta.”[1141]
It was translated and annotated by Gayangos for the Hakluyt Society
in 1868.[1142] Gayangos had already included it in his edition of the
_Cartas_, 1866, and it had also been printed by Vedia in Ribadeneyras’
_Biblioteca de autores Españoles_ (1852), vol. xxii., and later in
the _Biblioteca histórica de la Iberia_ (1870). Extracts in English
are given in the appendix of Prescott’s _Mexico_, vol. iii. Mr. Kirk,
the editor of Prescott, doubts if the copy in the Imperial Library
at Vienna is the original, because it has no date. A copy at Madrid,
purporting to be made from the original by Alonzo Diaz, is dated Sept.
3, 1526,[1143] and is preferred by Gayangos, who collated its text with
that of the Vienna Library. Various other less important letters of
Cortés have been printed from time to time.[1144]

* * * * *

In estimating the letters of Cortés as historical material, the
soldierly qualities of them impressed Prescott, and Helps is
struck with their directness so strongly that he is not willing to
believe in the prevarications or deceits of any part of them. H.
H. Bancroft,[1145] on the contrary, discovers in them “calculated
misstatements, both direct and negative.” It is well known that Bernal
Diaz and Pedro de Alvarado made complaints of their leader’s too great
willingness to ignore all others but himself.[1146]

=B.= THREE CONTEMPORARY WRITERS,—GOMARA, BERNAL DIAZ, AND
SAHAGUN.—Fortunately we have various other narratives to qualify or
confirm the recitals of the leader.

In 1540, when he was thirty years old, Francisco Lopez Gomara became
the chaplain and secretary of Cortés. In undertaking an historical
record in which his patron played a leading part, he might be suspected
to write somewhat as an adulator; and so Las Casas, Diaz, and many
others have claimed that he did, and Muñoz asserts that Gomara
believed his authorities too easily.[1147] That the Spanish Government
made a show of suppressing his book soon after it was published,
and kept the edict in their records till 1729, is rather in favor
of his honest chronicling. Gomara had good claims for consideration
in a learned training, a literary taste, and in the possession of
facilities which his relations with Cortés threw in his way; and we
find him indispensable, if for no other reason, because he had access
to documentary evidence which has since disappeared. His questionable
reputation for bias has not prevented Herrera and other later
historians placing great dependence on him, and a native writer of
the beginning of the seventeenth century, Chimalpain, has translated
Gomara, adding some illustrations for the Indian records.[1148]

Gomara’s book is in effect two distinct ones, though called at first
two parts of a _Historia general de las Indias_. Of these the second
part—_La conquista de México_—appeared earliest, at Saragossa in
1552, and is given to the Conquest of Mexico, while the first part,
more particularly relating to the subjugation of Peru, appeared in
1553.[1149] What usually passes for a second edition appeared at
Medina del Campo, also in 1553;[1150] and it was again reprinted at
Saragossa in 1554, this time as two distinct works,—one, _Cronica
de la Nueva España con la conquista de México_; and the other, _La
historia general de las Indias y Nuevo Mundo_.[1151] The same year
(1554) saw several editions in Spanish at Antwerp, with different
publishers.[1152] An Italian edition followed in 1555-1556, for one
titlepage, _Historia del ... capitano Don Ferdinando Cortés_, is dated
1556, and a second, _Historia de México_, has 1555,—both at Rome.[1153]

[Illustration]

Other editions, more or less complete, are noted as published in Venice
in 1560, 1564, 1565, 1566, 1570, 1573, 1576, and 1599.[1154] The
earliest French edition appeared at Paris in 1568 and 1569, for the two
dates and two imprints seem to belong to one issue; and its text—a not
very creditable translation by Fumée—was reproduced in the editions
of 1577, 1578, 1580, and with some additions in 1584, 1587, 1588, and
1597.[1155] The earliest edition in English omits much. It is called
_The Pleasant Historie of the Conquest of the Weast India, now called
New Spayne, atchieved by the worthy Prince Hernando Cortes, Marques of
the valley of Huaxacac, most delectable to reade, translated out of the
Spanishe tongue by T[homas] N[icholas]_, published by Henry Bynneman
in 1578.[1156] Gomara himself warned his readers against undertaking
a Latin version, as he had one in hand himself; but it was never
printed.[1157]

* * * * *

Gomara had, no doubt, obscured the merits of the captains of Cortés
in telling the story of that leader’s career. Instigated largely by
this, and confirmed in his purpose, one of the partakers in the glories
and hardships of the Conquest was impelled to tell the story anew, in
the light of the observation which fell to a subordinate. He was not
perhaps so much jealous of the fame of Cortés as he was hurt at the
neglect by Gomara of those whose support had made the fame of Cortés
possible.

[Illustration]

This was Bernal Diaz del Castillo, and his book is known as the
_Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Neuva España_, which was
not printed till 1632 at Madrid, nor had it been written till half a
century after the Conquest, during which interval the name of Cortés
had gathered its historic prestige. Diaz had begun the writing of it
in 1568 at Santiago in Guatemala, when, as he tells us, only five of
the original companions of Cortés remained alive.[1158] It is rudely,
or rather simply, written, as one might expect. The author has none of
the practised arts of condensation; and Prescott[1159] well defines
the story as long-winded and gossiping, but of great importance. It is
indeed inestimable, as the record of the actor in more than a hundred
of the fights which marked the progress of the Conquest. The untutored
air of the recital impressed Robertson and Southey with confidence
in its statements, and the reader does not fail to be conscious of a
minute rendering of the life which made up those eventful days. His
criticism of Cortés himself does not, by any means, prevent his giving
him great praise; and, as Prescott says,[1160] he censures his leader,
but he does not allow any one else to do the same. The lapse of time
before Diaz set about his literary task did not seem to abate his zeal
or check his memory; but it does not fail, however, to diminish our
own confidence a good deal. Prescott[1161] contends that the better
the acquaintance with Diaz’ narrative, the less is the trust which one
is inclined to put in it.[1162] The Spanish text which we possess is
taken, it is said, directly from the original manuscript, which had
slumbered in private hands till Father Alonso Rémon found it, or a copy
of it, in Spain, and obtained a decree to print it,[1163] about fifty
years after Diaz’ death, which occurred in 1593, or thereabouts.

* * * * *

The nearest approach among contemporaries to a survey of the story
of the Conquest from the Aztec side is that given by the Franciscan,
Sahagun, in connection with his great work on the condition of the
Mexican peoples prior to the coming of the Spaniards. Sahagun came to
Mexico in 1529. He lived in the new land for over sixty years, and
acquired a proficiency in the native tongue hardly surpassed by any
other of the Spaniards. He brought to the new field something besides
the iconoclastic frenzy that led so many of his countrymen to destroy
what they could of the literature and arts of the Aztecs,—so necessary
in illustration of their pagan life and rites. This zealous and pious
monk turned aside from seeking the preferments of his class to study
the motives, lives, and thoughts of the Aztec peoples. He got from them
their hieroglyphics; these in turn were translated into the language
of their speech, but expressed in the Roman character; and the whole
subjected more than once to the revising of such of the natives as
had, in his day, been educated in the Spanish schools.[1164] Thirty
years were given to this kind of preparation; and when he had got his
work written out in Mexican, the General of his Order seized it, and
some years elapsed before a restitution of it was made. Sahagun had
got to be eighty years old when, with his manuscript restored to him,
he set about re-writing it, with the Mexican text in one column and
the Spanish in another. The two huge volumes of his script found their
way to Spain, and were lost sight of till Muñoz discovered them in the
convent of Tolosa in Navarre, not wholly unimpaired by the vicissitudes
to which they had been subjected. The Nahuatl text, which made part of
it, is still missing.[1165]

[Illustration]

It was not long afterward (1829-1830) printed by Cárlos María
Bustamante in three volumes as _Historia general de las cosas de Nueva
España_,[1166] to which was added, as a fourth volume, also published
separately, _Historia de la conquista de México_, containing what is
usually cited as the twelfth book of Sahagun. In this, as in the other
parts, he used a copy which Muñoz had made, and which is the earlier
draft of the text as Sahagun formed it. It begins with a recital of
the omens which preceded the coming of Grijalva, and ends with the
fall of the city; and it is written, as he says, from the evidence,
in large part, of the eye-witnesses, particularly on the Aztec side,
though mixed, somewhat confusedly, with recollections from old Spanish
soldiers. Harrisse[1167] speaks of this edition as “castrated in such
a way as to require, for a perfect understanding of this dry but
important book, the reading of the parts published in vols. v. and
vi. of Kingsborough.” The text, as given in Kingsborough’s _Mexico_,
began to appear about a year later, that edition only giving, in the
first instance, book vi., which relates to the customs of the Aztecs
before the Conquest; but in a later volume he reproduced the whole of
the work without comment. Kingsborough had also used the Muñoz text,
and has made, according to Simeon, fewer errors in transcribing the
Nahuatl words than Bustamante, and has also given a purer Spanish
text. Bustamante again printed, in 1840, another text of this twelfth
book, after a manuscript belonging to the Conde de Cortina, appending
notes by Clavigero and others, with an additional chapter.[1168] The
Mexican editor claimed that this was the earlier text; but Prescott
denies it. Torquemada is thought to have used, but without due
acknowledgment, still another text, which is less modified than the
others in expressions regarding the Conquerors. The peculiar value of
Sahagun’s narrative hardly lies in its completeness, proportions, or
even trustworthiness as an historical record. “His accuracy as regards
any historical fact is not to be relied on,” says Helps.[1169] Brevoort
calls the work of interest mainly for its records of persons and places
not found elsewhere.[1170] Prescott thinks that this twelfth book is
the most honest record which the natives have left us, as Sahagun
embodies the stories and views prevalent among the descendants of the
victims of the Conquest. “This portion of the work,” he says, “was
rewritten by Sahagun at a later period of his life, and considerable
changes were made in it; yet it may be doubted if the reformed version
reflects the traditions of the country as faithfully as the original
draft.”[1171] This new draft was made by Sahagun in 1585, thirty years
after the original writing, for the purpose, as he says, of adding
some things which had been omitted, and leaving out others. Prescott
could not find, in comparing this later draft with the earlier, that
its author had mitigated any of the statements which, as he first wrote
them, bore so hard on his countrymen. The same historian thinks there
is but little difference in the intrinsic value of the two drafts.[1172]

The best annotated edition of Sahagun is a French translation,
published in Paris in 1880 as _Histoire générale des choses de la
Nouvelle Espagne_, seemingly from the Kingsborough text, which is more
friendly to the Spaniards than the first of Bustamante. The joint
editors are Denis Jourdanet and Remi Siméon, the latter, as a Nahuatl
scholar, taking charge of those portions of the text which fell within
his linguistic range, and each affording a valuable introduction in
their respective studies.[1173]

=C.= OTHER EARLY ACCOUNTS.—The _Voyages, Relations, et Mémoires_ of
Ternaux-Compans (Paris, 1837-1840) offer the readiest source of some
of the most significant of the documents and monographs pertaining to
early Mexican history. Two of the volumes[1174] gather some of the
minor documents. Another volume[1175] is given to Zurita’s “Rapport
sur les différentes classes des chefs de la Nouvelle Espagne.” Three
others[1176] contain an account of the cruelties practised by the
Spaniards at the Conquest, and the history of the ancient kings of
Tezcuco,—both the work of Ferdinando d’Alva Ixtlilxochitl.[1177] The
former work, not correctly printed, and called, somewhat arbitrarily,
_Horribles crueldades de los Conquistadores de México_, was first
published by Bustamante, in 1829, as a supplement to Sahagun. The
manuscript (which was no. 13 of a number of _Noticias_, or _Relaciones
históricas_, by this native writer) had been for a while after the
writer’s death (about 1648) preserved in the library of the Jesuit
College in Mexico, and had thence passed to the archive general of the
State. It bears the certificate of a notary, in 1608, that it had been
compared with the Aztec records and found to be correct. The original
work contained several _Relaciones_, but only the one (no. 13) relating
to the Conquest was published by Bustamante and Ternaux.[1178]

The other work of Ixtlilxochitl was first printed (after Veytia’s copy)
in Spanish by Kingsborough, in his ninth volume, before Ternaux, who
used another copy, included it in his collection under the title of
_Histoire des Chichimeque ou des anciens Rois de Tezcuco_. This is the
only work of Ixtlilxochitl which has been printed entire. According to
Clavigero, these treatises were written at the instance of the Spanish
viceroy; and as a descendant of the royal line of Tezcuco (the great
great-grandson, it is said, of the king of like name) their author had
great advantages, with perhaps great predispositions to laudation,
though he is credited with extreme carefulness in his statements;[1179]
and Prescott affirms that he has been followed with confidence by such
as have had access to his writings. Ixtlilxochitl informs us that he
has derived his material from such remains of his ancestral documents
as were left to him. He seems also to have used Gomara and other
accessible authorities. He lived in the early part of the seventeenth
century, and as interpreter of the viceroy maintained a respectable
social position when many of his royal line were in the humblest
service. His _Relaciones_ are hardly regular historical compositions,
since they lack independent and compact form; but his _Historia
Chichimeca_ is the best of them, and is more depended upon by Prescott
than the others are. There is a certain charm in his simplicity, his
picturesqueness, and honesty; and readers accept these qualities often
in full recompense for his credulity and want of discrimination,—and
perhaps for a certain servility to the Spanish masters, for whose
bounty he could press the claims of a line of vassals of his own
blood.[1180]

=D.= NATIVE WRITERS.—The pious vandalism of the bishops of Mexico and
Yucatan, which doomed to destruction so much of the native records
of days antecedent to the Conquest,[1181] fortunately was not so
ruthlessly exercised later, when native writers gathered up what they
could, and told the story of their people’s downfall, either in the
language of the country or in an acquired Spanish.[1182] Brasseur de
Bourbourg, in the introduction to his _Nations civilisées du Mexique_
(Paris, 1857-1859), enumerates the manuscript sources to which he
had access,[1183] largely pertaining to the period anterior to the
Spaniards, but also in part covering the history of the Conquest, which
in his fourth volume[1184] he narrates mainly from the native point of
view, while he illustrates the Indian life under its contact with the
Spanish rule.

Brasseur was fortunate in having access to the Aubin Collection of
manuscripts,[1185] which had originally been formed between 1736 and
1745 by the Chevalier Lorenzo Boturini Benaduci; and that collector
in 1746 gave a catalogue of them at the end of his _Idea de una nueva
historia general de la America septentrional_, published at Madrid in
that year.[1186] Unfortunately, the labors of this devoted archæologist
incurred the jealousy of the Spanish Government, and his library was
more or less scattered; but to him we owe a large part of what we find
in the collections of Bustamante, Kingsborough, and Ternaux. Mariano
Veytia[1187] was his executor, and had the advantages of Boturini’s
collections in his own _Historia Antigua de Mejico_.[1188] Boturini’s
catalogue, however, shows us that much has disappeared, which we may
regret. Such is the _Cronica_ of Tlaxcala, by Juan Ventura Zapata y
Mendoza, which brought the story down to 1689, which Brinton hopes may
yet be discovered in Spain.[1189] One important work is saved,—that of
Camargo.

Muñoz Camargo was born in Mexico just after the Conquest, and was
connected by marriage with leading native families, and attained high
official position in Tlaxcala, whose history he wrote, beginning its
composition in 1576, and finishing it in 1585. He had collected much
material. Ternaux[1190] printed a French translation of a mutilated
text; but it has never been printed in the condition, fragmentary
though it be, in which it was recovered by Boturini. Prescott says the
original manuscript was long preserved in a convent in Mexico, where
Torquemada used it. It was later taken to Spain, when it found its
way into the Muñoz Collection in the Academy of History at Madrid,
whence Prescott got his copy. This last historian speaks of the work as
supplying much curious and authentic information respecting the social
and religious condition of the Aztecs. Camargo tells fully the story
of the Conquest, but he deals out his applause and sympathy to the
conquerors and the conquered with equal readiness.[1191]

Other manuscripts have not yet been edited. Chimalpain’s _Cronica
Mexicana_, in the Nahuatl tongue, which covers the interval from A. D.
1068 to 1597, is one of these. Another Nahuatl manuscript in Boturini’s
list is an anonymous history of Culhuacan and Mexico. An imperfect
translation of this into Spanish, by Galicia, has been made in Mexico.
Brasseur copied it, and called it the _Codex Chimalpopoca_.[1192] In
1879 the Museo Nacional at Mexico began to print it in their _Anales_
(vol. ii.), adding a new version by Mendoza and Solis, under the title
of _Anales de Cuauhtitlan_.[1193]

Bancroft’s list, prefixed to his _Mexico_, makes mention of most
of these native Mexican sources. Of principal use among them may
be mentioned Fernando de Alvaro Tezozomoc’s _Cronica Mexicana_, or
_Histoire du Mexique_, written in 1598, and published in 1853, in
Paris, by Ternaux-Compans.[1194]

Brinton has published in the first volume of his library of _Aboriginal
American Literature_ (1882, p. 189) the chronicle of Chac-xulub-chen,
written in the Maya in 1562, which throws light on the methods of the
Spanish Conquest.

There was a native account, by Don Gabriel Castañeda, of the conquest
of the Chichimecs by the Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza in 1541; but
Brinton[1195] says all trace of it is lost since it was reported to be
in the Convent of Ildefonso in Mexico.

Perhaps the most important native contribution to the history of
Guatemala is Francisco Ernandez Arana Xahila’s _Memorial de Tecpan
Atitlan_, written in 1581 and later in the dialect of Cakchiquel, and
bringing the history of a distinguished branch of the Cakchiquels
down to 1562, from which point it is continued by Francisco Gebuta
Queh. Brasseur de Bourbourg loosely rendered it, and from this
paraphrase a Spanish version has been printed in Guatemala; but the
original has never been printed. Brinton (in his _Aboriginal American
Authors_, p. 32) says he has a copy; and another is in Europe. It is
of great importance as giving the native accounts of the conquest of
Guatemala.[1196] An ardent advocacy of the natives was also shown
in the _Historia de las Indias de Nueva España_ of the Padre Diego
Duran, which was edited by Ramirez, so far as the first volume goes,
in 1867, when it was published in Mexico with an atlas of plates
after the manuscript; but this publication is said not to present all
the drawings of the original manuscript. The overthrow of Maximilian
prevented the completion of the publication. The incoming Republican
government seized what had been printed, so that the fruit of Ramirez’s
labor is now scarce. Quaritch priced the editor’s own copy at £8
10_s._ The editor had polished the style of the original somewhat,
and made other changes, which excited some disgust in the purists;
and this action on his part may have had something to do with the
proceedings of the new Government. Ramirez claimed descent from the
Aztecs, and this may account for much of his stern judgment respecting
Cortés.[1197] The story in this first volume is only brought down
to the reign of Montezuma. The manuscript is preserved in the royal
library at Madrid.[1198] Duran was a half-breed, his mother being of
Tezcuco. He became a Dominican; but a slender constitution kept him
from the missionary field, and he passed a monastic life of literary
labors. He had finished in 1579 the later parts of his work treating of
the Mexican divinities, calendars, and festivals; and then, reverting
to the portions which came first in the manuscript, he tells the story
of Mexican history rather clumsily, but with a certain native force and
insight, down to the period of the Honduras expedition. The manuscript
of Duran passed, after his death in 1588, to Juan Tovar, and from him,
perhaps with the representations that Tovar (or Tobar) was its author,
to José de Acosta, who represents Tovar as the author, and who had then
prepared, while in Peru, his _De Natura Novi Orbis_.

=E.= THE EARLIER HISTORIANS.—José de Acosta was born about 1540 in
Spain; but at fourteen he joined the Jesuits. He grew learned, and
in 1571 he went to Peru, in which country he spent fifteen years,
becoming the provincial of his Order. He tarried two other years in
Mexico—where he saw Tovar—and in the islands. He then returned to Spain
laden with manuscripts and information, became a royal favorite, held
other offices, and died as rector of Salamanca in 1600,[1199] having
published in his books on the New World the most popular and perhaps
most satisfactory account of it up to that time; while his theological
works give evidence, as Markham says, of great learning.

Acosta’s first publication appeared at Salamanca in 1588 and 1589, and
was in effect two essays, though they are usually found under one cover
(they had separate titles, but were continuously paged), _De natura
Novi Orbis libri duo, et de promulgatione evangelii apud barbaros, ...
libri sex_. In the former he describes the physical features of the
country, and in the latter he told the story Of the conversion of the
Indians.[1200] Acosta now translated the two books of the _De natura_
into Spanish, and added five other books. The work was thus made to
form a general cosmographical treatise, with particular reference to
the New World; and included an account of the religion and government
of the Indians of Peru and Mexico. He also gave a brief recital of the
Conquest. In this extended form, and under the title of _Historia
natvral y moral de las Indias, en qve se tratan las cosas notables del
cielo, y elementos, metales, plantas, y animales dellas; y los ritos,
y ceremonias, leyes, y gouierno, y guerras de los Indios_, it was
published at Seville in 1590.[1201]

Two other accounts of this period deserve notice. One is by Joan Suarez
de Peralta, who was born in Mexico in 1536, and wrote a _Tratado del
descubrimiento de las Yndias y su conquista_, which is preserved in
manuscript in the library at Toledo in Spain. It is not full, however,
on the Conquest; but is more definite for the period from 1565 to 1589.
It was printed at Madrid in 1878, in the _Noticias históricas de la
Nueva España publicadas con la protection del ministerio de fomento por
Don Justo Zaragoza_. The other is Henrico Martinez’ _Repertorio de los
Tiempos y historia natural de la Nueva España_, published at Mexico in
1606. It covers the Mexican annals from 1520 to 1590.[1202]

One of the earliest to depend largely on the native chroniclers was
Juan de Torquemada, in his _Monarquía Indiana_. This author was born
in Spain, but came young to Mexico; and was a priest of the Franciscan
habit, who finally became (1614-1617) the provincial of that Order. He
had assiduously labored to collect all that he could find regarding
the history of the people among whom he was thrown; and his efforts
were increased when, in 1609, he received orders to prepare his
labors for publication. His book is esteemed for the help it affords
in understanding these people. Ternaux calls it the most complete
narrative which we possess of the ancient history of Mexico. He took
the history, as the native writers had instructed him, of the period
before the Conquest, and derived from them and his own observation much
respecting the kind of life which the conquerors found prevailing in
the country. In his account of the Conquest, which constitutes the
fourth book in vol. i., Torquemada seems to depend largely on Herrera,
though he does not neglect Sahagun and the native writers. Clavigero
tells us that Torquemada for fifty years had known the language of the
natives, and spent twenty years or more in arranging his history. He
also tells us of the use which Torquemada made of the manuscripts which
he found in the colleges of Mexico, of the writings of Ixtlilxochitl,
Camargo, and of the history of Cholula by another writer of native
origin, Juan Batista Pomar. Another book of considerable use to him was
the work of a warm eulogist of the natives, if not himself of their
blood; and this was the _Historia Eclesiástica Indiana_, a work written
by Gerónimo de Mendieta near the end of the sixteenth century. Mendieta
was in Mexico from 1554 to 1571,[1203] and his work, finished in 1596,
after having remained for two hundred years in manuscript, was printed
and annotated by Icazbalceta at Mexico, in 1870.[1204]

The _Monarquía Indiana_, in which these and other writers were so
freely employed as to be engrafted in parts almost bodily, was first
printed in three volumes at Madrid in 1615; but before this the
Inquisition had struck out from its pages some curious chapters,
particularly, says Rich, one comparing the migration of the Toltecs to
that of the Israelites. The colophon of this edition shows the date of
1614.[1205] It is said that most of it was lost in a shipwreck, and
this accounts, doubtless, for its rarity. The original manuscript,
however, being preserved, it served Barcia well in editing a reprint
in 1723, published at Madrid, which is now considered the standard
edition.[1206] Torquemada doubtless derived something of his skill in
the native tongue from his master, Fray Joan Baptista, who had the
reputation of being the most learned scholar of the Mexican language in
his time.[1207]

The _Teatro Mexicano_ of Augustin de Vetancurt, published at Mexico
in 1697-1698,[1208] is the next general chronicle after Torquemada.
Vetancourt, also, was a Franciscan, born in Mexico in 1620, and died
in 1700. He had the literary fecundity of his class; but the most
important of his works is the one already named; and in the third part
of the first volume we find his history of the Conquest. He seldom goes
behind his predecessor, and Torquemada must stand sponsor for much of
his recital.

=F.= MODERN HISTORIANS.—The well-known work of Solis (_Historia de
la Conquista de México_,[1209] published at Madrid in 1684) is the
conspicuous precursor of a long series of histories of the Conquest,
written without personal knowledge of the actors in this extraordinary
event. Solis ended his narrative with the fall of the city, the
author’s death preventing any further progress, though it is said he
had gathered further materials; but they are not known to exist. A work
by Ignacio Salazar y Olarte, continuing the narrative down to the death
of Cortés, is called a second part, and was published at Cordova in
1743, under the title of _Historia de la conquista de México, poblacion
y progressos de la América septentrional conocida por el nombre de
Nueva España_. This continuation was reprinted at Madrid in 1786, and
in the opinion of Bancroft[1210] abounds “in all the faults of the
superficial and florid composition of Solis.”

Solis, who was born at Alcala in 1610, was educated at Salamanca,
and had acquired a great reputation in letters, when he attracted
the attention of the Court, and was appointed historiographer of the
Indies. Some time afterward (1667) he entered the Church, at fifty-six;
but to earn his salary as official chronicler,—which was small enough
at best,—he turned, with a good deal of the poetic and artistic
instinct which his previous training had developed, to tell the story
of the Conquest, with a skill which no one before had employed upon the
theme. The result was a work which, “to an extraordinary degree,” as
Ticknor[1211] says, took on “the air of an historical epic, so exactly
are all its parts and episodes modelled into a harmonious whole, whose
catastrophe is the fall of the great Mexican Empire.” The book was a
striking contrast to the chronicling spirit of all preceding recitals.

[Illustration: SOLIS.

Fac-simile of engraving in his _Historia_, published at Venice in
1715. There are other likenesses in the Madrid (1783) edition, and in
Cumplido’s Mexican edition of Prescott’s _Mexico_, vol. iii.]

The world soon saw—though the sale of the book was not large at
once, and the author died very poor two years later (1686)—that the
strange story had been given its highest setting. Solis gives no
notes; and one needs to know the literature of the subject, to track
him to his authorities. If this is done, however, it appears that his
investigation was far from deep, and that with original material within
his reach he rarely or never used it, but took the record at second
hand. Robertson, who had to depend on him more or less, was aware of
this, and judged him less solicitous of discovering truth than of
glorifying the splendor of deeds. This panegyrical strain in the book
has lowered its reputation, particularly among foreign critics, who
fail to share the enthusiasm which Solis expresses for Cortés. We may
call his bitter denunciations of the natives bigotry or pious zeal; but
Ticknor accounts for it by saying that Solis “refused to see the fierce
and marvellous contest except from the steps of the altar where he had
been consecrated.” The religion and national pride of the Spaniards
have not made this quality detract in the least from the estimation
in which the book has long been held; but all that they say of the
charm and purity of its style, despite something of tiresomeness in
its even flow, is shared by the most conspicuous of foreign critics,
like Prescott and Ticknor. Rich, who had opportunities for knowing,
bears evidence to the estimation in Spain of those qualities which have
insured the fame of Solis.[1212]

The story was not told again with the dignity of a classic,—except
so far as Herrera composed it,—till Robertson, in his _History of
America_, recounted it. He used the printed sources with great
fidelity; but he was denied a chance to examine the rich manuscript
material which was open to Solis, and which Robertson would doubtless
have used more abundantly. In a Note (xcvii.) he enumerates his chief
authorities, and they are only the letters of Cortés and the story as
told by Gomara, Bernal Diaz, Peter Martyr, Solis, and Herrera.[1213] Of
Solis, Robertson says he knows no author in any language whose literary
fame has risen so far beyond his real merits. He calls him “destitute
of that patient industry in research which conducts to the knowledge
of truth, and a stranger to that impartiality which weighs evidence
with cool attention.... Though he sometimes quotes the despatches of
Cortés, he seems not to have consulted them; and though he sets out
with some censure on Gomara, he frequently prefers his authority—the
most doubtful of any—to that of the other contemporary historians.”
Robertson judged that Herrera furnished the fullest and most accurate
information, and that if his work had not in its chronological order
been so perplexed, disconnected, and obscure, Herrera might justly
have been ranked among the most eminent historians of his country.
William Smyth, in the twenty-first section of his _Lectures on Modern
History_, in an account which is there given of the main sources of
information respecting the Conquest, as they were accessible forty or
fifty years ago, awards high praise—certainly not undeserved for his
time—to Robertson. Southey accused Robertson of unduly depreciating the
character and civilization of the Mexicans; and others have held the
opinion that he had a tendency to palliate the crimes of the invaders.
Robertson, in his later editions, replied to such strictures, and held
that Clavigero and others had differed from him chiefly in confiding in
the improbable narratives and fanciful conjectures of Torquemada and
Boturini.

Francisco Saverio Clavigero was a Jesuit, who had long resided in
Mexico, being born at Vera Cruz in 1731; but when expelled with his
Order, he took up his abode in Italy in 1767. He had the facilities
and the occasion for going more into detail than Robertson. His
_Storia antica del Messico cavata da’ migliori storici spagnuoli,
e da’ manoscritti; e dalle pitture antiche degl’Indiani: divisa in
dieci libri, e corredata di carte geografiche, e di varie figure:
e dissertazioni sulla terra, sugli animali, e sugli abitatori del
Messico_,[1214] was published in four volumes at Cesena in 1780-1781.
He gives the names of thirty-nine Indian and Spanish writers who
had written upon the theme, and has something to say of the Mexican
historical paintings which he had examined. H. H. Bancroft esteems him
a leading authority,[1215] and says he rearranged the material in a
masterly manner, and invested it with a philosophic spirit, altogether
superior to anything presented till Prescott’s time.[1216] It is in his
third volume that Clavigero particularly treats of the Conquest, having
been employed on the earlier chronicles and the manners and customs of
the people in the first and second, while the fourth volume is made up
of particular dissertations. Clavigero was not without learning. He had
passed three years at the Jesuit College at Tepozotlan, and had taught
as a master in various branches. At Bologna, where he latterly lived,
he founded an academy; and here he died in 1787, leaving behind him a
_Storia della California_, published at Venice in 1789.[1217]

Fifteen years ago it was the opinion of Henry Stevens,[1218] that all
other books which have been elaborated since on the same subject,
instead of superseding Clavigero’s, have tended rather to magnify its
importance.[1219]

The most conspicuous treatment of the subject, in the minds of the
elders of the present generation, is doubtless that of Prescott, who
published his _Conquest of Mexico_ in 1843, dividing it into three
distinct parts,—the first showing a survey of the Aztec civilization;
the second depicting the Conquest; while the final period brought
down the life of Cortés to his death. Charton[1220] speaks of Solis
as a work “auquel le livre de Prescott a porté un dernier coup.”
Prescott was at great expense and care in amassing much manuscript
material never before used, chiefly in copies, which Rich and others
had procured for him, and he is somewhat minute in his citations from
them. They have since been in large part printed, and doubtless very
much more is at present accessible in type to the student than was in
Prescott’s day.[1221]

Prescott was of good New England stock, settled in Essex County,
Massachusetts, where (in Salem) he was born in 1796. His father
removed to Boston in 1808, and became a judge of one of the courts. A
mischance at Harvard, in a student’s frolic, deprived young Prescott
of the use of one eye; and the other became in time permanently
affected. Thus he subsequently labored at his historical studies under
great disadvantage,[1222] and only under favorable circumstances and
for short periods could he read for himself. In this way he became
dependent upon the assistance of secretaries, though he generally wrote
his early drafts by the aid of a noctograph.

[Illustration: WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT.

This cut follows an engraving in mezzotint in the _Eclectic Magazine_
(1858), and shows him using his noctograph. The likeness was thought
by his wife and sister (Mrs. Dexter) to be the best ever made, as Mr.
Arthur Dexter informs me. See other likenesses in Ticknor’s _Life of
Prescott_; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iv. 167; and _N. E. Hist. and
Geneal. Reg._ (1868), p. 226.]

From 1826 to 1837 he was engaged on his _Ferdinand and Isabella_, and
this naturally led him to the study of his Mexican and Peruvian themes;
and Irving, who had embarked on them as a literary field, generously
abandoned his pursuit to the new and rising historian.[1223] The
_Conquest of Mexico_ appeared in 1843,[1224] and has long remained a
charming book, as fruitful in authority as the material then accessible
could make it.

In the Preface to his _Mexico_ Mr. Prescott tells of his success in
getting unpublished material, showing how a more courteous indulgence
was shown to him than Robertson had enjoyed. By favor of the Academy
of History in Madrid he got many copies of the manuscripts of Muñoz
and of Vargas y Ponçe, and he enjoyed the kind offices of Navarrete in
gathering this material. He mentions that, touching the kindred themes
of Mexico and Peru, he thus obtained the bulk of eight thousand folio
pages. From Mexico itself he gathered other appliances, and these
largely through the care of Alaman, the minister of foreign affairs,
and of Calderon de la Barca, the minister to Mexico from Spain. He also
acknowledges the courtesy of the descendants of Cortés in opening their
family archives; that of Sir Thomas Phillipps, whose manuscript stores
have become so famous, and the kindness of Ternaux-Compans.

To Mr. John Foster Kirk, who had been Prescott’s secretary, the
preparation of new editions of Prescott’s works was intrusted, and in
this series the _Mexico_ was republished in 1874. Kirk was enabled, as
Prescott himself had been in preparing for it, to make use of the notes
which Ramirez had added to the Spanish translation by Joaquin Navarro,
published in Mexico in 1844, and of those of Lúcas Alaman, attached to
another version, published also in Mexico.[1225]

Almost coincident with the death of Prescott, was published by a
chance Mr. Robert Anderson Wilson’s _New History of the Conquest of
Mexico_.[1226] Its views were not unexpected, and indeed Prescott had
been in correspondence[1227] with the author. His book was rather an
extravagant argument than a history, and was aimed to prove the utter
untrustworthiness of the ordinary chroniclers of the Conquest, charging
the conquerors with exaggerating and even creating the fabric of the
Aztec civilization, to enhance the effect which the overthrow of so
much splendor would have in Europe. To this end he pushes Cortés aside
as engrafting fable on truth for such a purpose, dismisses rather
wildly Bernal Diaz as a myth, and declares the picture-writings to be
Spanish fabrications. This view was not new, except in its excess of
zeal. Albert Gallatin had held a similar belief.[1228] Lewis Cass had
already seriously questioned, in the _North American Review_, October,
1840, the consistency of the Spanish historians. A previous work by
Mr. Wilson had already, indeed, announced his views, though less
emphatically. This book had appeared in three successive editions,—as
_Mexico and its Religion_ (New York, 1855); then as _Mexico, its
Peasants and its Priests_ (1856); and finally as _Mexico, Central
America, and California_.

It was easy to accuse Wilson of ignorance and want of candor,—for he
had laid himself open too clearly to this charge,—and Mr. Prescott’s
friend, Mr. George Ticknor, arraigned him in the _Mass. Hist. Soc.
Proc._, April, 1859.[1229] He reminded Wilson that he ought to have
known that Don Enrique de Vedia, who had published an edition of Bernal
Diaz in 1853, had cited Fuentes y Guzman, whose manuscript history of
Guatemala was before that editor, as referring in it to the manuscript
of Bernal Diaz (his great-grandfather), which was then in existence,—a
verity and no myth. Further than this, Brasseur de Bourbourg, who
chanced then to be in Boston, bore testimony that he had seen and used
the autograph manuscript of Bernal Diaz in the archives of Guatemala.

In regard to the credibility of the accounts which Prescott depends
upon, his editor,[1230] Mr. Kirk, has not neglected to cite the
language of Mr. E. B. Tylor, in his _Anahuac_,[1231] where he says,
respecting his own researches on the spot, that what he saw of Mexico
tended generally to confirm Prescott’s History, and but seldom to make
his statements appear improbable. The impeachment of the authorities,
which Wilson attacks, is to be successful, if at all, by other
processes than those he employs.

Meanwhile Arthur Helps,[1232] in tracing the rise of negro slavery
and the founding of colonial government in Spanish America, had
published his _Conquerors of the New World and their Bondsmen_ (London,
1848-1852),—a somewhat speculative essay, which, with enlargement of
purpose and more detail, resulted in 1855-1861 in the publication of
his _Spanish Conquest in America_, reprinted in New York in 1867. He
gives a glowing account of the Aztec civilization, and, excerpting the
chapters on the Conquest, he added some new details of the private
life of Cortés, and published it separately in 1871 as an account of
that leader, which is attractive as a biography, if not comprehensive
as a history of the Conquest. “Every page affords evidence of historic
lore,” says Field, “and almost every sentence glows with the warmth of
his philanthropy.”[1233] Helps has himself told the object and method
of his book, and it is a different sort of historical treatment from
all the others which we are passing in review. “To bring before the
reader, not conquest only, but the results of conquest; the mode of
colonial government which ultimately prevailed; the extirpation of
native races, the introduction of other races, the growth of slavery,
and the settlement of the _encomiendas_ on which all Indian society
depended,—has been the object of this history.”[1234]

Among the later works not in English we need not be detained long. The
two most noteworthy in French are the _Histoire des nations civilisées
du Mexique_ of Brasseur de Bourbourg, more especially mentioned on
another page, and Michel Chevalier’s _Mexique avant et pendant la
Conquête_, published at Paris in 1845.[1235] In German, Theodor
Arnim’s _Das Alte Mexico und die eroberung Neu Spaniens durch Cortes_,
Leipsic, 1865, is a reputable book.[1236] In Spanish, beside the _Vida
de Cortés_ given by Icazbalceta in his _Coleccion_, vol. i. p. 309,
there is the important work of Lúcas Alaman, the _Disertaciones sobre
la Historia de la República Mejicana_, published at Mexico in three
volumes in 1844-1849, which is a sort of introduction to his _Historia
de Méjico_, in five volumes, published in 1849-1852.[1237] He added
not a little in his appendixes from the archives of Simancas, and the
latter book is considered the best of the histories in Spanish. In 1862
Francisco Carbajal Espinosa’s _Historia de México_, bringing the story
down from the earliest times, was begun in Mexico. Bancroft calls it
pretentious, and mostly borrowed from Clavigero.[1238]

Returning to the English tongue, in which the story of Mexico has been
so signally told more than once from the time of Robertson, we find
still the amplest contribution in the _History of Mexico_, a part of
the extended series of the _History of the Pacific States_, published
under the superintendence of Hubert H. Bancroft. Of Bancroft and these
books mention is made in another place. The _Mexico_ partakes equally
of the merits and demerits attaching to his books and their method. It
places the student under more obligations than any of the histories of
the Conquest which have gone before, though one tires of the strained
and purely extraneous classical allusions,—which seem to have been
affected by his staff, or by some one on it, during the progress of
this particular book of the series.

=G.= YUCATAN.—With the subsequent subjugation of Yucatan Cortés had
nothing to do. Francisco de Montejo had been with Grijalva when he
landed at Cozumel on the Yucatan coast, and with Cortés when he touched
at the same island on his way to Mexico. After the fall of the Aztecs,
Montejo was the envoy whom Cortés sent to Spain, and while there the
Emperor commissioned him (Nov. 17, 1526) to conduct a force for the
settlement of the peninsula. Early in 1527 Montejo left Spain with
Alonso de Avila as second in command. For twenty years and more the
conquest went on, with varying success. At one time not a Spaniard
was left in the country. No revolts of the natives occurred after
1547, when the conquest may be considered as complete. The story
is told with sufficient fulness in Bancroft’s _Mexico_.[1239] The
main sources of our information are the narrative of Bernal Diaz,
embodying the reports of eye-witnesses, and the histories of Oviedo
and Herrera. Bancroft[1240] gives various incidental references. The
more special authorities, however, are the _Historia de Yucathan_ of
Diego Lopez Cogolludo, published at Madrid in 1688,[1241] who knew how
to use miracles for his reader’s sake, and who had the opportunity of
consulting most that had been written, and all that had been printed
up to his time. He closes his narrative in 1665.[1242] The Bishop of
Yucatan, Diego de Landa, in his _Relation des choses de Yucatan_, as
the French translation terms it, has left us the only contemporary
Spanish document of the period of the Conquest. The book is of more
interest in respect to the Maya civilization than as to the progress
of the Spanish domination. It was not printed till it was edited by
Brasseur de Bourbourg, with an introduction, and published in Paris in
1864.[1243]

Landa was born in 1524, and was one of the first of his Order to
come to Yucatan, where he finally became Bishop of Mérida in 1572,
and died in 1579. Among the books commonly referred to for the later
period is the first part (the second was never published) of Juan de
Villagutierre Sotomayor’s _Historia de la Conquista de la provincia de
el Itza_, etc., Madrid, 1701. It deals somewhat more with the spiritual
and the military conquests, but writers find it important.[1244]

The latest English history of the peninsula is that by Charles St.
J. Fancourt, _History of Yucatan_, London, 1854;[1245] but a more
extended, if less agreeable, book is Ancona’s _Historia de Yucatan
desde la época mas remota hasta nuestros dias_, published at Mérida
in four volumes in 1878-1880. It gives references which will be found
useful.[1246]

=H.= BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MEXICO.—The earliest special bibliography of
Mexico of any moment is that which, under the title of _Catalogo de sa
museo historico Indiano_, is appended to Boturini Benaduci’s _Idea de
una nueva historia general de la America septentrional_ (Madrid, 1746),
which was the result of eight years’ investigations into the history of
Mexico. He includes a list of books, maps, and manuscripts, of which
the last remnants in 1853 were in the Museo Nacional in Mexico.[1247]
Of the list of New Spain authors by Eguiara y Eguren, only a small part
was published in 1755 as _Bibliotheca Mexicana_.[1248] It was intended
to cover all authors born in New Spain; but though he lived to arrange
the work through the letter J, only A, B, and C were published. All
titles are translated into Latin. Its incompleteness renders the
bibliographical parts of Maneiro’s _De Vitis Mexicanorum_ (1791)
more necessary, and makes Beristain’s _Bibliotheca Hispano-Americano
Septentrional_,[1249] of three volumes, published at Mexico in 1816,
1819, and 1821, of more importance than it would otherwise be.
Beristain, also, only partly finished his work; but a nephew completed
the publication. It has become rare; and its merits are not great,
though its notices number 3,687.

Of more use to the student of the earlier history, however, is the
list which Clavigero gives in his _Storia del Messico_ published in
1780. A Jesuit, and a collector, having a book-lover’s keen scent, he
surpassed all writers on the theme who had preceded him, in amassing
the necessary stores for his special use. Since his day the field has
been surveyed more systematically both by the general and special
bibliographers. The student of early Spanish-Mexican history will of
course not forget the help which he can get from general bibliographers
like Brunet, from the _Dictionary_ of Sabin, the works of Ternaux and
Harrisse, the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, not to speak of other important
library catalogues.

The sale catalogues are not without assistance. Principal among them
are the collections which had been formed by the Emperor Maximilian of
Mexico,—which was sold in Leipsic in 1869 as the collection of José
Maria Andrade,[1250]—and the _Bibliotheca Mexicana_ formed by José
Fernando Ramirez, which was sold in London in 1880.[1251]

All other special collections on Mexico have doubtless been surpassed
by that which has been formed in San Francisco by Mr. Hubert Howe
Bancroft, as a component part of his library pertaining to the
western slope of America. Lists of such titles have been prefixed to
his histories of _Central America_ and of _Mexico_, and are to be
supplemented by others as his extended work goes on. He has explained,
in his preface to his _Mexico_ (p. viii), the wealth of his manuscript
stores; and it is his custom, as it was Prescott’s, to append to his
chapters, and sometimes to passages of the text, considerable accounts,
with some bibliographical detail, of the authorities with which he
deals.[1252] Helps, though referring to his authorities, makes no such
extended references to them.[1253]

DISCOVERIES

ON THE

PACIFIC COAST OF NORTH AMERICA.

BY THE EDITOR.

THE cartographical history of the Pacific coast of North America is
one of shadowy and unstable surmise long continued.[1254] The views of
Columbus and his companions, as best shown in the La Cosa and Ruysch
maps,[1255] precluded, for a considerable time after the coming of
Europeans, the possibility of the very existence of such a coast; since
their Asiatic theory of the new-found lands maintained with more or
less modification a fitful existence for a full century after Columbus.
In many of the earliest maps the question was avoided by cutting
off the westerly extension of the new continent by the edge of the
sheet;[1256] but the confession of that belief was still made sometimes
in other ways, as when, in the Portuguese _portolano_, which is placed
between 1516 and 1520, Mahometan flags are placed on the coasts of
Venezuela and Nicaragua.[1257]

In 1526 a rare book of the monk Franciscus, _De orbis situ ac
descriptione Francisci epistola_,[1258] contained a map which
represented South America as a huge island disjoined from the Asiatic
coast by a strait in the neighborhood of Tehuantepec, with the legend,
“Hoc orbis hemisphærium cedit regi Hispaniæ.”[1259] A few years later
we find two other maps showing this Asiatic connection,—one of which,
the Orontius Finæus globe, is well known, and is the earliest engraved
map showing a return to the ideas of Columbus. It appeared in the Paris
edition of the _Novus Orbis_ of Simon Grynæus, in 1532,[1260] and was
made the previous year. It is formed on a cordiform projection, and
is entitled “Nova et integra universi orbis descriptio.” It is more
easily understood by a reference to Mr. Brevoort’s reduction of it
to Mercator’s projection, as shown in another volume.[1261] The same
map, with a change in the inserted type dedication, appeared in the
Pomponius Mela of 1540,[1262] and it is said also to be found much
later in the _Geografia_ of Lafreri published at Rome, 1554-1572.

[Illustration: SLOANE MANUSCRIPTS, 1530.

This follows a drawing in Kohl’s Washington Collection.]

[Illustration: RUSCELLI, 1544.

This follows a sketch given by Dr. Kohl in his _Discovery of Maine_,
pl. xv., which is also copied in Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i.
p. 148. Cf. Lelewel, p. 170; Peschel, _Geschichte der Erdkunde_ (1865),
p. 371.]

The other of the two maps already referred to belongs to a manuscript,
_De Principiis Astronomiæ_, preserved in the British Museum among the
Sloane manuscripts.[1263] It closely resembles the Finæus map. The
authorities place it about 1530, or a little later. In 1533, in his
_Opusculum Geographicum_, Schöner maintained that the city of Mexico
was the Quinsay of Marco Polo; and about the same time Francis I., in
commissioning Cartier for his explorations, calls the St. Lawrence
valley a part of Asia.

What is known as the Nancy Globe preserved the same idea, as will be
seen by the sketch of it annexed, which follows an engraving published
in the _Compte Rendu_ of the Congrès des Américanistes.[1264]

[Illustration: THE NANCY GLOBE.]

The same view is maintained in a manuscript map of Ruscelli, the
Italian geographer, preserved in the British Museum. Perhaps the
earliest instance of a connection of America and Europe, such as
Ruscelli here imagines, is the map of “Schondia,” which Ziegler the
Bavarian published in his composite work at Strasburg in 1532,[1265]
in which it will be observed he makes “Bacallaos” a part of Greenland,
preserving the old notion prevailing before Columbus, as shown in the
maps of the latter part of the fifteenth century, that Greenland was in
fact a prolongation of northwestern Europe, as Ziegler indicates at the
top of his map, the western half of which only is here reproduced.

[Illustration: ZIEGLER’S SCHONDIA, 1532.

This is a fac-simile made from Mr. Charles Deane’s (formerly the
Murphy) copy. Cf. Dr. A. Breusing’s _Leitfaden durch das Wiegenalter
der Kartographie bis zum Jahre 1600_, Frankfurt a. M., 1883, p. 11.]

In this feature, as in others, there is a resemblance in these maps of
Ziegler and Ruscelli to two maps by Jacopo Gastaldi, “le coryphée des
géographes de péninsule italique,” as Lelewel[1266] calls him. These
maps appeared in the first Italian edition of Ptolemy, published at
Venice in 1548.[1267]

The first (no. 59), inscribed “Dell’universale nuova,” is an elliptical
projection of the globe, showing a union of America and Asia, somewhat
different in character of contour from that represented in the other
(no. 60), a “Carta Marina Universale,” of which an outline sketch is
annexed.

[Illustration: CARTA MARINA, 1548.

The key is as follows:

1. Norvegia.
2. Laponia.
3. Gronlandia.
4. Tierra del Labrador.
5. Tierra del Bacalaos.
6. La Florida.
7. Nueva Hispania.
8. Mexico.
9. India Superior.
10. La China.
11. Ganges.
12. Samatra.
13. Java.
14. Panama.
15. Mar del Sur.
16. El Brasil.
17. El Peru.
18. Strecho de Fernande Magalhaes.
19. Tierra del Fuego.

This map is also reproduced in Nordenskiöld’s _Bröderna Zenos_,
Stockholm, 1883.]

[Illustration: VOPELLIO, 1556.

(_Reduction of western half._)]

This same map was adopted (as no. 2) by Ruscelli in the edition of
Ptolemy which he published at Venice in 1561,[1268] though in the
“Orbis descriptio” (no. 1) of that edition Ruscelli hesitates to accept
the Asiatic theory and indicates a “littus incognitum,” as Gastaldi did
in the map which he made for Ramusio in 1550.

[Illustration]

Wuttke[1269] has pointed out two maps preserved in the Palazzo Riccardi
at Florence, which belong to about the year 1550, and show a similar
Asiatic connection.[1270] The map of Gaspar Vopellius, or Vopellio
(1556), also extended the California coast to the Ganges. It appeared
in connection with Girava’s _Dos Libros de Cosmographia_, Milan,
1556,[1271] but when a new titlepage was given to the same sheets in
1570, it is doubtful if the map was retained, though Sabin says it
should have the map.[1272] The Italian cartographer, Paulo de Furlani,
made a map in 1560, which according to Kohl is preserved in the
British Museum. It depicts Chinamen and elephants in the region of the
Mississippi Valley.

[Illustration: PAULO DE FURLANI’S MAP, 1560.

The key is this:

1. Oceano settentrionale.
2. Canada.
3. panaman.
4. Mexico.
5. s. tomas.
6. Nova Ispania.
7. Cipola.
8. Le sete cita.
9. Topira.
10. tontontean.
11. Zangar.
12. Tebet.
13. Quisai.
14. Cimpaga.
15. Golfo de Tonza.
16. Ys. de las ladrones.
17. mangi.
18. mar de la china.]

From Kohl’s sketch, preserved in his manuscript in the library of the
American Antiquarian Society, the annexed outline is drawn. Furlani
is reported to have received it from a Spanish nobleman, Don Diego
Hermano, of Toledo.[1273] The connection with Asia is again adhered
to in Johannes Myritius’s _Opusculum geographicum_, where the map is
dated 1587, though the book was published at Ingolstadt in 1590.[1274]
Just at this time Livio Sanuto, in his _Geografia distinta_ (Venice,
1588), was disputing the Asiatic theory on the ground that the Mexicans
would not have shown surprise at horses in Cortés’ time, if they had
formerly been inhabitants of a continent like Asia, where horses are
common. Perhaps the latest use of the type of map shown in the “Carta
Marina” of 1548 was just a half century later, in 1598, in an edition
of Ortelius, _Il Theatro del mondo_, published at Brescia. The belief
still lingered for many years yet in some quarters; and Thomas Morton
in 1636 showed that in New England it was not yet decided whether
the continent of America did not border upon the country of the
Tartars.[1275] Indeed, the last trace of the assumption was not blown
away till Behring in 1728 passed from the Pacific to the Arctic seas.

* * * * *

Such is in brief the history of the inception and decline of the belief
in the prolongation of Asia over against Spain, as Toscanelli had
supposed in 1474, and as had been suspected by geographers at intervals
since the time of Eratosthenes.[1276] The beginning of the decline of
such belief is traced to the movements of Cortés. Balboa in 1513 by his
discovery of the South Sea, later to be called the Pacific Ocean,[1277]
had established the continental form of South America, whose limits
southward were fixed by Magellan in 1520; but it was left for Cortés to
begin the exploration to the north which Behring consummated.

After the Congress of Badajos had resolved to effect a search for a
passage through the American barrier to the South Sea, the news of
such a determination was not long in reaching Cortés in Mexico, and
we know from his fourth letter, dated Oct. 15, 1524, that it had
already reached him, and that he had decided to take part in the
quest himself by despatching an expedition towards the Baccalaos on
the hither side; while he strove also to connect with the discoveries
of Magellan on the side of the South Sea.[1278] Cortés had already
been led in part by the reports of Balboa’s discovery, and in part by
the tidings which were constantly reaching him of a great sea in the
direction of Tehuantepec, to establish a foothold on its coast, as the
base for future maritime operations. So his explorers had found a fit
spot in Zacatula, and thither he had sent colonists and shipwrights to
establish a town and build a fleet,[1279] the Emperor meanwhile urging
him speedily to use the vessels in a search for the coveted strait,
which would open a shorter passage than Magellan had found to the
Spice Islands.[1280] But Cortés’ attention was soon distracted by his
Honduras expedition, and nothing was done till he returned from that
march, when he wrote to the Emperor, Sept. 3, 1526, offering to conduct
his newly built fleet to the Moluccas.

[Illustration: THE PACIFIC, 1513.

Kohl gives this old Portuguese chart of the Pacific in his Washington
Collection, after an original preserved in the military archives
at Munich, which was, as he thinks possible, made by some pilot
accompanying Antonio da Miranda de Azevedo, who conducted a Portuguese
fleet to the Moluccas in 1513 to join the earlier expedition (1511)
under D’Abreu and Serraō. A legend at Maluca marks these islands as
the place “where the cloves grow,” while the group south of them is
indicated as the place “where nutmegs grow.” The coast on the right
must stand for the notion then prevailing of the main of America, which
was barring the Spanish progress from the east.

Of the early maps of the Moluccas, there is one by Baptista Agnese in
his _portolano_ of 1536, preserved in the British Museum; one by Diego.
Homem in a similar atlas, dated 1558, likewise in the Museum; and one
of 1568, by J. Martines. Copies of these are all included in Kohl’s
Washington Collection.]

But two other fleets were already on the way thither,—one under Garcia
de Loaysa which left Spain in August, 1525, and the other under
Sebastian Cabot, who stopped on the way at La Plata, had left in April,
1526. So Cortés finally received orders to join with his fleet that of
Loaysa, who had indeed died on his voyage, and of his vessels only one
had reached the Moluccas. Another, however, had sought a harbor not far
from Zacatula, and had brought Cortés partial tidings at least of the
mishaps of Loaysa’s undertaking.[1281] What information the rescued
crew could give was made use of, and Cortés, bearing the whole expense,
for a reimbursement of which he long sued the home Government, sent out
his first expedition on the Pacific, under the command of his cousin
Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron, armed with letters for Cabot, whose delay
at La Plata was not suspected, and with missives for sundry native
potentates of the Spice Islands and that region.[1282]

After an experimental trip up the coast, in July, 1527,[1283] two
larger vessels and a brigantine set sail Oct. 31, 1527. But mishap was
in store. Saavedra alone reached the Moluccas, the two other vessels
disappearing forever. He found there a remnant of Loaysa’s party, and,
loading his ship with cloves, started to return, but died midway, when
the crew headed their ship again for the Moluccas, where they fell at
last into Portuguese prisons, only eight of them finally reaching Spain
in 1534.

It will be remembered that the Portuguese, following in the track of
Vasco da Gama, had pushed on beyond the great peninsula of India, and
had reached the Moluccas in 1511, where they satisfied themselves, if
their longitude was substantially correct, that there was a long space
intervening yet before they would confront the Spaniards, pursuing
their westerly route. It was not quite so certain, however, whether
the line of papal demarcation, which had finally been pushed into the
mid-ocean westerly from the Azores, would on this opposite side of
the globe give these islands to Spain or to themselves. The voyage of
Magellan, as we shall see, seemed to bring the solution near; and if
we may believe Scotto, the Genoese geographer, at about the same date
(1520) the Portuguese had crossed the Pacific easterly and struck our
northwest coast.[1284] The mishaps of Loaysa and Saavedra, as well as
a new understanding between the rival crowns of the Iberian peninsula,
closed the question rather abruptly through a sale in 1529—the treaty
of Saragossa—by Spain, for 350,000 ducats, to Portugal of all her
rights to the Moluccas under the bull of demarcation.[1285]

Cortés, on his return from Spain (1530), resolved to push his
discoveries farther up the coast. The Spaniards had now occupied
Tehuantepec, Acapulco, and Zacatula on the sea, and other Spaniards
were also to be found at Culiacan, just within the Gulf of California
on its eastern shore. The political revolutions in Cortés’ absence had
caused the suspension of work on a new fleet, and Cortés was obliged to
order the construction of another; and the keels of two were laid at
Tehuantepec, and two others at Acapulco. In the early part of 1532 they
were launched, and in May or June two ships started under Hurtado de
Mendoza, with instructions which are preserved to us. It is a matter
of doubt just how far he went,[1286] and both vessels were lost. Nuño
de Guzman, who held the region to the north,[1287] obstructed their
purpose by closing his harbors to them and refusing succor; and Cortés
was thus made to feel the deadliness of his rivalry. The conqueror
now himself repaired to Tehuantepec, and superintended in person,
working with his men, the construction of two other ships. These, the
“San Lazaro” and “Concepcion,” under Diego Becerra, left port on the
29th of October, 1533, and being blown to sea, they first saw land in
the latitude of 29° 30´ north on the 18th of December, when, coasting
south and east, they developed the lower parts of the Californian
peninsula. Mutiny, and attacks of the natives, during one of which the
chief pilot Ximenes was killed, were the hapless accompaniments of the
undertaking, and during stress of weather the vessels were separated.
The “San Lazaro” finally returned to Acapulco, but the “Concepcion”
struggled in a crippled condition into a port within Guzman’s province,
where the ship was seized. A quarrel ensued before the _Audiencia_,
Cortés seeking to recover his vessel; but he prospered little in his
suit, and was driven to undertake another expedition under his own
personal lead. Sending three armed vessels up the coast to Chiametla,
where Guzman had seized the “Concepcion,” Cortés went overland himself,
accompanied by a force which Guzman found it convenient to avoid. Here
he joined his vessels and sailed away with a part of his land forces to
the west; and on the 1st of May, 1535, he landed at the Bay of Santa
Cruz, where Ximenes had been killed. What parts of the lower portion
of the Californian peninsula Cortés now coasted we know from his map,
preserved in the Spanish Archives,[1288] which accompanied the account
of his taking possession of the new land of Santa Cruz, “discovered by
Cortés, May 3, 1535,” as the paper reads. The point of occupation seems
to have been the modern La Paz, called by him Santa Cruz. The notary’s
account of the act of possession goes on to say,[1289]—

“On the third day of May, in the year of our Lord 1535, on the said
day, it may be at the hour of noon, be the same less or more, the
very illustrious Lord don Hernando Cortés, Marquis of the Valley of
Guaxaca, Captain-general of New Spain and of the Southern Sea for his
Majesty, etc., arrived in a port and bay of a country newly discovered
in the same Southern Sea, with a ship and armament of the said Lord
Marquis, at which said port his Lordship arrived with ships and men,
and landed on the earth with his people and horses; and standing on
the shore of the sea there, in presence of me Martin de Castro, notary
of their Majesties and notary of the Administration of the said Lord
Marquis, and in presence of the required witnesses, the said Lord
Marquis spoke aloud and said that he, in the name of His Majesty, and
in virtue of his royal provision, and in fulfilment of His Majesty’s
instructions regarding discovery in the said Southern Sea, had
discovered with his ship and armament the said land, and that he had
come with his armament and people to take possession of it.”

Finding his men and horses insufficient for the purposes of the colony
which he intended to establish, Cortés despatched orders to the main
for assistance, and, pending its arrival, coursed up the easterly
side of the gulf, and opportunely fell in with one of his vessels,
much superior to his own brigantine. So he transferred his flag, and,
returning to Santa Cruz, brought relief to an already famishing colony.

News reaching him of the appointment of Mendoza as viceroy, Cortés
felt he had greater stake in Mexico, and hurriedly returned.[1290]
Not despairing of better success in another trial, and spurred on by
indications that the new viceroy would try to anticipate him, he got
other vessels, and, putting Francisco de Ulloa in charge, despatched
them (July 8, 1539) before Guzman’s plan for their detention could be
put into execution. Ulloa proceeded up the gulf nearly to its head, and
satisfied himself that no practicable water passage, at least, could
bring him to the ocean in that direction, as Cortés had supposed.[1291]
Ulloa now turned south, and following the easterly coast of the
peninsula rounded its extremity, and coursed it northerly to about 28°
north latitude, without finding any cut-off on that side. So he argued
for its connection with the main.[1292]

[Illustration: CORTES’ MAP OF THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA.]

And here Cortés’ connection with discoveries on the Pacific ends; for
Mendoza, who had visions of his own, thwarted him in all subsequent
attempts, till finally Cortés himself went to Spain. The name which his
captains gave to the gulf, the Sea of Cortés, failed to abide. It grew
to be generally called the Red Sea, out of some fancied resemblance, as
Wytfliet says, to the Red Sea of the Old World. This appellation was
supplanted in turn by the name of California, which, it is contended,
was given to the peninsula by Cortés himself.[1293]

The oldest map which we were supposed to possess of these explorations
about the gulf,[1294] before Dr. Hale brought the one, already
mentioned, from Spain, was that of Castillo, of which a fac-simile is
herewith given as published by Lorenzana in 1770, at Mexico, in his
_Historia de Nueva España_. Castillo was the pilot of the expedition,
sent by Mendoza to co-operate by sea with the famous expedition of
Coronado,[1295] and which the viceroy put under the command of Hernando
d’Alarcon. The fleet, sailing in May, 1540, reached the head of the
gulf, and Alarcon ascended the Colorado in boats; but Marcou[1296]
thinks he could not have gone up to the great cañon, which however he
must have reached if his supposed latitude of 36° is correct. He failed
to open communication with Coronado, but buried some letters under a
cross, which one of that leader’s lieutenants subsequently found.[1297]

[Illustration: CASTILLO’S MAP, 1541.

This map is marked “Domingo del Castillo, piloto me fecit en Mexico,
año del nacimiento de N. S. Jesu Christo de M. D. XLI.” Bancroft,
_Central America_, vol. i. p. 153, gives a sketch of this map, and
again in _North Mexican States_, i. 81; but he carries the outer coast
of the peninsula too far to the west.]

In 1542 and 1543 an expedition which started under Juan Rodriguez
Cabrillo, a Portuguese in the Spanish service, explored the coast as
far as 44° north,[1298] reaching that point by coasting from 33°, where
he struck the land. He made a port which he calls San Miguel, which
Bancroft is inclined to believe is San Diego; but the accounts are
too confused to track him confidently,[1299] and it is probable that
Cabrillo’s own vessel did not get above 38°, for Cabrillo himself died
Jan. 3, 1543, his chief pilot, Ferrelo (or Ferrer), continuing the
explorations.[1300] Bancroft does not think that the pilot passed north
of Cape Mendocino in 40° 26´.

Thus from the time when Balboa discovered the South Sea, the Spanish
had taken thirty years to develop the coast northerly, to the latitude
of Oregon. In this distance they had found nothing of the Straits of
Anian, which, if Humboldt[1301] is correct, had begun to take form in
people’s minds ever since Cortereal, in 1500, had supposed Hudson’s
Straits to be the easterly entrance of a westerly passage.[1302]

[Illustration: HOMEM, ABOUT 1540.

This follows Kohl’s drawing, of which a portion is also given in his
_Discovery of Maine_, p. 298. It is evidently of a later date than
another of his in which the west coast is left indefinite, and which
is assigned to about 1530. In the present map he apparently embodied
Cabot’s discoveries in the La Plata, but had not heard of Orellana’s
exploration of the Amazon in 1542; though he had got news of it when
he made his map of 1558. A marked peculiarity of the map is the
prolongation of northwestern Europe as “Terra Nova,” which probably
means Greenland,—a view entertained before Columbus.]

There seems to have been a general agreement among cartographers
for some years yet to consider the newly discovered California as
a peninsula, growing out of the concurrent testimony of those who,
subsequent to Cortés’ own expedition, had tracked both the gulf and
the outer coast. The Portuguese map given by Kunstmann[1303] shows it
as such, though the map cannot be so early as that geographer places
its anterior limit (1530), since the development of the gulf could
not have been made earlier than 1535; unless by chance there were
explorations from the Moluccas, of which we have no record. The map
in this part bears a close resemblance to a manuscript chart in the
British Museum, placed about 1536, and it seems probable that this is
the approximate date of that in Kunstmann. The California peninsula is
shown in much the same way in a map which Major ascribes to Baptista
Agnese, and places under 1539.[1304] It belongs (pl. iv.) to what has
been sometimes spoken of as an atlas of Philip II. inscribed to Charles
V., but in fact it was given to Philip by Charles.[1305] Its essential
features were almost exactly reproduced in a draft of the New World
(preserved in the British Museum) assigned to about 1540, and held to
be the work of the Portuguese hydrographer Homem.

Apian[1306] and Münster[1307] in 1540, and Mercator in 1541,[1308]
while boldly delineating a coast which extends farther north than
Cabrillo had reached in 1542, wholly ignore this important feature. Not
so, however, Sebastian Cabot in his famous Mappemonde of 1544, as will
be seen by the annexed sketch. The idea of Münster, as embodied in his
edition of Ptolemy in 1540,[1309] already referred to, was continued
without essential change in the Basle edition of Ptolemy in 1545.[1310]
In 1548 the “carta marina” of Gastaldi as shown on a previous
page,[1311] clearly defined the peninsula, while merging the coast line
above into that of Asia. The peninsula was also definitely marked in
several of the maps preserved in the Riccardi palace at Florence, which
are supposed to be of about the middle of the sixteenth century.[1312]

[Illustration: CABOT, 1544.

Sketched from a photograph of the original mappemonde in the great
library at Paris.]

In the map of Juan Freire, 1546, we have a development of the coast
northward from the peninsula, for which it is not easy to account;
and the map is peculiar in other respects. The annexed sketch of it
follows Kohl’s drawing of an old _portolano_, which he took from the
original while it was in the possession of Santarem. Freire, who was
a Portuguese hydrographer, calls it a map of the Antipodes, a country
discovered by Columbus, the Genoese. It will be observed that about
the upper lake we have the name “Bimini regio,” applied to Florida
after the discovery of Ponce de Leon, because of the supposition that
the fountain of youth existed thereabout. The coasts on both sides of
the gulf are described as the discovery of Cortés. There seems to be
internal evidence that Freire was acquainted with the reports of Ulloa
and Alarcon, and the chart of Castillo; but it is not so clear whence
he got the material for his draft of the more westerly portions of the
coast, which, it will be observed, are given much too great a westerly
trend. The names upon it do not indicate any use of Cabrillo’s reports;
though from an inscription upon this upper coast Freire credits its
discovery to the Spaniards, under orders from the emperor, conducted by
one Villalobos. Kohl could not find any mention of such an explorer,
but conjectured he was perhaps the one who before Cabrillo, as Herrera
mentions, had named a river somewhere near 30° north latitude “Rio
de Nuestra Señora,” and which Cabrillo sought. Kohl also observes
that though the coast line is continuous, there are places upon it
marked “land not seen,” with notes of its being again seen west of
such places; and from this he argues that the expedition went up and
not down the coast. It not unlikely had some connection with the
fleet which Ruy Lopez de Villalobos conducted under Mendoza’s orders,
in November, 1542, across the Pacific to the islands on the Asiatic
coast.[1313]

[Illustration: FREIRE, 1546.

This is sketched from a drawing in the Kohl Collection at Washington.]

[Illustration: PTOLEMY, 1548.

Key:

1. Basos.
2. Ancoras.
3. p^o. balenas.
4. S. Tomas.
5. C:+
6. Mar Vermeio.
7. b: canoas.
8. p^o. secōdido.
9. R. tontonteanc.
10. p^o. tabursa.
11. puercos.
12. s. franc^o.
13. b: de s.+
14. Vandras.
15. Ciguata.
16. s. tiago.
]

In 1554 Agnese again depicts the gulf, but does not venture upon
drawing the coast above the peninsula, which in turn in the Vopellio
map of 1556,[1314] and in that in Ramusio the same year,[1315] is
made much broader, the gulf indenting more nearly at a right angle.
The Homem map of 1558, preserved in the British Museum, returns to
the more distinctive peninsula,[1316] though it is again somewhat
broadened in the Martines map of about the same date, which also is of
interest as establishing a type of map for the shores of the northern
Pacific, and for prefiguring Behring’s Straits, which we shall later
frequently meet. Mention has already been made of the Furlani map of
1560 for its Asiatic connections, while it still clearly defined the
California peninsula.[1317] The Ruscelli map in the Ptolemy of 1561
again preserves the peninsula, while marking the more northerly coasts
with a dotted line, in its general map of the New World; but the “Mar
Vermeio” in its map of “Nueva Hispania” is the type of the gulf given
in the 1548 edition. The Martines type again appears in the Zaltieri
map of 1566, which is thought to be the earliest engraved map to show
the Straits of Anian.[1318]

[Illustration: MARTINES, 155-(?).

This sketch follows a copy by Kohl (Washington Collection) of the
general map of the world, contained in a manuscript vellum atlas in
the British Museum (no. 9,814), from the collection of the Duke de
Cassano Serra. It is elaborately executed with miniatures and figures.
The language of the map is chiefly Italian, with some Spanish traces.
Kohl believes it to be the work of Joannes Martines, the same whose
atlas of 1578 is also in the Museum, and whose general map (1578)
agrees in latitudes and other particulars with this. The present one
lacks degrees of longitude, which the 1578 map has, as well as the name
“America,” wanting also in this. Kohl places it not long after the
middle of the sixteenth century. In the _Catalogue of Manuscript Maps_,
i. 29, the atlas of 1578 is mentioned as containing the following
numbers relating to America: 1. The world. 2. The two hemispheres. 3.
The world in gores. 10. West coast of America. 11. Coast of Mexico.
12-13. South America. 14. Gulf of Mexico. 15. Part of the east coast of
North America.

In the Museum manuscripts, no. 22,018, is a _portolano_ by Martines,
dated 1579; and another, of date 1582, is entered in the 1844 edition
of the _Catalogue of Manuscript Maps_, i. 31. Kohl’s Washington
Collection includes two Martines maps of 1578.]

The manuscript map of Diegus (Homem) of 1568, in the Royal Library
in Dresden, gives the peninsula, but turns the more northerly coast
abruptly to the east, connecting it with the archipelago, which stands
for the St. Lawrence in his map of 1558.[1319]

The great Mappemonde of Mercator, published at Duisburg in 1569, in
which he introduced his new projection,[1320] as will be seen by the
annexed sketch,[1321] keeps to the Martines type; and while it depicts
the Straits of Anian, it renders uncertain, by interposing a vignette,
the passage by the north from the Atlantic to the Pacific.[1322] The
next year Ortelius followed the same type in his _Theatrum orbis
terrarum_,—the prototype of the modern atlas.[1323]

A similar western coast[1324] is defined by Porcacchi, in his _L’ isole
piu famose del mondo_, issued at Venice in 1572.[1325]

The peninsula of California, but nothing north of it, is again
delineated in a Spanish mappemonde of 1573, shown in Lelewel.[1326] The
Mercator type is followed in the maps which are dated 1574, but which
appeared in the _Theatri orbis terrarum enchiridion_ of Philippus
Gallæus, published at Antwerp in 1585.[1327]

[Illustration: ZALTIERI, 1566.

It was published at Venice, and was in part followed by Ortelius in
1570. It is also sketched in Vol. IV. p. 93.]

In the same year the Italian cartographer Furlani, or Forlani, showed
how he had advanced from the views which he held in 1560, in a map of
the northern Pacific, which is annexed.[1328] It is the earliest map in
which Japan has been noted as having its greatest length east and west;
for Ortelius and others always give it an extension on the line of the
meridian.

[Illustration: MERCATOR, 1569.]

Sir Humphrey Gilbert’s map in 1576 gives the straits, but he puts
“Anian” on the Asiatic side, and does not indicate the Gulf of
California, unless a forked bay in 35° stands for it.[1329] The map in
Best’s Frobisher makes the Straits of Anian connect with “Frobisher’s
straightes” to give a through passage from ocean to ocean, and depicts
a distorted California peninsula.[1330]

Mention has already been made on a previous page of a Martines map of
1578. It has a similar configuration to that already shown as probably
the earliest instance of its type.

[Illustration: PORCACCHI, 1572.]

Of the explorations of Francis Drake in 1579 we have no cartographical
record, except as it may be embodied in the globe of Molineaux,
preserved in the Middle Temple, London, which is dated 1592, and in the
map of the same cartographer, dated 1600.[1331] Molineaux seemingly
made use of the results of Cabrillo’s voyage, as indicated by the
Spanish names placed along the coast. It was one of the results of
Drake’s voyage that the coast line of upper California took a more
northerly trend. The map of Dr. Dee (1580) evidently embodied the views
of the Spanish hydrographers.[1332]

In 1582 Popellinière[1333] repeated the views of Mercator and Ortelius;
but in England Michael Lok in this same year began to indicate the
incoming of more erroneous views.[1334] The California gulf is carried
north to 45°, where a narrow strip separates it from a vague northern
sea, the western extension of the sea of Verrazano.

[Illustration: MAP OF PAULO DE FURLANI, 1574.

Furlani is said to have received this map from a Spaniard, Don Diego
Hermano de Toledo, in 1574. The sketch is made from the drawing in
Kohl’s manuscript in the American Antiquarian Society Library. The key
is as follows:

1. Mare incognito.
2. Stretto di Anian.
3. Quivir.
4. Golfo di Anian.
5. Anian regnum.
6. Quisau.
7. Mangi Prov.
8. Mare de Mangi.
9. Isola di Giapan.
10. Y. de Cedri.]

[Illustration: FROM MOLINEAUX’S GLOBE, 1592.

This is sketched from a draught in the Kohl Collection. Cf. Vol. III.
pp. 196, 212. The dotted line indicates the track of Drake. There has
been much controversy over the latitude of Drake’s extreme northing,
fixed, as it will be seen in this map, at about 48°, which is the
statement of the _World Encompassed_, and by the _Famous Voyage_, at
43°. The two sides were espoused warmly and respectively by Greenhow
in his _Oregon and California_, and by Travers Twiss in his _Oregon
Question_, during the dispute between the United States and Great
Britain about the Oregon boundary. Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i.
p. 144), who presents the testimony, is inclined to the lower latitude.]

After the Spaniards had succeeded, in opposition to the Portuguese,
in establishing a regular commerce between Acapulco and Manilla
(Philippine Islands), the trade-winds conduced to bring upper
California into better knowledge. The easterly trades carried their
outward-bound vessels directly west; but they compelled them to make
a détour northward on their return, by which they also utilized the
same Japanese current which brought the Chinese to Fusang[1335]
many centuries before. An expedition which Don Luis de Velasco had
sent in 1564, by direction of Philip II., accompanied by Andres de
Urdaneta, who had been in those seas before with Loaysa in 1525, had
succeeded in making a permanent occupation of the Philippines for
Spain in 1564. It became now important to find a practicable return
route, and under Urdaneta’s counsel it was determined to try to find
it by the north. One of the galleons deserted, and bearing northerly
struck the California coast near Cape Mendocino, and arrived safe at
Acapulco three months before Urdaneta himself had proved the value of
his theory. The latter’s course was to skirt the coast of Japan till
under 38°, when he steered southerly; and after a hard voyage, in
which he saw no land and most of his crew died, he reached Acapulco in
October.[1336] Other voyages were made in succeeding years, but the
next of which we have particular account was that of Francisco Gali,
who, returning from Macao in 1584, struck the California coast in 37°
30´, and marked a track which other navigators later followed.[1337]

The map (1587) in Hakluyt’s Paris edition of Peter Martyr conformed
more nearly to the Mercator type;[1338] and Hakluyt, as well as Lok,
records Drake’s discovery, both of them putting it, however, in 1580.

With the year 1588 is associated a controversy over what purports to be
a memoir setting forth the passage of the ship of a Spanish navigator,
Lorenzo Ferrer de Maldonado, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, through
a strait a quarter of a league wide. The passage took him as high
as 75°; but he reached the Pacific under the sixtieth parallel. The
opening was identified by him with the long-sought Straits of Anian.
The belief in this story had at one time some strong advocates, but
later geographical discoveries have of course pushed it into the limbo
of forgotten things; for it seems hardly possible to identify, as was
done by Amoretti, the narrow passage of Maldonado, under 60°, with that
which Behring discovered, sixteen leagues wide, under 65°.[1339]

[Illustration: SPANISH GALLEON.

A fac-simile of the sketch given in Jurien de la Gravière’s _Les marins
du XV^e et du XVI^e siècle_.]

In 1592 we have the alleged voyage of De Fuca, of which he spoke in
1596, in Venice, to Michael Lok, who told Purchas; and he in turn
included it in his _Pilgrims_.[1340] He told Lok that he had been
captured and plundered on the California coast by Cavendish,[1341]—a
statement which some have thought confirmed by Cavendish’s own avowal
of his taking a pilot on that coast,—and that at the north he had
entered a strait a hundred miles wide, under 47° and 48°, which had a
pinnacle rock at the entrance; and that within the strait he had found
the coast trending northeast, bordering a sea upon which he had sailed
for twenty days. This story, despite its exaggerations, and though
discarded formerly, has gained some credence with later investigators;
and the application of his name to the passage which leads to Puget
Sound seems to have been the result of a vague and general concurrence,
in the belief of some at least, that this passage must be identified
with the strait which De Fuca claimed to have passed.[1342]

With the close of the sixteenth century, the maps became numerous, and
are mostly of the Mercator type. Such are those of Cornelius de Judæis
in 1589 and in 1593,[1343] the draughts of 1587 and 1589 included
in the Ortelius of 1592,[1344] the map of 1593 in the _Historiarum
indicarum libri XVI._ of Maffeius,[1345] and those of Plancius[1346]
and De Bry.[1347] The type is varied a little in the 1592 globe of
Molineaux, as already shown, and in the 1587 map of Myritius we have
the Asiatic connection of the upper coast as before mentioned; but
in the Ptolemy of 1597 the contour of Mercator is still essentially
followed.[1348] In this same year (1597) the earliest distinctively
American atlas was published in the _Descriptionis Ptolemaicæ
Augmentum_ of Cornelius Wytfliet, of which an account is given in
another place.[1349] Fac-similes of the maps of the Gulf of California
and of the New World are annexed, to indicate the full extent of
geographical knowledge then current with the best cartographers. The
Mercator type for the two Americas and the great Antarctic Continent
common to most maps of this period are the distinguishing features
of the new hemisphere. The same characteristics pertain also to the
mappemondes in the original Dutch edition of Linschoten’s _Itinerario_,
published in two editions at Amsterdam in 1596,[1350] in Münster’s
_Cosmographia_, 1598, and in the Brescia edition (1598) of Ortelius.

[Illustration: FROM WYTFLIET, 1597.

Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 152) sketches this map; it
is also in his _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 82.]

In 1600 Metullus in his America _sive novus orbis_, published at
Cologne, simply followed Wytfliet.[1351] From the map of Molineaux,
likewise of 1600, a sketch of the California peninsula is given
elsewhere.[1352] A contour of the coast more like that of the Molineaux
globe figured on a preceding page belongs to the map given in the
Herrera of 1601, but it also introduces views which held to a much
wider separation of the shores of the north Pacific than had been
maintained by the school of Mercator.[1353].

[Illustration: WYTFLIET, 1597].

An important voyage in both furthering and confusing the knowledge
of the California coast was that of Sebastian Viscaino.[1354] This
navigator, it is sometimes said, had been in a Manilla galleon which
Cavendish had captured near Cape St. Lucas in 1587, when the English
freebooter burned the vessel and landed her crew.[1355] He is known to
have had much opportunity for acquiring familiarity with the coast; and
in 1597 he had conducted an expedition to the coast of the California
peninsula which had failed of success.[1356]

In 1602 (May 5) he was again despatched from Acapulco with three
vessels, for the same purpose of discovering some harbor up the coast
which returning vessels from the Philippines could enter for safety
or repairs, and of finding the mysterious strait which led to the
Atlantic. He was absent ten months.[1357] He himself went up to 42°,
but one of his vessels under Martin Aguilar proceeded to 43°, where
he reported that he found the entrance of a river or strait, not far
from Cape Blanco;[1358] and for a long period afterwards the entrance
and Aguilar’s name stood together on the maps.[1359] Buache, in his
_Considérations géographiques et physiques_, says that it was the
reports brought back from this expedition, describing an easterly trend
of the coast above the 43°, which gave rise to the notion that the
waters of the Gulf of California found a passage to the ocean in two
ways, making an island of the peninsula. The official recorder of the
expedition (Ascension) is known to have held this view. We shall see
how fixed this impression later became.

Meanwhile the peninsular shape was still maintained in the map in
Botero’s _Relaciones Universales del mundo_, published at Valladolid
in 1603; in the Spanish map of 1604, made at Florence by Mathieu
Neron Pecciolen (engraved for Buache in 1754); in that of Cespedes’
_Regimiento de Navigacion_ (1606), and in that published in connection
with Ferdinand de Quir’s narrative in the _Detectionis Freti_ (1613) of
Hudson’s voyage.[1360]

A map of Jodocus Hondius of about this time first gave indication
of the growing uncertainty which led finally to a prevailing
error regarding the head of the gulf. The map was inscribed “Vera
totius expeditionis nauticæ Descriptio D. Franc. Draci,” etc., and
illustrated Hondius’s edition of Drake and Cavendish’s voyages, and
has been reproduced in the Hakluyt Society’s edition of _The World
Encompassed_. The gulf is made to divide about an island at its
northern end, producing two arms whose prolongation is left undecided.
The circumpolar map of Hondius which appeared in Pontanus’s _Amsterdam_
in 1611, and is given in fac-simile in Asher’s _Henry Hudson_, shows
the Straits of Anian, but nothing more. Another Hondius map in the
Mercator of 1613 turns the coast easterly, where the Straits of Anian
separate it from Asia. The same atlas of 1613 contains also the America
of Michael Mercator, which is of the usual Gerard Mercator type, with
the enclosed northern sea contracted to narrow limits and called “Mare
dulce.” A similar western coast is drawn in the America of Johannes
Oliva of Marseilles, preserved in the British Museum.[1361]

In Kasper van Baerle’s edition of Herrera, published at Amsterdam
in 1622, we get—as far as has been observed—the earliest[1362]
insularizing of the California peninsula, and this only by a narrow
thread of water connecting a large gulf below and a smaller one above.
And even this attempt was neutralized by a second map in the same
book, in which these two gulfs were not made to mingle their waters.
A bolder and less equivocal severing of the peninsula followed in the
maps of two English geographers. The first of these is the map of
Master Briggs.[1363] In this the island stretches from 23° to 44°,
showing Cape Blanco, with Cape Mendocino and “Po. S^r. Francisco Draco”
south of it, the latter in about 38°. The map bears the following
legend: “California, sometymes supposed to be part of y^e Westerne
continent; but since by a Spanish charte taken by y^e Hollanders it
is found to be a goodly Ilande, the length of the west shoare beeing
about 500 leagues from Cape Mendocino to the south cape thereof called
Cape St. Lucas, as appeareth both by that Spanish Chart, and by the
relation of Francis Gaule [Gali], whereas in the ordinarie charts it
is sett downe to be 1700 leagues.”[1364] The other was that given in
John Speed’s _Prospect_, which contains one of the maps of Abraham
Goos of Amsterdam, “described and enlarged by I. S. Ano. 1626.” This
carries up the outer coast of the island beyond the “Po[rto] Sir
Francisco Dr[ake]” and Cape Mendocino. The coast of the main opposite
the northern end of the island ceases to be defined, and is continued
northerly with a dotted line, while the western shore of Hudson’s Bay
is also left undetermined.[1365] De Laet, however, in 1630 still kept
to the peninsula, placing “Nova Albion” above it.[1366] In 1636 W.
Saltonstall’s English translation of Hondius’s Mercator presents an
island, with the now somewhat common break in the main coast opposite
its northern end. This gap is closed up, however, in another map in the
same volume.[1367]

The map in Pierre D’Avity’s _Le Monde_[1368] makes California a
peninsula, with the river St. Lawrence rising close to it, and flowing
very near also to Hudson’s Bay in its easterly passage.

The circumstantial story of Bartolemé de Fonte, whose exploits are
placed in 1640, at one time commanded a certain degree of confidence,
and made strange work with the cartographical ideas of the upper part
of the Pacific coast. It is now believed that the story was coined by
James Petiver, one of the contributors to the _Monthly Miscellany, or
Memoirs for the Curious_, published in London in April and June, 1708,
in which first appeared what purported to be a translation of a letter
of a certain Admiral De Fonte.[1369] In this a Spanish navigator—whose
name was possibly suggested by a veritable De Fonta who was exploring
Tierra del Fuego in 1649—was made to depart from Callao, April 3, 1640,
and proceed up the coast to 53°, above which he navigated a net-work of
interior waters, and encountered a ship from Boston which had entered
these regions from the Atlantic side.[1370] To this archipelago, as it
seemed, he gave the name of St. Lazarus; and to a river, leading from a
lake with an island in it, he applied that of Velasco; and these names,
curiously, appear in the fanciful maps which were made by Delisle and
Buache in elucidation of the voyage in which they expressed not a
little faith, though the Spanish antiquaries early declared that their
archives contained no record of the voyage.[1371]

The Dutch, under De Vries, in 1643 had pushed up from Japan, and
discovered, as they thought, an island, “Jesso,” separated from land on
the west by a water which they called the “Detroit de Vries,” and on
the American side by a channel which had an uncertain extension to the
north, and might after all be the long-sought Straits of Anian.[1372]
The idea of an interjacent land in the north Pacific between America
and Asia is also said to have grown out of the report of a Portuguese
navigator, Don João da Gama, who claimed to have seen such a land
in sailing from China to New Spain. It long maintained a fleeting
existence on the maps.[1373]

Two maps of Petrus Koerius, dated 1646, in Speed’s _Prospect_ (1668),
indicate what variable moods geographers could assume in the same
year. In one we have an island and a determinate coast line running
north to the straits; in the other we have a peninsula with two
different trends of the coast north of it in half-shading. We owe to
an expatriated Englishman a more precise nomenclature for the western
coast than we had had previous to the appearance of his maps in 1646;
and the original manuscript drawings preserved at Munich are said by
Dr. Hale to be richer still in names.[1374] This is the _Arcano del
mare_ of Robert Dudley. He was born in Surrey in 1573, and whether
the natural or legitimate son of the Earl of Leicester depends on the
proof of the secret marriage of that nobleman with Lady Sheffield. An
adventurous spirit kept him away from the enjoyment of Kenilworth,
which he inherited, and he was drawn nearer to the associations of the
sea by marrying a sister of Cavendish. He was among the many Englishmen
who tried their daring on the Spanish main. He married a second wife,
a daughter of Sir Thomas Leigh, whom he abandoned, partly to be rid of
a stepmother; and out of chagrin at his failure to secure the dukedom
of Northumberland, which had been in abeyance since the execution of
his grandfather, Lady Jane Grey’s adherent, he sold Kenilworth to young
Prince Henry, and left England in company with a daughter of Sir Robert
Southwell. He now gave himself up to practical seamanship and the study
of hydrography. The grand-duke of Tuscany gave him employment, and he
drained a morass to enable Leghorn to become a beautiful city.

[Illustration: DUDLEY, 1646.]

Under authority of Ferdinand II., he assumed the title of Duke of
Northumberland, which was recognized throughout the empire. He died in
1639.[1375] The _Arcano_ has thirty-three American maps; but the Munich
manuscript shows thirteen more. One of the Pacific coast, which records
Drake’s explorations, is annexed; but with Dudley’s text[1376] there is
another showing the coast from Cape Mendocino south, which puts under
thirty degrees north a “golfo profondo” of undefined inland limits,
with “I di Cedros” off its mouth. The bay with the anchor and soundings
just north of thirty degrees, called in the fac-simile “P^{to} di
Nouova Albion,” corresponding, it would seem, to San Francisco, is
still seen in this other chart, with a more explicit inscription,—“Po:
dell nuovo Albion scoperto dal Drago C^{no} Inglese.”

In 1649, in Texeira’s chart, there is laid down for the first time a
sketch of the coast near the Straits of Anian, which is marked as seen
by João da Gama, and extends easterly from Jesso, in the latitude of
50°. Gama’s land lived for some time in the charts.[1377]

We have another of Speed’s maps, five years later (1651), which appears
in the 1676 edition of his _Prospect_, in which that geographer is
somewhat confused. He makes California an island, with a break in
the coast line of the main opposite its northern extremity, and its
northwest point he calls “C. Mendocino,” while “Pt. Sir Francisco
Draco” is placed south of it; but rather confusedly another Cape
Mendocino projects from the main coast considerably further to the
north.[1378] A map of Visscher in 1652[1379] reverts, however, to the
anterior notions of Mercator; but when in 1655 Wright, an Englishman,
adopted Mercator’s projection, and first made it really serviceable for
navigation, in his _Certain Errors in Navigation_, he gave an insular
shape to California.

The French geographer Nicolas Sanson[1380] introduced a new notion in
1656. California was made an island with “P^{to} de Francisco Draco”
on the west side, somewhat south of the northern cape of it. On the
main the coast in the same latitude is made to form a projection to
the north called “Agubela de Cato,” without any extension of the shore
farther northward. The map in Petavius’s (Petau’s) _History of the
World_ (London, 1659) carries the coast up, but leaves a gap opposite
the northern end of the insular California. The atlas of Van Loon
(1661) converts the gap into the Straits of Anian, and puts a “terra
incognita” north of it. Danckerts of Amsterdam in the same year (1661),
and Du Val in various maps of about this time make it an island. The
map of 1663, which appeared in Heylin’s _Cosmographie_,[1381] gives the
insular California, and a dotted line for the main coast northward,
with three alternative directions. A map of the Sanson type is given in
Blome’s _Description of the World_, 1670. Ogilby’s map in 1671 makes it
an island,[1382] following Montanus’s _Nieuwe Weereld_.

Hennepin had in his 1683 map made California a peninsula, and in that
of 1697 he still preserved the gulf-like character of the waters east
of it; but the same plate in the 1698 edition is altered to make an
island, as it still is in the edition of 1704. The French geographer
Jaillot, in 1694, also conformed to the insular theory, as did Corolus
Allard in his well-known Dutch atlas. Campanius, copying Hennepin,
speaks of California as the largest island “which the Spaniards
possess in America. From California the land extends itself [he says]
to that part of Asia which is called Terra de Jesso, or Terra Esonis.
The passage is only through the Straits of Anian, which hitherto has
remained unknown, and therefore is not to be found in any map or
chart,”—all of which shows something of Campanius’s unacquaintance with
what had been surmised, at least, in cartography. All this while Blaeu
in his maps was illustrating the dissolving geographical opinions of
his time. In 1659 he had drawn California as an island; in 1662 as a
peninsula; and once more, in 1670, as an island. Coronelli in 1680, and
Franquelin in his great manuscript map of 1684 had both represented it
as an island.[1383]

In 1698 the English geographer Edward Wells, in his _New Sett of Maps_,
showed a little commendable doubt in marking the inlet just north of
the island as “the supposed Straits of Anian,”—a caution which Delisle
in 1700, with a hesitancy worthy of the careful hydrographer that he
was destined to become, still further exemplified. While restoring
California to its peninsular character, he indicated the possibility of
its being otherwise by the unfinished limitations of the surrounding
waters.[1384] Dampier in 1699, in chronicling the incidents of the
voyage with which he was connected, made it an island.[1385]

In 1701 one would have supposed the question of the insularity of
California would have been helped at least by the explorations overland
of Father Kino the Jesuit which were begun in 1698. His map, based
rather upon shrewd conjecture than upon geographical discovery,
and showing the peninsular form of the land, was published in the
_Lettres Edifiantes_, vol. v., in 1705.[1386] In 1705 the map in
Harris’s _Collection of Voyages_ preserves the insular character of
California.[1387] In 1715 Delisle[1388] expressed himself as undecided
between the two theories respecting California,[1389] but in 1717 he
gave the weight of his great name[1390] to an imagined but indefinite
great gulf north of the California peninsula, which held for a while
a place in the geography of his time as the “Mer de l’ouest.” Homann,
of Nuremberg, in 1719 marked the entrance of it, while he kept to the
insular character of the land to the south; as did Seutter in his
_Atlas Geographicus_ published at Augsburg in 1720. Daniel Coxe in his
_Carolana_ had a sufficient stock of credulity—if he was not a “liar,”
as Bancroft calls him[1391]—in working up some wondrous stories of
interior lakes emptying into the South Sea.[1392] In 1727 the English
cartographer Moll converted the same inlet into the inevitable Straits
of Anian. The maps in such popular books as Shelvocke’s _Voyages_
(1726)[1393] and Anson’s _Voyages_ (1748), as did sundry maps issued
by Vander Aa of Amsterdam, still told the mass of readers of the
island of California; as had Bruzen la Martinière in his _Introduction
à l’histoire_ (1735), and Salmon (using Moll’s map of 1736) in his
_History of America_.

Meanwhile, without knowing it because of the fogs, Behring, in 1728,
had pushed through the straits now known by his name into the Arctic
Seas, and had returned along the Asiatic shore in continued ignorance
of his accomplishment. It was not till 1732 that another Russian
expedition was driven over to the Alaskan shore; and in 1738 and 1741
Behring proved the close proximity of the two continents, and made
demonstration of their severance.

At this time also the English were making renewed efforts from the
side of Hudson’s Bay to reach the Pacific; and Arthur Dobbs, in his
_Countries adjoining to Hudson’s Bay_ (1744), gives a variety of
reasons for supposing a passage in that direction, showing possible
solutions of the problem in an accompanying map.[1394]

The Spaniards, who were before long to be spurred on to other efforts
by the reports of Russian expeditions, were reviving now, through the
1728 edition of Herrera, more confidence in the peninsular character of
California; though Mota Padilla in his _Nueva Galicia_, in 1742, still
thought it an island.

The French map-maker Bellin, in his cartographical illustrations for
Charlevoix in 1743, also fell into the new belief; as did Consag the
Jesuit, in a map which he made in 1746.[1395]

The leading English geographer Bowen in 1747 was advocating the same
view, and defining the more northerly parts as “undiscovered.” In 1748
Henry Ellis published his _Voyage to Hudson’s Bay_,—made in 1746-1747,
and mentions a story that a high or low tide made California an
island or a peninsula, and was inclined to believe in a practicable
northwest passage.[1396] In 1750 Robert de Vaugondy, while preserving
the peninsula, made a westerly entrance to the north of it, which he
marks as the discovery of Martin d’Aguilar. The lingering suspicion
of the northerly connection of the California Gulf with the ocean had
now nearly vanished; and the peninsula which had been an island under
Cortés, then for near a century connected with the main, and then again
for more than a century in many minds an island again, was at last
defined in its proper geographical relations.[1397]

The coast line long remained, however, shadowy in the higher latitudes.
Buriel, in his editorial notes to Venegas’s _California_, in 1757,
confessed that nothing was known. The French geographers, the younger
Delisle and Buache,[1398] published at this time various solutions of
the problem of straits and interior seas, associated with the claims
of Maldonado, De Fuca, and De Fonte; and others were found to adopt,
while others rejected, some of their very fanciful reconciling of
conflicting and visionary evidences, in which the “Mer de l’ouest”
holds a conspicuous position.[1399] The English map-maker Jefferys at
the same epoch (1753) was far less complex in his supposition, and
confined himself to a single “river which connects with Lake Winnepeg.”
A map of 1760, “par les S^{rs} Sanson, rectifiée par S^r Robert,” also
indicates a like westerly entrance; and Jefferys again in 1762, while
he grows a little more determinate in coast lines, more explicitly
fixes the passage as one that Juan de Fuca had entered in 1592.[1400]
The _Atlas Moderne_, which was published at Paris, also in 1762, in
more than one map, the work of Janvier, still clung to the varieties
presented by Delisle ten years before, and which Delisle himself
the next year (1763) again brought forward. In 1768 Jefferys made a
map[1401] to illustrate the De Fonte narrative; but after 1775 he made
several studies of the coast, and among other services reproduced the
map which the Russian Academy had published, and which was a somewhat
cautious draught of bits of the coast line here and there, indicating
different landfalls, with a dotted connection between them.[1402] One
of Jefferys’s own maps (1775) carries the coast north with indications
of entrances, but without attempting to connect them with any interior
water-sheds. Going north from New Albion we then find on his map the
passage of D’Aguilar in 1603; then that of De Fuca, “where in 1592 he
pretends he went through to the North Sea;” then the “Fousang” coast,
visited by the Spaniards in 1774; then Delisle’s landfall in 1741;
Behring’s the same year; while the coast stops at Mount St. Elias. In
his 1776 map Jefferys gives another scheme. “Alaschka” is now an island
athwart the water, dividing America from Asia, with Behring’s Straits
at its western end; while the American main is made up of what was seen
by Spangenberg in 1728, with a general northeasterly trend higher up,
laid down according to the Japanese reports. The Spaniards were also at
this time pushing up among the islands beyond the Oregon coast.[1403]
In 1774 Don Juan Perez went to Nootka Sound, as is supposed, and called
it San Lorenzo.[1404] In 1775 another Spanish expedition discovered
the Columbia River.[1405] Janvier in 1782 published a map[1406] still
perpetuating the great sea of the west, which Buache and others had
delineated thirty years before. The English in 1776 transferred their
endeavors from Hudson’s Bay to the Pacific coast, and Captain James
Cook was despatched to strike the coast in the latitude of Drake’s
New Albion, and proceed north in search of a passage eastward.[1407]
Carver the traveller had already, in 1766-1768, got certain notions
of the coast from Indian stories, as he heard them in the interior,
and embodied them with current beliefs in a map of his own, which made
a part of his _Travels through the interior parts of North America_,
published in 1778. In this he fixed the name of Oregon for the supposed
great river of the west, which remained in the end attached to the
region which it was believed to water.[1408] In 1786 the Frenchman La
Pérouse was on the coast.[1409] In 1789 the English and Spanish meeting
on the coast, the English commander was seized. This action led to a
diplomatic fence, the result of which was the surrender of Nootka to
the English.

Meanwhile a Boston ship, the “Columbia,” commanded by Captain Kendrick,
in company with the “Washington” (Captain Gray), was on a voyage,
which was the first American attempt to sail around the globe.[1410]
They entered and named the Columbia River; and meeting Vancouver,
the intelligence was communicated to him. When the English commander
occupied Nootka, the last vestige of uncertainty regarding the salient
features of the coast may be said to have disappeared under his
surveys. Before they were published, George Foster issued in 1791 his
map of the northwest coast, in which the Straits of Juan de Fuca were
placed below 40°, by which Captain Gray is supposed to have entered, on
his way to an open sea, coming out again in 55°, through what we now
know as the Dixon entrance, to the north of Queen Charlotte’s Island;
the American navigator having threaded, as was supposed, a great
northern archipelago. Vancouver’s own map finally cleared the remaining
confusion, and the migratory Straits of Juan de Fuca were at last
fixed as the channel south of Vancouver’s Island which led to Puget
Sound.[1411]

NOTES.

[Illustration]

MERCATOR’S PROJECTION.—It was no new thing to convert the spherical
representation of the earth into a plane on the cylindrical principle,
for it had been done in the fourteenth century; but no one had devised
any method by which it could be used for a sea-chart, since the
parallelizing of the meridians altered the direction of point from
point. Mercator seems to have reasoned out a plan in this wise: A B and
C D are two meridians drawing together as they approach the pole. If
they are made parallel, as in E F and G H, the point 2 is moved to 3,
which is in a different direction from 1, in the parallel of latitude,
I J. If the line of direction from 1 to 2 is prolonged till it strikes
the perpendicular meridian G H at 4, the original direction is
preserved, and the parallel K L can then be moved to become M N; thus
prolonging the distance from 1 to 5, and from 6 to 4, to counteract the
effect on direction by perpendicularizing the meridians. To do this
accurately involved a law which could be applicable to all parallels
and meridians; and that law Mercator seems only to have reached
approximately. But the idea once conveyed, it was seized by Edward
Wright in England in 1590, who evolved the law, and published it with
a map, the first engraved on the new system, in his _Certain Errors of
Navigation_, London, 1599. Mead, in his _Construction of Maps_ (1717),
examined all previous systems of projections; but contended that
Varenius in Latin, and his follower Newton in English, had not done the
subject justice. There have been some national controversies over the
claims of the German Mercator and the English Wright; but D’Avezac, in
his “Coup d’Œil historique sur la projection des cartes de géographie,”
printed in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, 1863 (also
separately), defends Mercator’s claims to be considered the originator
of the projection; and he (pp. 283-285) gives references to writers on
the subject, who are also noted in Van Raemdonck’s _Mercator_, p. 120.

The claim which Van Raemdonck had made in his _Gérard Mercator, sa
vie et ses œuvres_,—that the great geographer was a Fleming,—was
controverted by Dr. Breusing in his _Gerhard Kremer, gen. Mercator, der
Deutsche Geograph_, 1869, and in an article (supposed to be his) in
the _Mittheilungen aus Justus Perthes’ Geographischer Anstalt_, 1869,
vol. xi. p. 438, where the German birth of Mercator is contended for.
To this Van Raemdonck replied in his _Gérard de Cremer, ou Mercator,
Géographe Flamand_, published at St. Nicholas in 1870. The controversy
rose from the project, in 1869, to erect a monument to Mercator at
Duisburg. Cf. also Bertrand in the _Journal des Savants_, February,
1870.

ORTELIUS.—Ortelius was born in 1527, and died in 1598, aged seventy-one
years. He was a rich man, and had visited England in his researches.
Stevens says in his _Bibliotheca historica_ p. 133: “A thorough study
of Ortelius is of the last importance.... He was a bibliographer, a
cartographer, and an antiquary, as well as a good mathematician and
geographer; and what is of infinite importance to us now, he gave his
authorities.” Cf. also “La Généalogie du Géographe Abraham Ortelius,”
by Génard in the _Bulletin de la Société Géographique d’Anvers_, v.
315; and Felix Van Hulst’s _Life of Ortelius_, second edition, Liege,
1846, with a portrait, which can also be found in the 1580, 1584, and
perhaps other editions of his own _Theatrum_. There is also a brief
notice, by M. de Macedo, of his geographical works in _Annales des
Voyages_, vol. ii. pp. 184-192. Thomassy (_Les Papes géographes_, p.
65) has pointed out how Ortelius fell into some errors, from ignorance
of Ruscelli’s maps, in the 1561 edition of Ptolemy. The engraver of his
early editions was Francis Hagenberg, and of his later ones, Ferdinand
Orsenius and Ambroise Orsenius. He prefixed to his book a list of the
authorities, from whose labors he had constructed his own maps. It is
a most useful list for the students of the map-making of the sixteenth
century. It has not a single Spanish title, which indicates how closely
the Council for the Indies had kept their archives from the unofficial
cartographers. The titles given are wholly of the sixteenth century,
not many anterior to 1528, and mostly of the latter half of the
century, indeed after 1560; and they are about one hundred and fifty in
all. The list includes some maps which Ortelius had not seen; and some,
to which in his text he refers, are not included in the list. There
are some maps among them of which modern inquiry has found no trace.
Stevens, in unearthing Walter Lud, turned to the list and found him
there as Gualterus Ludovicus. (See _ante_, p. 162).

Ortelius supplied some titles which he had omitted,—including some
earlier than 1528,—as well as added others produced in the interval,
when, in 1592, he republished the list in its revised state. Lelewel
has arranged the names in a classified way in his _Géographie du moyen
âge_, vol. ii. pp. 185, 210, and on p. 217 has given us an account of
the work of Ortelius. Cf. also Lelewel, vol. v. p. 214; Sabin, vol.
xiv. p. 61.

The original edition of the _Theatrum_ was issued at Antwerp, in
Latin, and had fifty-three maps; it was again published the same year
with some changes. There are copies in Mr. Brevoort’s, Jules Marcou’s
collections, and in the Carter-Brown, Harvard College, and Astor
libraries. Stevens, in his illustrated _Bibliotheca geographica_, no.
2,077, gives a fac-simile of the title. Cf. also _Huth Catalogue_, vol.
iii. p. 1068; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 278; and Muller,
_Books on America_ (1877), no. 2,380.

The third Latin edition appeared the next year (1571) at Antwerp, with
the same maps, as did the first edition with Dutch text, likewise with
the same maps. Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_, no. 1,473, thinks the
Dutch is the original text.

To these several editions a supplement or additamentum, with eighteen
new maps (none, however, relating to America), was added in 1573.
Sabin’s _Dictionary_; Brockhaus, _Americana_ (1861), no. 28. Muller,
_Books on America_ (1877), no. 2,381.

The same year (1573, though the colophon reads “Antorff, 1572”) the
first German edition appeared, but in Roman type, and with a somewhat
rough linguistic flavor. It had sixty-nine maps, and included the
map of America. Koehler, of Leipsic, priced a copy in 1883 at 100
marks. The Latin (Antwerp) edition of this year (1573), “nova editio
aliquot iconibus aucta,” seems also to have the same peculiarity of
an earlier year (1572) in the colophon _Huth Catalogue_ (vol. iii.
p. 1068). Copies of all these editions seem to vary in the number of
the maps. (_Library of Congress Catalogue_; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_,
and the catalogues of Quaritch, Weigel, and others.) In 1574 some of
the Antwerp issues have a French text, with maps corresponding to the
German edition.

There are copies of the 1575 edition in the libraries of Congress,
Harvard College, and the Boston Athenæum; and the four maps of interest
in American cartography may be described from the Harvard College copy.
They are reproductions of the maps of the 1570 edition.

_a._ Mappemonde. North America has a perfected outline much as in the
Mercator map, with “Anian regnum” at the northwest. North America is
marked, as by Wytfliet, “America sive India nova;” but the geography
of the Arctic and northeastern parts is quite different from Wytfliet.
Groclant and Groenland have another relative position, and take a
general trend east and west; while in Wytfliet it is north and south.
Northern Labrador is called Estotilant; while Frisland and Drogeo,
islands to the south and east of it, are other reminders of the Zeni
chart. This same map was reissued in the 1584 edition; and again, new
cut, with a few changes, and dated 1587, it reappeared in the 1597
edition.

_b._ The two Americas. Anian and Quivira are on the northwest coast
of North America. Tolm and Tototeac are northeast of the Gulf of
California, and mark the region where the St. Lawrence rises, flowing,
without lakes, to the gulf, with Terra Corterealis on the north and
Norumbega on the south. Estotilant is apparently north of Hudson’s
Straits, and off its point is Icaria (another Zeni locality), with
Frislant south of it. Newfoundland is cut into two large islands, with
Baccalaos, a small island off its eastern coast. South America has the
false projection (from Mercator) on its southwestern coast in place
of Ruscelli’s uncertain limits at that point. This projecting coast
continued for some time to disfigure the outline of that continent in
the maps. This map also reappeared in the 1584 edition.

_c._ Scandia, or the Scandinavian regions, and the North Atlantic show
Greenland, Groclant, Island, Frisland, Drogeo, and Estotilant on a
large scale, but in much the same relation to one another as in the
map _a_. East of Greenland, and separated from it by a strait, is a
circumpolar land which has these words: “Pygmei hic habitant.” The
general disposition of the parts of this map resembles Mercator’s, and
it was several times repeated, as in the editions of Ortelius of 1584
and 1592; and it was re-engraved in Münster’s _Cosmographia_ of 1595,
and in the Cologne-Arnheim Ptolemy of 1597.

_d._ Indiæ orientalis. It shows Japan, an island midway in a sea
separating Mangi (Asia) on the west from “Americæ sive Indie
occidentalis pars” on the east. This map also reappeared in the 1584
edition, and may be compared with those of the Wytfliet series.

* * * * *

In 1577 an epitome of Ortelius by Heyn, with a Dutch text and
seventy-two maps, appeared at Antwerp.

In 1580 the German text, entirely rewritten, appeared at Antorff, with
a portrait of Ortelius and twenty-four new maps (constituting the third
supplement), with a new general map of America. Among the new maps
was one of New Spain, dated 1579, containing, it is reckoned, about a
thousand names; another showing Florida, Northern Mexico, and the West
India Islands; and a third on one sheet showing Peru, Florida, and
Guastecan Regio.

The Latin edition of 1584, with a further increase of maps, is in
Harvard College Library. In 1587 there was a French text issued, the
mappemonde of which is reproduced in Vivien de St. Martin’s _Histoire
de la géographie_. This text in the 1588 edition is called “revue,
corrigé et augmentée pour la troisième fois.” This French text is
wholly independent of, and not a translation of, the Latin and German.
The maps are at this time usually ninety-four in number. In 1589 there
was Marchetti’s edition at Brescia and a Latin one at Antwerp. In 1591
there was a fresh supplement of twenty-one maps. In 1592 the Antwerp
edition was the last one superintended by Ortelius himself. The map of
the New World was re-engraved, and the maps number in full copies two
hundred and one, usually colored; there is a copy in Harvard College
Library. In 1593 there was an Italian text, and other Latin editions
in 1595 and 1596, a copy of the last being in Harvard College Library.
This completes the story of the popularity of Ortelius down to the
publication of Wytfliet, when American cartography obtained its special
exponent.

A few later editions may mark the continued popularity of the work of
Ortelius, and of those who followed upon his path:—

_Il theatro del mondo_, Brescia (1598), one hundred maps, of which
three are American.

A French text at Antwerp (1598), with one hundred and nineteen maps,
including the same American maps as in the 1587 edition, except that of
the world and of America at large.

Peeter Heyn’s _Miroir du monde_, Amsterdam (1598), with eighty woodcut
maps,—an epitome of Ortelius.

After Ortelius’s death, the first Latin edition in 1601, at Antwerp
(111 maps), had his final corrections; other issues followed in 1603,
1609 (115 maps), 1612, 1624, with an epitome by Crignet in 1602 (123
maps); and an epitome in English in 1610. An Italian text by Pigafetta
appeared in 1612 and 1697.

Lelewel (_Géographie du moyen âge_; vol. ii. pp. 181, 185, and
_Epilogue_, p. 214) has somewhat carefully examined the intricate
subject of the make-up of editions of Ortelius; but the truth probably
is, that there was much independent grouping of particular copies which
obscures the bibliography.

CHAPTER VII.

EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO.

BY HENRY W. HAYNES.

_Archæological Institute of America._

AT the time of the Spanish conquest of Mexico there were living, some
fifteen hundred miles to the north of the city so named, in the upper
valley of the Rio del Norte, and upon some of the eastern affluents of
the Colorado of the West, certain native tribes, who had attained to
a degree of culture superior to that of any people in North America,
with the exception of the semi-civilized Aztec and Maya races. These
were the Sedentary or Pueblo Indians,—village communities dwelling
together in large buildings constructed of stone or adobe,—whose
home lay principally within the present limits of New Mexico and
Arizona, although extending somewhat into southwestern Colorado and
southeastern Utah. The first rumors of the existence of this people
which had reached the ears of the Spaniards grew out of a tale told to
Nuño de Guzman in 1530, when he was at the head of the Royal Audience
then governing New Spain.[1412] He had an Indian slave, called by the
Spaniards Tejos, who represented himself to be a son of a trader in
feathers, such as were used by the natives for head-dresses. Tejos said
that it was his father’s habit to travel about, exchanging his wares
for silver and gold, which were abundant in certain regions. Once or
twice he had accompanied his father on these journeys, and then he had
seen cities large enough to be compared with Mexico. They were seven in
number, and entire streets in them were occupied by jewellers. To reach
them it was necessary to travel northward forty days’ journey through
a desert region lying between the two seas.

Guzman placed confidence in this narrative; and collecting a force of
four hundred Spaniards and twenty thousand Indians, he set out from
Mexico in search of this country. It was believed to be only about
six hundred miles distant, and already the name of _The Land of the
Seven Cities_ had been given to it. There were also other strange
stories current, that had been told to Cortés a few years before,
about a region called Ciguatan, lying somewhere in the north, near to
which was an island inhabited solely by Amazons. In this, also, there
was said to be gold in abundance; and it was quite as much the hope
of finding the Island of the Amazons, with its gold, that inspired
Guzman’s expedition, as of gaining access to the treasures of The Seven
Cities. But on his march confirmatory reports about these cities kept
reaching him; and eventually the expedition succeeded in penetrating
to Ciguatan, and even as far within the province of Culiacan, the
extreme limit of Spanish discovery, as to Colombo. Nevertheless, they
did not find the Island of the Amazons, and The Seven Cities kept
receding farther toward the north.[1413] Meanwhile one of his captains
made a reconnoissance some seventy leagues in an easterly direction
without any satisfactory result. At last, the difficulties of an
advance through a wild country and amid pathless mountains brought the
expedition to a halt, which soon dampened the ardor of the soldiers,
who grew clamorous to return to Mexico. But in the mean time news
had reached Guzman that Cortés was once more there, clothed with new
titles and authority, and he did not dare to brave the anger which his
hostile proceedings during Cortés’ absence were sure to have provoked.
Accordingly he retraced his steps no farther than to Compostella and
Guadalaxara, where he remained, and established the colonies from
which was formed the province known afterwards as New Gallicia.[1414]
Not long after, he was deposed from his authority as governor of this
province by direct commands from Spain; and Antonio de Mendoza, who had
now been created Viceroy of New Spain, appointed Francisco Vasquez de
Coronado to the vacant post.

Meanwhile the Indian Tejos had died, and the mysterious Seven Cities
would have remained only a name, if the interest in them had not
been revived by a remarkable occurrence. This was the arrival in
the province of Culiacan, in 1536, of Antonio Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca,
with three companions. They were the sole survivors of the numerous
company who had followed Pamphilo de Narvaez, in 1527, to the shores of
Florida. During nine years of almost incredible perils and hardships,
after traversing in their wanderings all the great unknown region
lying north of the Gulf of Mexico, they had at last reached the shores
of the southern sea. They brought back accounts of having fallen in
with civilized peoples, dwelling in permanent habitations, where were
“populous towns with very large houses.”[1415] The story of their
strange adventures is told elsewhere in more detail,[1416] so that
here it suffices to put on record simply that they were the first
Europeans to tread the soil of New Mexico. As soon as they reached
Mexico, the intelligence of their discoveries was communicated to
the Viceroy Mendoza, by whom it was at once transmitted to Coronado,
the new governor of New Gallicia. He was a gentleman of good family,
from Salamanca, but long established in Mexico, where he had married
a daughter of Alonzo d’Estrada, former governor of that place, who
was generally believed to be a natural son of Ferdinand the Catholic.
Coronado at this time was occupied in travelling through New Spain;
but he repaired immediately to his province to investigate the
reports, taking with him one of Cabeza de Vaca’s companions, a negro
named Stephen, and also three Franciscan monks, missionaries to the
natives. After a brief interval a proposition was made to one of these
monks, Fray Marcos de Nizza (of Nice), to undertake a preliminary
exploration of the country. He was selected for this task on account
of his character and attainments, and because of the experience he had
acquired in Peru, under Alvarado. Elaborate instructions were sent
to him by the Viceroy, which seem inspired by a spirit of humanity
as well as intelligence.[1417] He was told that the expedition was
to be undertaken for the spread of the holy Catholic faith, and that
he must exhort the Spaniards to treat the natives with kindness, and
threaten them with the Viceroy’s displeasure if this command should be
disobeyed. The natives were to be informed of the Emperor’s indignation
at the cruelties that had been inflicted upon them, and to be assured
that they should no longer be enslaved or removed from their homes.
He was ordered to take the negro Stephen as his guide, and cautioned
against giving any ground of offence to the natives. He was to take
special note of their numbers and manner of life, and whether they were
at peace or war among themselves. He was also to observe particularly
the nature of the country, the fertility of the soil, and the character
of its products; to learn what wild animals were to be found there, and
whether there were any rivers, great or small. He was to search for
precious stones and metals, and if possible to bring back specimens
of them; and to make inquiry whether the natives had any knowledge of
a neighboring sea. If he should succeed in reaching the southern sea,
he was to leave an account of his discoveries buried at the foot of
some conspicuous tree marked with a cross, and to do the same thing at
the mouths of all rivers, so that any future maritime expedition might
be instructed to be on the lookout for such a sign. Especially was he
ordered to send back constant reports as to the route he had taken, and
how he was received; and if he should discover any great city, he was
to return immediately to give private information about it. Finally,
he was told to take possession of the new country in the name of the
Emperor, and to make the natives understand that they must submit
themselves to him.

In accordance with these instructions, Fray Marcos set out from S.
Miguel de Culiacan on the 7th of March, 1539, with Fray Honoratus
for a companion, and the negro Stephen for a guide. The monks were
not greatly pleased with this man, on account of his avaricious and
sensual nature; but they hoped to reap some benefit from his ability
to communicate with the natives, several of whom, who had been brought
away from their homes by Cabeza de Vaca, but who had been redeemed
and set free by the Viceroy, also accompanied the party. There was,
besides, a much larger company of natives from the neighboring regions,
who were induced to join the expedition on account of the favorable
representations made to them by those whom the Viceroy had freed.

Fray Marcos, upon his return, made a formal report of all his
doings;[1418] and to this we must look for the first definite
information in regard to the early exploration and history of the
region with which we are now concerned, since Cabeza de Vaca’s
narrative is too confused to furnish any sure indications of locality,
and he has even been charged by Castañeda with “representing things
very differently from what he had found them in reality.”[1419] The
monk relates how they reached Petatlan, after having met with great
kindness from the natives on their way; and while resting there for
three days Fray Honoratus fell ill, and was obliged to be left behind.
He himself continued his journey for some thirty leagues, still finding
the natives most friendly, and even willing to share with him their
supply of food, although it was but scanty, owing to no rain having
fallen for three years. On his way he was met by some inhabitants
of the island, which had previously been visited by Cortés, by whom
he was assured that it was indeed an island, and not a continent as
some had supposed. Still other people came to visit him from a larger
island, but more distant, who informed him that there were still thirty
islands more, but that they were only poorly supplied with food.[1420]
These Indians wore shells suspended from their necks, like those in
which pearls are found; and when a pearl was shown to them, they
said they had an abundance of them, although the friar admits that
he himself did not see any. After this his route lay for four days
through a desert, during which he was accompanied by the Indians from
the islands and the inhabitants of the villages through which he had
passed. Finally he came to a people who were astonished to see him,
as they had no intercourse with the people on the other side of the
desert, and had no knowledge whatsoever of Europeans. Nevertheless,
they received him kindly, and supplied him with food, and endeavored to
touch his garments, calling him “a man sent from heaven.” In return, he
endeavored, as best he might by means of interpreters, to teach them
about “God in heaven, and his Majesty upon earth.” Upon being asked if
they knew of any country more populous and civilized than their own,
they replied that four or five days’ journey into the interior, in a
great plain at the foot of the mountains, there were many large cities,
inhabited by a people who wore garments made of cotton. When specimens
of different metals were shown to them, they selected the gold, and
said that this people had their common dishes made of this material,
and wore balls of it suspended from their ears and noses, and even used
“thin plates of it to scrape off their sweat.” However, as this plain
was quite remote from the sea, and as it was his purpose never to be
far away from it during his journeyings, the monk decided to defer the
exploration of this country until his return.

Meanwhile Fray Marcos continued to travel for three days through the
territories of the same tribe, until he arrived at a town of moderate
size, called Vacapa, situated in a fertile region about forty leagues
from the sea.[1421] Here he rested for several days, while three
exploring parties were despatched to the coast with directions to
bring back some of the natives dwelling there as well as upon the
neighboring islands, in order that he might obtain more definite
information about those regions. The negro was ordered to advance in a
northerly direction fifty or sixty leagues, and to send back a report
of what he should discover. In four days’ time a messenger came from
him bringing news of “a country the finest in the world;” and with him
came an Indian, who professed to have visited it, and who reported
that it was a thirty days’ journey from the place where Stephen then
was to the first city of this province. The name of this province was
Cibola,[1422] and it contained seven great cities, all under the rule
of one lord. The houses were built of stone and lime; some of them were
three stories high, and had their doorways ornamented with turquoises,
of which there was an abundance in that country; beyond this, there
were still other provinces all greater than that of The Seven Cities.
This tale was all the more readily credited by the monk, as the man
appeared to be “of good understanding.” Nevertheless, he deferred his
departure until the exploring parties should return from the coast.
After a short time they came back, bringing with them some of the
dwellers upon the coast and on two of the islands, who reported that
there were thirty-four islands in all, near to one another; but that
all, as well as the main land, were deficient in food supplies. They
said that the islanders held intercourse with each other by means of
rafts, and that the coast stretched due north. On the same day there
came to Vacapa, to visit the monk, three Indians who had their faces,
hands, and breasts painted. They said that they dwelt in the eastern
country, in the neighborhood of Cibola, and they confirmed all the
reports in regard to it.

As fresh messengers had now come from Stephen, urging the monk to
hasten his departure, he sent the natives of the coast back to their
homes and resumed his journey, taking with him two of the islanders—who
begged to accompany him for several days—and the painted Indians. In
three days’ time he arrived among the people who had given the negro
his information about Cibola. They confirmed all that had been said
about it; and they also told about three other great kingdoms, called
Marata, Acus, and Totonteac. They said they were in the habit of going
to these countries to labor in the fields, and that they received in
payment turquoises and skins of cattle. All the people there wore
turquoises in their ears and noses, and were clad in long cotton robes
reaching to their feet, with a girdle of turquoises around the waist.
Over these cotton garments they wore mantles made of skins, which were
considered to be the clothing best suited to the country. They gave
the monk several of these skins, which were said to come from Cibola,
and which proved to be as well dressed and tanned as those prepared
by the most highly civilized people. The people here treated him with
very great kindness, and brought the sick to him to be healed, and
endeavored to touch his garments as he recited the Gospels over them.
The next day he continued his journey, still attended by the painted
Indians, and arrived at another village, where the same scenes were
repeated. He was told that Stephen had gone on four or five days’
journey, accompanied by many of the natives, and that he had left word
for Fray Marcos to hasten forward. As this appeared to be the finest
country he had found thus far, he proceeded to erect two crosses,
and to take formal possession of it in the name of the Emperor, in
accordance with his instructions. He then continued on his journey for
five days more, passing through one village after another, everywhere
treated with great kindness, and receiving presents of turquoises and
of skins, until at last he was told that he was on the point of coming
to a desert region. To cross this would be five days’ march; but he
was assured that provisions would be transported for him, and places
provided in which he could sleep. This all turned out as had been
promised, and he then reached a populous valley, where the people all
wore turquoises in greater profusion than ever, and talked about Cibola
as familiarly as did the Spaniards about Mexico or Quito. They said
that in it all the products of civilization could be procured, and they
explained the method by which the houses were constructed of several
stories.

Up to this point the coast had continued to run due north; but here,
in the latitude of 35°, Fray Marcos found, from personal examination,
that it began to trend westward. For five days he journeyed through
this fertile and well-watered valley, finding villages in it at every
half-league, when there met him a native of Cibola, who had fled hither
from the governor of that place. He was a man advanced in years, and
of good appearance and capacity; and from him were obtained even more
definite and detailed accounts of Cibola and the neighboring kingdoms,
their condition and mode of government; and he begged to be allowed
to return home in the friar’s company, in order to obtain pardon
through his intercession. The monk pursued his way for three days more
through this rich and populous valley, when he was informed that soon
another desert stretch, fifteen long days’ march in extent, would
begin. Accordingly, as he had now travelled one hundred and twelve
leagues from the place where he had first learned of this new country,
he determined to rest here a short time. He was told that Stephen had
taken along with him more than three hundred men as his escort, and to
carry provisions across the desert; and he was advised to do likewise,
as the natives all expected to return laden with riches. But Fray
Marcos declined; and selecting only thirty of the principal men, and
the necessary porters, he entered upon the desert in the month of May,
and travelled for twelve days, finding at all the halting-places the
cabins which had been occupied by Stephen and other travellers. Of a
sudden an Indian came in sight, covered with dust and sweat, with grief
and terror stamped upon his countenance. He had been one of Stephen’s
party, and was the son of one of the chiefs who were escorting the
friar. This was the tale he told: On the day before Stephen’s arrival
at Cibola, according to his custom, he sent forward messengers to
announce his approach. These carried his staff of office, made of a
gourd, to which was attached a string of bells and two feathers, one
white and one red, which signified that he had come with peaceful
intentions and to heal the sick. But when this was delivered to the
governor, he angrily dashed it to the ground, saying he knew the
strangers, and forbade their entering the city, upon pain of death.
This message was brought back to Stephen, who nevertheless continued
on, but was prevented from entering the city. He was conducted to a
large house outside the walls, where everything was taken from him; and
the whole party passed the night without food or drink. The following
morning, while the narrator had gone to the river which flowed near by,
to quench his thirst, suddenly he saw Stephen in full flight, pursued
by the people of Cibola, who were slaying all of his companions;
whereupon he hid himself under the bank, and finally succeeded in
escaping across the desert. When they heard this pitiful story, the
Indians began to wail, and the monk to tremble for his own life; but
he says he was troubled still more at the thought of not being able to
bring back information about this important country. Nevertheless, he
proceeded to cut the cords of some of his packages, from which he had
as yet given nothing away, and to distribute all the contents among
the chief men, bidding them fear nothing, but continue on with him
still farther; which they did, until they came within a day’s journey
of Cibola. Here there met them two more of Stephen’s Indian companions,
still bleeding from their wounds, who told the same story about his
death and the destruction of his company, supposing that they alone had
escaped, by hiding themselves under the heaps of those who had been
slain by flights of arrows.[1423]

The monk goes on to relate that he tried to comfort the weeping
natives, by telling them that God would punish the people of Cibola,
and the Emperor would send an army to chastise them; but they refused
to believe him, saying no power could resist that of Cibola. He
thereupon distributed everything he had left among them to appease
them, and endeavored to persuade some of them to go nearer the city, in
order to make sure of the fate of the party; and upon their refusal, he
said that he should at all events endeavor to obtain a sight of Cibola.
Seeing his determination, two of the chiefs consented to accompany him;
and they came to a hill, from which they could look down upon the city.
It is situated in a plain, he says, and seemed to be handsomer and more
important than any city he had yet seen, and even larger than Mexico.
The houses were built of stone, and were of several stories, as the
natives had told him, and with flat roofs; and upon his expressing his
admiration of it, his companions said that it was the smallest of The
Seven Cities, and that Totonteac, one of the neighboring towns, was
still larger and finer. With the help of the Indians he proceeded to
raise a great pile of stones, upon which he planted a cross as large
as he was able to make, and in the name of the Viceroy and Governor of
New Spain, on behalf of the Emperor, he took possession of the Land of
the Seven Cities, and the realms of Totonteac, Acus, and Marata; and to
the whole country he gave the name of the New Kingdom of St. Francis.
Upon retracing his steps across the desert, he failed to receive as
friendly a reception as before, for all the people were in tears for
the loss of their murdered relatives; so that he became alarmed, and
hastened through the valley so rapidly that in three days’ time he had
crossed the second desert. From this point he made a detour in the
direction of the country lying to the East, about which he had been
told on his first coming. Without venturing to penetrate into it, he
contented himself with observing the approaches, when he found seven
small villages in a verdant valley, but in the distance he could see
the smoke of a fine city. He was informed that the country was very
rich in gold, but that the inhabitants refused all intercourse with
strangers. Nevertheless, he planted two more crosses here, and took
formal possession of the country. From this point he retraced his steps
as speedily as possible to Compostella, where he rejoined Coronado, and
sent immediate notice of his return to the Viceroy.

While Fray Marcos had been absent upon his journey, Coronado had
himself been occupied in searching for a province lying somewhere to
the north of his own dominions, called Topira. After a toilsome march
through a mountain region this was reached, and proved to be entirely
different from what it had been reported; and he had just returned from
this fruitless expedition, when the monk arrived. So glowing were the
accounts he gave of what he had himself seen and what the natives had
told him, as well as of the wealth to be found in the islands of the
southern seas, that Coronado determined to take the monk at once with
himself to Mexico and lay the matter before the Viceroy. There, on the
2d of September, 1539, according to the notaries’ attest, Fray Marcos
presented a report in writing to Mendoza, by whom it was transmitted to
the Emperor Charles V., accompanied by a letter from himself containing
a brief narrative of the previous attempts that had been made for the
exploration of the country.[1424] In a very short time Coronado began
to proclaim openly what hitherto he had only whispered in strictest
confidence to his most intimate friends,—that the marvellous Seven
Cities had been discovered which Nuño de Guzman had sought for in
vain; and he proceeded forthwith to make preparations and to collect
a military force for their conquest. Meanwhile the Franciscans chose
Fray Marcos for their general; and soon all the pulpits of that Order
were resounding to such good purpose, that before long an army of
three hundred Spaniards and eight hundred Indians of New Spain had
been collected. So many gentlemen of noble birth volunteered for this
service that the Viceroy was much embarrassed in selecting officers;
but at last he decided upon the principal ones, and appointed Coronado,
as was only his due, general-in-chief. Compostella, the capital of
New Gallicia, was named as the place of rendezvous for the army; and
in the mean time Hernando Alarcon received instructions to sail along
the coast of the southern sea in order to accompany the march of the
expedition. He was directed to transport the heavy stores and to keep
up communications by means of the rivers that empty into it. This part
of the plan, however, failed of success, as Coronado’s line of march
soon led him to a distance from the coast.[1425]

[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF CORONADO.]

In the last days of February, 1540, the Viceroy himself came to
Compostella, and from there he accompanied the army for two days on
its march. But soon the difficulties of the route began to tell upon
the inexperienced cavaliers, who were obliged each to carry his own
provisions and baggage, so that when they had reached Chiametla, they
were compelled to halt for several days in order to procure a supply
of food. In doing this a collision with the natives occurred, in which
one of the superior officers was slain; and in revenge, all who were
_believed_ to be inhabitants of the village where it happened were
hanged. Soon after this, dissatisfaction began to manifest itself among
the troops, which was heightened by the discouraging reports which were
spread on the return of Melchior Diaz and his party, whom Coronado
had sent by Mendoza’s orders on a reconnoitring expedition during
his own absence in Mexico. They had penetrated two hundred leagues
beyond Culiacan, as far as the edge of the desert, and they gave very
different accounts from those of Fray Marcos. Very few inhabitants were
seen, except in two or three little villages of some thirty huts, and
everywhere was a great scarcity of provisions; while the mountainous
nature of the country rendered it almost impassable.[1426] The friar,
however, strove to encourage their drooping spirits, promising them
that they should not return empty handed; and the march was continued
to Culiacan, where the expedition was received with great hospitality
by the Spanish colonists. Here Coronado left the main body of the army
under the command of Tristan d’Arellano, with orders to follow him in
a fortnight, while he himself set out on the 22d of April, 1540, with
fifty horse and a few foot-soldiers and the monks who did not choose
to be left behind. In somewhat more than a month’s time he came to the
last inhabited place on the borders of the desert, having everywhere
met with a friendly reception from the natives. At an intervening
village, in the valley which Cabeza de Vaca had called Corazones, he
had halted, and despatched messengers to the sea-coast, which was
five days’ journey distant, and learned that a vessel had been seen
passing by. The place which he had now reached bore the name of
Chichilticalli, or The Red House, and it proved to be something very
different from what Fray Marcos had reported. Instead of a populous
town at a distance of five leagues from the sea, he found merely a
single ruinous, roofless structure, at least ten days’ journey from
the coast. Nevertheless, it bore the appearance of having once been
a fortified work which had been constructed out of red earth by a
civilized people, but had been destroyed in former times by some
barbarous enemy.[1427] Here Coronado entered upon the desert, and
proceeding in a northeasterly direction he came in a fortnight’s time
to a river, to which the name of the Vermejo was given, on account of
its turbid waters. This was only eight leagues distant from Cibola,
where they arrived on the following day, sometime early in July, having
only escaped by the general’s prudence from falling into an ambuscade
of hostile natives.[1428]

Cibola turned out to be even a greater disappointment than the Red
House, and many were the maledictions showered upon the monk by the
soldiers. Instead of the great city which he had reported, it proved
to be only a little village of not more than two hundred inhabitants,
situated upon a rocky eminence, and difficult of access.[1429] From
its resemblance in situation, Coronado gave the name of Granada to
the village; and he states that the name Cibola properly belonged to
the whole district containing seven towns, and not to any particular
place. As the natives continued to manifest a hostile disposition,
and the army was almost famished from lack of food, it was resolved
to attempt to carry it at once by assault, in order to get at the
abundance of provisions stored there. But the inhabitants made such a
stout resistance with missiles and showers of stones, that it would
have gone hard with the Spaniards if it had not been for the protection
of their armor. As it was, Coronado himself was twice felled to the
earth, and his life was only saved by the devotion of one of his
officers, who shielded him with his own body. However, in less than an
hour’s time the place was captured, though several of the horses of the
Spaniards were killed, and a few of the assailants wounded. But when
once possession of this strong point was secured, the whole district
was speedily reduced to submission.

Here Coronado awaited the arrival of the main body of his army before
attempting to penetrate farther into the country; and from this place
he transmitted to the Viceroy, under date of Aug. 3, 1540, a report of
what he had already accomplished, in which his disappointment about
the character of the region through which he had journeyed was very
plainly expressed, as well as his entire disbelief in the truth of the
reports which Fray Marcos had brought back respecting the rich and
powerful kingdoms lying at a distance. He shows that he had discovered
the inherent defect of the country by laying particular stress upon
the “great want of pasture;” and says that he had learned that “what
the Indians worship is water, for it causeth their corn to grow and
maintaineth their life.”[1430] With this despatch he sent specimens of
the garments worn by the natives and of their weapons, and also “two
cloths painted with the beasts of the country;” he also reports that
the natives possessed a certain amount of gold and silver, but that he
could not discover whence they procured it.

While waiting at Cibola the arrival of the main body of the army,
Coronado sent out a small party under Pedro de Tobar to explore a
province lying some twenty leagues or more to the northwest, called
Tusayan,[1431] where there were said to be seven cities, with houses
built like those of Cibola, and inhabited by a warlike people. Tobar
succeeded in approaching close to the first of these without being
observed, as the natives now seldom ventured far from their houses on
account of the fear inspired by the rumors spread abroad that Cibola
had been captured by a fierce people mounted upon animals that devoured
human flesh. However, as soon as the Spaniards were discovered, the
natives showed a bold front, advancing to meet them in good order, and
well armed. Drawing a line in the sand, they forbade the Spaniards
crossing it, and wounded the horse of a soldier who ventured to leap
over it; whereupon a friar named Juan de Padilla, who had been a
soldier in his youth, urged the captain to make an onslaught upon them,
and the natives were soon put to flight and many of them slain. In a
short time all this province gave in its submission, and peaceable
relations were once more established. The natives brought as gifts to
the Spaniards turquoises, tanned skins, maize, and other provisions,
and especially cotton stuffs, which were regarded by them as the
choicest present, since it did not grow in their own country. They
also gave information about a large river lying farther to the west,
on whose banks, at some days’ journey down the stream, there dwelt a
race of very large men. Tobar returned to Cibola with this report, and
Coronado immediately despatched a second exploring party to verify it,
under García Lopez de Cardenas. These were well received on their way
by the people of Tusayan, who supplied them with guides and provisions
for the journey. For twenty days their march lay through a desert, at
the end of which they came to the banks of a river which seemed to them
to be elevated “three or four leagues in the air.” So steep were these
banks that it was impossible to descend to the water, which appeared so
far away as to seem to be only an arm’s-length in width, and yet their
guides assured them that it was over half a league broad. Although it
was summer time, it was quite cold, and the country was covered with
a growth of stunted pines. For three days they followed the bank in
search of a passage; and some volunteers who made the attempt returned
with the report that they had only been able to accomplish a third of
the descent, and that rocks which had seemed scarcely as high as a
man, were found to be loftier than the towers of Seville Cathedral.
For three or four days more they continued on; but at length they were
forced to return by want of water, which they had been obliged to seek
for every night a league or two back from the river, and retraced their
steps to Cibola.[1432]

[Illustration: CORONADO’S EXPEDITION.

The map given in Ruge’s _Das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p. 417. With
slight corrections, this is as accurate as our present information
permits. Melchior Diaz penetrated farther north, and crossed the
Colorado. Tiguex should be placed west of the Rio Grande, between Acoma
and Quirex. The Rio “Sangra” is probably a mistake for “Sonora.”]

In the mean time the main body of the army, which had been left at
Culiacan under the command of Tristan d’Arellano, with orders to
follow Coronado in a fortnight, set out, and slowly advancing reached
at length Cabeza de Vaca’s province of Corazones. Here it was thought
best to attempt to establish a colony; but owing to the difficulty of
procuring a sufficient supply of food, it was subsequently transferred
to the spot in the valley of the river which is now called Sonora. From
here Don Roderigo Maldonado was despatched down the river in the hope
of finding Alarcon’s vessels. He returned without having accomplished
his purpose, but brought back with him a native of huge stature, and
reported that a nation of still larger men dwelt farther down the
coast. The whole army now transferred itself across the river to the
new colony, and there waited for further orders from Coronado.

About the middle of September, 1540,[1433] Melchior Diaz and Juan
Gallegos arrived from Cibola with instructions for the army to proceed
thither at once. Gallegos continued on to Mexico, carrying to the
Viceroy an account of the discoveries; and with him went Fray Marcos,
who dared not remain any longer with the army, so incensed were they
with him for his gross misrepresentations. Diaz was ordered to remain
at the new colony in the capacity of governor, and to seek to put
himself in communication with Alarcon’s vessels. Immediately the army
took up its march for Cibola, but Arellano remained behind. As soon
as they had departed, Diaz set out to explore the sea-coast, leaving
Diego d’Alcarraz in command in his stead, who turned out to be very
poorly fitted to exercise authority, so that disorders and mutinies
broke out. Diaz himself, after marching one hundred and fifty leagues
in a southwesterly direction (as Castañeda reports),[1434] struck the
Tizon at some distance from its mouth, at a place where it was at
least half a league wide. Here he found a race of huge men dwelling
together in large numbers in underground cabins roofed with straw,
from whom he learned that the vessels had been seen three days’ march
down the stream. Upon reaching the spot indicated, which the natives
told him was fifteen leagues from its mouth, he came upon a tree with
an inscription upon it, and buried under it he found a writing stating
that Alarcon had come so far,[1435] and after waiting there awhile had
returned to New Spain. It also contained the information that this
supposed south sea was actually a gulf which separated the mainland
from what had been called the Island of California. With the intention
of exploring this peninsula, Diaz proceeded up the river five or six
days’ march in the hope of finding a ford, and at length attempted
to cross by means of rafts. The natives, whose assistance he had
called in to help construct them, proved treacherous, and laid a plot
to attack the Spaniards on both banks of the river, while a portion
were in the act of crossing. When this was detected, they made their
assault boldly, but were speedily put to flight. Diaz then continued
his journey along the coast, which took here a southeasterly direction,
until he reached a volcanic region where farther progress became
impossible. While retracing his steps, he met with an accident which
put an end to his life; but the rest of his party returned to Sonora in
safety.

While Diaz was making these explorations, the main body of the army
had continued on to Chichilticalli without having encountered any
other peril than being severely poisoned from having eaten preserved
fruits that had been given to them by the natives. Castañeda records
their falling in with a flock of large mountain sheep, which ran so
swiftly that they could not be captured. When within a day’s march of
Cibola they were overtaken by a terrible storm, accompanied by a heavy
snow-fall, which caused the Spaniards great suffering, and nearly cost
the lives of their Indian allies, natives of a warm country. But on
arriving they found comfortable quarters provided by Coronado, and the
whole force was now reunited, with the exception of a detachment which
had been sent upon an expedition in an entirely different direction.

A party of natives had come to Cibola from a village called Cicuyé,
situated some seventy leagues away toward the east, under a chief to
whom the Spaniards gave the name of Bigotes, from the long mustache
he wore. They proffered their friendly services to the strangers and
invited them to visit their country, at the same time making them
presents of tanned bison-skins. One of them had the figure of this
animal painted on his body, which gave the Spaniards their first
knowledge of its appearance. Coronado made them in return presents of
glass beads and bells, and ordered Hernando d’Alvarado to take twenty
men with him and explore that region, and after eighty days to return
and report what he had discovered. After five days’ travel Alvarado
came to a village called Acuco, situated on a precipitous cliff so high
that an arquebus-ball could scarcely reach the top. The only approach
to it was by an artificial stairway cut in the rock, of more than three
hundred steps, and for the last eighteen feet there were only holes
into which to insert the toes.[1436] By showing a bold front, friendly
relations were established with the inhabitants of this formidable
stronghold, who numbered some two hundred fighting men, and a large
supply of provisions was received from them. Three days’ march farther
brought them to a province called Tiguex, containing twelve villages
situated on the banks of a great river.[1437] The presence in the party
of Bigotes, who was a renowned warrior well known in all that region,
conciliated the favor of the people of Tiguex; and the country pleased
Alvarado so much, that he sent a messenger to Coronado to persuade him
to make it his winter quarters.[1438] Continuing his journey, in five
days more he reached Cicuyé, which he found to be a strongly fortified
village of four-story terraced houses, built around a large square.
It was also protected by a low stone wall, and was capable of putting
five hundred warriors into the field.[1439] Here they were welcomed
with great demonstrations of friendship, and received many gifts of
turquoises, which were abundant in that country.[1440] While resting
here for several days they fell in with an Indian slave,—a native of
the region lying toward Florida, which De Soto afterward explored,—who
told them marvellous tales about the stores of gold and silver to be
found in the great cities of his own country.

[Illustration: THE BUFFALO (_after Thevet_).

[This is one of the earliest engravings—if not the earliest—of the
buffalo, occurring on folio 144 _verso_, of Thevet’s _Les Singularitez
de la France Antarctique_, Antwerp, 1558. Davis (_Spanish Conquest of
New Mexico_, p. 67) says Cabeza de Vaca is the earliest to mention the
buffalo.—ED.]]

This man they named “the Turk,” from his resemblance to men of that
nation; and such implicit credence did they place in his stories,
that after penetrating a little way into the plains under his
guidance,—where for the first time they saw the bisons, with whose
skins they had become familiar,—they retraced their steps in order to
bring this information to Coronado. On reaching Tiguex, Alvarado found
Cardenas there, who had been sent on by the General, in accordance with
his advice, to prepare winter quarters for the army now on its march
from Sonora. Alvarado accordingly decided to remain in that province
and wait for the coming of the army; but in making their preparations
for its comfort the Spaniards showed very little consideration for the
natives, forcing them to abandon one of their villages, taking only the
clothes that they were wearing.

[Illustration: SKETCH OF THE BUFFALO.

[By the kindness of the Rev. Edward E. Hale, D. D., a tracing by
him from a sketch made about 1599 by order of Oñate, and by his
Sergeant-Major Vincente de Galdivia Mendoza, is here copied. The
original is inscribed, “Trasunto de como son las Bacos de Gibola.” See
_ante_, p. 477, note.—ED.]]

By this time Arellano had arrived at Cibola, coming from Sonora; and to
him Coronado once more intrusted the command of the main force, with
instructions for it to rest twenty days at Cibola, and then to proceed
direct to Tiguex. He himself, having heard of a province containing
eight towns called Tutahaco, took a party of his hardiest men and set
out to explore it. On his way thither, which took the direction of
the route to Tiguex, for two days and a half they were without water,
and were forced to seek for it in a chain of snow-covered mountains.
After eight days’ march they reached this place, and there they heard
of other villages situated still farther down the river. The people
were found to be a friendly race, dwelling in buildings constructed
of earth, like those at Tiguex, which province Coronado reached by
following up the course of the river.[1441]

On his arrival there he found Alvarado and the Turk, who repeated his
story about the marvellous wealth to be found in his country, adding
many fanciful embellishments,—which were the more readily believed,
as he was able to distinguish copper from gold. He pretended that the
people of Cicuyé had taken some gold bracelets from him when they made
him prisoner, and Coronado accordingly sent Alvarado back to Cicuyé to
reclaim them. The people there received him again in a friendly way,
but denied all knowledge of the gold bracelets, and declared the Turk
to be a liar. Upon this, Alvarado threw the chief men of the town and
Bigotes into chains and brought them to Tiguex, where they were kept
prisoners more than six months, to the great grief and indignation of
the natives, who endeavored in vain to rescue them. This affair did
much to discredit the Spaniards in the estimation of the natives, whom
their subsequent harsh treatment soon stirred up to active resistance.

After the twenty days had expired, Arellano and the army started for
Tiguex, passing on their way the rock of Acuco, which many of the
Spaniards ascended to enjoy the view,—but with great difficulty,
although the native women accomplished it easily, carrying their
water-jars. They had rested, after their first day’s march, at the
finest town in all the province, where were private houses seven
stories high. Here it began to snow. It was now early in December
(1540), and for ten days of their journey the snow fell every night.
But there was wood in plenty for their fires, and they did not suffer,
even finding the snow a protection. But when they reached the village
in the province of Tiguex, where their winter quarters had been
prepared, they forgot all their past toils in listening to the delusive
fables told them by the Turk. The whole province, however, was found
to be in a state of revolt, occasioned by the severity of exactions
imposed by Coronado in his anxiety for the comfort of his men, together
with the brutality of officers and soldiers alike in carrying out his
orders. The General had made requisition for three hundred pieces of
cloth; and without allowing time for the natives to allot their several
proportions to the different villages to complete the amount, the
soldiers stripped the garments off whomsoever they met, without regard
to rank or condition, and had added to the injury by offering violence
to the women. The people of one of the villages had slain one of the
Indian allies and driven off several of the horses, whereupon Coronado
had sent Cardenas with the greater part of the force to attack it; and
only after more than twenty-four hours of hard fighting, and when many
of the Spaniards had been wounded by arrows, were the defenders at last
forced to surrender by a device of the Indian allies, who drove a mine
into the lower portion of the houses, and filled them with the smoke
of burning combustibles. By an act of base treachery they were put to
death after having been promised quarter; and at once the report was
spread far and wide that the Spaniards were violators of their solemn
engagements.

It was just at the time of the capture of this village that the main
body of the army arrived; and then the snow began to fall and continued
to do so for two months, so that it was impossible to undertake any new
enterprise. Attempts were made, however, to conciliate the natives;
but they refused to place any confidence in the representations made
to them Force was thereupon resorted to; and Cardenas, after an
ineffectual attempt upon one of the villages, came near losing his life
by treachery before the principal town of Tiguex, to which Coronado
finally determined to lay regular siege. This lasted for fifty days,
during which the besieged suffered greatly from want of water; and
finally, in attempting to escape by night they were discovered, and
a great many of them were driven into the river and perished. The
Spaniards themselves suffered considerably, more than twenty being
wounded by arrows, several of whom died from bad medical treatment.
Two of the officers perished,—one killed in battle, the other taken
prisoner and carried into the town.[1442]

During the siege Coronado himself made a brief visit to Cicuyé, for
the purpose of examining the country and restoring to his home the
chieftain whom Alvarado had brought away. At this time he promised to
set Bigotes also at liberty, when he should pass by the place on his
way to the rich countries which the Turk had told about. This delighted
the people, and he returned to the camp before Tiguex, leaving them in
a very friendly state of mind toward him.

About this time there arrived messengers from Alcarraz and the colony
at Sonora, bringing information of the death of Melchior Diaz, and
of the disorderly condition prevailing there. Coronado immediately
despatched Tobar to take command at that place, and to escort the
messengers whom he sent to the Viceroy to report what had already been
accomplished and the marvellous information received from the Turk.
Tobar soon found himself involved in hostilities with the natives, and
lost seventeen of his men by their poisoned arrows. Not feeling himself
sufficiently secure at Sonora, he transferred the colony to the valley
of Suya, forty leagues nearer to Cibola; and not long afterward he
received orders from Coronado to rejoin the army with the best of his
force.

When the siege was over, an expedition was sent out to receive the
submission of the people of Chia, a large town situated four leagues
west of the river, in whose charge were left four bronze cannon which
were in a bad condition. Another expedition was equally successful in a
province of seven villages called Quirex.[1443]

For four months the river had been closed by ice strong enough to bear
a horse; but now it had melted, and Coronado prepared to start for
the lands called Quivira, Arche, and the country of the Guyas, which
the Turk declared abounded to a greater or less degree with gold and
silver. Many of the Spaniards, however, began to have their suspicions
about these fine stories.

The army left Tiguex, April 23, 1541,[1444] for Cicuyé, twenty-five
leagues distant; and with them went Bigotes, who was set at liberty
on arriving there, to the great joy of his countrymen. Provisions in
abundance were supplied by them, besides a guide, named Xabe, a native
of Quivira, who confirmed to some extent the stories of the Turk. On
quitting Cicuyé they immediately entered the mountains, and after four
days’ march came to a broad river over which they were forced to build
a bridge, which occupied four days more.[1445] From here they journeyed
in a direction north-northeast over the plains, and in a few days fell
in with immense herds of bisons. At first there were only bulls, but
some days later they came upon the cows and calves; and at this time,
after seventeen days’ march, they came upon a band of nomads called
Querechos, busy in the pursuit of the animals. This people dwelt in
tents made of tanned bison-skins stretched around poles planted in the
earth and fastened above and below. They possessed large packs of dogs,
by whom the tents were transported, and obtained their whole sustenance
by hunting the bison. Castañeda relates that on one occasion he saw
an arrow driven completely through the body of one of these animals.
The Querechos were intelligent and perfectly fearless, but friendly;
and by signs they confirmed what the Turk had said, adding that to the
eastward was a large river whose banks were thickly inhabited, and that
the nearest village was called Haxa. Two days’ march farther on, the
same tribe was again met, and they said that the villages lay still
more to the east.

As the Turk now represented that Haxa was only two days’ march distant,
Diego Lopez was sent in advance, with ten light-armed men, to explore
it; while the army, continuing on in the same direction, fell in with
an innumerable quantity of bisons, and lost several horses in chasing
them. Lopez, after marching twenty leagues without seeing anything
but the sky and the bisons, was at last brought back by the friendly
natives; and his ill success contributed still more to discredit the
Turk. One of the force, a native of Quivira named Sopete, had given
quite different information about the route; and Coronado therefore
sent out another exploring party under Rodrigo Maldonado, who came
to a village in a great ravine, where a blind old man gave them to
understand by signs that a long while before he had seen four of
their countrymen: these were believed to be Cabeza de Vaca and his
companions.[1446] This people were very friendly, and gave to the
Spaniards a great quantity of tanned skins and other objects, including
a tent as large as a house. Forthwith a messenger was despatched to
bring the whole body of the soldiers to this spot, who, on arriving,
proceeded at once to divide the skins among themselves, to the great
chagrin of the natives, who had supposed that they would only bless
the skins, as Cabeza de Vaca had done, and then return them. While the
army was resting here there came a terrible storm, in which hailstones
fell of such enormous size as would have done great mischief if it had
been encountered in the open plain. A party sent out to reconnoitre
came upon another wandering tribe, called Teyas, who conducted the
army for three days’ march to their town, which was called Cona. This
people were hostile to the Querechos, and had their faces and bodies
painted; and from them guides were procured, who were not permitted to
have any communication with the Turk. These confirmed what Sopete had
said, that Quivira lay some forty days’ march in a northerly direction;
and they led the way to another great valley, a league broad, watered
by a little stream, where were vines and fruit-trees in abundance;
and here the army rested some time. As it had now become evident that
the Turk had deceived them, and as their supply of food began to run
short, Coronado called a council of war, at which it was decided that
he should take thirty of the bravest and best mounted horsemen and push
on in search of Quivira, and that the rest of the army should return to
Tiguex, under the command of Arellano. This decision, however, was not
well received by the soldiers, who besought their General not to leave
them, declaring that they were ready to die with him. But Coronado
would not yield to their wishes, and set out with his party, promising
to send back word in eight days if they might rejoin him.

The army waited fifteen days, during which they killed a large number
of bisons; but several of their number lost the way and were never
found, although cannon were fired and every means taken to recover
them. Then messengers arrived repeating the order to return to Tiguex,
and they quitted the valley for the country of the Teyas. This nomadic
people knew the region perfectly, and supplied them with guides, by
whom they were conducted back in twenty-five days to the river of
Cicuyé, which they struck more than thirty leagues below where they
had built the bridge, passing on their way great salt marshes. The
guides told them that the river flowed toward the east, and fell into
the river of Tiguex more than twenty days’ journey away. From this
point they marched up the river to Cicuyé, where they were no longer
well received by the inhabitants, who refused to furnish them with
provisions. Accordingly they returned to Tiguex, arriving about the
middle of July, 1541.

In the mean time Coronado, after marching in a northerly direction
over the plains for thirty days, came to a large river, which was
named for Saints Peter and Paul. All this time he and his men had lived
entirely upon the flesh of bisons, and often had only their milk to
drink. Sopete said there were villages farther down the river; and
accordingly he followed the northern bank for three days or more in a
northeasterly direction, until he came to one situated upon a branch
of the great river. Journeying for four or five days more, he reached
in succession six or seven other villages similarly situated, until
he arrived at one which he was told was called Quivira.[1447] Here
he heard of other villages still farther distant on the banks of a
yet larger river called Teucarea. Great was Coronado’s disappointment
at finding that Quivira, instead of being as he had been informed a
city of stone houses of many stories, consisted only of a collection
of straw-built huts, and that its people were the most barbarous of
any that he had hitherto encountered. They ate their meat raw, like
the Querechos and the Teyas, and were clad in tanned bison-skins,
not having any cotton; but they cultivated maize. The Turk, who had
for some time been conducted in chains with the rear-guard, was now
interrogated as to his motives in so misrepresenting the nature of the
country, and misleading the Spaniards. He replied that his own country
lay beyond Quivira, and that the people of Cibola had begged him to
lead the strangers astray upon the plains, so that they might perish
by famine, as it was supposed that they relied upon maize for their
food, and did not know how to chase the bison. One night he endeavored
to stir up the people of Quivira to massacre the Spaniards; but being
put upon their guard, the Spaniards strangled him, to the great delight
of Sopete. No gold or silver was found in the country; but one of
the chiefs wore a plate of copper suspended from his neck, by which
he set great store. Coronado says that Quivira was nine hundred and
fifty leagues distant from Mexico, and was situated in latitude 40°.
The soil was rich and black, watered by many streams, and bore an
abundance of grapes and plums.[1448] Here he remained for twenty-five
days, sending out exploring parties in all directions, who found great
difficulty in communicating with the natives, owing to the diversity
of languages spoken by them, and the want of interpreters. It was now
the latter part of July,[1449] and it was time to start to rejoin
the army at Tiguex. So, after collecting a supply of maize for the
journey, and erecting a cross with an inscription saying that Coronado
had been there, he procured fresh guides, leaving Sopete in his home,
and returned by the route he had come, as far as to the river named
for Saints Peter and Paul. At that point, bending more towards the
west, they reached the country where they had first fallen in with the
Querechos, and had been turned from the direct course by the Turk; and
in forty days they reached Cicuyé.

In the mean time, Arellano and the main portion of the force had been
making preparations for passing the winter at Tiguex, and had been
despatching parties in different directions to procure supplies of
provisions. One under Francisco de Barrio-Nuevo was sent in a northerly
direction up the river and visited two provinces, of which one, called
Hemez, contained seven villages; the other, named Yuque-Yunque, two
fine ones on the bank of the river, and four others strongly fortified
and difficult of access in the mountains.[1450] Twenty leagues
farther up the river was a large and powerful village called Braba,
to which the Spaniards gave the name of Valladolid. It was built on
both banks of a deep and rapid stream, which was crossed by a bridge
of well-squared pine timber; and contained large rooms that could be
heated, supported by huge pillars, superior to anything of the kind
that had been seen in the country.[1451] Another expedition was sent
down the river, as has been already related.

By this time some apprehension began to be felt for Coronado’s safety,
as the time fixed for his return had expired and nothing had yet
been heard from him. Accordingly Arellano started with a small party
in search of him, and at Cicuyé he was attacked by the inhabitants,
with whom he kept up a contest for four days. Tidings then came
from the General; and, contenting himself with guarding the passes,
Arellano waited there for his arrival. Coronado soon succeeded in
re-establishing friendly relations, and continued on immediately to
Tiguex. As soon as he reached that place he set about in earnest to
pacify the whole province, and to persuade the inhabitants to return to
their homes. The most strenuous exertions were made to procure a supply
of clothing for the troops, who were in great distress for it, and to
provide in every way for their comfort; so that Castañeda says, “Never
was Spanish general in the Indies more beloved or better obeyed than
he.” In the spring he promised his men that they should start again in
search of the unknown countries, about which the Turk had set their
imaginations on fire. The greater part were firm in the conviction that
the natives were familiar with gold, despite their assurances to the
contrary, and that they should find it in abundance. But it is plain
from Coronado’s report that he did not share in this belief; and the
sequel proved that others agreed with him. The region of Tiguex he
found far too cold and too distant from the sea to make it a desirable
situation for a colony.

About this time Tobar arrived with the reinforcements which, as we have
seen, he had been ordered to bring from the valley of Suya. He had
taken only the best soldiers, leaving many discontented and mutinous
ones behind; and these arrived in the full expectation of finding the
General already established in the rich countries about which the
marvellous reports had reached them. But their disappointment was
somewhat consoled when they learned that in the spring the whole army
would start in the search of them. Tobar had brought despatches from
the Viceroy, and private letters,—among them one informing Cardenas
that he had fallen heir to his elder brother’s estate. Cardenas
accordingly obtained leave to return to Mexico, and several others went
with him. Castañeda says that many more would have been glad to do so,
if they had not been restrained by fear of being accused of cowardice.
This shows the divided feeling that prevailed. And soon trouble arose
between the General, who studied only the welfare of the whole army,
and certain of the officers, who selfishly looked more after the
interests of their own men; so that some already began to talk of
abandoning the expedition and returning to New Spain.

When the winter was over, Coronado ordered preparations to be made to
start for Quivira, on the way to the unknown countries. But fate had
ordained a different termination for his enterprise. On a holiday,
while he was amusing himself by tilting at the ring with Maldonado,
Coronado’s saddle-girths broke, and he fell to the ground, where he
received a blow on the head from Maldonado’s horse, which nearly cost
him his life. A long illness followed, during which Cardenas suddenly
returned in haste from Suya, with the news that he had found that post
broken up and the inhabitants massacred. It seems that the discontented
element left behind by Tobar,—pretending that they had been abandoned,
and that the route for New Spain had left them on one side,—had
deserted Alcarraz and the sick men under his charge, and had fled to
Culiacan. Upon this the natives became insubordinate, and one night
made an attack upon the enfeebled force with poisoned arrows, killing
a number of them. The rest escaped on foot to Corazones, whose people,
always friendly to the Spaniards, aided them on their way to Culiacan,
where they, as well as the mutineers, were found by Gallegos not long
afterward, when he arrived there with reinforcements.

The news of this calamity was so afflicting to Coronado that he grew
worse, or, as Castañeda intimates, feigned to do so, as he had allowed
himself to give way to the influence of superstitious terrors. In his
youth the prediction had been made that he would become lord of a
distant land, and that he would lose his life there by a fall. This
now seemed to him to be in the way of accomplishment, and he longed
to return to die with his wife and children. The surgeon had kept him
informed of the discontent that prevailed among a portion of his force,
and he accordingly took secret counsel with certain of the officers,
in which it was agreed that they should persuade their men to present
a petition, praying that they might be allowed to return to New Spain.
A council of war was then held, at which the conclusion was reached
that the country was neither sufficiently rich nor populous to make
it worth the holding. Coronado thereupon issued the necessary orders
for the return march. Some of the officers, however, repented of their
decision, and asked the General to give them sixty picked men, with
which to maintain themselves until reinforcements should be sent by
the Viceroy; or for him to take that number of men for his escort,
and leave the command of the expedition to some other person. But the
army would not listen to either of these propositions, as they had no
inclination to make the trial of any new commander. The consequence was
that the zeal and affection of some of the officers for their chief
disappeared, though that of the men still held firm.

It was in the early part of April, 1542, that the army began its return
march to New Spain. Two of the missionaries remained behind, in the
hope of making proselytes of the natives. One of them, a lay brother
named Luis, remained at Cicuyé; the other, Juan de Padilla, who had
led the charge at Tusayan, continued on to Quivira with some native
converts; where, in the words of Castañeda, he speedily “received the
martyr’s crown.” To better insure the safety of the priests, Coronado
ordered his men to set at liberty their native slaves, and then started
for Cibola. On the journey thither the horses, which thus far had
kept in excellent condition, began to die in great numbers. The army
accordingly rested a while there before entering upon the desert lying
between that place and Chichilticalli; and some Christianized Indians
from Mexico remained behind at Cibola, where they were found by Antonio
de Espejo, forty-one years afterward, in 1583.[1452]

The crossing of the desert was uneventful, and two days after they
reached Chichilticalli, Gallegos arrived there from the Viceroy with
reinforcements of men and munitions of war. Great was his dismay
at finding the army on its way back, and all the splendid visions
dissipated that the Turk had conjured up. Those of the officers who had
offered to remain and hold the country until the Viceroy’s commands
should be received, now renewed their proposition; but the soldiers
refused to return, and clamored to be led back to New Spain. Coronado
found himself powerless to constrain them, even if he possessed the
inclination to do so; nor was his authority sufficient to enable him to
inflict any punishment upon the deserters who had abandoned Alcarraz
at Suya. During the march, Castañeda says that Coronado kept up the
fiction of being ill, and only allowed his intimates access to his
person. The natives, seeing that the country was being abandoned by the
Spaniards, kept up a succession of hostile encounters, in which several
of the force perished. As provisions began to fail, the army hastened
on to Petatlan, thirty leagues from Culiacan, the seat of Coronado’s
government. All the bonds of discipline had now become relaxed, and
even his authority there as governor was not sufficient to reinforce
it; but by begging his friends to use their influence with the men, he
was able to bring about one hundred of the force back with himself to
Mexico. Here he was received but coolly by the Viceroy, Mendoza; his
reputation was gone, and soon after he was deprived of his position as
Governor of New Gallicia.

Such was the end of an expedition which, as General Simpson says, “for
extent in distance travelled, duration in time, and the multiplicity of
its co-operating expeditions, equalled, if it did not exceed, any land
expedition that has been undertaken in modern times.”[1453]

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.

THE original sources of information in regard to the early Spanish
explorations of New Mexico have been made available for students within
the last thirty years by the publication of several collections of
documents, preserved either in Mexico or in the Archivo de Indias,
at Seville, or in the great national repository at Simancas. The
first to appear was the one entitled _Documentos para la historia de
Mejico_, published by order of the Mexican Government between 1853 and
1857.[1454] This is distributed into four series, of which the third
and the fourth contain important historical material bearing upon this
subject. Next came the well-selected _Coleccion de varios documentos
para la historia de la Florida y tierras adyacentes_, undertaken by
the late Buckingham Smith, of which, however, only the first volume
appeared in Madrid, in 1857.[1455] Then Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta, the
accomplished translator of Prescott’s _Conquest of Peru_, published in
Mexico a valuable _Coleccion de documentos para la historia de México_,
in two volumes, the first in 1858 and the second in 1866.[1456] But by
far the most important of all is the great _Coleccion de documentos
inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y colonizacion de las
posesiones Españolas en América y Oceanía, sacados en su mayor parte
del real Archivo de Indias_. Forty volumes of this indispensable
repertory have already appeared at Madrid, between 1864 and 1884,
edited by Joaquin Francesco Pacheco and other scholars.[1457] A most
essential service, however, had been rendered to the students of
early American history at a still earlier date by the publication
of Henri Ternaux-Compans’ admirable series of _Voyages, relations,
et mémoires originaux pour servir à l’histoire de la découverte de
l’Amérique, publiés pour la première fois en Français_, of which
twenty parts appeared in Paris between 1837 and 1841.[1458] Prior to
this our knowledge had been mainly restricted to Italian translations
of original narratives published by Giovanni Battista Ramusio in the
third volume of his _Navigationi et Viaggi_, Venice, 1556 (reprinted
in 1565 and subsequently); of most of which Richard Hakluyt has given
an English version in the third volume of his _Voyages, nauigations,
traffiques, and discoueries_, London, 1600 (reprinted in 1810).

The different expeditions, in their chronological order, may now be
studied in the following original authorities:—

An account of the expedition of Nuño Beltran de Guzman to Ciguatan is
contained in the _Primera_ (_segunda_) (_tercera_) (_quarta_) _relacion
anonima de la jornada que hizo Nuño de Guzman à la Nueva Galicia_,
in Icazbalceta’s _Coleccion_, vol. ii. pp. 288-306; 439-483. Other
narratives can be found in Pacheco’s _Documentos Inéditos_, tom. xiv.,
pp. 347-373, and 411-463; tom. xvi., pp. 363-375. De Guzman first
conquered and then colonized Sinaloa, and even penetrated into Sonora,
thus preparing the way for the subsequent explorations. Very little
information, however, about New Mexico is to be obtained from any of
these narratives.

Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca published his remarkable story at Zamora in
1542, under the title: _La relacion que dio Aluar Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca
de lo acaescido en las Indias en la armada donde yua por gouernador
Páphilo de Narbaez, desde el año de veynte y siete hasta el año de
treynta y seys que boluio a Sevilla con tres de su compañia_.[1459]
Notwithstanding the vivid interest that will always attach to this
thrilling story of adventure and suffering, the indications given in it
of the routes by which he journeyed, and of the places and peoples he
visited, are practically of far too vague a character to enable them
to be satisfactorily identified,[1460] even if we feel warranted in
placing implicit confidence in the author’s veracity.

The original report by Fray Marcos de Nizza (of Nice) of his
_Descubrimiento de las Siete Ciudades_, can be found in Pacheco’s
_Documentos inéditos_, tom. iii. p. 329; and the instructions received
by him from the Viceroy Mendoza are given on p. 325 of the same
volume. An Italian translation of the report is contained in Ramusio,
_Navigationi_, vol. iii. p. 356 (ed. of 1565); and from this was made
the English version in Hakluyt, _Voyages_, vol. iii. p. 438 (ed. of
1810). But on comparing both Ramusio’s and Hakluyt’s versions with
the original, not only will it be found that in many places they are
mere paraphrases, but that frequently additional particulars have been
foisted into the text. Especially noticeable are the many exaggerated
statements in regard to the quantities of gold and of precious stones
seen by the monk during his journey, or about which stories are told
to him by the natives, for which there is not a vestige of authority
to be found in the original. Fray Marcos claims to have related what
he himself saw or what was told to him; but it is evident not only
that he was prone to lend a credulous ear to whatever fictions might
be imposed upon him, but that he grossly misrepresented what he had
himself seen. This is directly charged upon him by those who followed
in his footsteps under Coronado, and who suffered grievously by reason
of his falsifications; so that he was even compelled to flee to Mexico
to escape the consequences of their just indignation. We think that
he fairly deserves the epithet of “the lying monk,” which has been
bestowed upon him, in spite of the air of probability which pervades
the greater part of his narrative. But it must in justice be said,
however, that he appears rather to have been carried away by religious
enthusiasm than actuated by any personal or mercenary considerations;
and with the hope of being able to convert the natives to Christianity,
he invested them and their surroundings with the glow of his own
imagination. Still, this need not militate against the truth of his
statements in regard to the distances he travelled, or the physical
characteristics of the regions through which his route lay; so that his
narrative will always be important for the students of the topography,
if not of the ethnology, of New Mexico at the period of its discovery.

Ternaux-Compans (_Voyages, etc._, vol. ix. p. 256) has made a most
faithful French translation, from copies of the originals at Simancas,
of Fray Marcos’s report, and of the letter from Mendoza to the Emperor
Charles V., which accompanied it, as well as of the instructions
received by the Friar from Mendoza.

The story of Coronado’s romantic expedition in search of “The Seven
Cities of Cibola” has been told with more or less of detail by four
different persons who took part in it. We have also three of his own
letters and despatches narrating his earlier proceedings. Of these,
the first is a brief one, written to the Viceroy Mendoza, dated
Culiacan, March 8, 1539, transmitting a report received from Fray
Marcos while upon his journey. An English version of this can be found
in Hakluyt, _Voyages_, vol. iii. p. 434 (ed. of 1810), translated from
Ramusio, _Navigationi_, vol. iii. p. 395 (ed. of 1565); and a French
translation, in Ternaux-Compans, vol. ix. p. 349. Next comes a short
letter to the Viceroy dated April 10, 1539, in which he tells about the
preparations for his ineffectual expedition to Topira; Hakluyt, p. 352;
Ramusio, p. 435; Ternaux-Compans, p. 352. Of much greater importance,
however, is the full report transmitted by him to Mendoza from Cibola
(or Granada, as he called it), August 3, 1540, setting forth everything
that had occurred between that date and April 22, when he had started.
An Italian version of this is given by Ramusio, Navigationi, vol. iii.
p. 359 (ed. of 1565); _Relatione de Francisco Vazquez de Coronado del
viagio alle dette setta cita_. An English translation can be found in
Hakluyt, _Voyages_, vol. iii. p. 446 (ed. of 1810). Finally, there is
the letter which he wrote to the Emperor Charles V., from Tiguex, after
his return from Quivira, in which is related the course of events from
April 23, 1541, up to October 20 of the same year. This can be found
in Pacheco’s _Documentos inéditos_, tom. iii. p. 363; and it has been
repeated in tom. xiii. p. 261. A French translation of it is given in
the _Voyages_ of Ternaux-Compans, vol. ix. p. 355.

The four narratives by other pens are—

1. An anonymous _Relacion del suceso de la jornada que Francisco
Vazquez hizo en el descubrimiento de Cibola_, contained in Buckingham
Smith’s _Coleccion de varios documentos_, p. 147. This was afterwards
printed in Pacheco’s _Documentos inéditos_, tom. xiv. p. 318, but with
the erroneous date of 1531, instead of 1541.

2. A second anonymous account, entitled _Traslado de las nuevas
y noticias que dieron sobre el descobrimiento de una Cibdad que
llamaron de Cibola, situada en la Tierra Nueva_, can also be found in
_Documentos inéditos_, tom. xix. p. 529, with the same error in the
date.

3. Of much greater value is the _Relacion que dió el Capitan Joan
Jaramillo, de la jornada que hizo à la tierra nueva de la que fué
General Francisco Vazquez de Coronado_; of which a French translation
was first published by Ternaux-Compans, in his _Voyages_, etc.,
vol. ix. p. 364. The original was afterwards printed in Buckingham
Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 155, and subsequently in Pacheco’s _Documentos
inéditos_, tom. xiv. p. 304, but under the erroneous date of 1537. It
is a straightforward, soldierly narrative, well written, and with many
picturesque details, and it contains an unusual amount of topographical
information; so that it is of great value in establishing the route
followed by the expedition, and in identifying the various localities.

4. But if our knowledge of the expedition had been confined to the
authorities thus far indicated, we should have had a very imperfect
idea both of its events and of its results. In 1838 Ternaux-Compans
published a translation into French of a quarto manuscript, of 157
leaves, which he had found in the Uguina Collection, at Paris, under
the title _Relation du Voyage de Cibola enterpris in 1540; ou l’on
traite de toutes les peuplades qui habitent cette contrée, de leurs
mœurs et coutumes, par Pédro de Castañeda de Nagera_ (_Voyages_, vol.
ix. p. 1). Nothing has been discovered in relation to this writer
except what is contained in his own account. He states that he “wrote
his narrative in the city of Culiacan, where he was living in the
midst of misery and dangers, as the whole country was in a state of
insurrection” (p. 233). The volume bears the indorsement, “Finished
copying at Seville, Oct. 26, 1596.” As his name is not mentioned in the
list of officers which he has given, it is supposed that he was only
a private soldier. The work shows that he was a man of considerable
education, but it is evidently the production of a novice in the art
of literary composition. It is an attempt at a methodical narrative,
divided into three parts, but it is quite difficult to follow in it
the order of events. In the first part he treats of the incidents of
the expedition, and of the army and its officers; the second contains
a description of the provinces, villages, and mountains that were
discovered, of the religion and customs of the inhabitants, and of
the animals, fruits, and vegetables to be found; and in the last part
he tells about the return of the army, and explains the reasons for
abandoning the attempt at colonization. As he wrote more than twenty
years after the events he has described, he sometimes signifies his
inability to remember precisely the number of miles travelled, or of
the days during which they journeyed. He has even fallen into the error
of making the day on which the expedition entered Campostello, Shrove
Tuesday, 1541 (p. 24), although he gives the correct date, 1540, in
the _Dedicatory Epistle_ (p. xiv). Throughout his entire narrative,
whenever he gives the date of the year, it is always one too large,
as can be seen on pp. 101, 137, and 213. He professes to have written
for the purpose of correcting the many misrepresentations and fables
that had sprung up in regard to the country they had discovered, and
the character of the people, and the nature of the animals to be found
there. Castañeda impresses the reader as a religious, humane, and
candid man, who cannot fail to win his confidence in the truth of the
events he relates. He does not hesitate to expose and to comment upon
the cruel and rapacious acts of his own countrymen; and he does full
justice both to the natural amiability and to the valor of the natives.
His various observations show him to have been a man of sagacity and
good judgment. Mr. Bandelier vouches for the remarkable accuracy of
his description of the country, although the distances generally are
estimated one third too great (_Historical Introduction to Studies
among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico_, p. 22). The Castañeda MS.
is now in the Lenox library.

These are all the original sources of knowledge in regard to the
earliest attempts at exploration in New Mexico by the Spaniards, and
especially respecting Coronado’s expedition to the Seven Cities of
Cibola. The historians of Mexico, from Gomara down, while adding no new
information to that detailed by Castañeda, are in agreement with him as
to the general facts.

Renewed attention was directed to Coronado’s expedition and to the
probable locality of Cibola by the publication of the reports contained
in the _Notes of a Military Reconnoissance made by Lieut.-Colonel
William H. Emory, in 1846-1847, with the advance guard of the army of
the West_, during the war between the United States and Mexico,[1461]
and the _Report of Lieutenant J. W. Abert of his examination of New
Mexico_. Colonel Emory, in a letter to Hon. Albert Gallatin, dated Oct.
8, 1847, made the statement that he had met with “an Indian race living
in four-story houses, built upon rocky promontories, inaccessible to
a savage foe, cultivating the soil, and answering the description of
the seven cities of Coronado, except in their present insignificance
in size and population, and the fact that the towns, though near each
other, are not in a (continuous) valley six leagues long, but on
different branches of the same stream” (p. 133). He had in mind the
villages in the vicinity of Ciboletta, Laguna, etc., on the Rio San
Jose, a tributary of the Rio Grande del Norte, about ninety miles east
of the present Zuñi pueblo. This opinion was corroborated by Lieutenant
Abert (p. 491). Mr. Gallatin thereupon proceeded to prepare for the
_Transactions of the American Ethnological Society_ (vol. ii. p. liii,
1848) an elaborate essay on the _Ancient semi-civilization of New
Mexico, Rio Gila, and its vicinity_, in which large use was made of
these military reports, and to which was prefixed a map compiled by
Mr. E. G. Squier. In November of the same year Mr. Squier contributed
to the _American Review_ an article on _New Mexico and California.
The ancient monuments and the aboriginal semi-civilized nations of
New Mexico and California, with an abstract of the early Spanish
explorations and conquests in those regions, particularly those falling
within the territory of the United States_. Mr. Gallatin came to the
conclusion that the seven cities “appear to have been near the sources
of a tributary of the great Colorado, and not of the Rio del Norte” (p.
lxxii); but he inclined to the opinion that they had been destroyed
by the Apaches (p. xciv). Mr. Squier identified Cibola with Zuñi; but
there are inconsistencies to be found between his map and statements
contained in his article. In that same year Lieutenant J. H. Simpson,
in his _Journal of a Military Reconnoissance from Santa Fé to the
Navajo Country_,[1462] gave a detailed description of Zuñi, which he
considered to be the site of Cibola.

The explorations carried on in New Mexico and Arizona, from 1853 to
1856, during the search for a suitable route for the Pacific Railroad,
took Lieutenant A. W. Whipple and Professor W. W. Turner over the same
ground, and they both came to a similar conclusion (_Pacific Railroad
Reports_, vol. iii. pp. 68, 104). But in 1857 Mr. H. M. Breckenridge
published at Pittsburg a brief narrative of the _Early discoveries by
Spaniards in New Mexico, containing an account of the castles of Cibola
and the present appearance of their ruins_, in which he maintained that
Cibola was the well-known ruin called Casa Grande, on the river Gila.
Mr. R. H. Kern, however, upheld the Zuñi theory in his map, prepared in
1854 to accompany Schoolcraft’s _History of the Indian Tribes of North
America_ (vol. iv. p. 33); and Mr. Schoolcraft himself adopted the same
view (vol. vi. p. 70, 1857).

In the year 1869 important additions were made to our knowledge
of the early history of New Mexico, and especially of Coronado’s
expedition. Mr. W. H. H. Davis, who had held an official position in
that Territory, and in 1856 had published an interesting study of it
under the title of _El Gringo_, gave to the world the first history
of _The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, Doylestown, Penn. In the
same year Brevet Brigadier General Simpson, who had had his attention
directed to the question twenty years previously, prepared for the
_Annual Report of the Regents of the Smithsonian Institution for
1869_ a thorough study, accompanied by a map, of _Coronado’s March
in search of the “Seven Cities of Cibola,” and discussion of their
probable location_.[1463] In April of the same year there appeared
in the _North American Review_ an article by the late Mr. Lewis H.
Morgan, entitled _The Seven Cities of Cibola_, in which that eminent
archæologist made an elaborate argument in favor of the identification
of that site with the remarkable group of ruined stone structures,
discovered not long before in the valley of the Rio Chaco, one of the
affluents of the Colorado, about one hundred miles to the northeast
of Zuñi. On this point, however, both Mr. Davis (p. 119) and General
Simpson have pronounced in favor of Zuñi, and General Simpson has even
undertaken to answer Mr. Morgan’s arguments in detail (p. 232). Mr.
Morgan, nevertheless, still held to his opinion in his _Study of the
houses of the American Aborigines_, p. 46 (_First annual report of the
Archæological Institute of America_, 1880) expanded into the _House and
House-life of the American Aborigines_ (Geographical and Geological
Survey of the Rocky Mountain region, in charge of J. W. Powell, vol.
iv., 1881, pp. 167-170).

_The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, by Mr. Davis, is a valuable
contribution to history, in which faithful and diligent use has been
made of the original authorities and of unpublished documents; and it
is the only full and connected narrative that has yet appeared of the
series of events which it relates. The important episode to which
General Simpson confines his attention is treated in abundant detail,
and great acuteness and local knowledge are displayed in the discussion
of the route followed by Coronado. It is likely to remain always the
leading authority upon this subject.

In his elaborate work upon _The Native Races of the Pacific States_,
Mr. H. H. Bancroft adopted the Zuñi theory as to the site of Cibola
(vol. iv. p. 674), repeated in his _History of the Pacific States_
(vol. x. p. 85).[1464] This is also the opinion maintained by Mr. A.
F. Bandelier in his _Historical Introduction to Studies among the
Sedentary Indians of New Mexico_, p. 12 (_Papers of the Archæological
Institute of America._ American series, no. 1, Boston, 1881). This is
a very careful and thorough investigation of the whole subject of the
geography of New Mexico and of the tribal relations of its inhabitants.

At a meeting, however, of the American Antiquarian Society in April,
1881, Rev. E. E. Hale read a paper entitled _Coronado’s Discovery
of the Seven Cities_, in which he expressed himself as inclined to
abandon his previously maintained opinion[1465] in favor of the Zuñi
identification, on account of certain newly discovered evidence set
forth in an accompanying letter from Lieutenant J. G. Bourke, who
argued that the Moqui pueblos better satisfy the conditions of the
question. To this the present writer replied in a communication at the
following October meeting of the society, under the title _What is the
true site of “The Seven Cities of Cibola” visited by Coronado in 1540?_
In this all the different opinions are discussed and the Zuñi theory
upheld.

The same view is supported by Mr. L. Bradford Prince, late
Chief-Justice of New Mexico, in his _Historical Sketches of New
Mexico from the earliest records to the American occupation_, 1883
(p. 115). This modest little volume is the first attempt yet made to
write a continuous history of the Territory down to the year 1847.
It is a useful and in the main a trustworthy compendium. But in the
chapter upon Coronado he has followed Castañeda’s erroneous dates, as
Davis also has done before him, and he has fallen into a few other
mistakes.[1466]

[Illustration]

EDITORIAL NOTE.

IN the _Don Diego de Peñalosa y su descubrimiento del reino de Quivira_
of Cesário Fernández Duro, published at Madrid in 1882, there is an
enumeration (pp. 123-144) of the expeditions organized in New Spain
for exploration towards the north. The following list, with the chief
sources of information, is taken from this book:

=1523.= Francisco de Garay to Pánuco. _Documentos inéditos_ (Pacheco),
xxvi. 77.

=1526.= Garay and Nuño de Guzman to Pánuco, _MS._ in Archivo de Indias.

=1530.= Nuño de Guzman to New Galicia. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco) xiv. 411;
also xiii. and xvi. (see chap. vi. of the present History, _ante_, p.
441 and chap. vii. p. 499).

=1531.= Coronado to Cibola. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xiv. 318; xix. 529.
(See chap. vii.)

=1533.= Diego de Guzman to Sinaloa, _Doc. inéd._ (Navarrete); B.
Smith’s _Coleccion_, 94.

=1536.= Cabeça de Vaca. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xiv. (See chap. iv.)

=1537.= Coronado to Amatepeque. _Muñoz’s MSS._ in Madrid Acad. of Hist.
lxxxi., fol. 34.

=1539.= Fray Marcos de Nizza to Cibola. _Muñoz MSS._; _Ramusio_;
_Ternaux-Compans_; _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), iii. 325, 351.

=1539.= Coronado to Cibola. (See chap. vii.)

=1539.= Hernando de Soto. (See chap. iv.)

=1540.= Melchior Diaz. (See chap. vii.)

=1540.= Hernando de Alvarado and Juan de Padilla to the South Sea.
_Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), iii. 511; B. Smith, 65. (See chap. vii.)

=1540=. Gomez Ariaz and Diego Maldonado along Gulf of Mexico.
Garcilasso de la Vega, _La Florida del Inca_.

=1541.= Coronado to Tiguex. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), iii. 363; xiii.
261. (See chap. vii.)

=1548.= Juan de Tolosa, one of the captains serving under Cortés.
=1554.= Francisco de Ibarra to Copala, New Biscay, etc. _Doc. inéd._
(Pacheco), xiv. 463.

=1558.= Guido de Lavazares to Pánuco and Florida.

=1559.= Tristán de Arellano to the Coast of Florida, and river Espiritu
Santo. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), iv. 136, xiii. 280.

=1563.= Diego Ibarra to Copala. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xiv. 553.

=1566.= Juan Pardo to Florida. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), iv. 560.

=1568.= Francisco Cano to New Mexico, _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xix. 535.

=1569.= Juan de Orozco on New Gallicia, with map. _Doc. inéd._
(Pacheco), ii. 561.

=1575.= Juan de Miranda on the Country. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xvi.
563.

=1581.= Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado to New Mexico and Cibola.

=1581.= Fray Francisco Ruiz among the Indians.

=1582.= To New Mexico. _Cartas de Indias_, 230.

=1582.= Antonio de Espejo to New Mexico. Juan Gonzáles de Mendoza’s
_Historia del Reino de China_, Madrid, 1589; De Laet’s _Novus Orbis_.

=1583.= Cristóbal Martin to New Mexico. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xvi.
277.

=1584.= Antonio de Espejo’s continued discoveries. _Doc. inéd._
(Pacheco), xv. 151.

=1589.= Juan Battista de Lomas Colmenares agrees to settle New Mexico.
_Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xv. 54.

=1590.= Gaspar Castaño de Sosa, Governor of New Leon, to New Mexico.
_Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), iv. 283; xv. 191.

=1596.= Sebastian Viscaino on the Coast.

=1598.= Juan de Oñate to New Mexico. Bustamante, _Los Tres Siglos
de México_; _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xvi. 88, 306, 316-320. Of his
expedition to the Pueblo of Acomo, Luis Tribaldo of Toledo sent an
account to Hakluyt in 1603, and extracts from it are published in De
Laet’s _Novus Orbis_.

=1599.= Juan de Humaña to Quivira.

* * * * *

Others are noted from 1600 to 1783. Captain George M. Wheeler, U.
S. Geological Survey, is preparing a Chronology of the Voyages and
Explorations to the West Coast and the interior of North America
between 1500 and 1800.

The alleged expedition of Peñalosa to Quivira is placed about 1662.
The accounts of it depend on a _Relacion del descubrimiento del Pais
y Ciudad de Quivira echo por D. Diego Dionisio de Peñalosa, escrita
por el Padre Fr. Nicolas de Freytas_ (1684). In 1882 there were two
annotated renderings of this narrative,—one by Duro, mentioned at the
beginning of this note, who discredits the journal and gives other
documents on the same theme; the other, an English version, was issued
under the title, _The expedition of Don Diego Dionisio de Peñalosa,
from Santa Fé to the river Mischipi and Quivira in 1662, as described
by Father Nicholas de Freytas. With an account of Peñalosa’s projects
to aid the French to conquer the mining country in Northern Mexico; and
his connection with Cavelier de la Salle. By John Gilmary Shea_, New
York, 1882.

Dr. Shea in this volume claims that Quivira was north of the Missouri,
while it has generally been placed south of that river. He also
derives from this narrative an opinion, contrary to the one ordinarily
received, namely, that La Salle was carried, against his will, beyond
the mouths of the Mississippi in his expedition of 1682; for he judges
his over-shooting the mouths was intentional, in order to land where
he could better co-operate with Peñalosa in wresting the mines in New
Mexico from the Spaniards.

CHAPTER VIII.

PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT OF PERU AND CHILI.

BY CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, F.R.S.

_Honorary Secretary of the Hakluyt Society._

WHEN the Isthmus of Darien was discovered by Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa,
during the six years between 1511 and 1517, there can be little doubt
that tidings, perhaps only in the form of vague rumors, were received
of the greatness and the riches of the Empire of the Yncas. The speech
which the son of the Cacique Comogre is said to have made to the
gold-seeking followers of the discoverer of the South Sea most probably
had reference to Peru; and still more certainly, when the Cacique of
Tumaco told Vasco Nuñez of the country far to the south which abounded
in gold, and moulded the figure of a llama in clay, he gave tidings
of the land of the Yncas. There was a chief in the territory to the
south of the Gulf of San Miguel, on the Pacific coast, named Biru, and
this country was visited by Gaspar de Morales and Francisco Pizarro
in 1515. For the next ten years Biru was the most southern land known
to the Spaniards; and the consequence was that the unknown regions
farther south, including the rumored empire abounding in gold, came
to be designated as _Biru_, or Peru. It was thus that the land of the
Yncas got the name of Peru from the Spaniards, some years before it was
actually discovered.[1467]

Pedro Arias de Avila, the governor of the mainland called Castilla del
Oro, founded the city of Panamá. He went there from the Pearl Islands,
in the vessels which had been built by his victim Vasco Nuñez, while
Gaspar de Espinosa, the _Alcalde Mayor_, led the rest of the colony by
land. The city was founded in 1519. The governor divided the land among
four hundred settlers from Darien. Among them were Pascual de Andagoya,
Hernando Luque (a priest), Francisco Pizarro, and Diego de Almagro.
Nombre de Dios, on the Atlantic side of the isthmus, was settled
towards the end of the same year by a captain named Diego Alviles, in
obedience to orders from Pedro Arias.[1468]

In the year 1522 Pascual de Andagoya, who had come out to Darien with
Pedro Arias in 1514 and was a cavalier of good family from the province
of Alava, was appointed inspector-general of the Indians on the
isthmus. He made a journey to a district called Chuchama, south of the
Gulf of San Miguel, where the chief told him that a certain people from
a province called Biru, farther south, came to make war upon them in
canoes at every full moon. Andagoya sent to Panamá for reinforcements,
in order to comply with the prayer of the people of Chuchama that he
would defend them, as well as to discover what there was farther south.
Having received an addition to his forces, he set out with the chief
of Chuchama, and in six days arrived at the province called Biru. It
had already been visited by Morales and Pizarro. After capturing their
principal stronghold, several chiefs of Biru made their submission to
Andagoya. From these people he collected information respecting the
great empire of the Yncas, and he then descended a river and continued
the examination of the coast in a small vessel which had followed him
from Chuchama. But he was attacked by a severe illness caused by having
been capsized in a canoe, and then kept for several hours in his wet
clothes. He therefore returned to Panamá, to report the knowledge he
had acquired, giving up his intention of conducting discovery to the
southward in person. It was fully three years before Andagoya had so
far recovered as to be able to ride on horseback.

The governor, Pedro Arias, therefore requested Andagoya to hand over
the enterprise to three partners who formed a company at Panamá. These
were Pizarro, Almagro, and Luque.

Francisco Pizarro was born about the year 1470[1469] in the province
of Estremadura, and was the illegitimate son of Gonzalo Pizarro, a
soldier who had served under the Great Captain in Italy. He had arrived
at Darien in the expedition of Alonzo de Ojeda in 1509. During fifteen
years he had been diligently serving as a brave, steady, much-enduring
man-at-arms; and on two or three occasions he found himself in
important and responsible positions. In 1524 he was a citizen of
Panamá with very limited means, but endowed with indomitable energy
and perseverance, and fifty-four years of age. Diego Almagro is said
to have been a foundling. At all events his parentage is unknown. He
had probably served for some years on the isthmus, but his name does
not occur until he entered into this partnership. Almagro is described
as a man of short stature, with a very plain face, and was at least as
old as Pizarro. He was hasty in temper, but generous and warm-hearted,
and his fine qualities attracted to him many faithfully attached
adherents. Luque had been schoolmaster at Darien, and was now the
principal parochial clergyman at Panamá, holding valuable property on
the adjacent island of Taboga, and in an influential position in the
colony.

Pizarro was to command the expedition; Almagro was to keep open
communications with Panamá and bring supplies; while Luque acted as
agent, and obtained the needful funds.

One of the small vessels which had been built for Vasco Nuñez was
obtained, and a force of eighty men (one hundred and twelve, according
to Xeres) and four horses was collected. Pizarro prepared to sail with
this single vessel and two canoes, having received all the information
and instructions that Andagoya could give him, and taking with him
the interpreters brought from Biru by that officer. It was arranged
that large trees near the sea-shore should be blazed, as guides to the
course taken by Pizarro, when his partner Almagro should follow with
supplies.

Pizarro sailed from Panamá Nov. 14, 1524, and after enduring terrible
sufferings on the coast of Biru, including famine, and losing
twenty-seven of his men, he went back to Chuchama, and sent the
treasurer Nicolas de Ribera to Panamá with the gold which he had
collected. Meanwhile Almagro had followed in another vessel with
provisions, and went on the traces of his companion by means of the
trees that had been marked, until he reached the Rio San Juan in 4°
north. Finding no further traces of Pizarro he returned, having lost
an eye in an encounter with natives. He also lost upwards of seventy
men;[1470] but he obtained some gold.

After this failure it was more difficult to obtain money and recruits
for a second attempt. Fortunately, the _Alcalde Mayor_, who was
impressed with the promising character of the undertaking, came
forward with the necessary funds, which he advanced through the agency
of Luque. Gaspar de Espinosa thus became one of the partners. The
agreement between the partners was signed March 10, 1526. Luque signed
as the agent of Espinosa. Pizarro and Almagro could neither read nor
write. One Juan de Pares signed on the part of Pizarro, and Alvaro del
Quiro for Almagro.

The second expedition sailed in 1526. It consisted of two vessels
commanded by Pizarro and Almagro respectively, with a very able and
gallant sailor named Bartolomé Ruiz, of Moguer, as pilot. There were
one hundred and sixty men all told. The adventurers made direct for the
river of San Juan, the farthest point reached by Almagro during the
previous voyage. Here Pizarro landed with his troops. Almagro returned
to Panamá in one vessel, for recruits and provisions, while Ruiz
proceeded on a voyage of discovery to the southward in the other.

Ruiz made a remarkable voyage, having rounded Cape Passado and reached
1° south. He was thus the first European to cross the equator on
the southern passage. He also fell in with a raft under sail, which
belonged to Tumbez in Peru, and thus obtained several curious specimens
of Ynca art, and some additional information. Almagro made a prosperous
voyage back to Panamá, and returned with supplies.

[Illustration: NATIVE RAFTS.

[This is Benzoni’s sketch of the rafts and boats used by the native on
the Pacific coast of the northern parts of South America. Edition of
1572, p. 165.—ED.]]

Pizarro had been left on a forest-covered, fever-haunted coast, which
has changed very little from that day to this. Hoping to find a
better country inland, he undertook long marches through the tangled
forest; but many of his men perished, and his party returned to the
coast, suffering from disease and famine. In this sorry plight the
all-enduring Pizarro was found, when Almagro and Ruiz returned.

Almagro had found a new governor installed at Panamá. Pedro de los Rios
had superseded Pedro Arias, who was transferred to Nicaragua, where he
died in 1532. With the new governor’s sanction, about eighty recruits
were collected, and with these and a fresh supply of stores Almagro
returned to the Rio de San Juan.

[Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF THE CONQUEST OF PERU.

[This map and map No. 2 show the modern geography. The development of
the cartography of Peru may be traced in Ramusio (1556) in the map of
the parts of the world newly discovered; in Ortelius (1584 and 1592)
and De Bry, part iii. (1592, a map of South America corrected in 1624);
in Wytfliet, 1597 (see map on a later page); in Van Baerle’s edition
of Herrera (1622); in Sanson, with the course of the Amazon (1656);
in Dudley’s _Arcano del mare_ (carta xxviii. 1647), for the coast; in
Vander Aa (1679), and in Boudouin’s translation of Garcilasso de la
Vega, published at Amsterdam in 1737. Markham, in his _Reports on the
Discovery of Peru_, gives a map showing the marches of Francisco and
Hernando Pizarro, May, 1532, to May, 1533. Other maps are given by
Prescott, H. H. Bancroft, and Helps. The best, however, is in Markham’s
_Travels of Cieza de Leon_.—ED.]]

The two partners then embarked, and under the guidance of the pilot
Ruiz they advanced along the coast as far as Atacames. They were
now in the province of Quito, a part of the Ynca empire. Here were
large towns, much ground under cultivation, and a formidable array
of well-armed troops to oppose their depredations. It was evident
that the Spanish force was too weak to make a successful settlement.
Pizarro proposed a return; Almagro opposed him, and there was a
violent quarrel, which was outwardly reconciled, leaving a permanent
feeling of suppressed jealousy and ill-will on both sides. Finally it
was resolved that Pizarro and part of the force should remain on the
island of Gallo, which had been discovered by Ruiz in 1° 57´ north,
while Almagro should return once more for recruits. The arrangements
caused much discontent. The men complained that they were being left to
starve. Some wrote letters home to Panamá, full of complaints, which
were seized by Almagro. One, however, named Saravia, concealed a note
in a large ball of cotton sent as a present to the governor’s wife. It
contained the following lines:—

“Pues Señor Gobernador,
Mírelo bien por entero,
Que allá va el recogedor,
Y acá queda el carnicero.”[1471]

Pizarro, soon after Almagro’s departure, sent off the other ship with
the most mutinous of his followers. But the governor, Los Rios, was
much incensed at the result of the expedition. He refused to give any
further countenance to the enterprise, and sent two vessels, under the
command of Don Pedro Tafur, of Cordova, to Gallo, with orders to take
every Spaniard off the island and bring them back to Panamá. Meanwhile
Pizarro and his people were suffering from famine and disease, and
from the incessant rains. Nearly all had lost every feeling of desire
for hazardous adventures. They longed only to be relieved from their
sufferings, and hailed the arrival of Tafur with unconcealed joy.

Then it was that Pizarro displayed that heroic resolution which has
made the famous act of himself and his sixteen companions immortal. The
story is differently told. Herrera says that Tafur stationed himself
in one part of the vessel, and drawing a line, placed Pizarro and his
soldiers on the other side of it. He then told those who wished to
return to Panamá to come over to him, and those who would remain, to
stay on Pizarro’s side of the line. But Garcilasso de la Vega tells us
that when Pizarro saw his men electing to return in the ship, he drew
his sword and made a long line with the point along the sand. Then,
turning to his men, he said, “Gentlemen! This line signifies labor,
hunger, thirst, fatigue, wounds, sickness, and every other kind of
danger that must be encountered in this conquest until life is ended.
Let those who have the courage to meet and overcome the dangers of this
heroic achievement cross the line, in token of their resolution, and as
a testimony that they will be my faithful companions. And let those who
feel unworthy, return to Panamá; for I do not wish to put force upon
any man. I trust in God that, for his greater honor and glory, his
Eternal Majesty will help those who remain with me, though they be few,
and that we shall not miss those who forsake us.” Of the two accounts,
that of Garcilasso is probably nearer the truth, because it is unlikely
that the embarkation would have taken place before the election was
made. It would naturally be made on the beach, before going on board.
Most of the authorities give the number of those who crossed the line
at thirteen. Xeres, Pizarro’s secretary, says there were sixteen.
Herrera gives the names of thirteen heroic men, Garcilasso supplying
the remaining three; and they deserve to be held in memory.[1472]

Nothing could shake the resolution of Pizarro. He would not return
until he had achieved greatness, and he found sixteen good men and
true to stand by him in his great need. They removed from Gallo to the
island of Gorgona, where there was some game and better water; while
the others returned with Tafur to Panamá.

The governor looked upon Pizarro’s conduct as an act of madness, and
refused all succor; but at length yielding to the entreaties of Luque
and Almagro, he allowed one vessel to be sent to Gorgona, with strict
orders to return in six months. So a small vessel was fitted out
under the command of the pilot Ruiz, and after seven weary months the
little forlorn hope at Gorgona descried the white sail, and joyfully
welcomed their friends with a supply of food and stores. Full of hope,
Pizarro and his gallant friends embarked; and the expert Ruiz, guided
by information obtained from the Peruvian sailors on the raft, made
direct for the Gulf of Guayaquil, performing the voyage in twenty days.
The year 1527 was now well advanced. Anchoring off the island of Santa
Clara, they stood across to the town of Tumbez on the following day.
Here they saw the undoubted signs of a great civilization, betokening
the existence of a powerful empire. Their impressions were confirmed
by a subsequent cruise along the Peruvian coast as far as Santa, in 9°
south latitude. They learned enough to justify a return to Panamá with
the report of a great discovery, the importance of which would justify
an application to the Spanish Government for some valuable concession
to Pizarro and his partners. Pizarro took with him, from Tumbez, a lad
who was to act as interpreter,—called Felipillo by the Spaniards,—and
also a few llamas. He then made the best of his way back to Panamá;
and it was agreed that he should proceed to Spain and make a direct
application to the Crown for authority to undertake the conquest of
the empire of the Yncas. In the spring of 1528, after having collected
the necessary funds with much difficulty, Pizarro set out for Spain,
accompanied by Pedro de Candia. Luque and Almagro waited at Panamá for
the result.

[Illustration: EMBARKING.

[Fac-simile of a cut made to do duty in various connections in Antwerp
publications of the last half of the sixteenth century. It is copied in
this case from fol. 23 of _De Wonderlijcke ende warachtighe Historie_
(Zarate), published by Willem Silvius in 1573.—ED.]]

Francisco Pizarro was well received by the Emperor Charles V. in an
interview at Toledo; but the sovereign set out for Italy immediately
afterwards, and subsequent arrangements were made with the Government
of the queen-mother. The capitulation was signed on the 26th of
July, 1529. Pizarro was appointed captain-general and _adelantado_,
and was decorated with the order of Santiago. He was also granted a
coat-of-arms, and thirteen out of the sixteen who crossed the line
at Gallo were ennobled by name. Almagro was made governor of Tumbez,
and afterwards received the title of marshal. Luque was to be bishop
of Tumbez, and protector of the Indians. Ruiz received the title of
grand pilot of the South Sea. Candia was appointed commander of the
artillery. Pizarro visited Estremadura, and from his home took back
with him to Peru his four brothers. Hernando, the eldest and only
legitimate son of his father, was a big tall man, with thick lips and
very red nose, brave and proud, with an uncompromising temper, and
ruthlessly cruel. Juan and Gonzalo were illegitimate, like Francisco,
and Francisco Martin de Alcantara was a uterine brother. His young
cousin Pedro Pizarro, the future historian, then only fifteen, went
out as the conqueror’s page; Fray Vicente de Valverde, a fanatical
Dominican, also went out; and Pizarro set sail from San Lucar on the
19th of January, 1530. On arriving at Panamá, he was upbraided by
Almagro for not having attended fairly to his (Almagro’s) interests,
while careful to secure everything for himself. From that time the old
partners were never really friends, and there was ill-concealed enmity
between Almagro and Hernando Pizarro. Meanwhile preparations for the
expedition were busily proceeded with at Panamá; and, as on former
occasions, Almagro was to follow with supplies and reinforcements.

[Illustration: PIZARRO’S DISCOVERIES.

[The map given in Ruge’s _Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p. 436.—ED.]]

Pizarro sailed from Panamá on the 28th of December, 1531, with
three small vessels carrying one hundred and eighty-three men and
thirty-seven horses. In thirteen days he arrived at the bay of San
Mateo, where he landed the horses and soldiers to march along the
shore, sending back the ships to get more men and horses at Panamá
and Nicaragua. They returned with twenty-six horses and thirty more
men. With this force Pizarro continued his march along the sea-coast,
which was well peopled; and on arriving at the bay of Guayaquil, he
crossed over in the ships to the island of Puna. Here a devastating war
was waged with the unfortunate natives, and from Puna the conqueror
proceeded again in his ships to the Peruvian town of Tumbez. The
country was in a state of confusion, owing to a long and desolating war
of succession between Huascar and Atahualpa, the two sons of the great
Ynca Huayna Capac, and was thus an easy prey to the invaders. Huascar
had been defeated and made prisoner by the generals of his brother,
and Atahualpa was on his way from Quito to Cusco, the capital of the
empire, to enjoy the fruits of his victory. He was reported to be at
Caxamarca, on the eastern side of the mountains; and Pizarro, with his
small force, set out from Tumbez on the 18th of May, 1532.

[Illustration: NATIVE HUTS IN TREES.

[Benzoni’s sketch of the native habitations on the coast towards Peru.
Edition of 1572, p. 161.—ED.]]

The coast of Peru is a rainless region of desert, crossed at intervals
by fertile valleys which follow the courses of the streams from the
Andes to the sea. Parallel with this coast region, to the eastward, is
the _sierra_, or mountainous country of the _cordilleras_ of the Andes,
the cradle and centre of the civilized tribes of Peru. Still farther
to the eastward are the great rivers and vast forests or _montaña_ of
the basin of the Amazons.[1473] Thus the length of Peru is divided into
three very different and distinctly marked regions,—the coast, the
_sierra_, and the _montaña_.

[Illustration: ATAHUALPA.

[From Herrera (1728), vol. iii. p. 5. Quaritch in 1870 (_Catalogue_,
259, no. 651) held at £105 the original oil paintings from which the
likenesses of thirteen Incas in Herrera’s _Hechos de los Castellanos_
were engraved, in 1599, with an extra one of Atahualpa, which was not
given in Herrera. The previous thirteen are given in small marginal
engravings in the border of the frontispiece of Herrera’s fifth
and sixth Decades, and copied in the edition of Barcia, who throws
discredit on the engravings which De Bry had given. These last are
reproduced in Tschudi’s _Antiquedades Peruanas_. Cf. _Catalogue of
Gallery of the New York Historical Society_, No. 378.—ED.]]

The first part of Pizarro’s march was southward from Tumbez, in
the rainless coast region. After crossing a vast desert he came to
Tangarara, in the fertile valleys of the Chira, where he founded the
city of San Miguel, the site of which was afterwards removed to the
valley of Piura. The accountant Antonio Navarro and the royal treasurer
Riquelme were left in command at San Miguel, and Pizarro resumed his
march in search of the Ynca Atahualpa on the 24th of September, 1532.
He detached the gallant cavalier, Hernando de Soto, into the _sierra_
of Huancabamba, to reconnoitre, and pacify the country. De Soto
rejoined the main body after an absence of about ten days. The brother
of Atahualpa, named Titu Atauchi, arrived as an envoy, with presents,
and a message to the effect that the Ynca desired friendship with the
strangers.

[Illustration: ATAHUALPA.

[Fac-simile of the copperplate in the English edition of Thevet’s
_Pourtraitures and Lives_ appended to North’s _Plutarch_, Cambridge,
England, 1676, p. 66. A somewhat famous picture by a Peruvian artist,
Monteros, representing the Spanish soldiers hustling the wailing
women out of the hall while the funeral rites over Atahualpa were in
progress, is heliotyped in the second volume of Hutchinson’s _Two Years
in Peru_.—ED.]]

Crossing the vast desert of Sechura, Pizarro reached the fertile valley
of Motupe, and marched thence to the foot of the _cordilleras_ in
the valley of the Jequetepeque. Here he rested for a day or two, to
arrange the order for the ascent. He took with him forty horses and
sixty foot, instructing Hernando de Soto to follow him with the main
body and the baggage. News arrived that the Ynca Atahualpa had reached
the neighborhood of Caxamarca about three days before, and that he
desired peace. Pizarro pressed forward, crossed the _cordillera_,
and on Friday, the 15th of November, 1532, he entered Caxamarca with
his whole force. Here he found excellent accommodation in the large
masonry buildings, and was well satisfied with the strategic position.
Atahualpa was established in a large camp outside, where Hernando de
Soto had an interview with him. Atahualpa announced his intention of
visiting the Christian commander, and Pizarro arranged and perpetrated
a black act of treachery. He kept all his men under arms. The Ynca,
suspecting nothing, came into the great square, walking in grand regal
procession. He was suddenly attacked and made prisoner, and his people
were massacred.

The Ynca offered a ransom, which he described as gold enough to fill a
room twenty-two feet long and seventeen wide, to a height equal to a
man’s stature and a half. He undertook to do this in two months, and
sent orders for the collection of golden vases and ornaments in all
parts of the empire.[1474] Soon the treasure began to arrive, while
Atahualpa was deceived by false promises; and he beguiled his captivity
by acquiring Spanish and learning to play at chess and cards.

Meanwhile Pizarro sent an expedition under his brother Hernando, to
visit the famous temple of Pachacamac on the coast; and three soldiers
were also despatched to Cusco, the capital of the empire, to hurry
forward the treasure. They set out in February, 1533, but behaved
with so much imprudence and insolence at Cusco as to endanger their
own lives and the success of their mission. Pizarro therefore ordered
two officers of distinction, Hernando de Soto and Pedro del Barco, to
follow them and remedy the mischief which they were doing. On Easter
eve, being the 14th of April, 1533, Almagro arrived at Caxamarca with a
reinforcement of one hundred and fifty Spaniards and eighty-four horses.

On the 3d of May it was ordered that the gold already arrived should
be melted down for distribution; but another large instalment came on
the 14th of June. An immense quantity consisted of slabs, with holes
at the corners, which had been torn off the walls of temples and
palaces; and there were vessels and ornaments of all shapes and sizes.
After the royal fifth had been deducted, the rest was divided among
the conquerors. The total sum of 4,605,670 ducats would be equal to
about £3,500,000 of modern money.[1475] After the partition of the
treasure, the murder of the Ynca was seriously proposed as a measure
of good policy. The crime was committed by order of Pizarro, and
with the concurrence of Almagro and the friar Valverde.[1476] It was
expected that the sovereign’s death would be followed by the dispersion
of his army, and the submission of the people. This judicial murder
was committed in the square of Caxamarca on the 29th of August, 1533.
Hernando de Soto was absent at the time, and on his return he expressed
the warmest indignation. Several other honorable cavaliers protested
against the execution. Their names are even more worthy of being
remembered than those of the heroic sixteen who crossed the line on
the sea-shore at Gallo.[1477]

[Illustration: DIEGO DE ALMAGRO.

[From Herrera (1728) vol. ii. p. 285. An original manuscript letter
of Almagro, Jan. 1, 1535, addressed to the Emperor, and asking
for a province beyond Pizarro’s, is noted in Stevens, _Bibliotheca
geographica_, no. 109.—ED.]]

Pizarro at first set up a son of Atahualpa as his successor; but the
boy died within two months. A more important matter was the despatch of
the treasure to Spain, with tidings of the conquest. The first ship,
laden with Peruvian gold, arrived at Seville on the 5th of December,
1534. The second ship followed in January, having on board, besides the
treasure, Hernando Pizarro, the conqueror’s brother. The excitement
caused by these arrivals was intense; and there was an eager desire
among adventurers, both of high and low degree, to become settlers in
this land of promise.

[Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF THE CONQUEST OF PERU. NO. 2.]

In September Pizarro began his march from Caxamarca to Cusco, the
capital of the empire, with five hundred Spaniards and about one
hundred and fifty horses. The artilleryman Candia had charge of two
falconets. The march was along the lofty valleys and over the passes
of the _sierra_, by Huamachuco, Huánuco, Xauxa, and Huamanga. The
rear-guard was attacked by Titu Atauchi, brother of Atahualpa, with
six thousand men; and eight Spaniards were taken prisoners, among them
Francisco de Chaves and Hernando de Haro, who had protested against the
murder of the Ynca Atahualpa, and Sancho de Cuellar, who had been clerk
to the court at the mock trial. They were taken to Caxamarca, which had
been abandoned by the Spaniards. Chaves and Haro were treated with the
greatest kindness. Cuellar was strangled on the spot where Atahualpa
was put to death. Hernando de Soto and Almagro led the van of the
Spanish army, and they had to fight a well-contested battle beyond the
Apurimac, with a native army led by one of the generals of Atahualpa.
Leaving a garrison at Xauxa, Pizarro followed more leisurely; and on
forming a junction with Almagro on the great plain of Sacsahuana,
near Cusco, he perpetrated another great crime. Challcuchima, one of
Atahualpa’s ablest generals, who had been taken prisoner, was burned
alive. Soon afterward the Ynca Manco, son of Huayna Capac, and the
rightful heir to the sovereignty, arrived at the Spanish camp to make
his submission and claim protection. His rights were recognized; and
on the 15th of November, 1533, the conqueror Pizarro entered the city
of Cusco in company with the rightful sovereign. The Ynca Manco was
inaugurated with the usual ceremonies and rejoicings; but in March,
1534, his beloved city of Cusco was converted into a Spanish town, and
a municipality was established. The palaces and spacious halls were
appropriated as churches and private houses of the conquerors. The
Dominicans received the great Temple of the Sun as their monastery; and
Friar Valverde, who became the first bishop of Cusco, in 1538, took the
spacious palace of the Ynca Uira-ccocha, in the great square, for his
cathedral.

[Illustration: PLAN OF YNCA FORTRESS NEAR CUSCO.

(From Markham’s _Royal Commentaries of the Yncas_, vol. ii. p. 305.)]

It was not long before the fame of the riches of Peru brought more
conquerors to seek for a share of the spoils. In March, 1534, Pedro
de Alvarado, one of the conquerors of Mexico, landed at Puerto Viejo,
close to the equator, with five hundred Spaniards, half of whom were
mounted. Among them was the noble cavalier Garcilasso de la Vega,
father of the future historian. After suffering dreadful hardships
in passing through the forests of the coast, the adventurers reached
Riobamba, with a loss of one fourth of their number. Pizarro, leaving
a garrison of ninety men under his brother Juan at Cusco, proceeded to
the sea-coast, where he had an interview with Alvarado at Pachacamac.
It was agreed that Alvarado should return to his government of
Guatemala, while many of his surviving followers attached themselves to
the fortunes of Pizarro.

The conqueror now resolved to fix the principal seat of his government
within a short distance of some convenient seaport. He finally selected
a site in the valley of the Rimac, six miles from the shores of the
Pacific Ocean. Here Pizarro founded the city of Lima on the festival of
Epiphany, the 6th of January, 1535. It was called “Ciudad de los Reyes”
(the city of the kings) in honor of Charles V. and his mother Juana,
and also in memory of the day. The city was laid out on a regular plan,
which has been little altered down to the present time, with broad
streets, at right angles, and a spacious square near the centre, one
side of which was to be occupied by the cathedral and another by the
palace. Pizarro appointed municipal officers, collected laborers, and
with great energy pushed on the work of building.

[Illustration: BUILDING OF A TOWN.

[Fac-simile of a cut made to do duty in various Antwerp imprints on
Peru of the latter half of the sixteenth century. It is copied in this
case from folio eighteen (reverse) of _De Wonderlijcke ende Warachtighe
Historie_ (Zarate), published by Willem Silvius, 1573.—ED.]]

Hernando Pizarro, arriving with such welcome treasure, was very
graciously received in Spain. Charles V. confirmed all his brother’s
previous grants, and created him a marquis;[1478] while Almagro,
with the title of marshal, was empowered to discover and occupy
territory for two hundred leagues, beginning from the southern boundary
of Pizarro’s government. Hernando himself was created a knight of
Santiago, and was authorized to enlist recruits, and equip a fleet
for his return to Peru. The return of Hernando was the signal for
the breaking out of a feud between the old partners. Almagro and his
friends declared that Cusco itself was to the south of the boundary
assigned to the territory of Pizarro. The conqueror hurried from his
work of building at Lima to Cusco, and made a solemn reconciliation
with Almagro, by a written agreement dated June 12, 1535.

[Illustration: GABRIEL DE ROJAS.

[Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, vol. iv. p. 260. He was one of
the distinguished cavaliers of the Conquest, to whom Muñoz—erroneously,
as Prescott thinks—assigned the authorship of the _Relacion primera_
of Ondegardo. He was distinguished at the defence of Cusco, when that
town was besieged by the Indians. Later, as governor of Cusco for
Almagro, he had charge of Gonzalo Pizarro while he was held a prisoner,
and had, later still, command of the artillery under Gasca. He died at
Charcas.—ED.]]

Almagro was induced to undertake an expedition for the discovery and
conquest of Chili. He was accompanied by a large army of Indians, led
by two Yncas of the blood royal; and he had with him about two hundred
Spaniards. He set out from Cusco in the autumn. Pizarro then returned
to the coast, to push forward the building of Lima, and to found the
cities of Truxillo (1535), Chachapoyas (1536), Huamanga (1539), and
Arequipa (1540). Hernando Pizarro, on his return, was sent to join his
brothers Juan and Gonzalo at Cusco, and to take command of that city
and fortress.

[Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF THE CONQUEST OF CHILI.]

The Spaniards had already begun to look upon the natives as their
slaves, and the young Ynca Manco was not only treated with neglect, but
exposed to every kind of humiliating insult. He escaped from Cusco,
and put himself at the head of a great army of his subjects in the
valley of Yucay. This was a signal; and immediately the whole country
was in revolt against the invaders. Juan Pizarro was driven back into
Cusco, and the city was closely besieged by the armies of the Ynca from
February, 1536. The besiegers succeeded in setting the thatched roofs
of the halls and palaces on fire, and the Spanish garrison was reduced
to the greatest straits. The Yncas had occupied the fortress which
commands the town, and Juan Pizarro was killed in an attempt to carry
it by storm. Finally Hernando Pizarro himself captured the fortress,
after a heroic defence by the Ynca garrison. Still the close siege of
the city continued, and the garrison was reduced to the last straits
by famine. Month after month passed away without tidings. At last the
season for planting arrived, and in August the Ynca was obliged to
raise the siege.

* * * * *

Chili, the long strip of land along the west coast of South America, to
the south of Peru, had been conquered by the Yncas as far as the river
Maule. Beyond that limit were the indomitable tribes of Araucanian
Indians. Bounded on one side by the _cordillera_ of the Andes, and on
the other by the sea, the country enjoys a temperate climate, suited
for the cultivation of wheat and the rearing of cattle. It can be
approached from Peru either by traversing the great desert of Atacama
on the coast, or by marching over the snowy plateaus and rocky passes
of the Andes. Almagro chose the latter route. The Indian auxiliaries,
led by Paullu, the brother of Ynca Manco, and by the Uillac Umu, or
high-priest, marched first, carrying provisions and making arrangements
for their supply, taking the road through the Collao and Charcas (the
modern republic of Bolivia). The Indian contingent was followed by one
hundred Spaniards under Don Juan Saavedra; and this advanced party
waited at Paria, in the south of Charcas, for the main body. This was
commanded by Don Rodrigo Orgoñez, a native of Oropesa, who had served
under the constable Bourbon at the sack of Rome. He was a brave and
experienced commander, ever faithful to his chief, the marshal Almagro.
The whole force, when united in the distant valley of Jujuy, consisted
of five hundred Spaniards, with two hundred horses. The march across
the Andes to Coquimbo, in Chili, during the winter of 1536, was a time
of intense suffering and hardship bravely endured; but it was stained
by the most revolting cruelties to the people of Charcas and Jujuy.

Almagro advanced from Coquimbo to the southward, and his Peruvian
contingent suffered a defeat from an army of Promauca Indians. He
was reinforced by Orgoñez and Juan Rada, another faithful adherent,
who brought with them the royal order appointing Almagro to be
_adelantado_, or governor, of New Toledo, which was to extend two
hundred leagues from the southern limit of Pizarro’s government of
New Castile. The explorers now desired to return and occupy this new
government, which they claimed to include the city of Cusco itself.
Almagro had arranged that three small vessels should sail from Callao,
the port of Lima, for the Chilian coast, with provisions. Only one ever
sailed, named the “Santiaguillo,” having a cargo of food, clothing,
and horse-shoes. She arrived in a port on the coast of Chili; and when
the tidings reached Almagro, he sent the gallant Juan de Saavedra, the
leader of his vanguard, with thirty horsemen, to communicate with her.
Saavedra found the little vessel anchored in a bay surrounded by rugged
hills covered with an undergrowth of shrubs, and having a distant view
of the snowy _cordillera_. In some way it reminded him of his distant
Spanish home. Saavedra was a native of the village of Valparaiso, near
Cuenca, in Castile. He named the bay, where the principal seaport
of Chili was destined to be established, Valparaiso. This was in
September, 1536. Landing the much-needed supplies, Saavedra rejoined
his chief, and the expedition of Almagro began its painful return
journey by the desert of Atacama. On arriving at Arequipa, Almagro
first heard of the great insurrection of the Yncas. Marching rapidly to
Cusco, his lieutenant, Orgoñez, defeated the Ynca Manco in the valley
of Yucay; and Almagro entered the ancient city, claiming to be its
lawful governor.

The royal grant had given Pizarro all the territory for two hundred and
seventy leagues southward from the river of Santiago, in 1° 20´ north,
and to Almagro two hundred leagues extending from Pizarro’s southern
limit. Herrera says that there were seventeen and one half leagues in
a degree. This would bring Pizarro’s boundary as far south as 14° 50´,
and would leave Cusco (13° 30´ 55″ south) well within it. But neither
the latitudes of the river Santiago nor of Cusco had been fixed, and
the question was open to dispute.

Almagro seized upon Cusco on the 8th of April, 1537, and placed the
brothers Hernando and Gonzalo Pizarro, who had defended the place
against the Yncas, in confinement. News then came that a large body
of men under Alonzo de Alvarado, sent by the governor Pizarro from
Lima, was approaching Cusco. Alvarado, with about five hundred men,
had advanced as far as the river Abancay, where he was surprised
and defeated by Orgoñez on the 12th of July, 1537. Meanwhile some
reinforcements were arriving at Lima, in reply to the appeals of
Pizarro for help against the native insurrection.

The ecclesiastic Luque had died; but the other partner who advanced the
money for the original expedition, the licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa,
still lived; and he now joined Pizarro at Lima, with a force of two
hundred and fifty men. Cortés also despatched a vessel with supplies
and military stores from Mexico.

The Marquis—as Pizarro was now styled—sent an embassy to Almagro at
Cusco, under the licentiate Espinosa, in the hope of settling the
dispute amicably. Almagro, elated by his successes, was in no mood for
moderating his demands; and, unfortunately, Espinosa died very suddenly
in the midst of the negotiation. It was broken off; and Almagro
declared his intention of retaining Cusco and marching to the coast, in
order to establish for himself a seaport. Orgoñez had again defeated
the Ynca Manco, dispersed his army, and forced him to take refuge, with
his family and little court, in the mountainous fastness of Vilcabamba.
Leaving Gonzalo Pizarro in prison at Cusco, Almagro marched to the
valley of Chincha, on the sea-coast, taking Hernando Pizarro with him.
At Chincha he began to lay out a city, to be called Almagro, which was
to rival Lima, one hundred miles to the northward. Chincha is nearly in
the same latitude as Cusco.

While he was at Chincha, Almagro received news that Gonzalo Pizarro and
Alonzo de Alvarado had escaped from their Cusco prison, and reached
the camp of the marquis, near Lima. After some correspondence, it was
agreed that a friar named Francisco de Bobadilla should arbitrate,
and that Pizarro and Almagro should have a personal interview in the
little town of Mala, near the coast, between Lima and Chincha. The
meeting took place on the 13th of November, 1537. There was a furious
altercation. They parted in anger; indeed Almagro, fearing treachery,
rode off very hastily. A cavalier of Pizarro’s party had hummed two
lines of an old song in his hearing,—

“Tiempo es el cavallero,
Tiempo es de andar de aqui.”

It was the last time the old partners ever saw each other. The friar’s
award was that a skilful pilot should be sent to fix the latitude of
the river of Santiago, and that meanwhile Almagro should deliver up
Cusco, and Hernando Pizarro should be set at liberty. But in order to
secure the safety of his brother, the marquis made the concession that
Almagro should hold Cusco until the boundaries were fixed. Hernando was
then allowed to leave the camp of Almagro.

But the marquis had no intention of allowing his rival to retain Cusco.
Too old to take the field himself, he intrusted the command of his
army to his brother Hernando. His rival was also broken down by age
and infirmities, and Rodrigo de Orgoñez became the actual commander
of Almagro’s forces. He retreated by short marches towards Cusco, the
old marshal being carried in a litter, and requiring long intervals of
rest. The marquis led his army down the coast to Yca, where he took
leave of it, and returned to Lima. His brother Hernando then proceeded
still farther along the coast to Nasca, and ascended the _cordilleras_
by way of Lucanas, reaching the neighborhood of Cusco in April, 1538.
Almagro had arrived at Cusco ten days before.

Orgoñez took up a position at a place called Salinas, about three miles
from Cusco, with a force of five hundred men and about two hundred
horses. His artillery consisted of six falconets, which, with the
cavalry, he stationed on the flanks of his infantry. On Saturday, the
26th of April, 1538 (or the 6th, the day of Saint Lazarus, according to
Garcilasso), Hernando Pizarro began the attack. The infantry was led
by his brother Gonzalo, and by Pedro de Valdivia, the future governor
of Chili. Crowds of Indians watched the battle, and rejoiced to see
their oppressors destroying one another. The cavalry charged at full
gallop, the infantry fought desperately; but Orgoñez was killed, and
after an hour the fortune of the day turned against the marshal. His
soldiers fled to Cusco, followed by the victorious party, and Almagro
himself was put in chains and confined in the same prison where he had
put the Pizarros. His young son Diego,—by an Indian girl of Panamá,—to
whom the old man was devotedly attached, was sent at once to the camp
of the marquis at Lima, in charge of Alcantara, the half-brother of the
Pizarros. Hernando then prepared a long string of accusations against
his defeated foe, obtained his condemnation, and caused him to be
garroted in the prison. Almagro was buried in the church of La Merced
at Cusco, in July, 1538.

The Marquis Francisco Pizarro received the young Almagro with kindness,
and sent him to Lima, ordering him to be treated as his son. The
governor himself remained for some time at Xauxa, and then proceeded
to Cusco, where he confiscated the property of Almagro’s followers.
He sent his brother Gonzalo to conquer the people of Charcas. In 1539
Hernando Pizarro set out for Spain; but the friends of Almagro were
before him. He was coldly received, and eventually committed to prison
for his conduct at Cusco, and lingered in captivity for upwards of
twenty years.

Pizarro returned to Lima, and despatched numerous expeditions in
various directions for discovery and conquest. Gomez de Alvarado
was intrusted with the settlement of Huánuco; Francisco de Chaves,
of Conchucos; Vergara and Mercadillo were to explore Bracamoras and
Chachapoyas; and Pedro de Candia was to settle the Collao. Gonzalo
Pizarro himself undertook an expedition to the land of cinnamon,—the
forest-covered region to the eastward of Quito. Leaving Pedro de
Puelles in command at Quito, Gonzalo entered the forests with three
hundred and fifty Spaniards and four thousand Indians on Christmas
Day, 1539. The hardships and sufferings of these dauntless explorers
have seldom been equalled by any body of men on record. Descending the
rivers Coca and Napo, Gonzalo intrusted the command of a small vessel
to Francisco de Orellana to go on in advance and seek for supplies. But
Orellana deserted his starving comrades, discovered the whole course
of the river Amazon, and returned to Spain. Out of the three hundred
and fifty Spaniards that started, fifty deserted with Orellana, two
hundred and ten died of hunger and disease, and the miserable remnant
eventually returned to Quito with their intrepid leader, Gonzalo
Pizarro, in June, 1542.

The marquis had also resolved to renew the attempt to conquer Chili,
which had been abandoned by Almagro. A cavalier had actually been
sent out from Spain, named Pedro Sanchez de Hoz, to undertake this
service. The marquis associated with him a commander on whose judgment,
resolution, and fidelity he could better rely. Pedro de Valdivia was a
native of Serena in Estremadura. He had seen much service in Italy; was
at the taking of Milan and at the battle of Pavia. He had arrived in
Peru in 1535, having been sent from Mexico by Hernando Cortés when the
governor of Peru appealed for help to resist the Ynca revolt. He did
important service for the Pizarros at the battle of Salinas.

Having collected one hundred and fifty soldiers at Cusco, Valdivia
began his march for Chili in March, 1540. His camp-master was Pedro
Gomez; his standard-bearer, Pedro de Mayor; his chief of the staff,
Alonso Monroy. Francisco de Aguirre and Jeronimo de Alderete were his
captains of cavalry; Francisco de Villagran led the arquebusiers, and
Rodrigo de Quiroga the pikemen. Two priests, named Bartolomé Rodrigo
and Gonzalo Marmolejo, accompanied the expedition. Before starting,
Valdivia went to the cathedral of Cusco, and swore, in presence of
Bishop Valverde, that the first church he built should be dedicated to
Our Lady of the Assumption, the patroness of Cusco, and that the first
city he founded should be named Santiago, after the patron of Spain.
Valdivia marched by way of the desert of Atacama, and at the very
outset he made an agreement with Sanchez de Hoz that the sole command
should rest with himself.

Valdivia had for a guide the friar Antonio Rondon, who had accompanied
Almagro’s expedition; and with his aid he overcame all the difficulties
of the march, and safely reached Copiapo in Chili. Advancing by Huasco
and Coquimbo, he defeated a large army of natives in the valley of
Chili or Aconcagua, and eventually selected a site for the foundation
of a new city on the banks of the river Mapocho, in the territory of
the Cacique Huelen-Guala. The foundation of the church, dedicated to
the Assumption, in accordance with the vow made at Cusco, was laid on
the 12th of February, 1541. The plan of the city was laid out, and it
received the name of Santiago. The officers of the municipality were
elected on the 7th of March, to remain in office for one year.

[Illustration: PEDRO DE VALDIVIA.

[From Herrera (1728), iv. 200.—ED.]]

It was not long before the natives of Chili took up arms to oppose
the intruders. Valdivia marched against a large body, leaving Monroy
in command at Santiago. But another force of Indians attacked the
city itself, with desperate valor, during fifteen days, killing four
Spaniards and twenty-three horses, and setting fire to the houses.
Valdivia hastily returned; and although the whole country was in
insurrection, Monroy nobly volunteered to make his way to Peru and
return with reinforcements and supplies. He set out Jan. 28, 1542.
Valdivia began to cultivate the land near Santiago, and to sow wheat,
in the hope of raising crops; and on the hill of Santa Lucia he
constructed a fort where provisions and valuables could be stored. But
the little colony continued to suffer much from scarcity of provisions.
Monroy, hiding in the woods during the day and travelling at night,
escaped from Chili and reached Cusco in safety. He succeeded in getting
a small vessel sent from the port of Arequipa to Valparaiso, while
he himself returned by the desert of Atacama, reaching Santiago in
December, 1543. Valdivia was now able to assume the offensive, and the
armed Indians retired to a distance from Santiago.

[Illustration: VALDIVIA.

[Fac-simile of a part of a copperplate, which appears in _Ovalle’s
Historica Relacion de Chile_, Rome, 1648.—ED.]]

The chief pilot of Panamá, an experienced Genoese seaman named Juan
Bautista Pastene, with Juan Calderon de la Barca, was ordered to
undertake a voyage of discovery along the coast of Chili at about the
same time. He sailed from Callao in July, 1544, and arrived at the port
of Valparaiso in August, in his little vessel the “San Pablo.”

[Illustration: PASTENE.

[Fac-simile of part of a copperplate in Ovalle’s _Hist. Rela. de
Chile_, Rome, 1648.—ED.]]

Here he was visited by Valdivia, who confirmed the name of Valparaiso
and officially declared it to be the port of Santiago. Valdivia
proclaimed the foundation of the town of Valparaiso on the 3d of
September, 1544, and appointed Pastene his lieutenant in command of the
Chilian seas. The two little vessels “San Pedro” and “Santiaguillo”
then took some men-at-arms on board, and proceeded on a voyage of
discovery to the southward on the 4th of September. Pastene went as
far as 41° south, discovering a harbor which was named Valdivia, the
mouths of several rivers, the island of Mocha and the Bay of Penco.
He returned to Valparaiso on the 30th of September, and reported his
success to the governor, who now had two hundred Spaniards at Santiago,
besides women and children. In the same year Valdivia sent a captain
named Bohan to found a town in the valley of Coquimbo, to serve as a
refuge and resting-place on the road between Santiago and Peru. It was
named La Serena, after the native place of Valdivia. The “San Pedro”
was sent to Coquimbo to be caulked and otherwise repaired.

[Illustration: PIZARRO.

[Fac-simile of engraving in Herrera, vol. ii. p. 280. De Bry (part
vi.) gives a small medallion likeness. Cf. Verne’s _La Découverte de
la Terre_. Prescott (vol. i.) gives an engraving after a painting in
the series of the line of the viceroys, preserved at that time in the
viceregal palace at Lima. It gives the conqueror in civic costume, with
cap and cloak, and a letter in one hand and a glove in the other. A
colored representation of the royal standard borne by Pizarro is given
in _El General San Martin_, Buenos Ayres, 1863. They continue to show,
or did exhibit till recently, a body claimed to be that of Pizarro, in
the cathedral at Lima. (Hutchinson’s _Two Years in Peru_, vol. i. p.
309.)—ED.]]

The governor then undertook an expedition to the south, crossed the
river Maule, defeated a large body of Indians at a place called
Quilacara, and advanced as far as the banks of the river Biobio,
returning to Santiago, after an absence of forty days, in March, 1546.
Pastene had made another voyage to Callao, taking with him the gallant
Alonso Monroy, who died on the passage. He returned to Valparaiso, with
a melancholy account of the disturbed state of Peru, Dec. 1, 1547; and
Valdivia determined, after much deliberation, to take up arms against
Gonzalo Pizarro, as a loyal servant of the Spanish Crown. He went on
board Pastene’s ship, made sail Dec. 10, 1547, and arrived at Callao,
the port of Lima. He had founded a new colony, and left it securely
established in Chili.

[Illustration: PIZARRO.

[Fac-simile of the engraving as given in Montanus and Ogilby.—ED.]]

During the seven years of Valdivia’s absence in Chili, stirring
events had occurred in the land of the Yncas. The marquis returned
to Lima, where he was busily engaged in the work of building, and in
administering the affairs of his vast command. Many of the ruined
followers of Almagro were there also, driven to desperation by the
confiscation of their property. They were called, in derision, the “men
of Chili.” Pizarro treated them with contemptuous indifference, and
expelled the young Almagro from his house.

The most conspicuous of the malcontents was Juan de Rada; and he
matured a plot for the assassination of the governor. On the 26th of
June, 1541, the conspirators, headed by Rada, ran across the great
square during the dinner hour, and entered the court of Pizarro’s
house.[1479] The marquis had just dined, and his brother Martin de
Alcantara, the judge Velasquez, Francisco de Chaves, and others were
with him. Being unarmed, several of those present, on hearing the
outcry, let themselves down into a garden from the corridor, and
escaped. Chaves went out on the stairs, where he was murdered by the
conspirators, who were running up. The marquis had thrown off his
robe, put on a cuirass, and seized a spear. He was past seventy. His
brother, a cavalier named Gomez de Luna, and two pages were with him.
The assassins numbered nineteen strong men. Pizarro fought valiantly,
until Rada thrust one of his companions on the spear and rushed in.
Alcantara, Luna, and the two pages were despatched. Pizarro continued
to defend himself until a wound in the throat brought him to the
ground. He made the sign of the cross on the floor, and kissed it.
He then breathed his last. The conspirators rushed into the street
shouting, “The tyrant is dead!” The houses of the governor and his
secretary were pillaged. Juan de Rada coerced the municipality and
proclaimed Diego Almagro, the young half-caste lad, governor of Peru.
The body of Pizarro was buried in the cathedral, by stealth, and at
night.

But the colonists did not immediately submit to the new rule. Alvarez
de Holguin, one of Pizarro’s captains, held Cusco with a small force,
and Alonzo de Alvarado opposed the conspiracy in the north of Peru.
The bishop Valverde, of Cusco, and the judge Velasquez were allowed to
embark at Callao in November, 1541; but they fell into the hands of the
Indians on the island of Puna, in the Gulf of Guayaquil, and were both
killed.

[Illustration: VACA DE CASTRO.

[From Herrera (1728), vol. iv. p. 1.—ED.]]

The followers of Almagro the lad, as he was called, determined to march
from Lima in the direction of Cusco, so as to get between Alvarado
and Holguin. At Xauxa the youthful adventurer had the misfortune to
lose his most trusty adherent. Juan de Rada died of fever. The two most
influential of his supporters who remained were Cristóval de Sotelo and
Garcia de Alvarado,—and they had quarrelled with one another. Their
delays enabled Holguin to pass to the north, and unite his forces with
Alvarado’s. Almagro then established himself at Cusco, where Sotelo was
murdered by his rival Alvarado; and the latter was put to death by the
young Almagro, who assumed the direction of his own affairs. He was
barely twenty-two years of age.

The Emperor Charles V., long before the death of Pizarro, had decided
upon sending out a royal judge to act as the old conqueror’s coadjutor
and adviser, especially with regard to the treatment of the Indians.
For this delicate post the emperor’s choice fell upon Dr. Don Cristóval
Vaca de Castro, a Judge of the Audience of Valladolid. After a long
voyage the new judge had landed at Buenaventura, a town recently
founded by Pascual de Andagoya, near that river San Juan where Pizarro
had waited in such dire distress during his first voyage. He had a
royal order to assume the post of governor of Peru in the event of
Pizarro’s death; and on arriving at Popayan he received tidings of
the assassination. He then proclaimed his commission as governor,
and advanced southwards, by way of Quito, along the Peruvian coast.
At Huara he was joined by Alvarado and Holguin with their forces.
He entered Lima, and then proceeded, by way of Xauxa, in search of
the assassins. Young Almagro had a force of five hundred Spaniards,
with two hundred horses; and he had a park of artillery consisting of
sixteen pieces under the direction of the veteran Pedro de Candia.
With this force he left Cusco in July, 1542. Vaca de Castro marched
in great haste to Guamanga, in order to secure that important post
before Almagro could reach it from Cusco. The rebels, as they must
be called, took a route along the skirts of the _cordillera_, until
they reached an elevated plateau called Chupas, above and a little to
the south of the newly built town of Guamanga. Their object appears
to have been to cut off the communications of Vaca de Castro with the
coast. In order to approach them, it was necessary for the royal army
to evacuate Guamanga, and ascend a very steep slope to the terrace-like
plateau where Almagro’s army was posted. It was the 16th of September,
1542, and the ascent from Guamanga must have occupied the greater part
of the day. The army of Vaca de Castro was marshalled by the veteran
Francisco de Carbajal, an old soldier who had seen forty years’ service
in Italy before he crossed the Atlantic. Carbajal led the troops into
action with such skill that they were protected by intervening ground
until they were close to the enemy; and when Almagro’s artillery opened
fire on them, the guns were so elevated as to do no execution. This
led young Almagro to suspect Pedro de Candia of treachery, and he
there and then ran the old gunner through the body, and pointed one of
the guns himself with good effect. The royal army now began to suffer
severely from the better-directed artillery fire. Then the opposing
bodies of cavalry charged, while Carbajal led a desperate attack with
the infantry, and captured Almagro’s guns. Holguin fell dead; Alvarado
was driven back, and young Almagro behaved with heroic valor. Yet when
night closed in, the army of Vaca de Castro was completely victorious,
and five hundred were left dead on the field. It was a desperately
contested action. Almagro fled to Cusco with a few followers, where he
was arrested by the magistrates. Vaca de Castro followed closely, and
on arriving in the city he condemned the lad to death. Almagro suffered
in the great square, and was buried by the side of his father in the
church of La Merced.

Vaca de Castro assumed the administration of affairs in Peru as royal
governor. In the same year the Dominican Friar Geronimo de Loaysa,
a native of Talavera, became bishop of Lima. He was promoted to
the rank of archbishop in 1545. Another Dominican, Juan de Solano,
succeeded Valverde as bishop of Cusco in 1543. Gonzalo Pizarro, when
he returned from his terrible expedition in the forests east of
Quito, was induced by the governor to retire peaceably to his estates
in Charcas. The efforts of Vaca de Castro as an administrator were
directed to regulating the employment of the natives, and to improving
communications.

* * * * *

When the good Bartolomé Las Casas returned to Spain, in 1538, he
published his famous work on the destruction of the native race of
America. He protested against the Indians being given to the Spaniards
in _encomienda_, or vassalage for personal service.[1480] At last the
emperor appointed a committee consisting of churchmen and lawyers of
the highest position, to sit at Valladolid in 1542, and to consider the
whole subject. The result was the promulgation of what were called the
“New Laws.”

I. After the death of the conquerors, the _repartimientos_ of Indians,
given to them in _encomienda_, were not to pass to their heirs, but
be placed directly under the king. Officers of his majesty were to
renounce the _repartimientos_ at once.

II. All _encomenderos_ in Peru who had been engaged in the factious
wars between the Pizarros and Almagros were to be deprived.

III. Personal service of the Indians was to be entirely abolished.

Blasco Nuñez Vela was appointed viceroy of Peru to enforce the “New
Laws,” assisted by a court of justice, of which he was president,
called the _Audiencia_ of Lima. There were four other judges, called
_oidores_, or auditors, named Cepeda, Zarate, Alvarez, and Tejada.
The viceroy and his colleagues embarked at San Lucar on the 3d of
November, 1543. Leaving the judges sick at Panamá, the viceroy landed
at Tumbez on the 4th of March, 1544, with great magnificence, and
proceeded by land to Lima, proclaiming the “New Laws” as he advanced.
The Spanish conquerors were thrown into a state of dismay and
exasperation. They entreated Gonzalo Pizarro to leave his retirement
and protect their interests, and when he entered Cusco he was hailed
as procurator-general of Peru. He seized the artillery at Guamanga,
and assembled a force of four hundred men, while old Francisco de
Carbajal, the hero of the battle of Chupas, became his lieutenant.

The viceroy was a headstrong, violent man, without judgment or capacity
for affairs. His first act after entering Lima was to imprison the
late governor, Vaca de Castro. The principal citizens entreated him
not to enforce the “New Laws” with imprudent haste. But he would
listen to no arguments; and when the auditors arrived from Panamá, he
quarrelled with them, and acted in defiance of their protests. At last
the auditors ventured upon the bold step of arresting the viceroy in
his palace, and placing him in confinement. He was sent to the island
of San Lorenzo, and a government was formed with the auditor Cepeda
as president, who suspended the “New Laws” until further instructions
could be received from Spain. The auditor Alvarez was commissioned to
embark on board a vessel with the viceroy, and take him to Panamá.

Meanwhile Gonzalo Pizarro was approaching Lima by rapid marches, and he
entered the capital on the 28th of October, 1544, at the head of twelve
hundred Spaniards and several thousand Indians dragging the artillery,
which had formed the special strength of young Almagro. The _Audiencia_
submitted; the judges administered the oaths, and Gonzalo was declared
governor and captain-general of Peru. At the same time Vaca de Castro
persuaded the captain of a vessel on board of which he was confined
in Callao Bay to get under way and convey him to Panamá. Accusations
were brought against him in Spain, and he was kept in prison for twelve
years, but was eventually acquitted and reinstated.

As soon as the ship conveying the viceroy to Panamá was at sea, the
judge Alvarez liberated him. He landed at Tumbez in October, 1544,
denounced Gonzalo Pizarro and the judge Cepeda as traitors, and called
upon all loyal subjects to support him. Volunteers arrived, and Blasco
Nuñez raised his standard at San Miguel de Piura. Gonzalo Pizarro
assembled a rival force at Truxillo; but the viceroy retreated before
him towards Quito, Carbajal pressing closely on his rear. The retreat
was almost a rout. Passing through Quito, the viceroy took refuge at
Pasto, within the jurisdiction of Sebastian Benalcazar, the governor of
Popayan. Early in January, 1546, having received reinforcements, Blasco
Nuñez ventured to advance once more towards Quito. Gonzalo Pizarro
took up a strong position outside; but the viceroy, now accompanied by
Benalcazar, made a detour and entered Quito. On the 18th of January,
1546, the viceroy led his followers to the plains of Anaquito, near the
town, where his enemy was posted, seven hundred strong. The battle was
not long doubtful. Alvarez the judge was mortally wounded. Benalcazar
was left for dead on the field. The viceroy was unhorsed and wounded,
and while lying on the ground his head was struck off by order of Pedro
de Puelles, Pizarro’s governor of Quito. The slaughter was terrific.
Cruel old Carbajal never showed any mercy, and no quarter was given.
Benalcazar, when he recovered, was allowed to return to Popayan; and
Gonzalo Pizarro attended as chief mourner at the funeral of the
viceroy in the cathedral of Quito.

Leaving a garrison at Quito, under Puelles, Gonzalo began his journey
southwards in July, 1546, and entered Lima in triumph. The only
resistance throughout Peru was from an officer in Charcas named Diego
Centeno, a native of Ciudad Rodrigo, who had come to Peru in 1534 with
Pedro Alvarado. He declared in favor of the viceroy at Chucuito; but
Alonzo Toro, who had been left in command at Cusco by Gonzalo Pizarro,
marched against him, and he fled into the fastnesses of Chichas, in the
far south. Pizarro was undisputed master of Peru, and his lieutenant
Carbajal retired to Charcas to work the silver mines.

[Illustration: GASCA.

[This follows the engraving given by Prescott (_History of the Conquest
of Peru_) of the portrait hanging in the sacristy of Saint Mary
Magdalene at Valladolid,—an inscription on which says that Gasca died
in 1567 at the age of seventy-one.—ED.]]

News of the revolt had reached Spain, and the licentiate Pedro de la
Gasca, an astute and very able ecclesiastic, was appointed to proceed
to Peru, and mediate between the viceroy and the malcontents. He
received very full powers, with large discretion, and was entitled
president of the _Audiencia_. He was very ugly, with a dwarfish body
and exceedingly long, ungainly legs. The president sailed from Spain on
the 26th of May, 1546, and received the news of the viceroy’s death on
his arrival at the isthmus. He brought out with him the announcement
of the revocation of the “New Laws,” owing to the dangerous spirit of
discontent they had caused throughout the Indies. They were withdrawn
by a decree dated at Malines on the 20th of October, 1545.

[Illustration: PEDRO DE LA GASCA.

[From Herrera (1728), vol. iv. p. 215.—ED.]]

The president arrived at Panamá on the 11th of August, 1546, where
he found the fleet of Gonzalo Pizarro, under the command of Pedro
de Hinojosa. Soon afterward Lorenzo de Aldana arrived as an envoy
from Pizarro, but was induced to submit to the president’s authority.
Hinojosa followed the example, and thus Gasca gained possession of the
fleet. When the offer of pardon reached Lima, Gonzalo was advised by
his lieutenant Carbajal to accept the terms; but the auditor Cepeda,
who had turned against the viceroy and administered the oaths of
office to a rebel, felt that there could be no pardon for him. The mad
ambition of Pizarro induced him to listen to Cepeda rather than to
Carbajal, and he finally rejected the offer of pardon; but many of his
old followers deserted him.

Lorenzo de Aldana was despatched from Panamá, with several vessels,
in February, 1547, and arrived in Callao Bay; while Diego Centeno
once more rose in the south, and began to collect troops. Gonzalo
Pizarro resolved to abandon Lima and march to Arequipa with only five
hundred men, so numerous had been the desertions from his ranks. Aldana
then entered the capital, while Gasca himself sailed from Panamá on
the 10th of April, 1547, landing at Tumbez on the 13th of June. He
advanced to Xauxa, and great numbers flocked to his standard. Pedro de
Valdivia, the governor of Chili, had landed at Callao, and overtook the
president, on his march towards Cusco, at Andahuaylas.

Gonzalo Pizarro, despairing of being able to make head against the
president Gasca with all the prestige of royal approval on his side,
had determined to retreat into Chili. But he feared to leave Centeno
hanging on his rear, and thought it necessary first to disperse his
forces. Centeno occupied a position near Huarina, at the southeastern
angle of Lake Titicaca, upwards of twelve thousand feet above the level
of the sea. Pizarro’s troops advanced to the attack over an open plain.
He had about four hundred and eighty men, the strength of his army
being in his infantry armed with arquebuses, and disciplined under the
direct supervision of Carbajal. Centeno had a larger force, and was
accompanied by Solano, the bishop of Cusco. Carbajal waited for the
attack of the enemy, and then poured a deadly volley into their ranks.
Centeno’s footmen broke and fled; but his cavalry defeated Pizarro,
and would have won the day, if they too had not been repelled and
broken by the admirable steadiness of Carbajal’s arquebusiers. As it
was, Pizarro’s victory was complete, and three hundred and fifty of
Centeno’s followers were killed. All fugitives taken by Carbajal were
put to death without mercy.

The doomed Pizarro now abandoned all idea of retreating into Chili. He
marched in triumph to Cusco, while the president Gasca approached by
leisurely marches, gathering reinforcements by the way. With him were
the bishops of Lima and Cusco, the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado, the
veteran Hinojosa, Pascual de Andagoya the first adventurer in search of
Peru, Valdivia the governor of Chili, Centeno, escaped from Huarina,
Cieza de Leon the future historian, and many others well known to fame.
The president’s army crossed the river Apurimac, and advanced to the
plain of Sacsahuana, near Cusco, whither Gonzalo Pizarro came out to
meet him. On the morning of the 9th of April, 1548, the commanders of
both armies made ready for battle. But soon there were symptoms of
desertion on Pizarro’s side. An important cavalier, Garcilasso de la
Vega, galloped across to the army of Gasca. He was followed by the
treacherous auditor Cepeda. Soldiers began to follow in small parties.
Old Carbajal was humming two lines of an old song,—

“Estos mis cabellicos madre,
Dos á dos me los lleva el ayre.”

Then desertions took place by companies and squadrons. Pizarro
sorrowfully took his way to the royal camp and gave himself up.
Carbajal was seized by the soldiers. He was hanged and quartered the
following day, and soon afterwards Gonzalo Pizarro was executed in
presence of the army.

The president entered Cusco on the 12th of April, and began a bloody
assize. Scarcely a day passed without followers of Gonzalo Pizarro
being hanged, flogged, or sent in large batches to the galleys. Two
priests were executed. A canon of Quito, who was tutor to Gonzalo
Pizarro’s little son, was hanged for writing a book called _De bello
justo_. At length, sated with blood, the president left Cusco on the
11th of July with Archbishop Loaysa, and went to a small village called
Huayna-rimac in the neighborhood. He retired into this seclusion to
escape the importunities of his partisans. Here he proceeded to arrange
the distribution of _encomiendas_, or grants of lands and Indians,
among his followers. He allowed a tenth of the Indians to be employed
on forced labor in the mines, thus reversing the humane legislation
advocated by Las Casas. Having completed his work, the president sent
the archbishop to announce his awards at Cusco, and they caused a howl
of rage and disappointed greed. Gasca himself went down to Lima by
the unfrequented route of Nasca, and when a positive order from the
emperor arrived, that all personal service among the Indians should
be abolished, he suspended its publication until he was safe out of
Peru. In January, 1550, the president Gasca sailed for Panamá, leaving
the country in the greatest confusion, and all the most difficult
administrative points to be solved by his successors. The municipality
of Lima wrote a complaint to the emperor, representing the untimely
departure of the president. His abilities and his services have been
much overstated. He himself is the witness to his own revolting
cruelties at Cusco.

Gasca left the government of Peru, with none of the difficulties
settled, in the hands of the auditors or judges of the royal
_Audiencia_, of which Don Andres de Cianca was president. His
colleagues were Melchor Bravo de Sarabia, Hernando de Santillan,
and Pedro Maldonado. The judges were in charge of the executive
from January, 1550, to the 23d of September, 1551, when Don Antonio
de Mendoza arrived from Mexico as viceroy. They had taken steps to
organize a systematic plan for the instruction of the natives, under
the auspices of Archbishop Loaysa, Friar Thomas de San Martin, and
the indefatigable friar Domingo de Santo Tomas, the first Quichua
scholar. They worked harmoniously under the viceroy Mendoza, who was a
statesman of high rank and great experience. He promulgated the royal
order against the enforced personal service of Indians, anticipating
serious discontents and troubles, which he was resolved to meet and
overcome. But his premature death at Lima, on the 21st of July, 1552,
left the country once more in the hands of the judges, who had to meet
a storm which would sorely test their administrative abilities.

The ringleader of the malcontents was a cavalier of good family named
Francisco Hernandez Giron. Born at Caceres, in Estremadura, he crossed
the Atlantic in 1535, and joined the unfortunate viceroy Blasco Nuñez
de Vela at Quito, fighting under his banner in the fatal battle of
Anaquito. He also did good service in the army of President Gasca, and
was in the left wing at the rout of Sacsahuana. Gasca had assigned the
plain of Sacsahuana to him, as his _repartimiento_; but he grumbled
loudly, and all the malcontents looked upon him as their leader. The
promulgation of the abolition of personal service was received with
a howl of execration among the conquerors, who looked forward to the
accumulation of wealth by the use of forced labor in the silver mines.
Troubles broke out in Charcas, and Giron resolved to raise the standard
of revolt at Cusco.

The 12th of November, 1553, was the wedding day of Don Alonzo de
Loaysa, a nephew of the archbishop, who married a young lady named
Maria de Castilla. The _corregidor_ of Cusco and most of the leading
citizens were at the supper. Suddenly Giron presented himself in
cuirass and helmet, with his sword drawn, and a crowd of conspirators
behind him. The street was occupied by a body of cavalry under his
lieutenant, Tomas Vasquez. The guests sprang from their seats,
but Giron told them not to fear, as he only wished to arrest the
_corregidor_. He and the others then put out the lights and drew
their swords. The _corregidor_ took refuge with the ladies in the
drawing-room, and shut the doors. Two guests were stabbed. Many
escaped by the windows and climbed a wall at the back of the house.
The _corregidor_ and other officials were seized and imprisoned. Giron
issued a proclamation declaring that the conquerors would not be robbed
of the fruits of their labors. He soon had a respectable force under
his command; but most of the leading citizens fled to Lima. The rebel
declared that his object was the public good, and to induce the king to
listen to the prayers of his subjects. The _Audiencia_ was called upon
to restore matters to the state they were in at the time of Gasca’s
departure. Tomas Vasquez was sent to Arequipa, and Guamanga also
declared in favor of Giron.

The governing judges were in great perplexity at Lima. After some
hesitation they put the archbishop Loaysa in command of their army,
with the judge Bravo de Saravia as his colleague. The marshal Alonzo
de Alvarado was in upper Peru, and he also got some loyal cavaliers
round him, and assembled a small force. Giron entered Guamanga Jan.
27, 1554, where he was joined by Tomas Vasquez, from Arequipa; and he
then marched down to the coast. The judges encamped at Até, outside
Lima, with five hundred arquebusiers, four hundred and fifty pikemen,
three hundred cavalry, and fourteen field-pieces. Giron arrived at
Pachacamac on the shores of the Pacific, and the judges advanced to
Surco. But instead of boldly attacking, the rebels turned their backs
and marched southwards along the coast to Yca, followed by a detachment
under an officer named Meneses. Giron turned, and defeated his pursuers
at Villacuri, in the desert between Pisco and Yca, but continued his
retreat to Nasca. He had lost a great opportunity.

[Illustration: ALONZO DE ALVARADO.

[Fac-simile of engraving in Herrera, iii. 235.—ED.]]

The royal army advanced to Chincha; but the archbishop quarrelled with
Bravo de Saravia, and where so many commanded, and none were military
men, efficient operations were impossible. Meanwhile Alvarado had
assembled an army for the judges, of seven hundred men, the rendezvous
being La Paz in upper Peru. With this force he entered Cusco on the
30th of March, 1554, and continued his march in search of Giron, who
remained at Nasca, on the coast, until the 8th of May. On that day
the rebels once more ascended the wild passes of the _cordillera_ to
Lucanas, and were soon in the neighborhood of Alvarado’s army, which
now numbered eleven hundred men. The rebels encamped at Chuquinga, in
the wildest part of the Andes, on a mountain terrace by the side of
a deep ravine, with the river Abancay in front. The marshal Alvarado
was on the other side of the ravine, and was advised not to attack,
but to harass the retreat of Giron. But on the 21st of May, under
every possible disadvantage, he ordered the river to be forded, and an
attack to be made. The river was crossed, but the men could not form
on the other side in the face of an active enemy. They fell back, and
the retreat was soon converted into a rout. Alvarado was wounded, but
contrived to escape with Lorenzo de Aldana and the learned Polo de
Ondegardo who accompanied him, leaving seventy dead on the field, and
two hundred and eighty wounded.

Giron entered Cusco in triumph. The judges, on receiving news of the
disastrous battle of Chuquinga, decided that their army should advance
to Xauxa, and eventually towards Cusco. The _Audiencia_ now consisted
of Dr. Melchor Bravo de Saravia, Hernando de Santillan, Diego Gonzalez
Altamirano, and Martin Mercado. Altamirano was to remain in charge of
the government at Lima, while the other judges marched with the army,
preceded by their officer Pablo de Meneses with the royal standard.
In July, 1554, the three judges, Saravia, Santillan, and Mercado
reached Guamanga, and in August they entered Cusco, having met with no
opposition. Giron had retreated to Pucara, near Lake Titicaca, a very
strong position consisting of a lofty rock rising out of the plain. The
royal army encamped in front of the rock, and the judges sent promises
of pardon to all who would return to their allegiance. Giron hoped that
the royal army would attack him, repeating the error at Chuquinga; but
the judges had resolved to play a waiting game. A night attack led by
Giron was repulsed. Then desertions began, Tomas Vasquez setting the
example. The unfortunate rebel could trust no one. He feared treachery.
He bade a heart-rending farewell to his noble-minded wife, Doña Mencia,
leaving her to the care of the judge Saravia. He rode away in the dead
of night, almost alone, and Pucara was surrendered. Meneses was sent in
chase of Giron, who was captured near Xauxa. He was brought to Lima,
Dec. 6, 1554, and beheaded. His head was put in an iron cage, and
nailed up by the side of those of Gonzalo Pizarro and Carbajal. Ten
years afterward a friend of his wife secretly took all three down, and
they were buried in a convent. Doña Mencia, the widow of Giron, founded
the first nunnery in Lima,—that of “La Encarnacion,”—and died there as
abbess.

Thus the judges succeeded in putting down this formidable insurrection,
and were able to hand over the country, in a state of outward
tranquillity, to the great viceroy who now came out to establish order
in Peru.

* * * * *

Don Andrea Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of Cañete, was nominated by
Charles V., at Brussels, to be viceroy of Peru for six years. He came
out with the intention of checking with a firm hand the turbulence of
the military adventurers who were swarming over the country. Writing
to the emperor before he sailed, May 9, 1555, he said that there were
eight thousand Spaniards in Peru, of whom four hundred and eighty-nine
held _repartimientos_, and about one thousand were employed officially
or otherwise. A large portion desired to live in idleness. He proposed
to employ them on expeditions into unknown regions, and he submitted
that no more Spaniards ought to be allowed to come to Peru without good
cause assigned. In a letter to his daughter, the governess Juana, the
emperor approved the policy sketched out by the new viceroy.

The Marquis of Cañete landed at Payta, and travelling by land, entered
Lima on the 29th of June, 1556. He assumed office with unprecedented
state and solemnity. He was fully resolved to put down sedition once
and for all. He ordered that no Spaniard should leave his town without
permission of the authorities, and for good cause. As regards the
_Audiencia_, he reported to the emperor that the judges were hostile
to each other, and that they lived in such discord that all peace was
hopeless. He spoke favorably of two, and requested that the others
might be recalled. He also reported that the _corregidors_ maintained
quantities of idle soldiers waiting for opportunities of mischief. He
estimated the number of the idlers at three thousand, and said that
the peace of the country was endangered by the immorality, license,
and excesses of these men. The viceroy kept all the artillery in the
country under his own eye, ordering guns to be seized and brought to
him wherever they could be found; and he formed a permanent guard of
four hundred arquebusiers. He then sent for a number of settlers,
of turbulent antecedents, who came to Lima joyfully, expecting that
they were about to receive _repartimientos_. But he disarmed them,
shipped them at Callao, and sent them out of the country. Among these
banished men were included the most notorious disturbers of the peace
in the late civil wars. Altogether thirty-seven were sent to Spain.
Tomas Vasquez and Juan Piedrahita, the chief supporters of Giron, were
beheaded, and the _corregidors_ were authorized to seize and execute
any turbulent or dangerous persons within their jurisdictions. These
were very strong measures, but they were necessary. The intolerable
anarchy under which Peru had groaned for so many years was thus stamped
out. Moderate _encomiendas_ were then granted to deserving officers.

While the turbulence and cruelty of the Spanish conquerors were checked
with relentless severity, the policy of the Marquis of Cañete towards
the people and their ancient rulers was liberal and conciliatory. In
both courses of action there was wisdom. After the siege of Cusco,
the Ynca Manco, with his family and chief nobles, had taken refuge in
the mountain fastness of Vilcabamba, and there he met his death in
1553, after a disastrous reign of twenty years. He was succeeded by
his son Sayri Tupac, who continued in his secluded hiding-place. The
viceroy thought it important, for the tranquillity of the country and
the peace of mind of the Indians, that the descendant of their ancient
kings should be induced to reside among the Spaniards. The negotiation
was intrusted to the Ynca’s aunt, a princess who had married a Spanish
cavalier, and to Juan de Betanzos, an excellent Quichua scholar. It
was settled that the Ynca should receive the _encomienda_ forfeited
by Giron (the valley of Yucay near Cusco, where he was to reside),
together with a large pension. All was finally arranged, and on the
6th of January, 1558, the Ynca entered Lima, and was most cordially
received by the viceroy. From that time he resided in the valley of
Yucay, surrounded by his family and courtiers, until his death in 1560.

Several of the Spanish conquerors had married Ynca ladies of the
blood royal, and a number of half-caste youths were growing up in the
principal cities of Peru, who formed links between the Yncas and their
conquerors. There was a school at Cusco where they were educated,
and the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega records many anecdotes of his
early days, and enumerates the names of most of his school-fellows.
The Marquis of Cañete also founded schools at Lima and Truxillo,
and took great pains to supply the Indians with parochial clergy of
good conduct, who were strictly prohibited from trading. In 1558 the
_curacas_, or native chiefs, who had proved their rights by descent
before the _Audiencia_, were allowed to exercise jurisdiction as
magistrates.

The Marquis of Cañete founded the towns of Cuenca in the province of
Quito, of Santa on the coast to the north of Lima, and of Cañete in a
rich and fertile valley to the south. He also established the hospital
of San Andres at Lima, and built the first bridge over the Rimac. Very
great activity was shown in the introduction of useful plants and
domestic animals. Vines were sent out from Spain and the Canaries, and
a harvest of grapes was reaped near Cusco in 1555. Wheat was first
reaped in the valley of Cañete by a lady named Maria de Escobar, and
olives were planted in 1560. Other fruit trees and garden vegetables
soon followed.

The king, Philip II., determined to supersede this able viceroy in
1560, appointing a young nobleman named Diego Lopez de Zuñiga y
Velasco, Conde de Nieva, in his place. But the Marquis of Cañete died
at Lima before his successor arrived, on the 30th of March, 1561,
having governed nearly five years. He was buried in the church of San
Francisco, but his bones were afterwards taken to Spain and deposited
with those of his ancestors at Cuenca. The Conde de Nieva entered Lima
on the 27th of April,—a month after the death of the marquis. He was
a handsome young cavalier, of loose morals, and fond of every sort of
pleasure. There is very little doubt that he lost his life owing to
a powerful husband’s jealousy. He was set upon in the street, after
leaving the lady’s house, in the dead of night. He was found dead on
the 20th of February, 1564, and the matter was hushed up to prevent
scandal. The judges of the _Audiencia_ took charge of the government
until the arrival of a successor.

* * * * *

During this period the Chilian colony was holding its own, with
difficulty, against the indomitable Araucanian Indians. After the rout
of Sacsahuana, the governor Valdivia took his leave of the president
Gasca, and embarked at Arica on the 21st of January, 1549, with two
hundred men. His lieutenant, Francisco de Villagra, had ruled at
Santiago in his absence, vigilantly thwarting a plot of Alonzo de
Hoz, whom he executed, and suppressing a revolt of the Indians of
Coquimbo and Copiapo. He met Valdivia on his landing at Valparaiso and
accompanied him to the capital. The first expedition of the governor,
after his return, was undertaken with a view to establishing Spanish
influence in the south of Chili. In January, 1550, with two hundred
men, he crossed the Biobio, and intrenched himself in the valley of the
Penco, where he founded the town of Concepcion, repulsing an attack
from a large army of Indians with great slaughter. In the following
year he founded the towns of Imperial and Valdivia still farther south.

[Illustration: CONCEPTION BAY.

[Fac-simile of a cut in Ovalle’s _Historica Relacion de Chile_, Rome,
1648.—ED.]]

The Araucanians now flew to arms in defence of their fatherland, at
the call of their aged chief, Colo-colo. A younger but equally brave
leader, named Caupolican, was elected _toqui_, or general, of the army;
and they began operations by attempting to destroy a Spanish fort
at Tucapel. Valdivia hurried from Concepcion, at the head of fifty
cavalry, and attacked the Araucanian host. The governor had with him
a young Indian lad of eighteen, named Lautaro, as groom. There was
great slaughter among the Araucanians, and they were beginning to give
way, when all the best feelings of Lautaro were aroused at the sight
of his countrymen in peril. On the instant he felt the glow of ardent
patriotism. He went over to the enemy, exhorted them to rally, and
led them once more to the attack. The Spanish force was annihilated,
and the governor was taken prisoner. Led before the _toqui_, young
Lautaro interceded for his master, and the generous Caupolican listened
favorably; but the savage chief Leucaton protested, and felled Valdivia
by a deadly blow with a club on the back of the head. This disaster
took place on the last day of December, 1553. Don Pedro de Valdivia was
in his fifty-sixth year, and by his conquest and settlement of Chili
he won a place in history side by side with Cortés and Pizarro. He was
childless.

Francisco de Villagra succeeded his old chief as governor of Chili, and
made preparations to repair the disaster. Lautaro became the second
leader of his countrymen, under Caupolican. Their tactics were to allow
the Spaniards to penetrate into their country as far as they pleased,
but to cut off supplies, and harass their retreat. Thus Villagra easily
marched from Arauco to Tucapel; but he was attacked by an immense
army under Lautaro, which stopped his retreat, and he suffered such
severe loss in the battle of Mariguanu that the town of Concepcion was
abandoned in November, 1555. There was hard fighting again in 1556,
in defence of the garrisons at Imperial and Valdivia. Early in the
following year Lautaro was intrenched with an army on the banks of the
Mataquito, when he was surprised at dawn by Villagra. He made a gallant
defence, but was killed; and six hundred warriors fell with him. Thus
died one of the noblest patriots of the American race.

In the same year the viceroy, Marquis of Cañete, appointed his son,
Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, a youth barely twenty-two years of age,
to be governor of Chili. His cavalry, under Luis de Toledo, marched by
land over the desert of Atacama, while the young governor embarked at
Callao, and sailed for Chili with three vessels conveying seven hundred
infantry. Among the officers was Don Alonso de Ercilla, whose epic poem
records the events of this famous war. Don Garcia landed at Coquimbo
on the 25th of April, 1557, and the cavalry arrived on the following
day. After having assumed the government at Santiago, and ungratefully
dismissed Villagra, to secure the tranquillity of his own rule, he
continued the interminable war. His first operation was to occupy the
island of Quiriquina, off Talcahuano, and to build the fort of Pinto
on the west side of the valley of the Penco. Here he was attacked by
Caupolican with a great army. There were marvellous individual acts
of bravery on both sides; Don Garcia himself was wounded, and two
thousand Araucanians were slain. The governor then crossed the river
Biobio and fought another great battle, Caupolican retreating with
heavy loss. Don Garcia disgraced his victory by hanging twelve captive
chiefs, including the heroic Galvarino.

[Illustration: GARCIA HURTADO DE MENDOZA.

[Fac-simile of a copperplate in Ovalle’s _Historica Relacion de Chile_,
Rome, 1648.—ED.]]

Penetrating far to the south, the town of Osorno was founded beyond
Valdivia, and the archipelago of Chiloe was discovered. During the
governor’s absence in the far south, the _toqui_ Caupolican was
betrayed into the hands of Alonso de Reinosa, the captain in command at
Tucapel, who put him to a horrible death by impalement.

[Illustration: PERUVIANS WORSHIPPING THE SUN.

[After the sketch in Benzoni, edition of 1572, p. 168.—ED.]]

There was now a brief interval of peace. Don Garcia had brought with
him to Chili the good licentiate Gonzalez Marmolejo, afterwards first
bishop of Santiago, who prepared rules for the humane treatment of
the peaceful natives. Only a sixth were allowed to be employed at
the mines; no one was to work who was under eighteen or over fifty;
no laborer was to be forced to work on feast days, and all were to
be paid and supplied with food. On the 5th of February, 1561, Don
Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza embarked at Valparaiso and left Chili,
being succeeded by Francisco de Villagra, the old companion in arms
of Valdivia. Villagra died in 1563, and was succeeded by Rodrigo de
Quiroga. In 1563 the bishopric of Santiago was founded, and in 1565
the royal _Audiencia_ of Chili was instituted, with Dr. Melchor Bravo
de Saravia as its first president. Its seat was fixed in the city of
Concepcion.

* * * * *

We must now return to the course of events in Peru. The scandalous
death of the viceroy Conde de Nieva seems to have induced the king to
choose his successor from among men learned in the law rather than from
the nobility, and to drop the title of viceroy. Lope Garcia de Castro
had been a judge of the _Audiencia_ of Valladolid, and afterwards a
member of the council of the Indies. He was appointed governor and
captain-general of Peru, and president of the _Audiencia_ of Lima,
where he made his public entry Sept. 22, 1564. To avoid scandal, the
belief had been encouraged that the Conde de Nieva had been murdered
in bed. But everybody knew that he had been struck to the ground by
several stout negroes with bags full of sand; that the blows had been
continued until life was extinct; and that after the murder people came
out of the house of the Zarates, and carried the body to the palace.
The culprit was Don Rodrigo Manrique de Lara, a powerful citizen of
proud lineage, who had discovered love passages between his young wife
and her near relative the viceroy. But the judges thought there would
be grave scandal if the delinquent was brought to justice, and the new
governor took the same view. The affair was hushed up.

Lope de Castro established a mint, imposed the _almojarifazgo_,
or customs dues, and organized the work at the newly-discovered
quicksilver mines of Huancavelica, and at the silver mines. In 1567
the Jesuits arrived in Peru, and in the same year the second council
of Lima was convoked by Archbishop Loaysa, the governor assisting as
representative of the king. The first council was in 1552. At the
second the decisions of the council of Trent were accepted, and the
parochial arrangements were made; while the governor proceeded with the
work of fixing the divisions of land among the Indians, and marking out
the country into _corregimientos_, or provinces, under _corregidors_.
In 1567 Castro despatched an expedition from Callao, under the command
of his nephew, Alvaro de Mendaña, who discovered the Solomon Islands.
Lope Garcia de Castro governed Peru for five years, handing over his
charge to his successor, in 1569, to return to Spain and resume his
seat at the council board of the Indies.

Don Francisco de Toledo, second son of the third Count of Oropesa, was
the king’s major-domo, and was advanced in years when he was selected
to succeed the licentiate Lope de Castro. In his case the title of
viceroy was revived, and was retained by his successors until the
independence. Landing at Payta, the viceroy Toledo travelled along
the coast, closely observing the condition both of Spaniards and
Indians; and he then made up his mind to visit every province within
his government. He made his public entrance into Lima on the 26th of
November, 1569.

Toledo was assisted by statesmen of great ability and experience, who
warmly sympathized with the aboriginal races, and were anxious for
their welfare. Chief among his advisers was the licentiate Polo de
Ondegardo, who had now been several years in Peru, had filled important
administrative posts,—especially as _corregidor_ of Charcas and of
Cusco,—and had studied the system of the government and civilization
of the Yncas with minute attention, especially as regards the tenures
of land, and always with a view to securing justice to the natives.
The licentiate Juan Matienzo was another upright and learned minister
who had studied the indigenous civilization and the requirements
of colonial policy with great care; while in affairs relating to
religion and the instruction of the people, the viceroy consulted the
accomplished Jesuit author, José de Acosta.

But the conduct of Toledo with regard to the Ynca royal family was
dictated by a narrow view of political expediency, and was alike unwise
and iniquitous. He reversed the generous and enlightened policy of the
Marquis of Cañete. After the death of Sayri Tupac, the Ynca court had
again retired into the mountain fastnesses of Vilcabamba, where the
late Ynca’s two brothers, Titu Cusi Yupanqui and Tupac Amaru, resided
with many native chiefs and followers. When the new viceroy arrived at
Cusco, in January, 1571, the Ynca Titu Cusi sent an embassy to him,
and requested that ministers of religion might be sent to Vilcabamba.
Accordingly, the friar Diego Ortiz arrived at the Ynca court; but
almost immediately afterward Titu Cusi sickened and died, and the
superstitious people, believing that it was the work of the friar, put
him to death. The youthful Tupac Amaru was then proclaimed Ynca, as
successor to his brother. This gave the viceroy the pretext he sought.
He despatched a strong force into Vilcabamba, under the command of
Martin Garcia Loyola, who was married to an Ynca princess, the daughter
of Sayri Tupac. Loyola penetrated into Vilcabamba, and took young Tupac
Amaru prisoner on the 4th of October, 1571. He was brought to Cusco and
confined in a palace, under the shadow of the great fortress, which
until now had belonged to the family of his uncle, the Ynca Paullu. But
the viceroy had seized it as a strong position to be held by Spanish
troops under his uncle Don Luis de Toledo. There was a trial for the
murder of the friar; several chiefs were sentenced to be strangled, and
Tupac Amaru, who was perfectly innocent and against whom there was no
evidence, was to be beheaded.

The young sovereign was instructed for several days by two monks who
were excellent Quichua scholars, and who spoke the language with
grace and elegance. He was then taken to a scaffold, which had been
erected in the great square. The open spaces and the hills above the
town were covered with dense crowds of people. When the executioner
produced his knife, there was such a shout of grief and horror that the
Spaniards were amazed, and there were few of them with a dry eye. The
boy was perfectly calm. He raised his right arm, and there was profound
silence. He spoke a few simple words of resignation, and the scene was
so heart-rending that the hardest of the conquerors lost self-control.
Led by the bishop and the heads of the monasteries, they rushed to the
house of the viceroy and threw themselves on their knees, praying for
mercy and entreating him to send the Ynca to Spain to be judged by the
king. Toledo was a laborious administrator, but his heart was harder
than the nether millstone. He sent off the chief Alguazil, of Cusco,
to cause the sentence to be executed without delay. The crime was
perpetrated amid deafening shouts of grief and horror, while the great
bell of the cathedral was tolled. The body was taken to the palace of
the Ynca’s mother, and was afterward interred in the principal chapel
of the cathedral, after a solemn service performed by the bishop and
the chapter. Toledo caused the head to be cut off and stuck on a pike
beside the scaffold; but such vast crowds came to worship before it
every day, that it was taken down and interred with the body.

[Illustration]

[Illustration: TEMPLE OF CUSCO.

[Fac-simile of the engraving as given in Montanus and in Ogilby.
Garcilasso de la Vega describes Cusco soon after the Conquest, and
explains the distribution of buildings which was made among the
conquerors. A plan of the ancient and modern city, showing the
conquerors’ houses, is given in Markham’s _Royal Commentaries of De
la Vega_, vol. ii., and in the _Journal of the Royal Geographical
Society_, 1871, p. 281. A plan of the ancient and modern town, by E.
G. Squier, is given in that author’s _Peru, Land of the Incas_ (New
York), 1877, p. 428. The house of Pizarro is delineated in Charton’s
_Voyageurs_, vol. iii. p. 367; and the remains of the palace of the
first Inca, in Squier’s _Land of the Incas_, p. 451.

Cieza de Leon says: “Cusco was grand and stately; it must have been
founded by a people of great intelligence.” (Markham’s edition.
_Travels_, pp. 322, 327.)

Early plans or views of Cusco are given in Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 412
(see _ante_, p. 554); in Münster’s _Cosmographia_, 1572 and 1598; in
Braun and Hogenberg’s _Civitates orbis terrarum_; in De Bry, part vi.,
and in Herrera (1728), vol. iii. p. 161. There is a large woodcut map
of Cusco, in Ant. du Pinet’s _Plantz, Pourtraitz et Descriptions de
plusieurs Villes_, etc., Lyons, 1564.

Vander Aa published a view at Leyden, and another is in Rycaut’s
translation of Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 12. Accounts of the modern
town are given by Markham, Squier, and others, and there is a view of
it in _Tour du Monde_, 1863, p. 265.—ED.]]

The judicial murder of Tupac Amaru was part of a settled policy. Toledo
intended to crush out all remains of reverence and loyalty for the
ancient family among the people. He confiscated the property of the
Yncas, deprived them of most of the privileges they had hitherto been
allowed to retain, and even banished the numerous half-caste children
of Spaniards by Ynca princesses.

At the same time he labored diligently to formulate and establish
a colonial policy and system of government on the ruins of the
civilization of the Yncas.

* * * * *

The instructions of the kings of Spain, through their council of the
Indies, were remarkable for beneficence and liberality in all that
concerned the natives. Strict orders were given for their instruction
and kind treatment, and special officers were appointed for their
protection. But at the same time there were incessant demands for
increased supplies of treasure from the mines. It was like the orders
of the directors of the East India Company to Warren Hastings,—justice
to the natives, but more money. The two orders were incompatible.
In spite of their beneficent rules and good intentions, the Spanish
kings must share the guilt of their colonial officers, as regards the
treatment of the natives. It is right, however, that the names of
those conquerors should be recorded who displayed feelings of sympathy
and kindness for their Indian vassals. Lorenzo de Aldana, who took a
prominent and important part in the civil wars, died at Arequipa in
1556, and left all his property to the Indians whom he had received
in _repartimiento_, for the payment of their tribute in future years.
Marcio Sierra de Leguizamo described the happy condition of the people
when the Spaniards arrived, and in his will expressed deep contrition
at having taken part in their destruction. Garcilasso de la Vega was
ever kind and considerate to his Indian vassals. Cieza de Leon in his
writings[1481] shows the warmest sympathy for the Ynca people. There
were, however, too many of the first conquerors of a different stamp.

* * * * *

The viceroy Toledo wisely based his legislation on the system of
the Yncas. His elaborate code, called the _Libro de Tasas_, was the
text-book for all future viceroys. He fixed the amount of tribute
to be paid by the Indians, wholly exempting all males under the age
of eighteen, and over that of fifty. He recognized the positions of
hereditary nobles or _curacas_, assigning them magisterial functions,
and the duty of collecting the tribute and paying it to the Spanish
_corregidors_. He enacted that one seventh part of the population of
every village should be subject to the _mita_, or forced labor in
mines or factories; at the same time fixing the distance they might
be taken from their homes, and the payment they were to receive. It
was the abuse of the _mita_ system, and the habitual infraction of the
rules established by Toledo, which caused all the subsequent misery
and the depopulation of the country. Humane treatment of the people
was incompatible with the annual despatch of vast treasure to Spain.
Toledo also fixed the tenures of land, organized local government
by _corregidors_, and specified the duties of all officials, in his
voluminous code of ordinances.

In the days of this viceroy the Inquisition was introduced into Peru,
but the natives were exempted from its penalties as catechumens.
Heretical Europeans or Creoles were alone exposed to its terrible
jurisdiction. The first _auto da fé_ took place at Lima on November 19,
1573, when a crazy old hermit, suspected of Lutheranism, was burned.
Another was celebrated with great pomp on the 13th of April, 1578,
the viceroy and judges of the _Audiencia_ being present in a covered
stand on the great square of Lima. There were sixteen victims to suffer
various punishments, but none were put to death.

During the government of Toledo, in 1579, Sir Francis Drake appeared
on the coast of Peru,[1482] and in the following year the viceroy
despatched an important surveying expedition to the Straits of Magellan
under Sarmiento. After a long and eventful period of office, extending
over upwards of twelve years, Don Francisco de Toledo returned to
Spain. He was coldly received by Philip II., who said that he had
not been sent to Peru to kill kings, and dismissed him. He was a
hard-hearted man, but a conscientious and able administrator, and a
devoted public servant.

Don Martin Henriquez, second son of the Marquis of Alcanizes, was
then viceroy of Mexico, whence he was removed to Peru as successor to
Toledo. He entered Lima on the 28th of September, 1581. He worked
assiduously to carry out the ordinances of his able predecessor in all
branches of administration; but his career was cut short by death
after holding office for eighteen months. He died on the 15th of March,
1583, and was buried in the church of San Francisco. In 1582 he had
founded the college of San Martin, to be under the rule of Jesuits,
and on the 15th of August of the same year the second council of Lima
assembled under the presidency of the archbishop.

[Illustration: PERU (_after Wytfliet, 1597_).]

[Illustration: CHILI (_after Wytfliet, 1597_).]

Loaysa, the first archbishop of Lima, died in 1575, and the see was
vacant for six years. Toribio de Mogrovejo was consecrated at Seville
in 1580, and entered Lima May 24, 1581, at the age of forty-three. He
at once began the study of the Quichua language, to prepare for his
tours of inspection. He had a mule, but generally travelled on foot,
stopping in villages and at wayside huts, instructing, catechising, and
administering the sacraments. He penetrated into the most inaccessible
fastnesses of the Andes and visited all the coast valleys, journeying
over burning deserts, along snowy heights, and through dense forests,
year after year untiringly. He founded the seminary at Lima, for
the education of priests, which is now known by his name. Besides
the council of 1582, he celebrated two other provincial councils in
1592 and 1601, and ten diocesan synods. The principal work of these
assemblies was to draw up catechisms and questions for the use of
priests, with a view to the extirpation of idolatry, and to regulate
parochial work. The good archbishop died at Saña on the coast, during
one of his laborious visitations, on the 23d of March, 1606. He
was canonized in 1680, and is revered as Saint Toribio. During his
archiepiscopate a girl was born at Lima, of very poor and honest
Spanish parents, named Rosa Flores, and was baptized by Saint Toribio
in 1586. Her goodness and charity were equalled by her surpassing
beauty, which she dedicated to God; and after her death, in 1617, a
conclave of theologians decided that she had never strayed from the
right path in thought or deed. She was canonized in 1671, and Santa
Rosa is the patron saint of Lima, with her festival on the 30th of
August.[1483]

Don Fernando de Torres y Portugal, Conde de Villar Don Pardo, the
successor of Henriquez, did not reach Lima until the 20th of November,
1586. He endeavored to prevent abuses in taking Indians for the _mita_,
and ordered that none should be sent to unsuitable climates. During the
previous forty years negroes had been imported into the coast valleys
of Peru in considerable numbers as slaves, and supplied labor for the
rich cotton and sugar estates. The Conde de Villar was an old man, with
good intentions but limited capacity. He allowed abuses to creep into
the financial accounts, which were in great confusion when he was
superseded in the year 1590.

Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, the fourth marquis of Cañete, had
already served in Peru, when his father was viceroy, and had won
renown in his war with the Araucanians. He had also seen service in
Germany and Italy. Married to Doña Teresa de Castro y de la Cueva,
granddaughter of the proud Duke of Albuquerque, he was the first
viceroy who had been allowed to take a vice-queen with him to Peru,
and he was also accompanied by her brother, the gallant and chivalrous
Don Beltran de Castro y Cueva, as commander of the forces. On the
6th of January, 1590, the new viceroy made his solemn entry into
Lima, in a magnificent procession of richly adorned Indian nobles,
arquebusiers and pikemen, gentlemen of the household, judges of the
_Audiencia_, professors and students of the University of San Marcos,
and kings-at-arms. The marquis came out with the usual injunctions
to enforce the kindly treatment of Indians, but he received urgent
demands from the king for more and more money. In 1591 he imposed the
_alcabala_, or duties on sales in markets, and on coca. He was obliged
to send increasing numbers of victims to the silver mines, and to the
quicksilver mines of Huancavelica. He made numerous ordinances for the
regulation of industries and of markets, the suppression of gambling,
and the punishment of fugitive slaves. He founded the college of San
Felipe and San Marcos at Lima in 1592. He despatched an important
expedition under Mandaña, which discovered the Marquesas Islands. He
was an active and intelligent ruler; but all the good he attempted to
do was counterbalanced by the calls for treasure from Spain. He sent
home 1,500,000 ducats, besides value in jewels and plate.

After having governed Peru for six years and a half, the Marquis of
Cañete begged to be allowed to return home. He was succeeded by Don
Luis de Velasco, Marquis of Salinas, who came from Mexico, where he had
been the viceroy. The Marquis of Salinas entered Lima on the 24th of
July, 1596, and governed Peru until the end of 1604.

* * * * *

Chili had been comparatively quiet under the immediate successors of
Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, although the war with the Araucanians
had never actually ceased. In 1583 Philip II. selected a military
officer of great experience and approved valor as governor of Chili.
Don Alonso de Sotomayor left Spain for Buenos Ayres with seven hundred
men, and made the journey across the Pampas and over the pass of
Uspallata, reaching Santiago on the 22d of September, 1583. He and his
brother Luis carried on a desultory war against the Araucanians for
several years. During 1588 the attacks of the Indians were led by an
intrepid heroine named Janequeo, who was resolved to avenge the death
of her husband. The governor was superseded in 1592 and proceeded to
Callao, where he commanded a ship, under Don Beltran de Cueva, in the
fleet which attacked and captured Sir Richard Hawkins and his ship.
Sotomayor then returned to Spain.

The new governor of Chili was Don Martin Garcia Oñez de Loyola,
the same cavalier who married an Ynca princess, and captured young
Tupac Amaru. He was a Basque, of the province of Guipuzcoa, and a
near relative of Saint Ignatius. He arrived at Valparaiso, with four
hundred soldiers and abundant supplies of warlike stores, on the 23d
of September, 1592, reaching Santiago on the 6th of October. The
Araucanians had elected the aged chief Paillamacu as their _toqui_,
with two younger warriors named Pelantaru and Millacalquin as his
lieutenants. Believing the subjugation of Araucaria to be practicable,
the new governor traversed the country between Imperial and Villarica
during the year 1597, but failed to discover his astute foes. In the
spring of 1598 Loyola was at Imperial, where he received a letter from
his wife, the Ynca princess Doña Beatriz Coya, urging him to retreat
to Concepcion, as the Araucanians were rising. He set out for Angol,
accompanied by only sixty officers, on the 21st of November, 1598, and
stopped for the night in the valley of Curalaba. When all were wrapped
in sleep, the tents were attacked by five hundred native warriors,
and the governor was killed, with all his companions. His widow, the
Ynca princess, went to Spain with a young daughter, who was given in
marriage by Philip III. to Juan Henriquez de Borja, heir of the house
of Gandia, and was at the same time created Marquesa de Oropesa.

[Illustration: SOTOMAYOR.

[Fac-simile of a part of a copperplate in Ovalle’s _Historica Relacion
de Chili_. Rome, 1648.—ED.]]

The death of the governor was a signal for a general rising. Within
forty-eight hours there were thirty thousand Araucanian warriors in the
field under the _toqui_ Paillamacu. All the Spanish towns south of the
river Biobio were taken and destroyed, the invasion was hurled back
beyond Concepcion, and the Spaniards were placed on the defensive.

* * * * *

The seventeenth century opened in Peru with a period of peace, during
which the system of government elaborated by the viceroy Toledo was to
be worked out to its consequences,—and in Chili, with the prospect of a
prolonged contest and an impoverished treasury. In both countries the
future of the native races was melancholy and without hope.

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.

THE king of Spain instituted the office of historiographer of the
Indies, and that post was held for upwards of half a century by the
learned Antonio de Herrera, who died in 1625. All the official reports
and correspondence were placed in his hands, and he had the use of a
great deal of material which is now lost; so that he is indispensable
as an authority.[1484] His great work, _Historia General de las Indias
Occidentales_, covers the whole ground from 1492 to 1554, and is
divided into eight decades, in strict chronological order. The history
of the conquest of Peru and of the subsequent civil wars is recorded
with reference to chronological order as bearing on events in other
parts of the Indies, and not connectedly. The work first appeared in
1601 and 1615, in five folio volumes, and was republished in 1730. The
English version by Stevens, in six octavo volumes (1725), is worthless.
The episode relating to the descent of the river Amazon by Francisco de
Orellana (_Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. ix.), was translated by Clements R.
Markham, C. B., and printed for the Hakluyt Society in 1859 as a part
of the volume called _Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons_.

Francisco Lopez de Gomara was another compiler, who never personally
visited Peru, and is best known for his history of the conquest of
Mexico. His narrative of the conquest of Peru forms an important
part of his work entitled _Historia de las Indias_. Although he was
a contemporary, and had peculiarly good opportunities for obtaining
trustworthy information, he was careless in his statements, and is an
unsafe authority.[1485]

Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, born in 1478 of an old Asturian
family, was an eye-witness of the events on the isthmus which directly
led to the discovery of Peru. He went out with the governor Pedro
Arias in 1513, and was at Panamá when Pizarro and Almagro were fitting
out their first expedition. He afterwards resided for many years in
Hispaniola, and at his death, in 1557, he was chronicler of the Indies,
the predecessor of Herrera. He was devoted to historical composition,
interspersing his narrative with anecdotes and personal reminiscences;
but most of his works long remained in manuscript. His two chapters on
the conquest of Peru cover the ground from the landing of Pizarro to
the return of Almagro from Chili.[1486]

It is, however, a relief to escape from compilers, and to be able
to read the narratives of the actual actors in the events they
describe. The first adventurer who attempted to discover Peru was the
_adelantado_ Pascual de Andagoya, and he has recorded the story of his
failures. Born of a good stock in the province of Alava, Pascual went
out to Darien when very young, with the governor Pedro Arias, in 1514.
After the failure of his first attempt he was in Panamá for some years,
and in 1540 received the government of the country round the Rio San
Juan, the scene of Pizarro’s early sufferings. Here he founded the
town of Buenaventura; but having got into a dispute with Benalcazar
respecting the boundaries of their jurisdictions, Andagoya returned to
Spain, where he remained five years. He accompanied the president Gasca
to Peru, and died at Cusco on the 18th of June, 1548. He had broken
his leg, but was recovering, when fever supervened, which carried him
off. Gasca reported that his death was mourned by all, because he was
such a good man, and so zealous in the service of his country. The
historian Oviedo, who knew him well in the early days of the Darien
colony, speaks of Andagoya as a noble-minded and virtuous person. He
was a man of some education; and his humane treatment of the Indians
entitles his name to honorable mention. His interesting narrative long
remained in manuscript at Seville, but it was at length published by
Navarrete.[1487] An English translation,[1488] by Clements R. Markham,
C. B., with notes and an introduction, was printed for the Hakluyt
Society in 1865.[1489]

Francisco de Xeres, the secretary of Pizarro, wrote his account of the
early days of the conquest of Peru on the spot, by order (March, 1533)
of his master. He left Spain with Pizarro in January, 1530, returned
to Seville with the first instalment of gold from Caxamarca in July,
1534; and his narrative, which embraces the period between these
dates, was printed at Seville in the same year.[1490] This edition
and that of 1547, printed somewhat carelessly at Salamanca, are
extremely rare.[1491] The third and best-known edition was published
at Madrid in 1749 in the Barcia Collection, _Historiadores primitivos
de las Indias_. Italian editions appeared in 1535,[1492] and in 1556
in Ramusio;[1493] and a French version was published at Paris by M.
Ternaux-Compans in 1837.[1494] An English translation, with notes and
an introduction by Clements R. Markham, C. B., was printed for the
Hakluyt Society in 1872. There is a freshness and reality in the story
told by Xeres, owing to his having been an eye-witness of all the
events he describes, which the more elaborate accounts of compilers
cannot impart. Xeres has increased the value of his book by inserting
the narrative of Miguel Astete, who accompanied Hernando Pizarro on his
expedition to Pachacamac.

[Illustration: TITLE OF XERES. VENICE, 1535.]

Hernando Pizarro wrote a letter to the royal _Audiencia_ of Santo
Domingo, which goes over the same ground as the narratives of Xeres
and Astete, but is of course much briefer. It is peculiarly valuable
as containing the observations of the man of highest rank in the
expedition who was able to write.[1495] The letter is dated November,
1533, and was written on his way to Spain with the treasure. Oviedo
gives it in his _Historic General_,[1496] and it is printed by Quintana
in his _Vidas de Españoles celebres_.[1497] It was translated into
English by Clements R. Markham, C. B., and printed for the Hakluyt
Society in 1872 in the volume of _Reports on the Discovery of Peru_.

Pedro Sancho, the notary, wrote a note of the distribution of the
ransom of Atahualpa, with a list of the conquerors and the amount each
received. It is contained in the inedited work of Francisco Lopez de
Caravantes, and was reprinted by Quintana in his _Vidas de Españoles
celebres_. An English translation by Clements R. Markham, C. B., was
printed for the Hakluyt Society in 1872, in the volume already cited.
See also _Ramusio_, vol. iii. p. 414, for an Italian version, in which
form it was used by Robertson and Prescott.[1498]

Vicente de Valverde, the Dominican friar who accompanied Pizarro in
the conquest of Peru and took part in the imprisonment and murder of
Atahualpa, was made bishop of Cusco in 1536. On his way to Spain, in
1541, he landed on the island of Puna, in the Bay of Guayaquil, was
seized by the natives, and put to death with his brother-in-law and
twenty-six other Spaniards. He wrote a detailed _Carta-relacion_ on the
affairs of Peru, which is still inedited. He also addressed letters to
the emperor Charles V., which contain original information of great
value. A copy of one, dated Cusco, April 2, 1539, was among Sir Thomas
Phillipps’s collection of manuscripts. It is frequently quoted by Helps.

Pedro Pizarro, a cousin of the conqueror, went out as his page in 1530,
when only fifteen. He was an eye-witness of all the events of the
Conquest, and of the subsequent civil wars, having retired to Arequipa
after the assassination of his patron. Here he probably wrote his
_Relaciones del Descubrimiento y Conquista de los Reynos del Peru_,
finished in 1571. It is a plain, unadorned statement of facts, but
of the highest value as an authority. It remained in manuscript for
centuries, but was at length printed in the _Coleccion de documentos
inéditos para la historia de Espana_, v. 201-388.[1499]

The death-struggle between the Pizarros and the old marshal Almagro is
fully told in the above general histories; but light is also thrown
upon the story from other directions. Among the manuscripts in the
National Library at Madrid[1500] there is an autobiography by a young
scapegrace of noble birth named Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman, comprising
a period from 1518 to 1543, from his nineteenth to his forty-fourth
year. The early part reminds one of the adventures of Gil Blas; but in
1534 he went to Peru, and was a principal actor in the events which
took place between the departure of Almagro for Chili in 1535 and his
execution in 1538. Don Alonzo seems to have quarrelled with Hernando
Pizarro during the siege of Cusco, and warmly espoused the cause of
Almagro, who made him one of his executors. The latter portion of the
autobiography, including a long letter to the emperor on the conduct
of Hernando Pizarro, is very interesting, while the frankness of Don
Alonzo’s confessions as regards his own motives is most entertaining.
_The Life and Acts of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman_ was translated
and edited by Clements R. Markham, C. B., and printed by the Hakluyt
Society in 1862. It had up to this time escaped notice.

The last years of the marquis Pizarro were occupied in laying out and
building the capital of Peru, and we are indebted to the researches
of the learned Peruvian, Don Manuel Gonzalez de la Rosa, for having
discovered the most detailed account of the founding and early history
of Lima among the manuscripts in the Biblioteca Colombina at Seville.
The _Historia de la Fundacion de Lima_ was written by the Jesuit
Bernabé Cobo between 1610 and 1629, and was first printed under the
superintendence of Dr. De la Rosa in the _Revista Peruana_.[1501]

The story of the murder of Pizarro is told in the general histories,
and there are some additional particulars in Montesinos. A very
laudatory life of the marquis, which, however, contains the results
of original research, is contained in the _Varones Ilustres del Nuevo
Mundo_, by Fernando Pizarro y Orellana (Madrid, 1639). This work also
contains Lives of Pizarro’s brothers and of Almagro.[1502]

But by far the best life of Pizarro, both as regards literary merit
and conscientious research, is contained in the _Vidas de Españoles
Celebres_ by Don Manuel Josef Quintana.[1503] Quintana also gives the
texts of the original agreement (1526) between Pizarro, Almagro, and
Luque, and of the capitulation (July 26, 1529, at Toledo) between Queen
Juana and Pizarro. These documents are also given by Prescott in the
Appendix to the second volume of his _Conquest of Peru_.[1504]

After the assassination of Pizarro, the licentiate Vaca de Castro,
having defeated the younger Almagro, succeeded as governor of Peru,
and the history of his rule is told in his own letters. The first is
to the emperor, reporting his arrival at Santo Domingo, and is very
brief. The second, also to the emperor, is from Quito, and announces
the assassination of Pizarro and the rebellion of Almagro the lad.
The third is addressed to the emperor from Cusco, after the battle of
Chupas, and is a straightforward statement of his proceedings. The
fourth is a long letter from Cusco to his wife on private affairs.
There is also a long letter on the revolt of young Almagro and the
battle of Chupas from the municipality of Cusco to the emperor. These
letters are included in the great official volume of _Cartas de Indias_
published at Madrid in 1877, pp. 463-521. The _Vida y elojio del
licenciado Vaca de Castro, Gobernador del Peru_, was written by Antonio
de Herrera, the chronicler of the Indies.[1505]

A good historian accompanied the ill-fated viceroy Blasco Nuñez de Vela
to Lima. Augustin de Zarate was comptroller of accounts for Castile,
and was sent out with the first viceroy to examine into the financial
affairs of Peru. He collected notes and materials during his residence
at Lima, and began the compilation of a history from the discovery by
Pizarro to the departure of Gasca, when he returned to Spain. He had
access to the best official sources of information, and his work is
not without value; but he was strongly prejudiced, and his style is
tedious and inelegant. He assigns as the reason for not having begun
his narrative in Peru, that Carbajal had threatened any one who should
attempt to record his exploits. In the earlier portions he relied on
the testimony of the actors still living; but for the later part he
was himself a spectator and actor. He had not intended to publish it
in his lifetime; but the commendation of the emperor, to whom it was
shown, induced him to depart from his purpose. The original manuscript
of Zarate is or was preserved at Simancas; and Muñoz has disclosed
how the printed volume differs considerably from it, in suppressing
things too frankly stated, and in taking on a literary flavor not in
the draft. Muñoz supposed that Florian d’Ocampo performed this critical
office in passing the book through the press.[1506] His _Historia
del Descubrimiento y Conquista de la Provincia del Peru_ was printed
at Antwerp in 1555,[1507] and a folio edition appeared at Seville in
1577;[1508] but the best edition of Zarate is in the Barcia Collection,
vol. iii. It was included in 1853 in the _Biblioteca de Autores
Españoles_, vol. xxvi.[1509]

A more important narrative of the civil war, which ended with the
death of the viceroy Blasco Nuñez, was written by Pedro de Cieza de
Leon, and has been recently published. Cieza de Leon landed in South
America when he was barely fifteen, in the year 1534, and during his
military service he conceived a strong desire to write an account of
the strange things that were to be seen in the new world. “Oftentimes,”
he wrote, “when the other soldiers were reposing, I was tiring myself
by writing. Neither fatigue, nor the ruggedness of the country, nor
the mountains and rivers, nor intolerable hunger and suffering have
ever been sufficient to obstruct my two duties; namely, writing, and
following my flag and my captain without fault.” In 1547 he joined
the president Gasca, and was present at the final rout of Gonzalo
Pizarro. He was many years in Peru, and he is certainly one of the
most important authorities on Ynca history and civilization, whether
we consider his peculiar advantages in collecting information, or his
character as a conscientious historian. He lived to complete a great
work, but unfortunately only a small portion of it has seen the light.
The first and second parts of the Chronicle of Cieza de Leon have been
published, but they relate to Ynca civilization and are discussed in
a chapter in the first volume of the present work. The third part,
treating of the discovery and conquest of Peru by Pizarro, is inedited,
though the manuscript is believed to have been preserved. Part IV. was
divided into five books relating the history of the civil wars of the
conquerors. Only the third book has been published in the _Biblioteca
Hispano-Ultramarina_. It was very ably edited by Don Márcos Jiménez de
la Espada (Madrid, 1877), and is entitled _La Guerra de Quito_. The
volume begins with the departure of the viceroy Blasco Nuñez de Vela
from Spain, and consists of fifty-three chapters in the first part, the
concluding portion forming a subsequent volume.[1510]

The proceedings of the president, Pedro de la Gasca, were recorded
by himself in very full reports to the Council of the Indies, which
almost amount to official diaries. The first, dated at Santa Marta on
his way out, July 12, 1546, has been published in the official volume
of _Cartas de Indias_ (Madrid, 1877). Other published correspondence
throws light on the astute proceedings of the president while he was
at Panamá. His instructions to Lorenzo de Aldana, his letters to
Gonzalo Pizarro, and the detailed report of his agent Paniagua have
been published in the _Revista de Lima_, 1880. His report to the
Council of the Indies, when on his way to attack Gonzalo Pizarro at
Cusco (dated Andahuaylas, March 7, 1548), has not been edited. But the
Chilian historian Don Diego Barros Arana has published[1511] the long
despatch from Gasca to the Council, dated at Cusco, May 7, 1548, in
which he describes the rout of Sacsahuana, the executions of Gonzalo
Pizarro and Carbajal, and the subsequent bloody assize at Cusco. The
document frequently quoted by Prescott (in book v. chap. iii. of his
history)[1512] as _Relacion del Licenciado Gasca MS._ is an abridged
and mutilated copy of this despatch of May 7, 1548, from the Muñoz
Collection,[1513] and is preserved at Simancas. The sentence pronounced
on Gonzalo Pizarro is published in the _Revista Peruana_ (1880), from
the original manuscript of Zarate’s Chronicle.[1514] Gasca continues
his narrative in the despatches to the Council, dated at Lima, Sept.
25 and Nov. 26, 1548, which are also published by Barros Arana.[1515]
There are six other despatches of the president from Lima, dated in
1549, in the _Cartas de Indias_. The invaluable papers of the president
Gasca are not in the Archives at Seville, but have been preserved by
his family.[1516]

But the best-known historian of the period during which the president
Gasca was in Peru was Diego Fernandez de Palencia, usually called “el
Palentino,” from the place of his birth. He went out to Peru, served
in the army which was raised to put down the rebellion of Giron, and
having collected materials for a history, he was appointed chronicler
of Peru by the viceroy Marquis of Cañete. Fernandez first wrote the
history of the rebellion of Giron, in the suppression of which he was
personally engaged; and afterwards he undertook to write a similar
account of the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro and the administration of
Gasca. Fernandez is a very painstaking writer, and no history of the
time enters so fully into detail; yet it is pleasantly written, and
the graver narrative is frequently relieved by anecdotes of personal
adventures, and by amusing incidents. He is however a thorough-going
partisan, and can see no redeeming feature in a rebellion, nothing
but evil in the acts of rebels. His book is called _Primera y Secunda
Parte de la Historia del Peru, que se mando escrebir á Diego Fernandez,
vecino de la ciudad de Palencia_. It was published at Seville in 1571
(folio; primera parte, pp. 142; segunda parte, pp. 130). This is the
only edition.[1517]

The first part of the work of the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega relates
to the history and civilization of the Yncas, and is discussed in the
first volume of the present work. But the second part is a general
history of the discovery of Peru, and of the civil wars down to the
termination of the administration of the viceroy Toledo in Peru, and
to the death of the governor Loyola in Chili. Like the first part,
the second is rather a commentary than a history, for the Ynca quotes
largely from other writers, especially from the Palentino, always
carefully indicating the quotations and naming the authors. But his
memory was well stored with anecdotes that he had heard when a boy; and
with these he enlivens the narrative, while often a recollection of the
personal appearance or of some peculiarity of the historical character
whose deeds he is recording enables him to give a finishing touch to a
picture. His father was a conqueror and an actor in most of the chief
events of the time;[1518] his mother, an Ynca princess, and born in the
city of Cusco; so the future author had special advantages for storing
up information. He was born in 1539, but a few years after the conquest
and one year after the death of Almagro. He passed his school days at
Cusco, with many other half-caste sons of the conquerors, and went to
Spain in 1560, dying at Cordova in 1616. The first part of his great
work on Peru originally appeared at Lisbon in 1609, the second part at
Cordova in 1617. The second and best edition of the two parts appeared
at Madrid in 1723. The English translation of Sir Paul Rycaut (1688) is
worthless, and there has never been a complete English version of the
second part, which is entitled _Historia General del Peru_. The episode
of the expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro to the land of cinnamon (part ii.
lib. iii.) was translated by Clements R. Markham, C.B., and printed for
the Hakluyt Society in 1859.[1519]

The licentiate Fernando Montesinos is an authority of some reputation,
but chiefly valuable for his studies of native lore. He was altogether
upwards of fifteen years in Peru. He was there a century after the
conquest. His _Memorias Antiguas Historiales_ exclusively relate to
Ynca history; but his _Annales_ contain a history of the conquest and
of subsequent events, and include some original documents, and a few
anecdotes which are not to be found elsewhere.[1520]

* * * * *

The authorities for the final settlement of Peru, after the crushing
of the spirit of revolt by the Marquis of Cañete, are a good deal
scattered. A learned account of the life and administration of Andres
Marquis of Cañete himself will be found in the admirable _Diccionario
Histórico-Biografico del Peru_ by General Mendiburu, published at Lima
in 1880; which also contains a Life of his successor, the licentiate
Lope Garcia de Castro.

The viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo has left a deeper mark on the
history of Peru by his _Libro de Tasas_ and _Ordenanzas_ relating to
mines and the treatment of Indians. The transactions with reference
to the judicial murder of Tupac Amaru and the persecution of the Ynca
family are briefly related by Garcilasso de la Vega; but there is a
much more detailed account in the _Coronica Moralizada del Orden de
San Augustin en el Peru_ by Fray Antonio de la Calancha, published at
Barcelona in 1638.[1521] Calancha also gives the remorseful will of
Mancio Sierra de Leguizamo, whose life-story is fully related by Don
José Rosendo Gutierrez in the _Revista Peruana_ (tomo ii. 1880).

The story of the capture and execution of Tupac Amaru by the viceroy
Toledo is told in very full detail by Baltasar d’Ocampo, who was an
eye-witness. His narrative has all the charm of honest truthfulness;
and yet the incidents, thus simply related, are as interesting as
the most ingeniously constructed romance. Unfortunately the story,
as told by Ocampo (_Descripcion de la Provincia de San Francisco de
Villcapampa_), has never been printed. It is among the manuscripts of
the British Museum.[1522]

Polo de Ondegardo, the learned lawyer, was the principal adviser of
the viceroy Toledo. He arrived in Peru before the president Gasca,
and held the important posts of _corregidor_ of Potosi and of Cusco.
He had a profound knowledge of the Ynca system of government, and
his two _Relaciones_,[1523] addressed to the Marquis of Cañete and
the Conde de Nieva, discuss the land tenures, colonial policy, and
social legislation of the natives. His labors were all undertaken
with a view to adapting the best parts of the Ynca system to the new
polity to be instituted by the Spanish conquerors; and his numerous
suggestions, from this standpoint, are wise and judicious. A feeling
of sympathy for the Indians, and the evidence of a warm desire for
their welfare pervade all his writings. There is another rough draft
of a report by Polo de Ondegardo, a manuscript in the National Library
at Madrid,[1524] which contains much information respecting the
administrative system of the Yncas; and here, also, he occasionally
points out the way in which native legislation might usefully be
imitated by the conquerors. This report of Polo de Ondegardo was
translated by Clements R. Markham, C.B., and printed for the Hakluyt
Society in 1873 in the volume called _Rites and Laws of the Incas_. It
is believed that Polo de Ondegardo died at Potosi in about the year
1580.

The other adviser of the viceroy Toledo was a man of a very different
character, a hard, relentless politician, indifferent alike to the
feelings and the physical well-being of the conquered people. Judge
Matienzo wrote a work in two parts on the condition of the people,
the _mita_, or forced labor, the tribute, the mining laws, and on the
duties of the several grades of Spanish officials. The _Gobierno de el
Peru_ of Matienzo is a manuscript in the British Museum.[1525]

The whole body of ordinances and regulations relating to the aboriginal
people and their treatment by the conquerors is fully explained and
discussed by Dr. Don Juan de Solorzano, a profoundly learned jurist,
and member of the Council of the Indies, in his _Politica Indiana_
(Madrid, 1648). The history of _encomiendas_ in Peru is well and ably
discussed by Enrique Torres Saldamando in the _Revista Peruana_ (vol.
ii. 1880).[1526]

The second Marquis of Cañete, who was viceroy of Peru in the last
decade of the sixteenth century, was best known for his conduct of the
Araucanian war, when, as a young man, he was governor of Chili. That
famous war formed the subject of the epic poem of Alonzo de Ercilla,
the warrior-poet. Born at Bermeo on the shores of the Bay of Biscay,
where the house of his ancestors is still standing, Ercilla began life
as a page to the prince of Spain, and volunteered to go out and serve
against the Araucanians, when news arrived of an outbreak and the death
of Valdivia. Born in 1533, he was only twenty-one when he set out for
Chili under the command of the youthful governor Garcia Hurtado de
Mendoza. Ercilla was present at seven regular battles, and suffered
much from hardships during the harassing campaigns. He returned to
Spain in 1562, after an absence of eight years. His Araucana[1527] is
a versified history of the war, in which he describes all the events
in their order, enumerates the contending chiefs, with a few lines to
denote the character or special characteristic of each, and is minutely
accurate even in his geographical details. He tells us that much of
the poem was composed in the country, and that by the light of the
camp-fires at night he wrote down what had occurred during the day.
Ticknor looks upon the _Araucana_ as an historical rather than an epic
poem;[1528] and he considers the descriptive powers of Ercillo—except
in relation to natural scenery—to be remarkable, the speeches he puts
in the mouths of Araucanian chiefs often excellent, and his characters
to be drawn with force and distinctness. Pedro de Oña, in his _Arauco
Domado_,[1529] praises the governor, Hurtado de Mendoza, the future
Marquis of Cañete; and Lope de Vega made his Araucanian war the subject
of one of his plays.

The Life of the viceroy Marquis of Cañete (Garcia) was written by Don
Cristóval Suarez de Figueroa, a man of some literary fame in his day.
When the marquis returned from Peru broken in health, he was treated
with neglect and ingratitude; nor had he received full justice from
Ercilla for his youthful exploits,—at least so thought his heirs when
he died in 1599; and they applied to Suarez de Figueroa to undertake
his biography, placing all the viceroy’s family and official papers in
the author’s hands. The result was the _Hechos de Don Garcia Hurtado de
Mendoza, cuarto Marques de Cañete_, which was printed in 1613.[1530]
It was reprinted in the _Coleccion de Historiadores de Chile_,—a
work published in seven volumes at Santiago in 1864, edited by Don
Diego Barros Arana. This work contains a very full account of the
administration of the marquis while he was viceroy of Peru.

Pedro de Valdivia has written his own history of his conquest and
settlement of Chili, in his letters to the emperor, Charles V. They
are preserved in the Archives at Seville among the documents sent from
Simancas, and have been published by Claudio Gaye in his _Historia de
Chile_ (Paris, 1846), and also in the first volume of the _Coleccion
de Historiadores de Chile_ (Santiago, 1864). The first of Valdivia’s
despatches is dated from La Serena, Sept. 4, 1545, and the second from
Lima, June 15, 1548. In the third he reports fully on the state of
affairs in Chili, and refers to his own previous career. It is dated
from Concepcion, Oct. 15, 1550. There are two others, dated Concepcion,
Sept. 25, 1551, and Santiago, Oct. 26, 1552, which are short, and not
so interesting.

Some discontented soldiers brought a series of fifty-seven accusations
against Valdivia, which were considered by the president Gasca at Lima
in October, 1548,—the result being acquittal. The _Acta de Accusacion_
was published at Santiago in 1873 by Barros Arana, together with
Valdivia’s defence and several other important historical documents.
That accomplished Chilian historian has also edited a very interesting
letter from Pedro de Valdivia to Hernando Pizarro, dated at La Serena
on the 4th of September, 1545, which fell into the hands of the
president Gasca, and remained among his papers; and when he was at
Seville in 1859, he discovered one more unimportant letter from the
Chilian conqueror to Charles V., dated at Santiago, July 9, 1549. The
first book of the records of the Santiago municipality, called the
_Libro Becerro_, embraces the years from 1541 to 1557. It has been
published in the first volume of the _Coleccion de Historiadores de
Chile_, etc. (Santiago, 1861), and contains the appointment of Valdivia
as governor of Chili, the founding of Santiago, with the nomination of
the first municipal officers, ordinances for mines, and other important
entries.

* * * * *

There is thus ample original material for the opening chapter of the
history of Chili. Moreover, the first connected work on the subject
was written by one of the early conquerors. Gongora Marmolejo served
under Valdivia, and was an eye-witness of all the stirring events
of the time. His history begins at the discovery of Chili, in 1536,
and is brought down to the year 1575. Written in Santiago, it is
addressed to the president of the Council of the Indies; and though
the style is confused, and often obscure, the narrative has the merit
of impartiality, and supplies many interesting details. It also has
annexed documents, including a letter from Gonzalo Pizarro to Valdivia
giving an account of events in Peru, down to the death of Blasco Nuñez
de Vela. The _Historia de Chile_ of Gongora Marmolejo remained in
manuscript in the Biblioteca de Salazar (H. 45) until it was edited
by Don Pascual de Gayangos, in 1850, for the fourth volume of the
_Memorial Histórico Español_. It has since been published in the
_Coleccion de Historiadores de Chile_.

The story of the surprise and death of the governor, Martin Garcia de
Loyola, and of the subsequent formidable rising of the Araucanians in
1598, was written in the form of a poem by Captain Fernando Alvarez
de Toledo. The work has no literary merit, and is only valuable as
an historical narrative. The manuscript is in the National Library
at Madrid, and it was published by Don Diego Barros Arana, in the
_Collection d’Ouvrages inédits ou rares sur L’Amérique_ (Paris, 1861).
An interesting modern account of the death of the governor Loyola,
entitled _La sorpresa de Curalava_, was written by the accomplished
Chilian, Miguel Luis Amunátegui, and published as one of his
_Naraciones Históricas_ (Santiago, 1876).[1531]

The history of Chili, which follows Marmolejo in point of time, is
by Cordova y Figueroa, a native of the country, and a descendant of
Juan de Negrete, one of the followers of Valdivia. Cordova y Figueroa
was born at Concepcion in 1692, served with credit in a war with the
Araucanians, and is believed to have written the history between 1740
and 1745. Beginning with the expedition of Almagro, it comes down to
the year 1717, and is the most complete history that had been written
up to that date. The manuscript was in the National Library at Madrid,
and a copy was made for the Chilian government, under the auspices of
Don Francisco S. Astaburriaga, who was then minister to Spain. It was
published in the _Coleccion de Historiadores de Chile_.

In this review of works on the conquest and first settlement of Peru
and Chili, those which refer only to the history and civilization of
the Yncas, or to geography and natural history, have been omitted, as
they receive notice in the chapter on ancient Peru in the first volume
of this History.

[Illustration]

EDITORIAL NOTES.

=A.= CIEZA DE LEON.—It does not seem desirable to divide the
bibliographical record of Cieza de Leon between the present and the
first volume. His work was separated into four parts,—the _first_
relating to the geography and description of Peru; the _second_, to
the period of the Incas; the _third_, to the Spanish Conquest; the
_fourth_, to the civil wars of the conquerors. The fate of each part
has been distinct.

=Part I.= Prescott (_Peru_, vol. ii. p. 306) speaks of this as more
properly an itinerary or geography of Peru, presenting the country
in its moral and physical relations as it appeared to the eye of the
conquerors; and not many of them, it is probable, were so impressed
as Cieza de Leon was with the grandeur of the _cordilleras_. This, as
_Parte primera de la chronica del Peru_, was published in folio at
Seville, in 1553. In Rich’s time (1832) it was worth £5 5_s._[1532] It
was reprinted the next year (1554) at Antwerp in two distinct editions.
One, _La chronica del Peru_, in duodecimo, has the imprint of Nucio;
the other, likewise in duodecimo, is printed in an inferior manner,
and sometimes has the name of Bellero, and sometimes that of Steelsio,
as publisher. This last edition has the larger title, _Parte primera
de la chronica del Peru_, etc., and was the one used by Prescott, and
followed by Markham in the translation, _Travels of Cieza de Leon_,
published by the Hakluyt Society in 1864.[1533]

In 1555 an Italian translation, _La prima parte de la cronica del
... Peru_, appeared at Rome, made by Agostino Cravaliz, or Augustino
di Gravalis.[1534] A second edition—_La prima parte dell’istorie del
Peru_—appeared the next year (1556) at Rome, and is found with the
names of two different publishers.[1535]

At Venice, in 1560, appeared the _Cronica del gran regno del Peru_.
This makes a work of which the first volume is a reprint of Gravaliz’
version of Cieza, and volumes ii. and iii. contain an Italian version
of Gomara in continuation offered by the same publisher, Ziletti, under
the title, _La seconda, terza parte delle historie dell India_.[1536]

The English translation of Stevens (_The Seventeen Years’ Travels
of Peter de Cieza through the mighty Kingdom of Peru and the large
Provinces of Cartagena and Popayan in South America, from the City of
Panama on the Isthmus to the Frontiers of Chile_) was printed at London
in 1709, and appeared both separately and as a part of his collection
of _Voyages_. It gives only ninety-four of the one hundred and nineteen
chapters.

=Part II.= Rich, though he had heard of this part, supposed it to have
disappeared; and it is spoken of as missing by Markham in 1864, and
by Harrisse in his _Bibl. Amer. Vet._ (p. 319). The manuscript of it
was meanwhile in the Escurial, preserved in a bad copy made about the
middle or end of the sixteenth century; but it is deficient in chapters
i. and ii. and in part of chapter iii. Another manuscript copy not well
done is in the Academy of History at Madrid. Lord Kingsborough had
a copy, and from this Rich had a fifth copy made, which was used by
Prescott; but it does not appear that any of these students suspected
it to be the second part of Cieza de Leon. Prescott, supposing it to
be written _by_ the president of the Council of the Indies, Sarmiento,
instead of _for_ that officer, ascribed it to him; but Kirk, Prescott’s
editor (_Peru_, vol. ii. p. 308), has recognized its identity, which
Dr. Manuel Gonzales de la Rosa established when he edited the Escurial
manuscript in 1873. This edition, though wholly printed in London, has
not been made public. Following another transcript, and correcting the
spelling, etc., Márcos Jiménez de la Espada printed it at Madrid in
1880 as vol. v. of the _Biblioteca Hispano-Ultramarina_. An English
translation of it was made by Mr. Markham, and published by the Hakluyt
Society in 1883.

=Part III.= Markham reports that Espada says that this part is in
existence, but inaccessible.

=Part IV.= Espada is cited as asserting that books i. and ii. of this
part are in existence, but inaccessible.

A manuscript of book iii. is in the Royal Library at Madrid, in
handwriting of the middle of the sixteenth century. It covers the
period from the appointment of Blasco Nuñez as viceroy in 1543 to a
period just previous to Gasca’s departure from Panamá for Peru in 1547.
A copy of this manuscript, belonging to Uguina, passed to Ternaux,
thence to Rich, who sold it for £600 to Mr. Lenox; and it is now in the
Lenox Library.

It has since been included under Espada’s editing in the _Biblioteca
Hispano-Ultramarina_, and was published at Madrid in 1877 as _Tercero
libro de las Guerras Civiles del Peru_.[1537]

Books iv. (war of Huarina) and v. (war of Xaquixaguana), and two
appended commentaries on events from the founding of the _Audiencia_ to
the departure of the president, and on events extending to the arrival
of the viceroy Mendoza, are not known to exist, though Cieza refers to
them as written. These would complete the fourth part, and end the work.

What we know of Cieza is mainly derived from himself and the brief
notice in Antonio’s _Bibliotheca Hispana Nova_ (Madrid, 1788). The
writer of the foregoing chapter gives an account of Cieza’s career, as
well as it could be made out, in his translation of the _Travels_; but
he supplements that story in the introduction to his version of Part II.

=B.= GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA.—The _Primera parte de los Commentarios
reales_ seems to have been printed—according to the colophon at
Lisbon—in 1608, but to have been published in 1609. It has incidental
notices of Spanish-American history, though concerned mainly with
chronicles of the Incas.[1538]

The second part, called _Historia General del Peru_, was printed at
Cordova in 1616, though most copies are dated 1617. The titles of the
two dates slightly vary. This volume is of larger size than that of
1609.[1539]

The two parts were reprinted by Barcia at Madrid in 1722-1723.[1540]
There have been later editions of the Spanish at Madrid in 1800, and
in 1829, in four volumes, as a part of a series; _Conquista del Nuevo
Mondo_, in nine volumes, which embraced also Solis’s Mexico, Garcilasso
de la Vega’s Florida, and the Florida of Cardenas y Cano.

Rycaut’s English _Royal Commentaries of Peru_ (London, 1688) was priced
by Rich (no. 420) in 1832 at £1 4_s._, and is not worth more now.[1541]
Markham’s English version of the first part was issued in two volumes
by the Hakluyt Society in 1869-1871.

The French version (by J. Baudoin) of the first part was printed at
Paris in 1633 as _Le Commentaire Royal_,[1542] and of the second part
as _Histoire des Guerres Civiles_ in 1650, and again in 1658 and
1672,[1543] and at Amsterdam in 1706.[1544] A French version of the
first part was also printed at Amsterdam in 1715,[1545] and joined with
the book on Florida; another French edition appeared at Amsterdam in
1737.[1546] A new translation of this first part, made by Dalibard, was
printed in Paris in 1744.[1547] Baudoin’s version of both parts was
reissued in Paris in 1830.[1548] There was a German translation in 1798.

An account of Garcilasso de la Vega and his ancestry is given by
Markham in the introduction to his version of the _Royal Commentaries
of the Yncas_. Another account is in the _Documentos inéditos
(España)_, vol. xvi.[1549]

The estimate held of him by Robertson has been largely shared among the
older of the modern writers, who seem to think that Garcilasso added
little to what he borrowed from others, though we find some traces in
him of authorities now lost. The later writers are more generous in
their praise of him. Prescott quotes him more than twice as often as he
cites any other of the contemporary sources. (Cf. his _Peru_, vol. i.
p. 289.)

Helps says that “with the exception of Bernal Diaz and Las Casas, there
is not perhaps any historical writer of that period, on the subject of
the Indies, whose loss would be more felt than that of Garcilasso de la
Vega.”

=C.= MEMORANDA.—An early voyage to the coast is supposed to be
indicated in an Italian tract of 1521, mentioned in the catalogue
of the Biblioteca Colombina. It is not now known, except in what
is supposed to be a German version.[1550] The first tidings (March
15, 1533) which Europe got of Pizarro’s success came from a letter
which was addressed to the emperor, probably in Spanish, though we
have no copy of it in that tongue; but it is preserved in Italian,
_Copia delle lettere del prefetto della India, la Nuova Spagna detta_,
a plaquette of two leaves, of which there is a copy in the Lenox
Library. It is supposed to have been printed at Venice.[1551] This
version is also included in the _Libro di Benedetto_ (Venice, 1534).
A German translation was printed at Nuremberg, February, 1534, as
_Newe Zeitung aus Hispanien_, of four leaves.[1552] A French issue,
_Nouvelles certaines des isles du Peru_, dated 1534, is in the British
Museum.[1553] Ticknor[1554] cites Gayangos’ references to a tractate
of four leaves, _La Conquista del Peru_, which he found in the British
Museum.[1555]

It is not very clear to what city reference is made in a plaquette,
_Letera de la nobil cipta, novamente ritrouvata alle Indie ... data in
Peru adi. xxv de novembre, de MDXXXIIII_. An edition of the next year
(1535) is “data in Zhaual.”[1556] Marco Guazzo’s _Historie di tutte
le cose degne di memoria qual del anno MDXXIIII._, etc., published at
Venice in 1540, gives another early account.[1557] It was repeated in
the edition of 1545 and 1546.

The _De Peruviæ regionis, inter novi orbis provincias celeberrimæ
inventione_ of Levinus Apollonius of Ghent was published at Antwerp
in 1565, 1566, 1567, for copies with these respective dates are
found;[1558] though Sabin thinks Rich and Ternaux are in error in
assigning an edition to 1565. It covers events from the discovery to
the time of Gasca and the death of Gonzalo Pizarro.[1559] It also
appeared as a third part to the German translation of Benzoni (Basle
1582).

Ternaux-Compans in his _Voyages_ has preserved in a French version
several early chronicles of minor importance. Such is Miguel Carello
Balbóa’s _Histoire du Peru_ (in vol. xvii.), the work of one who went
to Bogota in 1566, and finished his work at Quito in 1586. It rehearses
the story of the Inca rule, not always agreeing with Garcilasso, and
only touches the Spanish Conquest as it had proceeded before the murder
of Atahualpa.[1560] Another work is the _Histoire du Pérou_ of Father
Anello Oliva, a Jesuit, who was born at Naples in 1593, came to Peru as
a Jesuit in 1597, and died at Lima in 1642. It was apparently written
before 1631; but what Ternaux affords us is only the first of the four
books which constitute the completed work.[1561] Juan de Velasco’s
_Histoire de Quito_, a work of a later day but based on the early
sources, makes volumes xviii. and xix. of Ternaux’s collection.

Alonso de Ovalle’s historical account of Chili was issued at Rome in
1646, in Italian, as _Historica Relatione del Regno di Cile_, and
the same year at the same place in Spanish, as _Histórica Relacion
del Reyne de Chile_. Six of the eight books are given in English in
Churchill’s _Voyages_ (1732), and in Pinkerton.[1562]

Among the minor documentary sources there is much of interest to be
found in the _Documentos inéditos (España)_, vols. v., xiii., xxvi.,
xlix., l., and li.

The Ministerio de Fomento of Peru printed at Madrid in 1881 the first
volumes—edited by Jiménez de la Espada—of _Relaciones geográficas de
Indias_. The editor supplied a learned introduction, and the volume
contained twelve documents of the sixteenth century, which were
then published for the first time;[1563] and they contribute to our
knowledge of the condition of the country during that period.

There are other documents covering the whole course of Peruvian history
in the collection of _Documentos históricos del Peru en las epocas
del coloniage despues de la conquista y de la independencia hasta a
presente, colectados y arreglados por el coronel Manuel Odriozola_, the
first volume of which was published at Lima about twenty-five years ago
(1863).

Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, pp. 320-322) enumerates many copies of
manuscripts preserved in New York and Boston, some of which have since
been printed. There is record of other manuscripts in New York in the
_Magazine of American History_, i. 254.

The _Varias relaciones del Peru y Chile y Conquista de la isla de
Santa Catalina, 1535-1658 (Madrid, 1879)_[1564] constitutes vol. xiii.
of _Coleccion de libros raros ó curiosos_, which includes anonymous
manuscripts in “Relacion del sitio del Cusco, 1537-1539,” in the
“Rebelion de Giron, 1553,” and in some others of the seventeenth
century. Vol. xvi. of the same _Coleccion_ is edited by Jiménes de la
Espada, and is entitled _Memorias antiguas historiales y políticas del
Perú, por D. Fernando Montesinos, seguidas de las Informaciones acerca
del señorío de los Incas, hechas por mandado de D. Francisco de Toledo,
virey del Perú [1570-1572]_. _Madrid_, 1882. An account of the original
which this edition of the work of Montesinos follows is given in the
preface. The editor criticises the translation by Henri Ternaux-Compans
in his Mémoires historiques sur l’ancien Pérou (forming part of his
_Voyages_), Paris, 1840.[1565]

[Illustration: PRESCOTT’S LIBRARY.]

Leclerc in 1878[1566] offered for 2,500 francs an unprinted manuscript
containing the military Lives of Pedro Alvarez de Holguin and Martin
de Almendral (Almendras), consisting of depositions respecting their
services by eye-witnesses, taken in pursuance of a claim by their
families for the possession of titles and property, their ancestors
having been among the conquerors.

The most conspicuous writers upon Peruvian history in English are
Prescott, Helps, and Markham,—the first two as the historians of the
Conquest, and the third as an annotator of the original sources and
an elucidator of controverted points. Prescott’s _Conquest of Peru_
was published in 1843. He had been fortunate enough to secure copies
from the manuscript stores which Muñoz had gathered, and Navarrete
allowed his collections to be gleaned for the American’s use. He did
not fail of the sympathy and support of Ternaux and of Gayangos. The
ingenious and active assistance of Obadiah Rich secured him a good
share of the manuscripts of the Kingsborough Collection when that was
scattered. The _Conquest of Peru_ was promptly translated into Spanish,
and published at Madrid in 1847-1848; and again in a version supposed
to have been made by Icazbalceta. It was printed at Mexico in 1849. A
French translation was introduced to the world by Amédée Pichot, and
the English on the continent were soon able to read it in their own
tongue under a Paris imprint. The Dutch and German people were not
long without versions in their vernaculars. Since Mr. Prescott’s death
the revision, which the American reader was long kept from (owing to
the obstructions to textual improvements imposed by the practice of
stereotyping), was made by Mr. Kirk, who had been Prescott’s secretary;
and the new edition, with that gentleman’s elucidatory and corrective
notes, appeared at Philadelphia in 1874.

As was the case with the hero of Mexico, the chapters in Helps’s
_Spanish Conquest_ on the conqueror of Peru have, since the publication
of that book, been extracted and fitted newly together under the title
of _The Life of Pizarro, with some account of his Associates in the
Conquest of Peru_, published in London in 1869. Pizarro is not, under
Helps’s brush, the abhorrent figure of some other historians. “He is
always calm, polite, dignified,” he says. “He was not one of the least
admirable of the conquerors.”

Mr. Markham, referring to a visit which he made to Prescott, says: “He
it was who encouraged me to undertake my Peruvian investigations and to
persevere in them. To his kindly advice and assistance I owe more than
I can say, and to him is due, in no small degree, the value of anything
I have since been able to do in furtherance of Peruvian research.” The
first fruit of Mr. Markham’s study was his _Cusco and Lima_ in 1856.
Three years later (1859) he was sent by the British Government to
superintend the collection of cinchona plants and seeds (quinine) in
Peru, and to introduce them into India. In pursuit of this mission, he
formed the acquaintance with the country which was made public in his
_Travels in Peru and India_ in 1862. In 1880 he epitomized his great
knowledge in a useful little handbook on _Peru_, which was published in
London in the series of _Foreign Countries and British Colonies_. His
greatest aid to the historian has come, however, from the annotations
given by him to numerous volumes of the Hakluyt Society, which he
has edited, and in his communications to the _Journal of the Royal
Geographical Society_.

The Peruvian story is but an incidental feature of Hubert H. Bancroft’s
_Central America_, where Alvarado’s report of May 12, 1535, and
other documents which fell into that author’s hands with the Squier
manuscripts afford in part the basis of his narrative, vol. ii. chap.
vii. Bancroft accounts Pizarro himself the most detestable man in the
Indies after Pedrárias. He collates the authorities on many disputed
points, and is a valuable assistant, particularly for the relations
of operations on the isthmus to those in Peru,—such as the efforts
of Gonzalo Pizarro to make the isthmus the frontier of his Peruvian
government, and Gasca’s method of breaking through it. In his chapter
on “Mines and Mining” in his _Mexico_ (vol. iii.) he incidentally
recapitulates the story of the wealth which was extracted from Peru.

The dignified and well-balanced story as told in Robertson’s _America_
(book vi.) is not without use to-day, and his judgment upon authorities
(note cxxv.) is usually sound. He has of course fallen behind that
sufficiency which Dr. Smyth found in him, when he gave his _Lectures on
Modern History_ (lecture xxi.). The latter writer reflected an opinion
not yet outgrown when he says that “Pizarro was, after all, a vulgar
conqueror, and is from the first detested, though he seizes upon our
respect, and retains it in defiance of ourselves, from the powerful
and decisive nature of his courage and of his understanding.”

The latest English summarized view of the Conquest will be found in R.
G. Watson’s _Spanish and Portuguese South America during the Colonial
Period_ (London, 1884). The author lived in South America about twenty
years ago, in various parts, as a diplomatic agent of the English
government.

THE

AMAZON AND ELDORADO.

BY THE EDITOR.

IN 1528, in order to follow up the explorations of Ojeda and others on
the coast of Venezuela the Emperor had agreed with the great German
mercantile house of the Velsers to protect a colony to be sent by
them to found cities and to mine on this northern coast.[1567] This
was the origin of the expedition led by Ambrosio de Alfinger to find
a fabulous golden city, of which reports of one kind and another
pervaded the Spanish settlements along the coast. It was in 1530 that
Alfinger started inland. This march produced the usual story of perfidy
and cruelty practised upon the natives, and of attack and misery
experienced by the invaders. Alfinger died on the way, and after two
years (in 1532) what was left of his followers found their way back to
the coast.

Meanwhile an expedition inland had started under Diego Ordaz in 1531,
by way of the Orinoco; but it had failed, its leader being made the
victim of a mutiny. One of his officers, Martinez, being expelled from
the force for misbehavior, wandered away until he fell into the hands
of people who blindfolded him and led him a great way to a city, where
the bandage was removed from his eyes. Here they led him for a day and
night through its streets till they came to the palace of Inga their
Emperor, with whom being handsomely entertained he stayed eight months,
when, being allowed to return, he came down the Orinoco to Trinidad,
and thence to Porto Rico, where, when dying, he told this tale of
Manoa, as he called the city. He was the first, the story goes, to
apply the name of Eldorado to the alluring kingdom in the depths of the
continent. This is the pretended story as Raleigh sixty years later
learned from a manuscript which Berreo the Governor of Trinidad showed
to him.[1568]

Again, the Germans made another attempt to penetrate the country and
its mystery. George of Spires, under the imperial sanction, coming from
Spain with four hundred men, started inland from Coro in 1534. He
succeeded in penetrating about fifteen hundred miles, and returned with
the survivors in 1538.

A lieutenant had played him false. Nicolaus Federmann[1569] had been
disappointed in not getting the command of the expedition, but being
made second, was instructed to follow after his chief with supplies.
Federmann avoided making a junction with George, and wandered at the
head of about two hundred men, who were faithful to him, seeking
glory on his own account, till after three years of labor he emerged
in April, 1539, from the mountain passes upon the plains of Bogotá.
Two years before this (in 1537) Gonzalo Ximenes Quesada, following up
the Magdalena River, had arrived on the same plateau, and completed
the conquest of New Granada. The year following (1538), Sebastian
de Belalcazar, marching north from Quito, had reached the same
point.[1570]

[Illustration: QUESADA.

Cf. Markham’s _Travels of Cieza de Leon_, p. 110; and his _Narrative of
Andagoya_, p. xxv.]

Thus the three explorers from three directions came together. They
joined forces and descended the Magdalena to Santa Martha, where Pedro
Fernandez de Lugo, the associate of Quesada, died, while Quesada
himself proceeded to Spain to obtain the government of the newly
discovered region. Meanwhile Hernan Perez, a brother of Quesada, being
left in command in Bogotá, committed the usual cruel excesses upon the
Chibchas, but finally left them, to follow another adventurer who had
arrived in the track of Federmann, with the same stories of the golden
city. So the recreant Governor joined the new-comer Montalvo de Lugo,
and together they marched eastward on their golden quest. He returned
to Bogotá in a year’s time, wiser but not happier.

Meanwhile a new expedition was forming on the Venezuela side. Among the
followers of George of Spires had been one Philip von Huten,[1571] who
after George’s death, and when Rodrigo Bastidas had succeeded him, was
made the commander of an expedition which left Coro in 1541 by vessels,
and, prepared for an inland march, landed at Barburata. The next spring
he got on the track of Quesada and resolved to follow it; but the
expedition only journeyed in a circle, and after suffering all sorts of
hardships found itself at the point of setting out. Huten, undaunted,
again started with a smaller force. He encountered and made friends of
the Uaupe Indians, and under their guidance proceeded against the towns
of the Omaguas, where they encountered resistance; and Huten being
wounded, the invaders retreated, and brought to an end another search
for Eldorado. The expedition had added a new synonym, Omaguas, for the
attractive lure.

[Illustration: SKETCH MAP, AMAZON AND ELDORADO.]

Huten, on his return to Coro, found that Carbajal had seized the
government. This brutal soldier now executed Huten, and held his
iniquitous sway until the licentiate Juan Perez de Tolosa arrived
with the imperial authority in 1546, when Carbajal was in turn put to
death. Thus ended the German efforts at South American discovery on
this side of the continent.

Meanwhile Gonzalo Ximenes Quesada’s visit to Spain had failed in
making him the Governor of New Granada, as he had hoped. Luis Alonzo
de Lugo, the son of Quesada’s associate, was the successful applicant
for the position. The new Governor arrived in 1542, but a _residencia_
interrupted his career, and Pedro de Ursua, a nephew of Armendariz,
the judge who had taken the _residencia_, was sent to Bogotá to take
charge. Thence his patron sent him on the old quest for the rivers
flowing over golden sands. He failed to find Eldorado; but he founded
the city of Pampluna in the wilds, and ruled its stately lots for two
years. Then Armendariz had his downfall in turn, and Pedro de Ursua in
1549 found favor enough with those who then administered the government
to get command of another expedition to Eldorado, during which he
founded another city, which he had to abandon in 1552 because the
natives attacked it so persistently. Next, Pedro was put in command of
Santa Martha, and began to fight the Indians thereabout; but seeking a
larger field, he started for Peru. His fame was sufficient to induce
the authorities at Panamá to engage him to quell the Cimarrones, who
infested the Isthmus. In two years Ursua accomplished this task, and
then went on to Peru, where at Lima, in 1559, the new viceroy Cañete
appointed him to lead a well-equipped expedition to Eldorado and the
Omaguas. If the fabled city should not be reached, the quest for it
would draw away from Cañete’s province the prowling ruffians whom the
cessation of the civil wars had left among the settlements. But it was
thought the quest was more likely to be successful than any previous
one had been, since Viraratu, a coast chieftain of Brazil, had with two
Portuguese recently ascended the Amazon, and had confirmed to Cañete
the old stories of a hidden lake and its golden city.

Pedro de Ursua started in boats down the Huallaga to the Marañon, and
so on to the neighborhood of Machiparo. At this point, on New Year’s
day, 1561, conspirators murdered Ursua, threw off allegiance to Spain,
and made Fernando de Guzman their sovereign. One Lope de Aguirre was
the leader of the insurrection, and it was not long before Guzman
paid the penalty of his life in turn, and Aguirre became supreme. The
conspirators went on to the mouth of the Negro, but from this point
authorities differ as to their course. Humboldt and Southey supposed
they still kept to the Amazon until they reached the sea. Acuña,
Simon, Acosta, and among the moderns Markham, suppose they ascended
the Negro, crossed by the Cassiquiari canal to the Orinoco, and so
passed on to the ocean; or if not by this route, by some of the rivers
of Guiana. Mr. Markham[1572] balances the testimony. Once on the
ocean, at whatever point, Aguirre steered his vessels for the north
and west till they came to the island of Margarita, then colonized by
the Spanish. Having seized this settlement, Aguirre led his followers
across the intervening waters to Venezuela, with the aim of invading
and conquering New Granada; but in due time a Spanish force led by
Gutierrez de la Peña confronted the traitor and his host, and overthrew
them. Many of Aguirre’s men had deserted him; when killing his own
daughter, that she might not survive to be stigmatized as a traitor’s
child, he was set upon and despatched by his conquerors.

The earliest account of the expedition of Ursua and Aguirre is a
manuscript in the Royal library at Madrid written by one of the
company, Francisco Vasquez, who remained with Aguirre under protest
till he reached Margarita. Vasquez’s story was a main dependence
of Pedro Simon, in the sixth of the _Primera parte de las Noticias
historiales de las Conquistas de Tierra Firme en las Indias
Occidentales_, published at Cuenca in 1627. Simon, who was born in
Spain in 1574, had come to Bogotá in 1604, in time to glean much from
men still living. After many years of gathering notes, he began to
write his book in 1623. Only one part, which included the affairs of
Venezuela and the expedition of Ursua and Aguirre, was printed. Two
other parts are in existence; and Colonel J. Acosta, in his _Compendio
histórico del descubrimiento y colonizacion de la Nueva Granada en el
siglo décimo sexto_, published at Paris in 1848, made use of them, and
says they are the most valuable recital of the sixteenth century in
existence which relates to these regions.[1573] The account of Simon,
so far as it relates to the expedition of Ursua, has been translated by
William Bollaert, and properly annotated by Mr. Markham; it constitutes
the volume published by the Hakluyt Society in 1861, called _The
Expedition of Pedro de Ursua and Lope de Aguirre in search of Eldorado
and Omagua in 1560-1561_. It has a map which marks the alternative
courses of Aguirre.[1574]

[Illustration: CASTELLANOS.

A fac-simile of the portrait in his _Elegias_, p. 10.]

The main dependence of Simon, besides the manuscript of Vasquez, was a
metrical chronicle by Juan de Castellanos, _Elegias de Varones ilustres
de Indias_, the first part of which, containing, besides the accounts
of Ursua and Aguirre, the exploits of Columbus, Ponce de Leon, Garay,
and others, was printed at Madrid in 1589.[1575] De Bry makes use of
this versified narrative in the eighth part of his _Grand Voyages_.
Castellanos’ first part is reprinted in the _Biblioteca de Autores
Españoles_, 1847-1850, where are also to be found the second and third
parts, printed there for the first time. The text is there edited by
Buenaventura Carlos Aribau. Ercilla has recorded his opinion of the
faithfulness of Castellanos, but Colonel Acosta thinks him inexact.
These second and third parts recount the adventures of the Germans in
their search for Eldorado, and record the conquests of Cartagena by
Lugo, of Popayan by Belalcazar, and of Antischia. A fourth part, which
gave the conquest of New Granada, though used by Piedrahita, is no
longer known.

Castellanos could well have derived his information, as he doubtless
did, from men who had made part of the exploits which he celebrates;
and as regards the mad pranks of Aguirre, such is also the case with
another contemporary account, preserved in the National Library at
Madrid, which was written by Toribio de Ortiguera, who was at Nombre de
Dios in 1561, and sent forces against Aguirre when that conspirator was
on his Venezuela raid. The story written from the survivors’ recitals
does not materially differ from that of Vasquez. He gives also a short
account of the expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro and Orellana, later to be
mentioned.

Lucas Fernandez Piedrahita was a native of Bogotá, and, like Garcilasso
de la Vega, had the blood of the Incas in his veins. He became a
priest, and was successively Bishop of Santa Martha and of Panamá, and
after having lived a life of asceticism, and been at one time a captive
of the buccaneers, he died at Panamá in 1688, at the age of seventy. He
depended chiefly in his _Historia General de las Conquistas del nuevo
Reyno de Granada_,[1576] on the _Compendio_ of Ximenes de Quesada, no
longer known, the Elegias of Castellanos, and the Noticia of Simon. He
borrows liberally from Simon, and says but little of Aguirre till he
lands in Venezuela. Aguirre’s career in the _Historia de la Conquista y
poblacion de Venezuela_ of Oviedo y Baños is in like manner condensed
from Simon, and is confined also to his final invasion of the main. The
book is rare, and Markham says that in 1861 even the British Museum
had no copy.[1577] The general historians, De la Vega, Herrera, and
Acosta, give but scant accounts of the Ursua expedition. Markham[1578]
points out the purely imaginative additions given to Aguirre’s story in
Gomberville’s translation of Acuña, misleading thereby not a few later
writers. Much the same incorrectness characterizes the recitals in the
_Viage_ of the Ulloas, in Velasco’s _Historia de Quito_ (1789).

* * * * *

The faithlessness of Orellana and his fifty followers in deserting
Gonzalo Pizarro in 1540, while this leader was exploring the forests
of the Cinnamon country, is told in another place. Orellana, as has
been said, was sent forward in an improvised bark to secure food for
Pizarro’s famished followers, but was tempted to pursue the phantom
of golden discovery. This impulse led him to follow the course of the
river to the sea. It gave him the distinction of being the discoverer
of the weary course of the great Amazon. In his intercourse with some
of the river Indians he heard or professed to hear of a tribe of women
warriors whom it was easy, in recognition of the classic story, to name
the Amazons. At one of the native villages on the river the deserters
built themselves a stancher craft than they had escaped in; and so
they sailed on in a pair of adventurous barks, fighting their way
past hostile villages, and repelling attacks of canoes, or bartering
with such of the Indians as were more peaceful. In one of the fights,
when Orellana landed his men for the conflict, it is affirmed that
women led the native horde. From a prisoner they got signs which they
interpreted to mean that they were now in the region of the female
warriors, and not far from all the fabled wealth of which they were in
search. But the marks of the tide on the banks lured them on with the
hope of nearing the sea. They soon got unmistakable signs of the great
water, and then began to prepare their frail crafts for encountering
its perils. They made sails of their cloaks. On the 26th of August they
passed into the Atlantic. They had left the spot where the river Napo
flows into the Amazon on the last day of December, 1541; and now, after
a voyage of nearly eight months, they spread their sails and followed
the coast northward. The vessels parted company one night, but they
reached the island of Cubagua within two days of each other. Here they
found a Spanish colony, and Orellana was not long in finding a passage
to Spain. The story he had to tell was a thrilling one for ears eager
for adventure, and a joyous one for such as listened for the tales of
wealth. Orellana might be trusted to entrap both sorts of listeners.

The King was the best of listeners. He gave Orellana a commission to
conquer these fabulous countries, and in May, 1544, Orellana sailed
with four ships and four hundred men. Misfortune followed him speedily,
and only two of his vessels reached the river. Up they went for a
hundred leagues or so; but it was quite different making headway
against the current from floating down it, as he had done before.
His men died; his vessels were stranded or broken up; he himself
became ill, and at last died. This ended the attempt; and such of his
followers as could, made their way back to Spain; and New Andalusia, as
the country was to be named, remained without a master.

Of the expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro there is no account by any
one engaged in it; but we have the traditions of the story told by
Garcilasso de la Vega in the second part, book third, of the _Royal
Commentaries_, and this account is put into English and annotated
by Mr. Markham in the _Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons_,
published by the Hakluyt Society in 1859,—and to this book its editor
contributes a summary of the later explorations of the valley.
Orellana’s desertion and his experiences are told by Herrera in his
_Historia General_; and this, which Markham calls the best account
possessed by us, is also translated by him in the same publication.
Wallace, in his _Amazon and Rio Negro_, has of late years suggested
that the woman-like apparel of the men, still to be found among the
tribes of the upper Amazon, gave rise to the belief in the story of the
female warriors.[1579]

* * * * *

The form which the story of Eldorado oftener took, and which it
preserved for many years, gave representation of a large inland sea,
called finally Parima, and of a golden city upon it called Manoa, the
reminiscences of Martinez’s tale. Somehow, as Mr. Markham thinks, these
details were evolved in part out of a custom prevalent on the plains
of Bogotá, where a native chief is said to have gilded himself yearly,
and performed some rites in a large lake. All this array of wealth was
clustered, in the imagination of the conquerors of northern Peru, about
the fabled empire of the Omaguas; and farther south the beckoning
names were Paytiti and Enim. Whatever the names or details, the
inevitable greed for gold in the mind of the Spanish invaders was quite
sufficient to evolve the phantom from every impenetrable region of the
New World. In 1566 Martin de Proveda followed in the track of Ursua;
but sweeping north, his men dropped by the way, and a remnant only
reached Bogotá. He brought back the same rumors of rich but receding
provinces.

In 1568 the Spanish Government mapped out all this unknown region
between two would-be governors. Pedro Malaver de Silva was to have
the western part, and Diego Fernando de Cerpa to have the eastern as
far as the mouths of the Orinoco. Both of the expeditions which these
ambitious heroes led came to nothing beyond their due share of trials
and aimless wandering; and one of the leaders, Silva, made a second
attempt in 1574, equally abortive, as the one survivor’s story proved
it to be.

[Illustration: THE MOUTHS OF THE ORINOCO.

This is a portion of the map given by Schomburgk in his edition of
_Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_, published by the Hakluyt Society in
1848.]

Markham says that the last expedition to achieve any important
geographical discovery was that of Antonio de Berreo in 1582. He had
received by right the adventurous impulse, through his marriage with
the daughter or heiress of Gonzalo Ximenes de Quesada. He followed
down the Cassanare and the Meta, and pursued the Orinoco to its mouth.
The English took up the quest when Raleigh sent Jacob Whiddon in 1594
to explore the Orinoco. Berreo, who was now the Spanish governor of
Trinidad, threw what obstacles in the way he could; and when Raleigh
arrived with his fleet in 1595, the English leader captured the
troublesome Spaniard, and was confirmed in his belief, by what Berreo
told him, that he could reach the goal. This lure was the lying account
of Juan Martinez, already mentioned. The fortunes of Raleigh have
been told elsewhere,[1580] and the expeditions which he conducted or
planned, says Markham, may be said to close the long roll of searches
after the fabulous Eldorado.

Nearly the whole of the northern parts of South America had now been
thridded by numerous adventuring parties, but without success in this
fascinating search. There still remained an unknown region in Central
Guiana, where were plains periodically inundated by the overflow of the
Rupununi, Essequibo, and Branco (Parima) rivers. Here must Eldorado be;
and here the maps, shortly after this, placed the mysterious lake and
its auriferous towers of Manoa down to a comparatively recent time.
According to Humboldt[1581] and Schomburgk,[1582] it was after the
return of Raleigh’s and Keymis’s expedition that Hondius was the first
in his _Nieuwe Caerte van het goudreyke landt Guiana_ (1599),[1583] to
introduce the Laguna Parima with its city Manoa in a map. He placed
it between 1° 45´ and 2° north latitude, and made it larger than the
Caspian Sea.

We find the lake also in the _Nieuwe Wereldt_ of De Laet in 1630,
and in the editions of that year in other languages. Another Dutch
geographer, Jannson, also represented it. Sanson, the French
geographer, puts it one degree north of the equator in his _Terre
Ferme_ in 1656, and is particular enough to place Manoa at the
northwest corner of a squarish inland sea; but he omits it in his
chart of the Amazons in 1680. We find the lake again in Heylin’s
_Cosmographie_ of 1663, and later editions; in Blaeu’s _Atlas_ in
1685. Delisle omits the lake in 1703, but gives a legend in French, as
Homann does in his map in Latin, “In hac regione aliqui ponunt lacum
Parima urbemque Manoa del Dorado.” In another of Delisle’s maps a
small lake appears with the legend: “Guiane proprement dite ou Dorado,
dans laquelle quelques-uns mettent le lac Parime.” We have it again in
the map in Herrera, edition of 1728; and in 1729. Moll, the English
geographer, likewise shows it. In the middle of the century (1760) the
maps of Danville preserve the lake, though he had omitted it in an
earlier edition; and the English edition, improved by Bolton in 1755,
still continues it, as does an Italian edition (Venice) in 1779. The
original Spanish of Gumilla’s _El Orinoco_ (2d edition, Madrid, 1745)
has a map which gives the lake, and it is repeated in the French
edition at Avignon in 1758, and in a later Spanish one at Barcelona in
1781. Kitchen’s map, which was prepared for Robertson’s _History of
America_, again shows it; and it is in the centre of a great water
system in the large map of La Cruz, made by order of the King of
Spain in 1775, which was re-engraved in London the same year. It is
also represented in the maps in the _Historia de la nueva Andalucia_,
of Antonio Caulin,[1584] Madrid, 1779, and in the _Saggio di Storia
Americana_, Rome, 1780. Conrad Mannert’s map, published at Nuremberg in
1803, gives it; as do the various editions of François Depons’ _Voyage
dans l’Amerique méridionale_, Paris, 1806. The lake here is given under
thirty degrees north latitude, and Manoa is put at the northeast corner
of it.

[Illustration: DE LAET, 1630.]

The same plate was used for the English version “by an American
gentleman,” published in New York in 1806; while the translation
published in London in 1807, apparently the same with a few verbal
changes, has a like configuration on a map of reduced scale. One of the
latest preservations of the myth is the large map published in London
by Faden in 1807, purporting to be based on the studies of D’Arcy de la
Rochette, where the inland sea is explained by a legend: “Golden Lake,
or Lake Parime, called likewise Parana Pitinga,—that is, White Sea,—on
the banks of which the discoverers of the sixteenth century did place
the imaginary city of Manoa del Dorado.” I have seen it in German maps
as late as 1814, and the English geographer, Arrowsmith, kept it in his
maps in his day.[1585]

It was left for Humboldt to set the seal of disbelief firmly upon
the story.[1586] Schomburgk says that the inundations of extensive
savannas during the tropical winter gave rise, no doubt, to the fable
of the White Sea, assisted by an ignorance of the Indian language.
Nevertheless, as late as 1844, Jacob A. van Heuvel, in his _Eldorado,
being a Narrative of the Circumstances which gave rise to Reports in
the Sixteenth Century of the Existence of a Rich and Splendid City
in South America_, published in New York, clung to the idea; and he
represents the lake somewhat doubtingly as in 4° north, and between 60°
and 63° west, in the map accompanying his book.

* * * * *

Later in the seventeenth century the marvellous story took on
another guise. It was remembered that after the conquest of Peru a
great emigration of Inca Indians had taken place easterly beyond
the mountains, and in the distant forests it was reputed they had
established a new empire; and the names of Paytiti and Enim, already
mentioned, were attached to these new theatres of Inca magnificence.
Stories of this fabulous kingdom continued to be hatched well on into
the eighteenth century, and not a few expeditions of more or less
imposing strength were sent to find this kingdom. It never has been
found; but, as Mr. Markham thinks, there is some reason to believe that
the Inca Indians who fled with Tapac Amaru into the forests may for a
considerable period have kept up their civilization somewhere in those
vast plains east of the Andes. The same writer says that the belief was
not without supporters when he was in Peru in 1853; and he adds that it
is a pleasant reflection that this story may possibly be true.[1587]

The most considerable attempt of the seventeenth century to make better
known the course of the Amazon was the expedition under Texeira,
sent in 1639 to see if a practicable way could be found to transport
the treasure from Peru by the Amazon to the Atlantic coast. Acuña’s
book on this expedition, _Nuevo descubrimiento del gran Rio de las
Amazons_,[1588] published at Madrid in 1641, is translated in Markham’s
_Valley of the Amazons_, published by the Hakluyt Society. It was not
till 1707, when Samuel Fritz, a Bohemian and a missionary, published
his map of the Amazons at Quito, that we find something better than the
vaguest delineation of the course of the great river.[1589]

* * * * *

It is not the purpose of the present essay to continue the story of
the explorations of the Amazon into more recent times; but a word may
be spared for the strange and sorrowful adventures along its stream,
which came in the train of the expedition that was sent out by the
French Government in 1735 to measure an arc of the meridian in Peru,
for comparing the result with a similar measurement in Lapland. The
object was to prove or to disprove the theory of Sir Isaac Newton that
the earth was flattened at the poles. The commissioners—Bouguer, La
Condamine, and Godin (the last accompanied by his wife)—arrived at
Quito in June, 1736. The arc was measured; but the task did not permit
them to think of returning before 1743, when La Condamine resolved to
return by descending the Amazon and then making his way to the French
colony of Cayenne. He and his companion, a Spanish gentleman seeking
some adventure, had their full content of it, but safely accomplished
the journey.

Another of the commissioners, Godin, having tarried a few years longer
in Peru, had finally proceeded to Cayenne, where he made arrangements
for embarking for France. Through the favor of the Portuguese
Government he had been provided with a galiot of sixteen to twenty oars
on a side, to ascend the river and meet his wife, who on receiving
a message from him was to leave Peru with an escort and come down
the river and meet him. Illness finally prevented the husband from
proceeding; but he despatched the vessel, having on board one Tristan,
who was charged with a letter to send ahead. By some faithlessness
in Tristan, the letter miscarried; but Madame Godin sent a trusty
messenger in anticipation, who found the galiot at Loreto awaiting
her arrival, and returned with the tidings. The lady now started with
her father and two brothers; and they allowed a certain Frenchman who
called himself a physician to accompany them, while her negro servant,
who had just returned over the route, attended them, as well as three
Indian women and thirty Indian men to carry burdens. They encountered
the small-pox among the river Indians, when their native porters
deserted them. They found two other natives, who assisted them in
building a boat; but after two days upon it these Indians also deserted
them. They found another native, but he was shortly drowned. Then their
boat began to leak and was abandoned. On pretext of sending assistance
back, the French physician, taking with him the negro, pushed on to
a settlement; but he forgot his promise, and the faithful black was
so impeded in attempting alone the task of rescue, that he arrived at
the camp only to find unrecognizable corpses. All but the lady had
succumbed. She pushed on alone through the wilderness, encountering
perils that appall as we read; but in the end, falling in with two
Indians, she passed on from one mission station to another, and reached
the galiot.

Thus a hundred years later than Orellana, the great river still flowed
with a story of fearful hazards and treachery.

CHAPTER IX.

MAGELLAN’S DISCOVERY.

BY REV. EDWARD E. HALE, D.D.

FERNANDO DA MAGALHAENS, or Magalhâes, whom the French and English call
Magellan, was a Portuguese gentleman of good family. He was educated,
as well as his time knew how to educate men, for the business which he
followed through his life,—that of a navigator and a discoverer. He was
a child when Columbus first came home successful from the West Indies;
and as a boy and young man he grew up, in the Court of King John the
Second of Portugal, among people all alive to the exciting novelties
of new adventure. As early as 1505 he went to the East Indies, where
he served the Portuguese Government several years. He was in the
expedition which first discovered the Spice Islands of Banda, Amboyna,
Ternate, and Tidor. Well acquainted with the geography of the East as
far as the Portuguese adventurers had gone, he returned to Portugal.

King Emmanuel was then upon the throne. Spain owes it to an unjust
slight which Magellan received at the Portuguese Court, that, under her
banner, this greatest of seamen sailed round the world and solved the
problem of ages in reaching the east by way of the west. Magellan was
in the service of the King in Morocco in a war which the Portuguese had
on hand there. He received a slight wound in his knee, which made him
lame for the rest of his life. Returning to Portugal, on some occasion
when he was pressing a claim for an allowance customary to men of his
rank, he was refused, and charged with pretending to an injury which
was really cured. Enraged at this insult, he abandoned his country. He
did this in the lordly style which seems in keeping with a Portuguese
grandee of his time. He published a formal act of renunciation of
Portugal. He went to Spain and took letters of naturalization there. In
the most formal way he announced that he was a subject of the King of
Spain, and should give service and life to that monarch, if he would
use them.

Magellan had a companion in his exile; this was Ruy Faleiro, a
gentleman of Lisbon, who had also fallen into disgrace at Court.
Faleiro,[1590] like Magellan, was a thorough geographer; and the two
had persuaded themselves that the shortest route to the Spice Islands
of the East was to be found in crossing the Western Ocean. We know
now, that in this conviction they were wrong. Any ordinary map of the
eastern hemisphere includes the Spice Islands or Moluccas, as well
as Portugal, because the distance in longitude east from Lisbon is
less than that of the longitude measured west. It has been proved,
also, that the continent of America extends farther south than that of
Africa. This, Magellan and Faleiro did not know; but they were willing
to take the risk of it. Spain has always held the Philippines,—the
prize which she won as the reward of Magellan’s great discovery,—under
the treaty of 1494, which gave to her half the world beyond the
meridian of three hundred and seventy leagues west from Ferro. She has
held it because Magellan sailed west, and so struck the Philippines;
but, in fact, those islands lie within the half of the world which the
same treaty gave to Portugal.

[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF MAGELLAN.]

By mistake or by design, the Philippines, when they were discovered,
were moved on the maps twenty-five degrees east of their true position
on the globe. The Spaniards made the maps. The islands were thus
brought within their half of the world; and this immense error was not
corrected till the voyages of Dampier.[1591]

Charles V. was no fool. He recognized at once the value of such men
as Magellan and Faleiro. He heard and accepted their plan for a
western voyage to the spice regions. On the 22d of March, 1518, he
bound himself to fit out an expedition at his own cost on their plans,
under Magellan’s orders, on condition that the principal part of
the profits should belong to the Throne. Through years of intrigue,
public and private, in which the Spanish jealousy of Sevillian
merchants and others tried to break up the expedition, Charles was,
for once, faithful to a promise. We must not attempt here to follow
the sad history of such intrigues. On the 10th of August, 1519, the
expedition sailed under Magellan. Poor Faleiro, alas! had gone crazy
in the mean time. What proved even a greater misfortune was that
Juan of Carthagena was put on board the “San Antonio” as a sort of
Japanese spy on Magellan. He was the marplot of the expedition, as the
history will show. He was called a _veedor_, or inspector. ——

[Illustration: MAGELLAN.

[Fac-simile of an engraving in Navarrete’s _Coleccion_, vol. iv. It is
also reproduced in Stanley’s _First Voyage round the World by Magellan_
(Hakluyt Society, 1874); in Cladera’s _Investigaciones históricas_; in
the _Relacion del ultimo viage al estrecho de Magellanes de la fragata
de S. M. Santa Maria de la Cabeza en los anos de 1785 y 1786_ (Madrid,
1788); in the _Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden_ (November, 1804),
p. 269; in August Bürck’s _Magellan oder die erste Reise um die erde_,
Leipsic, 1844; in Rüge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_,
p. 402; and in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 81.

There are two portraits in De Bry,—one a full length in the corner
of a map of America which accompanies the narrative of Benzoni in
part vi., and of Herrera in part xii.; and the other on a map of the
two hemispheres in part xi.; also repeated in Schouten’s _Journal_
(1618). There are similar pictures in Hulsius, parts vi. and xvi. Cf.
the _Catalogue_ (no. 135) of the Gallery of the New York Historical
Society.—ED.]

There is something pathetic in contrasting the magnificent fleet with
which Magellan sailed, under the patronage of an emperor, with the
poor little expedition of Columbus. With the new wealth of the Indies
at command, and with the resources now of a generation of successful
discovery, the Emperor directed the dockyards of Seville to meet all
Magellan’s wishes in the most thorough way. No man in the world,
perhaps, knew better than Magellan what he needed. The expedition,
therefore, sailed with as perfect a material equipment as the time
knew how to furnish. It consisted of five ships,—the “Trinidad” and
“San Antonio,” each of 120 Spanish _toneles_, the “Concepcion,” of
90, the “Victoria,” of 85,—long famous as the one vessel which made
the whole voyage,—and the “Santiago,” of 75. For the convenience of
the translators this Spanish word _toneles_ is generally rendered
by the French word _tonneaux_ and the English word _tons_. But in
point of fact the _tonele_ of Seville was one fifth larger than the
_tonelada_ of the north of Spain, which nearly corresponds to our ton;
and the vessels of Magellan and Columbus were, in fact, so much larger
than the size which is generally assigned to them in the popular
histories.[1592]

[Illustration: MAGELLAN.

Fac-simile of the engraving in Herrera, i. 293.]

[Illustration: MAGELLAN.

Fac-simile of the engraving in Ogilby’s _America_ (p. 79),—the same
used in Montanus’s _Nieuwe Wereldt_.]

On the 20th of September the fleet had cleared the River Guadalquivir,
and was fairly at sea. Six days afterward it touched at Teneriffe for
supplies; and here was the first quarrel between Magellan and his
watchman, Juan de Carthagena. Up to this point entire secrecy had
been maintained by Magellan as to the route to be pursued. Juan de
Carthagena claimed the right to be informed of all things regarding it.
Magellan refused, probably with considerable scorn. When off Sierra
Leone, a few days after, a similar quarrel broke out; Magellan arrested
Carthagena with his own hand, and put him in the stocks. Of course this
was an insult the most keen, and was meant to be. The other captains
begged Magellan to release the prisoner, and he did so; but still he
kept him under the arrest of one of their number.

From Sierra Leone they ran across to Brazil and anchored again for
supplies in the magnificent Bay of Rio de Janeiro. By their narrative,
indeed, on the return of the first vessel, was this great estuary
made widely known to the world. It is now known that Magellan was
not the first discoverer. Pero Lopez had explored the bay five years
before; and as early as 1511 a trader named John of Braga, probably a
Portuguese, was established on one of its fertile islands. Indeed, it
is said that the hardy seamen of Dieppe had been there as early as the
beginning of the century. Its first name was the Bay of Cabo-Frio.

The meridian of Alexander’s Bull had been meant to leave all the
American discoveries in the possession of the King of Spain. But,
unfortunately for him, Brazil runs so far out to the east that a
meridian three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Azores gives
Portugal a considerable part of it; and in point of fact the western
boundary of Brazil has been accommodated quite nearly to the imaginary
line of the Pope. To Magellan and his company it made no difference
whether they were on Portuguese or Spanish soil. They found the
Brazilians friendly. “Though they are not Christians, they are not
idolaters, for they adore nothing. Natural instinct is their only law.”

This is the phrase of Pigafetta, the young Italian gentleman to whose
_naïve_ book we owe our best and fullest account of the great voyage.
It is clear enough that all the crews enjoyed their stay in the Bay
of Santa Lucia, by which name they called our Bay of Rio de Janeiro.
It was in the heart of the Brazilian summer, for they arrived on the
13th of December. They had been nearly three months at sea, and were
well disposed to enjoy tropical luxuries; and here they stayed thirteen
days. Pigafetta describes the Brazilian hammocks;[1593] and from his
description Europe has taken that word. The same may perhaps be said of
the mysterious word “canoe,” which appears in his narrative under the
spelling “canots.”[1594]

It was Pigafetta’s first taste of the luxuries of the South American
fields and forests, and he delighted in their cheapness and variety.
“For a king of clubs I bought six chickens,” he writes; “and yet the
Brazilian thought he had made the best bargain,”—as, indeed, in the
condition of the fine arts at Santa Lucia, he had. A knife or a hook,
however, bought no more; yet the natives had no tools of metal. Their
large canoes, which would carry thirty or forty people, were painfully
dug out by knives of stone from the great trees of which they were
made. The Spaniards ate the pineapple for the first time. Pigafetta
does not seem to have known the sugar-cane before; and he describes the
sweet potato as a novelty. “It has almost the form of our turnip, and
its taste resembles that of chestnuts.” Here, also, he gives the name
“patata,” which has clung to this root, and has been transferred to the
white potato also. For a ribbon, or a hawk’s bell, the natives sold a
“basketful.” Their successors would doubtless do the same now.

[Illustration: INDIAN BEDS.

[This is Benzoni’s representation of the hammocks which are used by the
natives of the northern shores of South America (edition of 1572, p.
56). See also the second volume, p. 11.—ED.]]

The Spaniards found the Brazilians perfectly willing to trade. They
went wholly naked,—men and women. Their houses were long cabins.[1595]
The people told stories, which the navigators believed, of the very
great age of their old men, extending it even to one hundred and
forty years. They owned that they were cannibals on occasion; but
they seem to have eaten human flesh only as a symbol of triumph over
conquered enemies. They painted their bodies, and wore their hair
short. Pigafetta says it was woolly; but this must have been a mistake.
Although he says they go naked, he describes a sort of vest made of
paroquet’s feathers. Almost all the men had the lower lip pierced with
three holes, and wore in them little cylinders of stone two inches
long. They ate cassava bread, made in round white cakes from the root
of the manioc.[1596] The voyagers also observed the pecari[1597] and
those curious ducks “whose beak is like a spoon,” described by later
travellers.[1598]

[Illustration: PART OF SOUTH AMERICA IN THE PTOLEMY OF 1522.

[A part of the “Tabula Terra Nova” in the _Ptolemy_ of 1522, showing
the acts of cannibals. Similar representations appeared on various
other maps of South America. Cf. Münster’s map of 1540. Vespucius,
in his letter to Lorenzo de’ Medici, was the first to describe the
cannibalism of the Brazilians. Cf. Thevet, _Singularitez de la France
antarctique_, chap. xl., on their cannibalism.—ED.]]

After a pleasant stay of thirteen days in this bay, Magellan took
the squadron to the embouchure of the River La Plata, which had been
discovered four years before by Juan Diaz de Solis, who lost his
life there. The Spaniards believed the tribe of the Quérandis, before
whose terrible _bolas_ he had fallen, to be cannibals; and they were
probably right in this supposition. Continuing the voyage southward,
Magellan’s fleet observed the two islands now marked as the “Penguins”
and “Lions.” The historian of the voyage notes the penguins and
“sea-wolves” which were then observed there. Passing these islands,
they opened a harbor, since known as Port Desire, where they spent
the Southern winter. It is near the latitude of 50° south. Magellan
supposed it to be in 49° 18´. Hardly had they arrived in this harbor,
in itself sufficiently inhospitable, when the mutiny broke out which
had been brewing, probably, since Magellan’s first insult to John of
Carthagena. The announcement made by Magellan that they were to winter
here gave the signal for the revolt. On Palm Sunday, which fell on
the 1st of April that year, he invited the captains and pilots to
meet on his vessel to attend Mass and to dine with him. Two of the
captains, Mesquita and De Coca, accepted the invitation and came with
their staffs. Mendoza and Quesada did not come. Juan de Carthagena,
it will be remembered, was under arrest, and he, of course, was not
invited. The same night Quesada, with De Carthagena and thirty men,
crossed from the “Concepçion” to the “San Antonio,” and made an
effort to take Mesquita prisoner. At first they succeeded; but the
ship’s master, Eliorraga, defended him and his so bravely that, with
succor from Magellan, he retained the command. The purpose of the
conspirators seems to have been simply to return to Spain without
wintering in so bleak a home. The three rebels sent to Magellan to say
that they would recognize him as their commander, but they were sure
that the King did not propose such an undertaking as this to which he
was committing them. Of course, under the guise of respect, this was
to exact submission from him. Magellan bade them come on board the
flagship. They refused. Magellan kept the boat which they then sent
him, and despatched six men, under Espinosa, to the “Victoria” to
summon Mendoza. Mendoza answered with a sneer. Espinosa at once stabbed
him in the neck, and a sailor struck him down with a cutlass. Magellan
then sent another boat, with fifteen men, who took possession of the
“Victoria.” In every case the crews seem to have taken his side against
their own captains. The next day, the 3d of April, he obtained full
possession of the “Santiago” and “Concepçion.”

On the 4th of that month he quartered the body of Mendoza and published
his sentence as a traitor. On the 7th he beheaded Quesada, whose own
servant, Molino, volunteered as executioner. When Drake arrived here,
fifty-eight years after, he supposed he found the bones of Mendoza or
Quesada under a gibbet which was still standing. Juan de Carthagena and
the priest Pedro Sanchez de la Reina were convicted as partners in the
mutiny, and sentenced to remain when the ships sailed. This sentence
was afterwards executed. Magellan doubtless felt that these examples
were sufficient, and he pardoned forty of the crew; but, as the reader
will see, the spirit which prompted the mutiny was not yet extinguished.

They had lived here two months without seeing any of the natives, when
one day, according to the narrative of Pigafetta, a giant appeared
to them when they least expected to see any one. “He was singing and
dancing on the sand, and throwing dust upon his head, almost naked.
The captain sent one of our sailors on shore, with orders to make the
same gestures as tokens of peace. This the man did; he was understood,
and the giant permitted himself to be led to a little island where
the captain had landed. I was there also, with many others. The giant
expressed much astonishment at seeing us. He pointed to heaven, and
undoubtedly meant to say that he thought we descended from heaven.

“This man,” continues Pigafetta, “was so tall that our heads hardly
came up to his belt. He was well formed; his face was broad and colored
with red, excepting that his eyes were surrounded with yellow, and he
had two heart-shaped spots upon his cheeks. He had but little hair, and
this was whitened with a sort of powder. His dress, or rather cloak,
was made of furs well sewed,—taken from an animal well known in this
region, as we afterwards found. He also wore shoes of the same skin.”

It seems desirable to copy this description in detail, because here
begins in literature the vexed question as to the existence of giants
in Patagonia. Whether there ever were any there is now doubted, though
the name “Patagonian” is the synonyme of giant in every European
language. While the narrative of Pigafetta is thus distinct in saying
that one giant only appeared at first, another authority, with equal
definiteness, says that six men appeared; and it afterwards appears
that two of these, at least, were larger than the Spaniards.

The comparison of the details of this last narrative in Herrera
with that of Pigafetta illustrates curiously the perplexity of all
historical inquiry; for we are here distinctly told that there were six
who appeared on the shore and seemed willing to come on board. A boat
was sent for them, and they embarked on the flagship without fear. Once
on deck, the Spaniards offered them a kettle full of biscuit,—which was
enough, as they supposed, for twenty men; but, with the appetite of
hungry Indians, the six devoured it all immediately. They wore mantles
of furs, and carried bows and arrows. The bows were about half a fathom
long; the arrows were barbed with sharp stones. All were shod with
large shoes, like the giant.

On another day two Indians brought on board a tapir, and it proved that
their dresses were made from the fur of this animal. Magellan gave them
in exchange two red dresses, with which they were well satisfied. It is
not till the next day that Herrera places the visit of the giant. That
author says that the Indian expressed a wish to become a Christian, and
that the Spaniards gave him the name of John. Seeing the crew throwing
some mice overboard, he asked that they might be given to him to eat.
For six days he took all the mice the ship could furnish, and was never
afterward seen.

More than twenty days later, four Indians of the first party returned
to the ships, and Magellan gave orders that two of them should be
seized to carry home. The men were so large that the Spaniards could
not make them prisoners without treachery. Loading the poor giants
with more gifts than they could well carry, they finally asked each
to accept an iron chain, fitted with manacles. The two Indians were
eager enough to accept the fatal present, and were easily persuaded
to have the chains fastened to their legs, that they might the more
easily carry them away. They found, alas! as so many other men have
found, that what they took for ornament was a cruel snare; but, thus
crippled, they were overpowered. Their screams of rage were heard by
their companions on shore. It was after this treachery that the natives
first attacked the Spaniards. Seeing fires at night, Magellan landed a
party for exploration. Seven Spaniards found the tracks of Indians and
followed them ineffectually. As they returned, however, nine Indians
followed, attacked them, and killed one Castilian. But for their
shields, all the Spaniards would have been killed. The Spaniards closed
upon them with their knives, and put them to flight, visited their
camp, and feasted from the store of meat they found there. The next day
Magellan sent a larger party on shore and buried the dead Castilian.

The reader is now in possession of all the statements from which we are
to decide the much-disputed question whether, in the time of Magellan,
Patagonia was a land of giants. He is to remember that Pigafetta, who
was the friend and fellow-voyager of the giant Paul, one of the two
captives, does not in other instances go out of his way to invent the
marvellous, though he often does repeat marvellous stories which have
been related by others. It is to be observed that none of the voyagers
pretend to have seen any large number of Patagonians. The largest
number seen at one time was nine; and even if these were different from
the six who came to the ship, fifteen is the largest number of the
native visitors to the squadron. Of these, according to one account, in
which three at least of the authorities agree, two are of extraordinary
height, so that the heads of the Spaniards reached only to their
girdles. It is also said that the feet or shoes of all were large, “but
not disproportionate to their stature.” For three hundred years, on
this testimony, it was perhaps generally believed that the Patagonians
were very large men. The statement was positively made that they were
nine feet high. But as other voyagers, especially in this century,
more and more often brought home accounts in which no such giants
appeared, there was an increasing distrust of the original Spanish
narrative.

Especially when navigators had to do with the wretched Kemenettes
and Karaikes of the Straits, who are a tribe of really insignificant
stature, was indignation liberally bestowed on the old traveller’s
story; and when, in 1837, the original narrative of the Genoese pilot
was brought to light by Navarrete,—a simple and unexaggerated story;
when it proved that he made no allusion whatever to any persons
of remarkable height,—the whole giant story was declared to be an
invention of Pigafetta, and the gigantic size of the Patagonians was
denounced as a mere traveller’s fable. Such criticism probably goes too
far.

The simple facts may be taken, and the hasty inference may be
disregarded. Every travelling showman will testify to the fact
that there occasionally appear men, even under the restrictions of
civilization, who are so tall that the Spaniards, not of a large race,
would only come to their girdles.[1599] If Pigafetta is to be believed,
two such men came to Magellan’s squadron. Tall men came to Cook’s
squadron at Honolulu, a hundred years ago, who were quite above the
average of his men.

[Illustration: GIANT’S SKELETON AT PORTO DESIRE.

[Fac-simile of a part of the cut of Porto Desire (no. 22) in Lemaire’s
_Speculum orientalis occidentalisque_, etc., 1599.—ED.]]

Magellan supposed that these were typical men, that they were specimens
of their race. Because he supposed so he captured them and tried to
carry them to Spain. Magellan was mistaken. They were not specimens of
their race; they were extraordinary exceptions to it. But the ready
tribe of geographers, eager to accept marvels from the New World, at
once formed the conclusion that because these two were so large, all
Patagonians would prove to be so.

Pigafetta drew no such inference, nor is there any evidence that the
Spaniards ever did. On the other hand, six Spaniards, with their
knives, closed fearlessly on nine of these men, and routed them in a
hand-to-hand fight. We may fairly conclude that the delusion which
modern criticism has dispelled was not intentionally called into being
by the navigators, but was rather the deduction drawn from too narrow
premises by credulous Europe.[1600]

The next voyagers who saw these people were Drake’s party. Fletcher,
writing in the _World Encompassed_, after fifty-eight years, says
distinctly in his narrative of Drake’s arrival at this same Port
Julian: “We had no sooner landed than _two young giants_ repaired to
them.” Again, speaking of the same interview, “he was visited by two of
the inhabitants, whom Magellan named Patagous, or rather Pentagours,
from their huge stature.” And afterward he resumes the matter in these
words: “Magellane was not altogether deceived in naming them giants,
for they generally differ from the common sort of men both in stature,
bigness, and strength of body, as also in the hideousness of their
voice. But yet they are nothing so monstrous or giant-like as they are
reported, there being some Englishmen as tall as the highest of any
we could see. But peradventure the Spaniards did not think that ever
any Englishman would come thither to reprove them, and thereupon might
presume the more boldly to lie,—the name Pentagones, five cubits, viz.
seven foot and half, describing the full height (if not somewhat more)
of the highest of them.”

[Illustration: QUONIAMBEC.

[Fac-simile of a copperplate engraving in the English version of
Thevet’s _Portraitures and Lives_ appended to North’s _Plutarch_
(Cambridge, England) p. 86. Thevet in his text says of this “giant-like
man,” “I have seen him and sufficiently observed him upon the River of
Janaira. He had a great body, proportionably gross, exceeding strong.
His portraiture I brought from that country, with two green stones in
his cheeks and one on his chin.”—ED.]]

This last sneer is in Fletcher’s worst vein. The etymology of
“Pentagones” is all his own. Magellan’s people say distinctly that they
named the Patagonians from their large feet,—taking the phrase “large
feet” from the large shoes which they wore to protect their feet from
cold. The language is distinct: “Their shoes go four inches above the
great toe, and the space is filled with straw to keep them from the
cold.” These shoes, of this same form, are figured by modern artists,
who have drawn for us the Tehuelches of to-day. It is quite possible
that the false etymology which made “Patagonian” mean “Five-cubit man”
was the real foundation for the general notion of the gigantic size of
the race.

From these winter quarters Magellan despatched the “Sant Iago” to
examine the coast. The vessel was unfortunately lost on the rocks,
but all the crew were saved. Two sailors returned to the rest of
the squadron with news of the disaster, and the commander sent back
supplies. They were near a hundred miles away from him, but he kept
them supplied with provisions; and they were able to rescue a part of
the stores and equipage of their vessel. At the end of two months, in
which they encamped upon the shore, they rejoined him. It is observed
that with them the winter was so cold that for water for their daily
use they were obliged to melt ice.

After taking possession of Patagonia in the name of the King of Spain,
by planting a standard on a hill which they called Monte Cristo,
Magellan sailed on the 24th of August from this inhospitable bay. He
now carried out the cruel sentence of the Court on Juan de Carthagena
and the priest Pedro Sanches. He landed them with a supply of biscuit
and wine, and left them to their fate.

Two days after, following the coast, he entered the River of Santa Cruz
and narrowly escaped shipwreck there. He was able to supply himself
with wood, water, and fish. On the 11th of October he observed an
eclipse of the sun.[1601]

Still keeping on, during the 21st of October, the day which the Church
consecrated to the “Eleven thousand Virgins,” they discovered a strait,
to which Magellan gave that name. It was the entry to the famous
channel, four hundred and forty miles long, according to his estimate,
which has for so many years borne his name. The depth of water near
the shore, which has since been observed, attracted the attention of
the Spaniards. The mountains which looked down upon it were high, and
covered with snow.

[Illustration: PIGAFETTA’S MAP.

[This fac-simile is made from the cut, p. 40 of the French edition of
Amoretti’s _Premier voyage autour du monde par Pigafetta_, Paris, l’an
ix (1801). The reader will observe that the north is at the bottom of
the map. There is a reversed sketch of it elsewhere.—ED.]]

The crew and the captains, even after the hard experience of the
mutineers, did not hesitate to express their unwillingness to enter the
blind and narrow channel before them. Magellan summoned the commanders
and made to them a formal declaration, of which the substance has been
preserved. He told them that their sovereign and his had sent them for
this very purpose, to discover this strait and to pass through it. If
they were faithless as to its issue, he declared that he had seen in
the archives of the King of Portugal a map, drawn by Martin Behaim, in
which the strait was indicated, and that it opened into the western
ocean. The squadron should not turn back, he said; and he gave his
order for the continuation of the voyage in this determination. If the
vessels separated, the commander of each was to keep on until he had
reached the latitude of 75° S. If then the strait had not been found,
any commander might turn eastward; yet he was not to seek Spain, but to
sail to the Moluccas, which were the objective of the voyage; and the
proper sailing directions were given for reaching those islands by the
route through the Indian Ocean.

The geographers have been at a loss to reconcile this statement,—that
Martin Behaim had already drawn the strait upon a map or globe,—with
Magellan’s claim to be its discoverer. But, as the reader knows,
there was no lack of straits or of continents on the various maps
before Magellan’s time which could be cited for any theory of any
cosmographer. We know the history of navigation well enough to
understand that, whatever drawings Magellan might have seen or cited,
nothing can shake his reputation as the far-sighted discoverer of the
channel to which, without any hesitation, the world has given his
name.[1602]

His firmness had so much effect that the captains went back to their
ships, pretending to accede to his wishes. With the “Trinidad” and
“Victoria,” Magellan waited at the entrance of the channel while he
despatched the “San Antonio” and “Concepçion” to complete the survey of
it westward. Hardly had the squadron divided, when a terrible tempest
broke upon both parts of it, lasting thirty-six hours. Magellan’s
ships lost their anchors, and were at the mercy of the wind in the
open bay. The other vessels seem to have run before the gale. At the
moment when their people thought themselves lost, they opened the first
“reach”—if it may so be called—of the strait; they pushed through it
till they came to the bay now known as “Bouçault Bay.” Crossing this,
with increasing confidence, they came into the second channel, which
opens into a second bay larger than the first. After this success they
returned to report their progress to their commander.

He and his officers, meanwhile, had begun to fear that their companions
had been lost in the tempest. A column of smoke on shore was supposed
to be a signal of the spot where they had taken refuge. But in the
midst of such uncertainty their vessels reappeared, and soon fired
shots from their guns in token of joy. They were as joyfully welcomed;
and, as soon as they could tell their news, the reunited squadron
gladly proceeded through the two channels which they had opened. When
they arrived in the bay which had been the farthest discovery of
the pioneer vessels, they found two channels opening from it. At the
southeast is that marked “Supposé” on Bougainville’s map; and to this
channel Magellan directed Mesquita in the “San Antonio,” and Juan
Serrano in the “Concepçion.”

Unfortunately the sailing-master of the “San Antonio” was Stephen
Gomez, who hated Magellan with a long-cherished hatred. When Magellan
first arrived in Spain, Gomez was, or thought he was, on the eve of
starting on an expedition of discovery under the patronage of the
Crown. Magellan’s grand plan had broken up this lesser expedition;
and instead of commanding it, Gomez had found himself placed in a
subordinate post under his rival’s command. He now took his chance
to revenge himself as soon as he was directed to survey the new
channel. Before night fell he had escaped from the surveillance of the
“Concepçion.” At night he caballed with the Spaniards of his own crew;
they rose upon their captain Mesquita, a Portuguese, the loyal cousin
of Magellan, and put him in irons. Without delay they then escaped from
the squadron; and returning, through the channels they had traced, to
the Atlantic, they sailed for home. Touching at the forlorn harbor
where they had wintered, they picked up the two mutineers who had been
left there. Indeed, it is fair to suppose that their whole plot dated
back for its origin to the unsuccessful enterprise of the winter.[1603]

Magellan, on his part, waited for the “San Antonio,” which had been
directed to return in three days. Though the channel which she was to
explore passed between mountains covered with snow, we are told that
the strait where Magellan awaited them lay between regions which were
“the most beautiful in the world.” On the southern side they had, once
and again, observed fires in the night, and they gave to that land the
name of “Tierra del Fuego,” “the Land of Fire,” which it has ever since
preserved. They did not see any of the natives on either coast. The
sailors caught so many fish which resembled the sardines of their home,
that the name of “River of Sardines” was given to a stream which makes
its outlet there. Finding that the “San Antonio” had left him, and
probably suspecting her treachery, Magellan went forward through the
southwestern channel with the “Victoria” and the “Trinidad.”

It is at this point that we are to place a formal correspondence which
has been preserved by a Portuguese historian[1604] as passing between
Magellan and one of his captains on the question of advancing. These
letters are dated the 22d of November, 1520. Martin Mendoza, in his
reply to Magellan’s letter, agrees that until the 1st of January they
should persevere while the days are long, but urges that the vessels
should lie by in the darkness. He is as resolute in expressing the
conviction that they should be out of the strait before the month of
January is over,—that is, that they should turn about, if necessary,
on January 1, if they had not then reached the Pacific, so as to be
well in the Atlantic again by the first of February; that then they
should give up the original object of the voyage and sail to Cadiz.
The document seems genuine; but, as the reader will see, there was no
occasion for using its counsels. Before the 1st of January they were
free of the strait forever.

While his squadron loitered in hope of the “San Antonio’s” return,
Magellan sent forward a boat to explore the channel. On the third day
she returned to him with the joyful news that they had opened the
western mouth of the strait.

The Pacific was found! The chroniclers say that the crews wept for
joy; and they may well have done so. They gave to the Cape—which made
the western end of Tierra del Fuego, on this channel—the name of the
“Desired Cape,” “Cabo Deseado,” which it still retains.

The squadron did not at once follow. Magellan put back for the other
vessels, and met the “Concepçion” alone. He sent back the “Victoria”
this time to search for his faithless consort. If she were not found,
his orders were that a standard should be planted on high ground,
at the foot of which should be buried a letter, with an account of
the destination of the squadron. Two similar signals were left,—one
on the shore of the first bay, and one on the Isle of Lions, in the
channel. But the “Victoria,” as the reader knows, did not find the “San
Antonio;” she was far away. And with three vessels of his squadron
only, Magellan passed out from the strait which had detained him so
long, into the ocean. They fairly entered upon it on the 28th of
November.

Pigafetta, in his joy at leaving this strait, which had been the
scene of so much anxiety, describes its natural advantages in glowing
colors. “In fine, I do not believe there is a better strait than this
in the world,” he says. They gave to it the name of “Strait of the
Patagonians;” but the world has long since known it by the name of its
discoverer. “There may be found at any half-league a good harbor,”—such
is the Italian historian’s statement,—“with excellent water,
cedar-wood, sardine-fish, and an abundance of shellfish. There are
also herbs on shore, some of which are bitter, but others are good to
eat,—especially a sort of celery,[1605] which grows near the springs,
of which we made excellent food.” Cook found celery of the same kind
two centuries and a half later, as well as abundance of _Cochlearia_.
So great are the advantages of such supplies for the health of crews
in danger of scurvy, that he thought the passage into the Pacific by
the Straits of Magellan preferable to that by Cape Horn.[1606] In later
days his advice has always been followed by vessels having the aid of
steam.

Thus ended the only glimpse which Spaniards had of Patagonia for many
years. Magellan’s act of possession held, however; for the country
has no attractions to make it a stake for wars or other controversy.
Magellan looked his last upon it as his squadron gladly steered
northward; and after leaving his Cape Victory,—for he gave that name to
the southwestern point of America,—neither he nor his landed again on
this continent.

The poor giants who had been so cruelly enslaved never reached Spain.
One was on the “San Antonio” with Serrano, who deserted his commander
in the strait. This one died before they had crossed the Atlantic.
The other was on board the “Trinidad,” the flagship, with Magellan
and Pigafetta, the historian of the expedition. He became fond of
Pigafetta; and when he saw him produce his writing tablet and paper,
he knew what was expected of him, and of his own accord began to give
the names of different objects in the Patagonian language.[1607] One
day when he saw Pigafetta kiss the cross, he told him by signs that
_Setebos_ would enter him and make him a coward. But when he was
himself dying—of scurvy, most likely, which was decimating the crew—he
asked for the cross himself, kissed it, and begged to be baptized. His
captors baptized him, gave him the name of Paul, and he died.

It would have been natural for Magellan, now that he had attained the
South Sea, to sail by a direct route to the Moluccas, of which he was
in search. Till a very late period the geographers have supposed that
he did; and his track will be found on most of the large globes, to a
period comparatively recent, laid down on a course a little west of
northwest,—as, indeed, Pigafetta says they ran.

It was not observed by these globe-makers, and in fact to many of them
it was not known, that, if Magellan had taken such a course, he would
have run directly into the teeth of those northwest winds which blow
with great regularity in that part of the Pacific, and he would have
met a steady current in the same direction. In such computations, also,
it was forgotten that Magellan supposed the Pacific to be much narrower
than it is, and that when he left the straits he did not anticipate so
long a voyage as he had. But the fortunate discovery of the log-book
of one of the “pilots” now gives us the declination of the sun and
the computed latitude for every day of the Pacific voyage. It appears
that Magellan held well to the north, not far from the coast of South
America, till he had passed, on the west, the islands of Juan Fernandez
and Masafuera without seeing them, and only then struck to the
northwest, and afterwards to the west.[1608] He thus came out at the
equator at a point which, by their mistaken computation of longitude,
was 152° W. of the meridian of Ferro, 159° 46’ west of our first
meridian of Greenwich.

The Pacific is now known to us as an ocean studded with islands, the
inhabitants of which are well provided with food from their own land,
and water.[1609]

[Illustration]

It was, however, the remarkable fortune of Magellan in this voyage to
sail more than ten thousand miles and see but two of these islands,
both of which were barren and uninhabited. He found no bottom close
to the shore. At the second of the two islands he stopped to fish for
sharks, and gave it the name “Shark’s Island,” or “Tiburones.” The
crew were so impressed by their dismal welcome that they called the
two “Desventuradas,” the “Unfortunate Islands.” These two islands, the
first-born to Europe of the multitudes of the Pacific Ocean, cannot now
be identified.[1610]

[Illustration: THE LADRONES.

[This fac-simile is made from the Paris edition of Amoretti’s
_Pigafetta_, p. 62, and shows the catamaran of the natives.—ED.]]

On the 6th of March the voyagers at last saw two more small islands.
Soon a number of small sails appeared, the islanders coming out to
meet the ships. Their little boats had large triangular-shaped sails
of matting, and they seemed to fly over the water. The Spanish seamen
saw for the first time the curious catamarans of the natives of these
waters.

Magellan was tempted to land at a third and larger island. This was
either the one since known as Guahan, or that known as Rota; Magellan
called it Ivagana. So many of the natives swarmed upon his ship, and
they were so rapacious in stealing whatever they could lay their hands
on, that he found himself almost at their mercy. They begged him to
land, but stole the boat attached to the stern of his ship. At last
Magellan did land, in a rage. He burned some of their huts, several of
their boats, got back his own, and killed seven men.

The squadron, after this encounter, continued its westward course,
followed by a hundred canoes. The savages now showed fish, as if they
wished to trade; but the women wept and tore their hair, probably
“because we had killed their husbands.”

To this group the Spaniards gave the name of “Ladrones, the robbers,”
which it has ever since retained. After three hundred leagues more
of westward sailing, the tired navigators, half starved and dying of
scurvy, made the discovery of Zamal, now called Samar, the first of the
group since known as the Philippines,—a name they took from Philip the
Second. Magellan called them the Archipelago of St. Lazarus, because
he first found how large a group it was on St. Lazarus’ day, the fifth
Sunday in Lent.

In these islands the navigators were, at first, most cordially
received. By means of a Malayan interpreter they were able to
communicate with the natives. Before six weeks were over, with rapidity
which may well have seemed miraculous, they had converted the king and
many of the princes and people to what they deemed Christianity. But,
alas! the six weeks ended in the defeat of the Spanish men-at-arms in a
battle with a rival prince, in the death of Magellan and the murder of
Serrano, who had been chosen as one of those who should take his place.
The surviving Spaniards withdrew as well as they could from their
exasperated allies.

They were obliged to destroy one of their ships, which was leaking,
and thus were left with only two. One of these, the “Trinidad,” they
despatched eastward to the American coast; but she failed in this
voyage, and returned to the Philippines. In the other vessel, the
“Victoria,” Sebastian del Cano and his crew, after spending the rest of
that year in the East Indies, sailed for Europe. They left the Island
of Timor on the 11th of February. Though they had nothing but rice
and water for their supplies, they dared not touch at the Portuguese
establishment at Mozambique. After they doubled the Cape of Good Hope,
on the 6th of May, they lost twenty-one men in two months. Their
provisions had failed entirely when, on the 9th of July, they touched
at Santa Argo, in the Cape de Verde Islands.

Even now they did not dare tell the Portuguese at that island who they
were. They pretended they came from the coast of America. When they
found that the day was Thursday, they were greatly astonished, for by
their own journals it was Wednesday. Twice they sent their boat ashore
for a load of rice, and it returned. The third time they saw that it
was seized. One of the sailors had revealed their secret, and the
jealous Portuguese would no longer befriend them.

The poor “Victoria,” with such supplies as she had received, was
obliged to run direct for Spain. On the 6th of September she entered
the bay of San Lucar again. By their own computation they had sailed
14,460 leagues. Of sixty men who sailed in her from the Moluccas there
were but eighteen survivors of these almost all were sick. Of the other
forty-two, some had deserted at Timor, some had been condemned to
death for their crimes, and the others had died. This was all that was
returned of two hundred and thirty-seven persons who had sailed three
years before on this magnificent expedition.

Del Cano was received at Court with the greatest courtesy. The Emperor
gave him a pension of five hundred ducats, and for armorial bearings a
globe with the device—

“PRIMUS CIRCUMDEDISTI ME.”

The “Victoria” was richly stored with cloves and other spices. Of these
the sale was carefully managed, and the proceeds were enormous. The
foresight of Magellan was completely justified, and the profits of the
expedition alone immediately tempted the Emperor to fit out another.
The “Victoria” afterward made two voyages to the West Indies, but
never returned to Spain from the second, and her fate is not known. An
ancient representation of her (from Hulsius) is the distinguishing sign
on the cover of the volumes issued in our day by the Hakluyt Society.

[Illustration]

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.

BY EDWARD E. HALE AND THE EDITOR.

PIGAFETTA, who was born in Vicenza not long after 1490, was
accordingly from twenty-five to thirty years old when he accompanied
Magellan.[1611] He kept a diary of the voyage, a copy of which he gave
to the Emperor; and later, in Italy, he wrote out a more extended
account, copies of which he gave to distinguished persons. Of this
ampler narrative four separate texts, in as many manuscripts, are
preserved to us.

No. 1 is in French, _Navigation et descouvrement de la Indie superieure
faicte par moi Antoine Pigafete, Vincentin_; on paper, in the National
Library at Paris. It gives the full vocabulary of the Giants’ language,
which is also reprinted in Amoretti. Students engaged in the study of
the geography of the East Indies should not be satisfied with the few
copies given by Amoretti of the maps and representations of the islands
there. In this copy, which is divided throughout into short chapters,
there are many more of these maps than have been engraved. It is
impossible to look at them without believing that they give some idea
of the size and even the shape of the islands visited. Charton calls
this paper manuscript the oldest of those in France. No one can decide
such a question. The illustrations in the vellum manuscript certainly
seem to be nearer the originals than those in this coarser paper one.

No. 2 is a richly illuminated vellum document, with a text somewhat
softened in the coarse parts. This may have been the copy known to have
been given to Louise of Savoy by Pigafetta. This manuscript is also
in the Paris library. The writing is elegant, and the maps are very
prettily done in body color. They are much more elegant than the maps
in the paper manuscript, which are in rough water-color by some one of
no great artistic skill. The representations given by Amoretti of a
few of the designs are sufficiently good for all practical purposes.
But the picture of the boat with outriggers, illustrating the customs
of the Ladrone Islands, is much more artistic in the vellum manuscript
than it is in Amoretti’s engraving.

No. 3, the most complete, was owned by M. Beaupré, at Nancy, in 1841,
when Thomassy described it; was sold in the Potier sale in 1851 (no.
506), and passed into the Solar Collection, and in 1861 (Solar sale,
no. 3,238) it was bought by a London dealer, and reached finally the
collection of Sir Thomas Phillipps, who bought it at the Libri sale
(no. 1,139) in 1862. It is a question with critics whether Pigafetta
composed his work in French or in Italian; for there is also a
manuscript (no. 4) in the later language, poorly conceived, however,
and mixed with Spanish, preserved in the Ambrosian Library at Milan.
This was the manuscript published by the Abbé C. Amoretti; it is
written in the character known as _cancelleresco_, on paper folios,
of which the handwriting is of the time of Pigafetta; and it was once
owned by the Cardinal Frederic Borroméo. Raymond Thomassy[1612] gives
several reasons for believing that the French text is the original, but
we have not been satisfied that it was so.[1613]

In the earliest edition of Pigafetta which we have,—one without date,
and in French, edited by Antoine Fabre,—the text is represented as
being a translation from the Italian. It is possible that, being an
abridgment, it might have followed some abstract which had been made
in that language, possibly an account which in 1524 Pigafetta asked
permission to print,[1614] of the Doge and Council of Venice. This
original French edition is called _Le Voyage et Navigation faict par
les Espaignolz es isles de Mollucques_; and is usually thought to
have been printed in 1525. It is in Gothic type, except the last
four leaves, which are in Roman, as are all the notes.[1615] Harrisse
cites[1616] an Italian edition of Pigafetta with the letter of
Maximilian, as published at Venice in 1534;[1617] but there is little
reason to believe such an edition to exist.

The earliest undoubted Italian edition was printed, however, in 1536,
and it was professedly a translation from Fabre’s French text, and
there is reason to believe that Ramusio may have been instrumental
in its publication.[1618] It has the name neither of author nor of
printer, but is supposed to have been issued at Venice. It is called
_Il Viaggio fatto da gli Spagnivoli a torno a’l mondo_.[1619]

Amoretti published the Ambrosian manuscript (no. 4, above) in
1800, at Milan, under the title of _Primo viaggio intorno al globo
terracqueo ossia ragguaglio della navigazione alle Indie orientali d[i]
Magaglianes, 1519-1522_. _Pubblicato per la prima volta da un codice
manuscritto della Biblioteca Ambrosiana di Milano, e corredato di note
da C. Amoretti con un transunto del Trattato di navigazione dello
stesso autore. Milano, 1800._[1620]

About a month after the return of Del Cano in the “Victoria,”
Maximilian Transylvanus (a son-in-law of Cristóbal de Haro, who had
been a chief advocate of the voyage at the Spanish Court) wrote to
the Cardinal Archbishop of Salzburg a brief account of the voyage,
in a letter dated at Valladolid, Oct. 24, 1522;[1621] and when it
was printed at Cologne in January, 1523, as _De Moluccis insulis_,
and in the following November and again in February, 1524, at Rome,
as _De Hispanorum in orientem navigatione_, its text constituted the
earliest narrative of the voyage which was given in print.[1622] It
was afterward printed in connection with the earliest Italian edition
of Pigafetta; and the English reader will find it in the volume on
Magellan published by the Hakluyt Society.

Ramusio also tells us that Peter Martyr wrote an account of Magellan’s
voyage, gathered from the lips of the survivors, which he sent to Rome
to be printed, but that in the sack of that city by the Constable de
Bourbon it disappeared. We have but one point of this Martyr narrative
preserved to us, and that is the loss of one day which the “Victory”
had experienced in her westering voyage,—when arriving in Seville
on the 6th of September, 1522, as her crew supposed, they found the
Sevillians calling it the 7th.[1623]

There are two modern gatherings of the most important documentary
illustrations of this famous voyage,—the one made by Navarrete, and
the other published by the Hakluyt Society. The former constitutes
the fourth volume of Navarrete’s well-known _Coleccion_; and among
the variety of its papers printed or cited largely from the public
archives, illustrating the fitting out of the fleet, its voyage,
and the reception of Del Cano on his return, a few of the more
important may be mentioned. Such is a manuscript from the library of
San Isadro el Real de Madrid, purporting to be by Magellan himself;
but Navarrete does not admit this. He prints for the first time an
original manuscript account in the Seville archives, usually cited
as the Seville manuscript, which bears the title of _Extracto de la
habilitacion_, etc. It gives an enumeration of the company which
composed the force on the fleet. The Navarrete volume also contains
the log-book of Francisco Albo, or Alvaro, printed, it is claimed by
Stanley (who also includes it in the Hakluyt Society volume), from
a copy in the British Museum, which was made from the original at
Simancas. It follows the fortunes of the fleet after they sighted Cape
St. Augustine. Muñoz had found in the Archives of Torre de Tombo a
letter of Antonio Brito to the King of Portugal, and Navarrete gives
this also.[1624] A letter of Jean Sebastian del Cano to Charles V.,
dated Sept. 5, 1527, describes the voyage, and is also to be found
here.[1625]

The Hakluyt Society volume borrows largely from the lesser sources
as given in Navarrete, and among other papers it contains the
brief narrative which is found in Ramusio as that of an “anonymous
Portuguese.” It also gives an English version of what is known as the
account of the Genoese pilot, one Joan Bautista probably. This story
exists in three Portuguese manuscripts: one belongs to the library of
the monks of S. Bento da Sande; another is in the National Library at
Paris; and from these two a text was formed which was printed in 1826
in the _Noticias Ultramarinhas_ (vol. iv.) of the Lisbon Academy of
History, as “Roteiro da viagem de Fernam de Magalhâes” (1519). A third
manuscript is in the library of the Academy of History at Madrid. As
edited by Luigi Hugues, it is printed in the fifteenth volume of the
_Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria_.

The narrative in the preceding text has shown that the precise
statements of latitude made by the Genoese pilot have wholly destroyed
the value of all speculations as to the route of Magellan from the
Straits to the Ladrones which were published before this “Roteiro”
became known. The track laid down on the older globes is invariably
wrong, and Magellan’s course was in reality that along which the
currents would easily have propelled him, being that of the Antarctic
stream of the Pacific, which Humboldt has explained.[1626] Stanley
also points out that the narrative given in Gaspar Correa’s _Lendas da
India_ is the only authority we have for the warning given to Magellan
at Teneriffe by Barbosa; and for the incident of a Portuguese ship
speaking the “Victoria” as the latter was passing the Cape of Good Hope.

One Pedro Mexia had seen the fleet of Magellan sail, and had likewise
witnessed the return of Del Cano. A collection of miscellanies,
which he printed as early as 1526, under the title of _Silva_, and
which passed through many editions, affords another contemporary
reference.[1627] It is hardly worth while to enumerate the whole
list of more general historical treatises of the sixteenth and even
seventeenth centuries,[1628] which bring this famous voyage within
their scope. It seems clear, however, that Oviedo had some sources
which are not recognizable now, and some have contended that he had
access to Magellan’s own papers. Herrera in the ninth book of his
eleventh Decade in the same way apparently had information the sources
of which are now lost to us. The story of Magellan necessarily made
part of such books as Osorius’s _De Rebus Emmanuelis gestis_, published
at Cologne in 1581, again in 1597, and in Dutch at Rotterdam in
1661-1663. Burton in his _Hans Stade_ (p. lxxxvi) calls the _Relacion y
derrotero del Viaje y descubrimiento del estrecho de la Madre de Dios,
antes llamado de Magallanes por Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa_, published
in 1580, an unworthy attempt to rob Magellan of his fame.

The modern studies of Magellan and his career have been in good hands.
Navarrete when he made his most important contribution of material,
accompanied it with a very careful _Noticia biográfica_ of Magellan, in
which he makes exact references to his sources.[1629]

A critical life of Magellan was prefixed by Lord Stanley to his Hakluyt
Society volume in 1874. R. H. Major in his _Prince Henry the Navigator_
included an admirable critical account, which was repeated in its
results in his later volume, _Discoveries of Prince Henry_.

A paper on the search of Magellan and of Gomez for a western passage
was read by Buckingham Smith before the New York Historical Society,
a brief report of which is in the _Historical Magazine_, x. (1866)
229; and one may compare with it the essay by Langeron in the _Revue
Géographique_ in 1877.

A number of more distinctive monographs have also been printed,
beginning with the _Magellan, oder die Erste Reise um die Erde nach
dem vorhanderen Quellen dargestellt_ of August Bürck, which was
published in Leipsic in 1844.[1630] Dr. Kohl, who had given the subject
much study, particularly in relation to the history of the straits
which Magellan passed, published the results of his researches in
the _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde in Berlin_ in 1877,—a
treatise which was immediately republished separately as _Geschichte
der Entdeckungsreisen und Schiffahrten zur Magellan’s Strasse_. In 1881
Dr. Franz Wieser, a professor in the University at Innspruck, examined
especially the question of any anterior exploration in this direction,
in his _Magalhâes-strasse und Austral Continent auf den globen des
Johannes Schöner_, which was published in that year at Innspruck.[1631]
About the same time (1881) the Royal Academy at Lisbon printed a _Vida
e Viagens de Fernão de Magalhães, com um appendice original_, which, as
the work of Diego de Barros Arana, had already appeared in Spanish.

The bibliography of Magellan and his voyage is prepared with some care
by Charton in his _Voyageurs_, p. 353; and scantily in St. Martin’s
_Histoire de la Géographie_, p. 370.

* * * * *

EDITORIAL NOTE.—A section on the “Historical Chorography of South
America,” tracing the cartographical history of that continent,
together with a note on the “Bibliography of Brazil,” is reserved for
Vol. VIII.

INDEX.

[Reference is commonly made but once to a book if repeatedly mentioned
in the text; but other references are made when additional information
about the book is conveyed.]

AA, VANDER, his collection, 68;
map of the Pacific coast, 467.
_See_ Vander Aa.

Abancay River, 544.

Abarca, P., _Reyes de Aragon_, 68.

Abayoa, 233.

Abert, J. W., _Report on New Mexico_, 487, 501.

Ablyn, _Nieuwe Weerelt_, 410.

Abreu de Galineo, 36.

Acadia (Larcadia), 451, 453.

Acapulco, 392, 441;
view of, 394;
commerce with Philippines, 454.

Acklin Island, 92.

Acla, 198, 199, 509.

Acoma, 485, 487, 504.

Aconcaqua, 524, 528.

Acosta, Col. J., _Hist. N. Granada_, 582.

Acosta, José de, in Peru, 552;
used Duran’s manuscript, 420;
account of him, 420;
_De Natura Novi Orbis_, 420;
on the conversion of the Indians, 420;
on the natives of Peru and Mexico, 420;
_Hist. nat. y moral de las Indias_, 420;
_Beschreibung der America_, 420;
_New Welt_, 420;
_America oder West India_, 420;
_East and West Indies_, 420.

Actahachi, 248.

_Actes de la Société d’Ethnologie_, 50.

Acuco, 487, 490.

Acuña, bishop of Caracas, 560;
_Rio de las Amazons_, 589;
translated by Gomberville, 584.

Acus, 477, 480.

Adda, G. d’, 47.

Adlard, Geo. _Amye Robsart_, 466.

Admiral’s map, 112.

Adrian VI., 235.

Adrian, Cardinal, 307.

Æneas Sylvius, 30;
his _Historia_, 31;
annotated by Columbus (cut), 32.

Africa, geography of, 39;
circumnavigated by the ancients, 40;
sketch-map of explorations (cut), 40;
map of (1490), 41;
supposed to be connected with America, 127;
coast of, by Ptolemy, 165;
map of (1509), 172;
in Pomponius Mela’s map, 180.

Agathodæmon maps, 28.

Agile, 246.

Agnese, Baptista, portolano of Charles V., 222;
map of the Moluccas, 440;
map (1539), 445;
map (1554), 448.

Agricola, Rudolphus, 182;
his tract _Ad Vadianum_, 182.

Aguado, Juan, 17.

Aguilar, 463.

Aguilar, Conde de, 390.

Aguilar, Francisco de, 260.

Aguilar, Marcos de, 386.

Aguilar, Martin, his voyage, 461.

Aguirre, F. de, 528.

Aguirre, Lope de, his revolt from Ursua, 582;
killed, 582;
account of, 582.

Ahumada, Pedro de, 254.

Ailly, Pierre d’ (Petrus de Aliacus), 28;
_Ymago Mundi_, 28;
notes on, by Columbus, 29;
fac-simile of them, 31.
_See_ D’Ailly.

Alabama River, 295.

Alaman, Lúcas, translates Prescott, 427;
_Historia de la República Méjicana_, ii, 428;
_Historia de Méjico_, 428;
_Disertaciones_, 256, 365.

Alaminos, Anton de, pilot, 201, 203, 233, 234, 236, 283.

Alarcon, Hernando, sent to support by sea Coronado’s expedition, 443,
481;
on the Colorado, 481;
his buried message found, 486.

Alaska, first fairly mapped, 464;
(Alaschka), 469.

Albertini, Francesco, _Opusculum de Romæ_, 154;
_De Roma prisca_, 154.

Albertus Magnus, 28;
his portrait (cut), 29;
_De natura locorum_, 64;
edited by Tanstetter, 173.

Albo (Alvaro), Francisco, log-book, 615.

Alcabala, 561.

Alcalde, duties of, 348.

Alcaforado, Francisco, 38.

Alcantara, Francisco Martin de, 512.

Alcantara, Martin de, 534.

Alcarraz, Diego d’, 486, 491, 496.

Alcazar, _Campañía de Jesus_, 279.

Alcon, Pedro, 511.

Aldana, 239.

Aldana, Lorenzo de, 239, 540, 541, 545, 556, 569.

Alderete, J. de, 528.

Aleutian Islands, first fairly mapped, 464.

Aleque, F. X., 399.

Alexander VI., Pope, 13;
his Bull, 13, 45;
bust of, 44;
addressed by Columbus, 46.
_See_ Bull; Demarcation.

Alfinger, Ambrosio de, his expedition, 579.

Alguazil, 553.

Alibamo (Alimamu, Limamu), 250.

Allard, Carolus, his _Atlas_, 466.

Allefonsce, rough sketch-map of the Antilles, 227.

Allegania, name proposed for the United States, 178.

Allegretti, Allegri, his _Ephemerides_, 1.

Allen, J. A., _Bibliography of Cetacea_, 420.

_Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden_, 140, 593.

Almagro, Diego, 196, 505;
proclaimed governor of Peru, 534;
his career, 506;
follows Pizarro, 507;
made governor of Tumbez, 512;
breaks with Pizarro, 512;
brings re-enforcements, 517;
likeness, 518;
asks for a province, 518;
agreement with Pizarro, 522;
goes to conquer Chili, 523;
enters and claims Cusco, 525;
conference with Pizarro, 526;
defeated and put in chains, 527;
his son Diego, 527;
killed, 527, 536.

Almanacs, early, 102.

Almendral (Almendras), Martin de, 577.

Alonzo V. (Portugal), 3.

Altamaha, 246.

Altamirano, D. G., 545.

Alva, Duke of, 88.

Alvarado, Alonzo de, 534, 541;
advances on Cusco, 526;
defeated, 526;
escapes from Cusco, 526;
likeness, 544;
defeated by Giron, 545.

Alvarado, Garcia de, 535.

Alvarado, Gomez de, 527.

Alvarado, Gonzalo, his manuscript on the conquest of Guatemala, 419.

Alvarado, Hernando de, 503.

Alvarado, Pedro de, 351;
his portrait, 366, 398;
autog., 367;
with Grijalva, 203;
in Mexico, 367;
at the second siege, 376;
receives Tapia, 380;
in Guatemala, 383;
accounts of his trial, 398, 419;
in Peru, 520;
his report to Cortés, 411;
his despatches from Guatemala, 419;
returns to Guatemala, 522;
new grant to, 522.

Alvarez, 537, 538.

Alvaro. _See_ Albo.

Alviles, Diego, 506.

Alzate, 375.

Amador de los Rios, José, edits Oviedo, 346.

Amaguayo, 233.

Amandus, _Chronica_, 417.

Amat di San Filippo, Pietro, _Biog. dei viaggiatori Italiani_, 155;
_mappamondi, etc._, 155;
_Studi biog. e bibliog._, 93.

Amat, _Dic. de los escritores Catalanes_, 45.

Amatepeque, 503.

Amati, _Ricerche_, 51.

Amazon, 519;
discovered, 528;
history of the, 579;
(Paricura, Marañon, Orellana), 188;
sketch-map, 581.

Amazons (female warriors), 584, 585;
(in New Mexico), 474.

Amboyna, 591.

Amelia Island, 282.

_America, La_, 47.

America, in Schöner’s globe (1535), 118;
name on the Tross gores, 120;
on the Da Vinci sketch, 126;
paper on the naming of, by Justin Winsor, 153;
name proposed in _Cosmog. introd._, with fac-similes, 146, 168;
earliest use of name on maps, 171, 172;
should be called Columba, 174;
a part of Asia, 176;
the name first applied to the entire continent (1541), 178;
name of, in editions of Ptolemy, 184.
_See_ North America, South America.

American Ethnological Society, _Transactions_, 501.

_American Journal of Numismatics_, 470.

American Philosophical Society’s _Transactions_, 35.

_American Review_, 501.

Amichel, 284;
named by Garay, 237.

Amigos del Pais, _Informe_, etc., 82.

Amoretti, Charles, on Maldonado, 456;
publishes Pigafetta, 614.

Amuca, 589.

Amunátegui, M. L., _Descub. i conq. de Chile_, 573;
_La sorpresa de Curalava_, 573.

Anahuac plateau, 358, 359.

Anaica, 246.

_Analectic Magazine_, 50.

_Anales de Aragon_, 68, 421.

Anaquito, 538.

Añasco, Juan de, 245, 246.

Ancients, their references to western lands, 25.

Ancona, _Yucatan_, 429, 558.

Ancoras, 449.

Ancuparius, Thos., 173.

Andagoya, Pascual de, 196, 199, 212, 505, 541, 564;
his _Relation_, 212, 214, 564;
edited by Markham, 212, 564;
inspector-general, 506;
his life, 564;
in Biru, 506;
founds Buenaventura, 536.

Andahuaylas, 519.

Andalusian bibliophiles, 66.

Anderson, _America not discovered by Columbus_, 33.

Andes, 514. _See_ Cordilleras.

Andrade, J. M., 422;
his library, 399;
its sale, 430.

Anghiera. _See_ Martyr.

Anian, early use of the name, 445;
on the Asiatic coast, 445.

Anian, Gulf of, 454.

Anian Regnum, 452, 454, 459, 472.

Anian, Straits of, origin of the name, 445;
first on maps, 449;
mentioned, 445, 451, 453, 454, 455, 459, 461, 463, 464, 465, 466,
467;
Goldson on, 456.

Anson, _Voyages_, 467.

Antarctic continent, 119, 433, 454, 457;
(Terra Australis), 459.

Antichthones, 180.

Antigua, 197;
abandoned, 199.
_See_ Santa Maria.

Antilhas, 108.

Antilles (Antiglie), 220;
(Entillas), 226;
first named, 38.

Antillia, 105, 115;
(Antiglie), 121;
(island), 36, 38.

Antischia, 584.

Antonio, _Bibliotheca Hisp. nova_, 575.

Antonio de la Ascension, 460.

Antwerp, _Bull. de la Soc. geog._, 59.

Anza, 468.

Apalche, 281.

Apalache Bay, 243, 283, 288.

Apalaches, 295.

Apianus, Petrus (Bienewitz), _Cosmog. liber_, 173, 174, 182;
_Declaratio typi cosmographici_, 176, 182;
account of him, 182;
annotated by G. Frisius, 183;
later editions, 184, 185, 186;
his likeness, from Reusner, 179;
another likeness, 185;
bibliography of, 180, etc.;
his map (1520), 122, 173, 182;
fac-simile of it, 183.

Apollonius, Levinus, _De Peruviæ regionis_, 576.

Apurimac, 520.

Arabs, their marine charts, 94.

Aragon, archives of, ii.; chronicles of, 68.

Arana, Diego de, 10;
_Bibliog. de obras anón._, 66, 289.

Araucanians, 524, 548;
wars of, 561, 573;
poem on, by Ercilla, 571.

Araucaria, 562.

Arauco, 524.

Arbadaos, 244.

Arbolancha, Pedro de, 196, 211.

Archæological Institute of America, _Reports_, 502.

Arche, 491.

_Archivo dos Açores_, 40.

_Archivo Mexicano_, 398.

Arciniega, Sancho de, 278.

Arctic Ocean (mare septentrionale incognito), 451.

Ardoino, Ant. defence of C. de Vaca, 286;
_Exámen_, 286.

Arellano, C. d’, 258.

Arellano, Tristan d’, 213, 482, 486, 489, 504;
attacked, 495.

Arenas (Cape), 281.

Arequipa, 519, 558, 559;
founded, 523.

Argensola, _Anales de Aragon_, 91;
_Conq. de las islas Malucas_, 616.

Arguello, Hernando de, 213.

Arias, Gomez, 503;
seeks De Soto, 253.

Aribau, B. C., 584.

Arica, 519.

Aristotle, 24;
_De mundo_, 26.

Arizona, 477.

Arkansas Indians, 294.

Armas, J. L. de, _Las Cenizas de Colon_, 82.

Armendariz, 581, 582.

Armor of Columbus’ time (cut), 4;
of Cortés’ time, 360;
Spanish, 539, 544, 550.

Arms of Spanish towns and provinces, 409.

Arnim, T., _Das alte Mexico_, 362, 428.

Arrowsmith, his maps show Lake Parima, 589.

Arthus, Gothard, 420;
_India orientalis_, 616.

Arx Carolina, 269.

Ascension Bay in Yucatan, 203.

Asensio, J. M., _Los restos de Colon_, 82.

Asia, in Pomponius Mela’s map, 180.

Asian theory, 42. _See_ America.

Aspa, Ant. de, 89.

Asseline, David, _Antiquitéz de Dieppe_, 34.

Astaburriaga, F. S., 573.

Astete, Miguel, his narrative, 566.

Astrolabe, 96;
picture of, 96.

Astronomers, important on early voyages, 148.

Atabillos, Marquis of, 522.

Atacama, 559;
desert, 524.

Atacames, 508.

Atahualpa, 514;
portraits of, 515, 516;
made prisoner, 516;
offers ransom, 517, 566;
murdered, 517.

Atienza, Blas de, 520;
with Balbóa, 520.

Atienza, Blas de (son), _Relacion_, 520.

Atlantic Ocean, names of, 36;
called “Mare del Nort”, 451.

Atlantis, 37.

Atrato (river), 198, 509.

_Atti della Soc. Ligure di Storia Patria_, 106, 616.

Attwood’s Bay, 56.

Aubin manuscripts, 418.

Audiencia, 348;
of New Spain, 387;
of San Domingo, 382.

Augustinian friars, 399.

_Ausland_, _das_, 9, 66, 103.

Aute (harbor), 243.

Auto da fé in Peru, 557.

Autun, d’, 28.

Avavares (Indians), 244.

Avendaño, Diego de, 343.

Avila, Alonso de, 351, 429, 520.

Avila, Pedro Arias d’, 505;
governor of Nicaragua, 508.
_See_ Pedrárias.

Avila. _See_ Davila, Gil Gonzales.

Axacan, 260, 282.

Ayala, Pedro de, 518.

Ayays, 253.

Ayllon, Lucas Vasquez de, of St. Domingo, 238;
on the Florida coast, 240;
land of, 221;
in Virginia, 241;
dies, 241;
authorities on, 285;
map of his explorations, 285.

Ayora, 197.

Azevedo (Jesuit), 278.

Azores, 105, 115, 451; in 1541, 177;
_Archivo dos Açores_, 40;
rediscovered, 38.

Aztec civilization, described by Prescott, 425;
doubted by Wilson, 427.

Aztec literature, 417.

Aztecs before the Conquest, as described by Sahagun, 416;
driven from Mexico, 445.

BABUECA, 127.

Baccalaos, 128, 432, 434, 436;
(Bacalaos), 223, 228, 446;
(Bacalar), 126;
(Baccallaos), 435;
(Bacallaos), 435;
(Bacaalear), 432;
(Baccalearum regio), 177, 433;
(Bacalhos), 446;
(Baccalos), 451;
(Baqualan), 450;
map of, 435.

Bachiler, _Apuntes para la hist. de Cuba_, 230.

Backer, _La compagnie de Jésus_, 420.

Backstaff, 98, 100.
_See_ Cross-staff.

Bacon, Fr., _Life of Henry VII._, 3.

Bacon, Roger, 28;
_Opus Majus_, 28.

Badajos, Gonzalo de, 198.

Badajos, Congress of, 439.

Baerle, K. van, edits Herrera, 461.

Baez, 282.

Baguet, “Ces restes de Colomb”, 82.

Bahamas (Banama), 217;
discovered, 233;
number of, 53;
map, 55;
slaves taken at, 236.

Bahia de Cavallos, 243.

Bahia de la Cruz (Apalache), 243, 288.

Balbóa, M. C., _Histoire du Peru_, 576.

Balbóa, Vasco Nuñez de, 193;
hears of the Southern Sea, 194;
discovers it, 176, 195, 211, 217, 436, 439, 505;
his trial, 197;
executed, 199, 212, 213;
authorities on, 210;
portrait, 195.

Balbuena, _El Bernardo_, 430.

Baldelli, _Milione di Marco Polo_, 156.

Baldi, _C. Colombo_, 69.

Baldwin, C. C., 457;
_Prehistoric Nations_, 25.

Ballenar, 524.

Balsas, Rio, 198.

Bamba, river, 521.

Banchero, G., iv.; ed. of _Codice_, 72.

Bancroft, Geo., on Prescott, 427.

Bancroft, H. H., his manuscripts, viii;
on Herrera, 67;
his _Early American Chroniclers_, 207;
his authorities on Mexican history, 399;
criticism of Prescott, 425;
his lists of books on Mexico, 430;
his _Native Races_, 502;
_History of Pacific States_, 502;
_North Mexican States_, 502;
_Central America_, 207, 502, 578;
_Mexico_, 428, 429, 502;
_California_, 502;
_Northwest Coast_, 502;
_New Mexico and Arizona_, 502.

Banda, 591.

Bandelier, A. F., on Chimalpain, 412;
bibliography of Yucatan, 215, 429, 430;
_Historical Introduction to Studies among the Sedentary Indians_,
477, 502;
and the _Codex Chimalpopoca_, 418;
_Ruins in the Valley of Pecos_, 488.

Bandini, A. M., _Vita di Vespucci_, 131, 154.

Banks, Sir Joseph, 226.

Baranda, vii.

Barbosa, Duarte, _Sommario_, 613.

Barburata, 581.

Barcelona, archives at, ii.

Barcia, Andres Gonzales, _Ensayo cronológico_, 283;
_Historiadores primitivos_, 401;
edits Herrera, 67;
edits G. de la Vega’s _Florida_, 290;
edits Torquemada, 422.

Barco, Pedro del, 517.

Barentz, 460.

Barlæus, _Novus Orbis_, 67.

Barlow, S. L. M., prints Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, viii.;
his library, 48.

Baronius, _Annales_, 592.

Barreiros, _De Ophira regione_, 154.

Barrio-Nuevo, F. de, 212, 495.

Barros, Arana Diego de, _Collection d’ouvrages inédits ou rares sur
l’Amérique_, 573;
_Proceso de Valdivia_, 569;
_Coleccion de historiadores de Chile_, 572;
book on Magellan, 617.

Barros, João de, _Asia_, 90.

Barrow, _Chronological History of Voyages_, 33, 455.

Barry, J. J., on Columbus, 69.

Bartlett, J. R., on C. de Vaca’s route, 287;
on early printing in Mexico, 400.

Bartolozzi, F., _Ricerche circa scoperte di Vespucci_, 162;
_Relazione_, 162.

Basanier, 293, 298.

Basle, treaty of, 80.

Basos, 449.

Bassin de Sandacourt, 145, 164.

Bastidas, Rodrigo, 109, 189, 581;
authorities on his voyage, 206, 207;
his voyage, 22, 204.

Bauçault bay, 606.

Baudoin, J., 575.

Bautista, Joan, pilot, 616.

Bayuera, C., _Copia de la lettera per Colombo_, 62.

Bazan, Pedro de, 241.

Bazares, Guido de, 257.

Beaupré, 614.

Becerra, Diego, 198, 441.

Becher, _Landfall of Columbus_, 54.

Bede, 28.

Behaim, Martin, his career, 104;
his claim to early discoveries, 34;
his map of Magellan’s straits, 35, 604;
improves the astrolabe, 97;
on the African coast, 41;
portrait, 104;
his globe, 25, 104;
section of, 105;
described, 105.

Behring on the Asiatic coast, 464;
his straits, 468.

Béjar, duque de, 390.

Belen, river, 22.

Belgrano, L. T., _Ossa di Colombo_, 83.

Belknap, Dr. Jeremy, on Columbus, 68;
his _American Biography_, 68.

Bellegarde, Abbé de, 341.

Bellegarde, _Histoire universelle_, 410.

Bellero, Juan, 186;
his map, 227, 412.

Bellin, Nic., his map of California, 468.

Belloro, G. T., on Columbus’ birthplace, 84;
_Notizie_, 84.

Belloy, Marquis de, _Colomb_, 69.

Benaduci, Lorenzo Boturini, 2;
his manuscripts, 397, 418;
_Idea de una nueva historia_, etc., 418, 429;
_Catalogo_, 429.

Benalcazar, Seb., 196, 538, 580.

Beneventanus, Marcus, 121, 154.

Benincasa, Andreas, portolano, 38.

Benzoni, Girolamo, 346;
_Historia del mondo nuovo_, 346, 347;
its bibliography, 347;
his portrait, 347;
_Nuovamente ristampata_, etc., 347;
on Columbus, 67;
_Novæ novi orbis historiæ libri_, 297, 347;
in De Bry, 347;
_Der newenn Weldt_, 347;
German versions, 347;
Dutch versions, 347;
English versions, 347.

Berardi, Juanoto, 131, 142.

Berckman, A., 184.

Berendt, C. H., 402.

Bergenroth, G. A., edits Rolls Series, i.;
_Calendar of Letters_, etc., i.;
finds a Columbus letter, 47;
_Calendar of State Papers_, 47;
on Isabella, 5.

Bergomas, _Supplementum supplementi_, 64.
_See_ Foresti.

Beristain, _Bibliotheca Hispano-Americano_, 429.

Berlin, Catalogue of manuscripts in the library at, 449;
Gesellschaft für Erdkunde, 93;
_Berliner Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde_, 579.

Bermuda, 224, 451, 453;
(1511), 110;
(1529), 221;
(1544), 227;
(1556), 228;
first seen, 155;
(Belmudo), 229;
in the early maps, 225.

Bernaldez, Andrés, _Historia de los reyes católicos_, 47, 83.

Bernalillo, 488.

Bernard, A. J., _Geofroy Tory_, 181.

Berreo, Ant. de, 586.

Berrio, 236.

Berthoud, E. L., 467.

Bertrand in _Journal des Savants_, 471.

Berwick, Duke of, 88.

Betanzos, Juan de, 546.

Beteta, Father Gregory de, 255.

Bianco, Andrea, his sea-chart, 38, 94.

_Bibliophile Belge_, 50.

_Biblioteca de los Americanistas_, 398, 419.

Biblioteca Colombina, 65.

Biblioteca Cosatenense, 159.

_Biblioteca histórica de la Iberia_, 408, 411.

_Biblioteca nacional y extranjera_, 428.

_Biblioteca Valenciana_, iii.

_Bibliotheca Thottiana_, 171.

_Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart_, 579.

_Bibliothèque Elzévirienne_, 293.

Biedma, Luys Hernandez de, _Relacion_, 289, 290;
autog., 290.

Bienewitz. _See_ Apianus.

Bigotes, 487, 488, 491.

Bimini, 110, 217, 231, 283;
fountain at, 232;
name transferred to Mexico, 447.

Biobio river, 532.

Biondelli, 415.

Biondo, _De ventis et navigatione_, 421.

Birú, 198, 199, 505, 509;
visited by Andagoya, 506.
_See_ Peru.

Bison, 477;
the range of, 244.
_See_ Buffalo.

Blaeu, _Atlas_, 587;
his maps of California, 467.

Blanco, Cape, 40, 280, 461;
(Blamquo), 448.

Blome, _Description_ (1670), 466.

Bobadilla, 20, 21, 189.

Bobadilla, Friar Fr. de, 526.

Bobadilla, Isabel del, 197.

Boca del Drago, 187.

Boca de Términos, 203.

Bocchi, Francesco, _Libri elogiorum_, 154.

Bœmus, Johannes, _Omnium gentium mores_, 615.

Boesnier, _Le Mexique conquis_, 430.

Bogotá, 581;
Federmann and others at, 579.

Bohan, 531.

Boissard, _Icones_, 67;
_Bibliotheca_, etc., 67, 73.

Bojador, Cape, 40.

Bollaert, Wm., 582.

Bonhomme, M., 186.

Boni, G., _Biblioteca Estense_, 107.

Bonnefoux, Baron de, _Vie de Colomb_, 69.

Bontier, 36.

_Bookworm_, 48.

Borde, P. G. L., _L’île de Trinidad_, 587.

Borja, J. H. de, 562.

Borroméo, Fred., Cardinal, 57, 614.

Bory de Saint-Vincent, _Les Isles Fortunées_, 36.

Bos, Van den, _Leven en Daden_, 68.

Bosschaert, 162.

Bossi, L., _Vita di Colombo_, 68.

Boston, a ship from, alleged to be met by De Fonte, 462.

Botero, _Relaciones_, 461.

Boturini. _See_ Benaduci.

Bouguer, 590.

Boulenger, Louis, 120.

Bourke, J. G., on Coronado, 503.

Bourne, _Regiment of the Sea_, 98.

Bowen, his map, 468.

Braba, 495.

Bracamoras, 527.

Bradford Club publications, 290.

Braga, John of, 596.

Branco river, 587.

Brant, Seb., portrait, 59;
_Narrenschiff_, 58.

Brantôme, _Grands capitaines_, 298.

Brasilie, 118, 119.
_See_ Brazil.

Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Popul-Vuh_, 25;
on Spanish cruelty, 343;
his authority, 418;
_Nations civilisées_, 418, 428;
on the manuscript of Bernal Diaz, 428;
edits Bishop Landa’s _Relation_, 429;
his library, 418, 430;
_Codex Chimalpopoca_, 418.

Braun and Hogenberg, _Civitates_, 378;
_Cités du Monde_, 378.

Bravo, Melchor, 542, 545, 551.

Brazil, 228, 435, 436, 437, 446;
bibliography of, 617;
cut off by line of demarcation, 596;
first visited, 150;
in the Lenox globe, 123, 170;
map of coast (1522), 598;
natives of, 597;
cannibals, 597;
called _Terra Sanctæ Crucis_, 169, 219;
(Prisilia), 121;
(Bresilia), 459.
_See_ Prisilia, Brasilie, Bresilia.

Breckenridge, H. M., _Early Discoveries in New Mexico_, 502.

Bresil (island), 36, 451, 453.

Bresilia, 433.
_See_ Brazil.

Breusing, _Gerhard Kremer_, 471.

Breusing, A., _Zur Geschichte der Kartographie_, 55.

Brevoort, J. C., on Spanish-American documents, i, vii;
on Muñoz, iii;
_Remains of Columbus_, 82;
on the arms of Columbus, 88;
on the bibliography of Cortés, 411;
on the bibliography of Gomara, 414;
on Viscaino, 461.

Breydenbach, B. de, his _Peregrinationes_, 8, 10.

Briceño, Alonzo, 510.

Briggs, Master, his map in Purchas, 462, 466.

Brinton, D. G., 279, 282;
_Aboriginal American Literature_, 419;
_Floridian Peninsula_, 283.

British Museum, Spanish documents in, vii;
_Index to Manuscripts_, vii;
_Catalogue of Spanish Manuscripts_, vii.

Brito, Ant., 616.

Brovius, 592.

Brown, Rawdon, _Calendar of State Papers_, 1;
and the Venetian archives, viii;
discovery of letters respecting Vespucius, 152.

Bruzen, la Martinière, _Introduction à l’histoire_, 468.

Buache, 468;
_Considérations géographiques_, 461;
_Découvertes de l’Amiral de Fonte_, 463;
and Kino’s map, 467;
on Maldonado, 455.

Buell, Bernardus, 58.

Buena Ventura, 509, 536.

Buffalo, early pictures (1542), of, 477, 488, 489;
first Spanish knowledge of, 487.
_See_ Bison.

Buga, 509.

Buil (or Boil), 16.

Bull of demarcation, 592;
the line moved, 592, 596.
_See_ Alexander VI.: Demarcation.

Bullart, Isaac, 73.

_Bulletin de la Société d’Anvers_, 82.

Bunbury, _History of Ancient Geography_, 95.

Bürck, August, _Magellan_, 593, 617.

Buriel opposes Delisle’s views on De Fonte, 463.

Burke, Edmund, _European Settlements in America_, 424.

Burney, _South Sea Voyages_, 461.

Burton, _Hans Stade_, 616.

Bustamante, Carlos Maria de, 398;
edits Cavo’s _Tres Siglos_, 428;
publishes Chimalpain, 412.

Butler, J. D., on the naming of America, 178;
on portraits of Columbus, 71.

Büttner, 221.

Byington, _Choctaw Definer_, 258.

Bynneman, Henry, 414.

CABALLERO, Diego, 239.

Caballero, oration on Columbus, 81.

Cabeza de Vaca, 503;
at Culiacan, 474;
_Relacion_, 499.
_See_ Vaca.

Cabezudo, J. R., 90.

Cabo. _See_ Cape.

Cabo, Deseado, 608.

Cabo Frio, 596.
_See_ Frio.

Cabot, Sebastian, compared with Columbus, 99;
his records of longitude, 100;
his map, 113, 227, 243;
on Vespucius, 154;
was he on the Florida coast, 231;
apparently ignorantof Gomez’ voyage, 242;
testifies in the Columbus lawsuit, 242;
at La Plata, 440;
an Italian, 2;
with his father discovers North America, 135;
thought it different from Asia, 136.

Cabral discovers Brazil, 24, 156, 169, 205.

Cabrera, Bueno, his _Navegacion_, 453.

Cabrera, Cristóbal, _Manual de adultos_, 400.

Cabrillo, Juan Rodriguez, on the California coast, 444, 481.

Cabusto, 250.

Cacama, 364.

Cadamosto, 40.

Cadodaguios, 294.

Cadoret, E., _Vie de Colomb_, 65, 69.

Caicedo, 194, 209, 210.

Caicos, 233.

Cakchiquels, 383.

Calancha, Ant. de la, _Coronica_, 570.

Caldera, 524.

Calderon de la Barca, 427.

Calderon de la Barca, Juan, in Chili, 531.

Calendars, published by English Government, i.

Cali, 509.

Calicut, 42.

California, coast of, in maps, 447, etc.;
map by Dudley, 465;
discovered by Cortés, 393;
origin of name, 443;
history by Clavigero, 425.

California (gulf), map of, by Cortés, 442;
called Gulf of Cortés, 443;
Red Sea, 443;
(Mer Vermiglio), 228;
map of, by Castillo, 443;
by Cabot, 447;
by Freire, 448;
(Mar Vermeio), 449;
map by Wytfliet, 458.

California (peninsula), Kino’s explorations, 467;
early thought to be an island, 442;
then held to be a peninsula, 445;
so shown on various maps, 445, etc.;
omitted on others, 446;
represented very broad, 228;
distorted in shape, 452;
by Wytfliet, 458;
later reputed to be an island, 461;
maps showing it as peninsula, 461;
earliest insularizing of it, 461;
early suspicions of its insularity, 461;
in Briggs’s map, 462;
an island on a captured Spanish chart, 462;
a peninsula in De Laet, 462;
an island, 466;
varied views, 467.

Caliquen, 246.

Callao, 519.

Callender, _Voyages to Terra Australis_, 162.

Caluça, 251.

Calvet de Estella, “De rebus gestis Cortesii”, 397.

Calveton. _See_ Chauveton.

Cam, Diego, 41;
on the African coast, 35.

Camargo, Diego de, at Pánuco, 238;
Muñoz, account of, 418;
his History of Tlaxcala, 418;
his expedition, 284;
names of his followers, 415.

Camaron, Josef, 261.

Cambiasi, Count, his sale, iv.

Camercane (islands), 177.

Camers, John, edits Mela, 182;
edits Solinus, 173.

Campanius, on California, 466.

Campe, Friedrich, _Zum Andenken Pirkheimers_, 102.

Campeche, 201, 203.

Campi, _Historia ecclesiastica di Piacenza_, 84.

Canada, 451, 453.

_Canadian Monthly_, 97.

Canaries (islands), 8, 105, 177, 451;
as first meridian, 95;
bibliography of, 36;
settled by Béthencourt, 36.
_See_ Fortunate Islands.

Canasagua, 247.

Cañate (town), founded, 547.

Cañate. _See_ Mendoza.

Cañaveral, 277.

Cañaveral, Cape, 263, 264, 295.

Cancelada, Counts of, 569.

Cancellieri, F. G., _Diss. sopro Colombo_, viii, 65, 73, 84.

Cancer de Barbastro, Luis, and the Indians, 254;
in Florida, 255;
killed, 255.

Cancheto, 187.

Cancio, 233.

Candia, P. de, 510, 512, 528, 536.

Canico. _See_ Cancio.

Canizares, _El Pleyto de Cortés_, 430.

Cannibals, 175, 220, 303, 329;
of Brazil, 597;
picture of, 19, 598.

Cannon, of Cortés’ time, 352;
cast in Mexico, 380.

Cano, Francisco, 504.

Cano, Melchior, 315.

Canoe, Indian (cut), 17;
described by Pigafetta, 596.

Canovai, S., _Elogio di Vespucci_, 155;
various publications on Vespucius, 155.

Cantino, Alberto, his map, 43, 107, 231;
sketch, 108;
illustrates Vespucius’ voyage, 156;
type of, 122.

Cantipratensis, _De rerum natura_, 28.

Canto, Ernesto do, _Archivo dos Açores_, 38;
_Os Corte-Reaes_, 107.

Cantù, _Storia universale_, 83.

Canzio, M., 78.

Cape. _See_ Arenas, Blanco, Bojador, Cañaveral, Corrientes, Good Hope,
Gracias a Dios, Hatteras, Mendocino, Mesurado, Non, Passado, Race,
Roman, Roxo, Rostro, St. Augustin, St. Helena, St. Roman, San
Francisco, Santa Maria, Stormy, Tiburon, Trafalgar.
_See also_ Cabo.

Cape Breton (Berton), 451, 453.

Cape De Verde Islands, 39, 105, 115.

Cape Gracias á Dios, 353.

Cape Race (Ras), 453.

Cape St. Lucas (de Balena), 458.

Cape St. Vincent, fight at, 1, 2.

Capiapa, 559.

“Capitana”, ship, 20.

Capponi. _See_ Gino.

Capriolo, _Ritratti_, 72.

Caravantes, F. L. de, 566.

Caravels, 7, 48.

Carbajal, F. de, joins Gonzalo Pizarro, 537;
leads Vaca de Castro’s army, 536;
executed, 542.

Carbajal, _Mexico_, 73.

Carballido y Zuniga. _See_ Barcia.

Cardenas, 496.

Cardenas y Cano, _Florida_, 575.
_See_ Barcia.

Cárdenas, F. de, his _Coleccion_, vii.

Cardenas, Garcia Lopez de, 484, 488.

Cárdenas, Luis de, 397.

Carderera, V., _Retratos de Colon_, 70.

Cardona, Nicolas de, 461.

Careta, 195.

Caribana (punta), 189.

Caribbee Islands, 16.

Carillo, Luis, 198.

Carleton, J. H., _Excursion to the Ruins of Abo_, etc., 494.

Carlos (Indian chief), 279, 282.

Carlos. _See_ Charles.

Carlyle, Thomas, on Prescott’s letters, 427.

Carmona, Alonzo de, 290.

Caroline. _See_ Fort Caroline.

Carpenter, his _Geography_, 462.

Carrion, A. de, 511.

Cartagena, 190, 191, 209, 581;
view of, 192;
taken by Lago, 584;
plundered, 262.

_Cartas de Indias_, viii, 567;
map in, 222.

Carthagena, Juan de, 592, 599, 604, 607.

Carthagena. _See_ Cartagena.

Cartier, watched by Spanish spies, 254.

Carvajal, A. S. de, factor of Columbus, iv.

Carvajal, B. de, 57.

Carver, the traveller, 469;
his _Travels_, 469.

Casa de la Contratacion, 57, 348.

Casa Grande, 482, 502.

Casas, pursues Olid, 384.

Caseneuve, 1;
(admiral), 86.

Casoni, _Annali di Genova_, 83, 90.

Casqui, 251.

Cass, Lewis, on Aztec civilization, 427.

Cassanare River, 586.

Cassano Serra, Duke de, 450.

Cassaquiari Canal, 581, 582.

Cassava bread, 598.

Castañeda, Gabriel, on the Conquest of the Chichimecs, 419.

Castañeda, Pédro de, _Relation_, 500.

Castaño de Sosa, Gaspar, 504.

Castellani, 342;
_Catalogo_, 435.

Castellanos, Juan de, his portrait, 583;
_Elegias_, 78, 583.

Castilla del Oro, 88, 169, 221, 459, 505;
map of, 190, 191.

Castilla Nueva, 212.
_See_ New Castile.

Castillo, 244;
fac-simile of his map of California, 444.

Castro, Lope Garcia de, governor of Peru, 551;
his life, 570.

Castro, Vaca de, his letters, 567;
his life by Herrera, 567.

Cat Island, 55.

Catalan mappemonde, 38, 94.

Catalutla, 392.

Catamaran, 611.

Cataneo on Columbus, 64.

Catesby, _Carolina_, 53.

Cathay, 41, 105.

Catoche, 384;
(punta), 201, 236.

Caulin, Ant., _Hist. Nueva Andalucia_, 587.

Caupolican, 548, 549.

Cavendish, 464;
on Pacific coast, 456;
captures Viscaino, 460.

Cavo, Andrés, _Tres siglos de México_, 428.

Caxamalca, 558.

Caxamarca, 514, 516, 519.

Cayas, 251.

Centeno, Diego, 538, 541.

Cenú, expedition to, 208;
(river), 189.

Cepeda, 537, 538, 540, 541.

Cepeda and Carillo, _Ciudad de México_, 375.

Cermeñon, 453.

Ceron, George, 259.

Cerpa, Diego Fernando de, 586.

Cervantes, Ant. de, 240.

Cespedes, A. G. de, _Reg. de Navigation_, 45, 461.

Chachapoyas, 519, 528;
founded, 523.

Chaco, Rio, 502.

Chac-xulub-chen, chronicle of, 419.

Chaix, Paul, _Bassin du Mississipi_, 287.

Chalco, 369.

Challcuchima, 520.

Challeux, Nicolas le (Challus), at Fort Caroline, 296;
_Discours_, 296;
_Histoire mémorable_, 296;
_True and Perfect Description_, 296;
edited by Gravier, 296;
_De Gallorum Expeditione_, 297.

Champlain, his astrolabe, 97.

Champoton, 203.

Chamuscado, F. S., 504.

Chanaral, 524.

Chanca, Dr., 57;
on Columbus’ second voyage, 89.

Channing, Edw., “Companions of Columbus”, 187.

Chapultepec, 374.

Charcas, 523, 525.

Charles III. (Spain), his care of documents, ii.

Charles V. (Spain), forms archives of Simancas, i.

Charles V. (Emperor), 88;
autog., 289, 372;
gives a map to Philip II., 222, 445, 446;
portrait in Jovius, 371;
in Herrera, 373;
portrait in title of a Latin _Cortés_, 409.

Charlesfort (Port Royal), 260, 274;
abandoned, 262.

Charlevoix on Columbus’ birth, 83;
_Isle Espagnole_, 88.

Charlotte Islands, 463.

Charton, his list of sources of Mexican history, 399;
_Voyageurs_, 10, 71.

Chaumette des Fossé, _Catalogue_, 576.

Chauveton, Urbain, 297;
translates Benzoni, 347.

Chavanne, Dr. J., 222.

Chaves, Diego de, 518.

Chaves, F. de, 518, 520, 527;
murdered, 534.

Chaves, Hieronymus, his map, 281;
description of the Atlantic coast, 292.

Chelaque, 247.

Cherokees, 247.

Chesapeake Bay visited by Spaniards, 240, 260, 282.

Chevalier, M., _Mexique ancien et moderne_, 428.

Chia, 491.

Chiaha, 247.

Chiametla, 442, 482.

Chibchas, 581.

Chicaça, 250.

Chicama, 519.

Chichilticalli, 482, 487.

Chilaga, 459.

Chilca, 558.

Childe, E. V., translates Santarem’s _Vespuce_, 178.

Chili, 228, 436, 459;
_Anales de in Universedad_, 56;
coast, 460;
“Conquest and Settlement of”, by Markham, 505;
its earlier history, 524;
sketch-map of the Conquest, 524;
wars with Araucanians, 547;
Valdivia defeated, 549;
Villagra, governor, 549;
G. H. de Mendoza, governor, 549;
Villagra, governor, 551;
Quiroga, governor, 551;
audiencia of, 551;
Wytfliet’s map, 559;
Sotomayor, governor, 561;
Loyola, governor, 561;
sources of information, 571;
_Varias relaciones del Peru y Chile_, 576.
_See_ Almagro, Valdivia.

Chillan, 524.

Chiloe, archipelago, 549.

Chimalhuacan, 369.

Chimalpain, _Cronica Mexicana_, 418;
translates Gomara, 412;
Bustamante supposes it a native text, 412;
Bandelier deceived, 412.

Chimborazo, 509.

Chinan. _See_ Golfo.

Chincha, 228, 519, 526, 558.

Chiquito (Colorado), 483.

Chira River, 515, 519.

Chirino, Pedro, _Islas Filipinas_, 616.

Chisca, 248, 251.

Choco Bay, 509.

Choctaco Bluff, 291.

_Choix de documents géog. à la bibl. nat._, 38.

Cholula, 358, 362.

Chronometer, 101.

Chuchama, 506, 507, 509.

Chucuito, 538.

Chupas, 536;
battle of, 567.

Chuquinga, 519;
battle at, 545.

Cia, 491.

Cianca, Andres de, 542.

Cibola, 477, 478, 480, 528;
identified, 483;
the district of, 483;
map of, 485;
expedition to, 503;
seven cities, 458;
various identifications of, 501, 502, 503.

Ciboletta, 501.

Cicuyé, 487, 488.

Cieza de Leon, Pedro de, 541;
career, 568;
fate of his manuscripts, 568;
_La guerra de Quito_, 568;
bibliography of, 573;
_Parte primera de la chronica del Peru_, 573;
various translations, 574;
Parts II., III., and IV., 574;
copy of manuscript in Lenox Library, 574;
_Tercero libro_, 574.

Cignatao, 224.

Ciguatan, 449, 473, 474, 499.

Cimarrones, 582.

Cimber et Danjon, _Archives curieuses_, 296.

Cinnamon, Land of, 528, 581.

Cipango, 8, 24, 25, 105, 116;
described by Marco Polo, 29;
(Cimpangi), 128;
(Zipangri), 118, 119, 121;
(Zipagri), 120;
(Zipancri), 123;
(Zipugna), 124.
_See_ Japan.

Circourt, A. de, 66.

Cisneros, Diego, _Ciudad de Mexico_, 378.

Citri, Bon André de, 424.

Citri de la Guette, 289.

Civezza, Marcellino da, _Missions Franciscaines_, 3.

_Civiltà cattolica_, 69.

Cladera, C., _Investigaciones históricas_, 35, 78, 83, 105.

Clarke, _Progress of Maritime Discovery_, 40.

Clavigero, F. S., account of, 425;
his _Messico_, 425;
_California_, 425;
_Hist. antigua de Méjico_, 425;
_Gesch. von Mexico_, 425;
_History of Mexico_, translated by Cullen, 425;
portrait, 425;
his list of books on Mexico, 430.

Clavus, Claudius, 28.

Clemencin on the value of ancient Spanish money, 517.

Clement, _Bibliog. curieuse_, 182.

Clement VII., portrait, 407.

Clemente, C., _Tablas_, 9.

Clerigo. _See_ Las Casas.

Climatic lines, 95.

Clinton, De Witt, on the Spaniards at Onondaga, 283.

Club, Indian (cut), 16.

Cnoyen, 95.

Cobo, Bernabé, _Fundacion de Lima_, 567.

Coça, 248, 258.

Coça River, 528.

Cochiti, 491.

Cocleius, Johannes, 182.

Coco, 487.

_Codex Ramirez_, 375.

Codine, Jules, _Découverte de la côte d’Afrique_, 40;
_La mer des Indes_, 40, 94.

Coelho, Gonzalo, his voyage, 151, 162.

Cofitachiqui, 251.

Cogolludo, D. L., _Yucathan_, 214, 429.

Coiba, 509.

_Coin-Collectors’ Journal_, 470.

Cole, Humphrey, invented the log, 98.

_Coleccion de doc. inéd. para la historia España_, vii.

_Coleccion de doc. inédit. (Españolas en América)_, edited by Pacheco,
etc., vii, 498.

_Coleccion de libras raros ó curiosos_, 577.

Coles, Juan, 290.

Coligny, lives of, 298.

Coligua, 251.

Colin, edition of Herrera, 67; _Nieuwe Werelt_, 67.

Collao, 519, 524, 528, 558.

Colo-colo, 548.

Cologne, _Coronica van Coellen_, 59.

Colmeiro, M., _Los restos de Colon_, 82.

Colmenares, Rodrigo Enriquez, 193, 210.

Colombo. _See_ Columbus; Colon.

Colombo family, genealogical table, 87;
lawsuit, 88;
Harrisse on, 89.

Colombo, F. G., 72.

Colombo, Luigi, _Patria del Ammireglio_, 84.

Colon. _See_ Columbus, Colombo.

_Colon en Quisqueya_, 65, 82.

Colon, Luis, 65, 66;
renounces his rights, 88.

Colon, Pedro, 65.

Colorado (river), 468, 469, 485, 486;
ascended by Alarcon, 443.

Columbia proposed as name for the United States, 178.

Columbia River, 469, 470.

Columbus. _See_ Colon; Colombo.

Columbus, Bartholomew, 88;
on the African coast, 41;
takes a map to England, 102;
arrives in Hispaniola, 17;
on the Honduras coast, 22;
in Lisbon, 1;
in England, 3;
portrait, 86;
memoir, 86.

Columbus, Christopher, birth, 1;
date of birth, 83, 89;
place of birth, 83, 89;
his father, 89;
of humble origin, 84, 89;
genealogy of his family, 87;
signification of his name, 135;
his piratical career, 1;
sells maps, 3;
his marriage, 2, 90;
his geographical theories, 3, 24;
as to size of globe, 24;
as to shape of globe, 99;
his notes on D’Ailly, 29;
on Æneas Sylvius, 32;
his argument from trees drifted ashore, 35;
his alleged intercourse with Spanish pilot, 33;
proposes to Ferdinand and Isabella, 3;
made high admiral, 5;
would rescue the Holy Sepulchre, 5;
his voyages (collectively), 109;
map of the four voyages, 60, 61, 67;
his first voyage, 8, 46, 131;
his ships, 7;
number of his men, 10;
money raised, 91;
his track (map), 9;
his attempt to ascertain longitude by the needle’s declination, 100;
landfall, 9, 52, 92;
his prayer, 9;
supposed he had reached Asia, 136;
usual ascription of his discovery, 183, 598;
builds fort in Hayti, 10;
return voyage, 11;
his reception, 12;
news of the discovery carried to Italy, 48;
effect in Europe, 56;
his second voyage, 15, 131;
observes eclipse of the moon, 98;
returns to Spain, 18;
authorities on second voyage, 57;
his third voyage, 19, 133, 142;
gets information of the Pacific, 211;
Roldan’s revolt, 20;
Bobadilla arrives, 20;
put in chains, 20;
returns to Spain, 20;
authorities on third voyage, 58;
his fourth voyage, 20, 191;
loses an anchor, 59;
authorities on fourth voyage, 59;
his associations with places (Barcelona), 56,
(Costa Rica), 21,
(Cuba), 10,
(Genoa), 2, 90,
(Hayti), 10,
(Honduras), 21,
(Ireland), 2, 33,
(Jamaica), 22, 201,
(Palos), 90,
(Pavia), 90,
(Portugal), 2, 90,
(Rabida), 3, 90,
(Salamanca), 4, 91,
(Santa Fé), 5,
(Segovia), 23;
dies obscurely, 23, 78, 167;
house where he died, 23;
burial, 78;
remains removed to St. Domingo, 80;
supposed reinterment at Havana, 81;
his will, 65;
the lawsuit of his heirs, 10, 204;
his connection with Beatrix Enriquez, 4, 64;
his characteristics, 23, 24;
inexactness, 91;
makes slaves of the natives, 303;
imagined himself inspired, 24;
compared with Cabot, 99;
personal relations and reciprocal influence with Cabot, 136;
with Toscanelli, 2, 90;
with Vespucius, 131, 142, 149, 178;
his companions, 187;
his fame, 65;
early references to, 57, 62, 64;
poems and dramas on, 68;
efforts to canonize him, 69;
Roselly de Lorgues’ efforts, 69;
his name suggested for the New World, 169, 174;
authorities on his career, 24;
documents, i, vii, viii;
his letters-patent, iii;
his privileges, 86;
the “admiral’s map”, 113;
other maps connected with him, 94, 104, 113, 144;
his manuscripts, 65, 89;
at Genoa, iv, 77;
his manuscript on Portuguese discoveries, 35;
his drawing of his triumph, 12;
his letters, 46, 89;
first letter, early editions, 48;
fac-similes of pages, 49-54;
Ambrosian text, 92;
other texts, 50;
turned into rhyme, 51;
in later shapes, 51;
letters lost, ii,
photographed, iv;
his Journal abridged by Las Casas, 91:
his printed writings, 89;
_Cartas y testamento_, 52;
_Copia de la lettera_, 62;
_Lettera rarissima_, 62;
his Journal, 46, 89, 91;
_Libro de las proficias_, 24, 89;
_Epistola C. Colom_ or _De insulis inventis_, 48;
_Eyn Schon hübsch_, etc. 51;
letters in _Cartas de Indias_, viii;
his writings, edited by Torre, 46;
lives and notices of, 62:
(Castellanos), 584,
(Dodge), iv,
(Ferdinand Columbus), 64, 65,
(Giustiniani), 62,
(Harrisse), 88,
(Irving) vi,
(Navarrete), v,
(Robertson), ii,
(Winsor), 1;
descriptions of his person, 69;
likenesses, painted, engraved, and carved,—namely (Berwick-Alba),
76,
(Borgoña), 76,
(Capriolo), 72, 73,
(Cardenas), 78,
(Cogletto), 73,
(Cuccaro), 72,
(D’Ambras), 73,
(De Bry), 73, 74, 75,
(De Pas), 72,
(Edwards), 78,
(Florence), 72, 73, 74,
(Fuchsius), 76,
(Genoa), 78,
(Havana), 76, 77,
(Jomard), 74, 78,
(Jovius), 70,
(La Cosa), 71,
(Lima), 78,
(Madrid), 78,
(Maella), 76,
(Malpila), 72,
(Mercuri), 73,
(Montanus), 77, 79,
(More), 76,
(Mosaic), 73,
(Opmeer), 72,
(Parmigiano), 76,
(Peschiera), 76,
(Philoponus), 77,
(New Providence), 78,
(Rome), 78,
(Seville), 76, 78,
(Washington), 78;
his coat-armor, 15, 88, 89, 105;
his armor, 4;
his autog., 12;
his handwriting, 14;
his motto, 78.

Columbus, Diego (brother of Christopher, the Admiral), 2, 16, 87, 88,
191;
sent to Spain, 17;
returns, 18
to Cuba, 349;
his house, 88;
his will, ii.

Columbus, Diego (son of the Admiral), 2, 86;
a royal page, 5;
lawsuit of, 144, 174;
memorial on converting the Indians, 337;
his remains, 80, 81.

Columbus, Ferdinand, 87, 88;
career of, 65;
his mother, 64;
accompanies his father, 21;
relations with Vespucius, 170, 174;
his alleged map, 43, 206;
his _Historie_, 64;
discredited by Harrisse, 66, 89;
defended by Stevens and D’Avezac, 66;
his library, 65;
his income, 65;
his tomb, 65.

Columbus, Luis (grandson of the Admiral), his remains, 80, 81.

Coma, G., 58.

Comité d’Archéologie Américaine, 50.

Comogre, 505, 509.

Compass, 94;
picture of, 94.
_See_ Magnet; Needle.

_Compendio historiæ_, etc., 68.

Compostella, 474, 480, 481.

Cona, 493.

Conception (Chili), 524;
founded, 548.

“Concepcion” (ship), 594.

Concepcion Bay, 548.

Conches, Feuillet de, 12.

Conches, Guillaume de, his _Philosophia minor_, 28.

Conchucos settled, 527.

Conibas (island), 463.

Conibas (lake), 457.

Connasauga River, 247.

_Conquista del nuevo mondo_, 575;
_del Peru_, 563.

Consag, his map, 468.

Contarini, Gasparo, 617.

Conti, Natale, _Universæ historiæ libri_, 154.

Conti, V., on Montferrat, 84.

Cook, Captain James, 469.

Cooley, W. D., _Maritime Discovery_, 34.

Coosa River, 248.

Coosas, 258.

Coosawattie, 247.

Copala, 504.

_Copia delle lettere del prefetto della India_, 575.

Copiapo, 524, 528, 559.

Coppée, Henry, “Conquest of Mexico”, 375.

Coppo, his map sketched, 127;
_Portolano_, 128.

Coquibacoa, 187, 189.

Coquimbo, 524, 525, 559.

Corazones, 482, 486, 496.

Cordiform projection of maps, 123.

Cordeiro, Luciano, “Les Portugais dans la découverte de l’Amérique”,
33.

Cordeyro, _Historia insulana_, 33.

Cordilleras of the Andes, 514.

Cordova, Bishop, 305.

Cordova (Cordoba), Francisco Hernandez de, 200, 201, 402;
voyage to the Bahamas, 236;
to Yucatan, 214;
dies, 237.

Cordova, Pedro de, 310.

Cordova y Figuera, Hist. of Chili, 573.

Cordova y Salinas, 570.

Cordova (town), 3.

Corner, Francesco, 152.

Coro, 579, 581.

Coronado, F. V. de, governor of New Gallicia, 474;
account of, 474, 475;
seeks Topira, 480;
autog., 481;
commands expedition to Cibola, 481;
captures the town, 483;
map of his explorations, 485;
arrives at Quivira, 493;
ill, 496;
return march, 497;
sources of information, 498, 499;
his letters, 500;
_Relacion del suceso de la jornada_, 500;
_Traslado_, etc., 500;
Jaramillo’s account, 500;
modern accounts, 501;
his several expeditions, 503;
his expedition connected with voyage on the Pacific coast, 443;
hears of De Soto’s party, 292.

Coronel, 19.

Coronelli on California, 467.

Correa, Gaspar, his account of Da Gama, 44;
_Lendas da India_, 616.

Correa, Juan, 208.

Correnti, Cesare, _Lettere autografe di Colombo_, 46.

Corrientes, Cape, 233, 509.

Corsica, alleged birthplace of Columbus, 84.

Cortambert, R., _Nouvelle histoire des voyages_, 72, 83.

Cortereal, Anus, 445.

Cortereal, Gaspar, 107;
at Hudson’s Straits, 445;
his discovery (_Regalis domus_), 122, 123.

Cortereal, João Vas Costa, voyage to Newfoundland, 33.

Cortereale (1527), 219.

Corterealis, 177.

Cortés, Francisco, 441.

Cortés, Hernando, chapter on, by Justin Winsor, 349;
commander of expedition, 204, 349;
suspected by Velasquez, 351;
his cannon, 352;
map of his voyage, 353;
sends messengers to Montezuma, 355;
founds Vera Cruz, 356;
foils Velasquez, 356;
sends treasure to the Emperor, 356;
map of his march to Mexico, 358;
sinks his ships, 359;
numbers of forces in all his expeditions controverted, 359;
at Cholula, 362;
meets Montezuma, 362;
has a flotilla on the lake, 362;
receives tribute from Montezuma, 365;
professes to build ships to leave the country, 365;
Narvaez sent against him, 365;
Cortés defeats him, 367;
returns to Mexico, 368;
shows Montezuma to the Mexicans, 368;
endeavors to leave the city, 368;
the _triste noche_, 369;
at Otumba, 370;
retreats to Tlascala, 370;
his second letter, 371;
builds brigantines, 372;
establishes base at Tescuco, 372;
his marches round Mexico, 374;
brigantines launched, 375;
attacks the city, 376;
captures it, 378;
casts cannon, 380;
sends further treasure to Spain, 382;
sends jugglers to Rome, 407;
receives plenary indulgence, 407;
made governor and captain-general, 382;
seeks passage to Asia, 411, 439;
siezes Pánuco, 382;
sends an expedition to Guatemala, 383;
pursues Olid, 384;
goes to Honduras, 384;
returns to Mexico, 386;
his commission suspended, 386;
goes again to Spain, 387;
made Marqués del Valle de Oajaca, 388;
his wife dies, 389;
marries a daughter of the Conde de Aguilar, 390;
returns to Mexico, 391;
aids Pizarro, 526;
sends expeditions on the Pacific, 393;
builds vessels at Tehuantepec, 393, 441;
discovers California, 393, 442;
last return to Spain, 395;
his descendants, 395;
dies, 396;
his remains, 396;
sources of information on his career, 397;
his letters, 337, 397, 402;
_Vida de Cortés_, 397;
first letter, 402;
its equivalents, 402;
_De rebus gestis Cortesii_, 397, 402;
Peter Martyr on Cortés, 402;
_Newzeit_, etc., 402;
_Trois lettres_, 402;
_Newe Zeittung_, 402;
_Ein Auszug_, etc., 403;
_Translationuss_, etc., 403;
second letter, 284, 403;
_Carta de relaciō_, 403;
_Carta de relacion_, 403;
cut of Cortés before Charles V., 403;
his map of the Gulf of Mexico, 404;
_Præclara_, etc., 404;
fac-simile of its title and reverse, 405, 406;
_La preclara narratione_, 407;
_Ein schöne newe Zeytung_, 408;
edited by Lorenzana, 408;
life by Sands, 408;
_De insulis nuper inventis_, 408;
fac-simile of title, 409;
in Grynæeus’ _Novus orbis_, 409;
_Correspondance de Cortes_, 410;
_Cortesi von dem newen Hispanien_, 410;
_Eroberung von Mexico_, 410;
_Drei Berichte_, 410;
_De Contreyen_, etc., 410;
_Brieven van Cortes_, 410;
_Despatches_ (Folsom’s ed.), 410;
in Willes’ _History of Travayle_, 410;
third letter, 410;
_Carta tercera_, 410;
_Tertia narratio_, 410;
the “secret letter”, 411;
fourth letter, 284, 411;
_La quarta relacion_, 411;
_Este es una carta_, etc., 411;
fifth letter, 411;
_Carta quinta_, 411;
characteristics of his letters, 411;
authorities on his Honduras expedition, 411;
_Ultima carta_, 411;
_Escritos sueltos_, 411;
bibliography by Diaz Balceta, 411;
by Harrisse, 411;
by Brevoort, 411;
account of, in Gomara, 412;
in Bernal Diaz, 414;
in Sahagun, 415;
his marches shown on a map in Jourdanet’s _Bernal Diaz_, 415;
names of his followers, 415;
his career as drawn by Ixtlilxochitl, 417;
by Camargo, 418;
by Brasseur de Bourbourg, 418;
by Ramirez, 419;
by Vasquez, 419;
by Torquemada, 421;
by Solis, 424;
by Robertson, 424;
by Clavigero, 425;
by Prescott, 425;
by R. A. Wilson, 427;
Life by A. Helps, 428;
in fiction, 430;
in drama, 430;
his portraits, 72, 76, 424;
in _Cortés valeroso_, 354;
in Massachusetts Historical Society’s Collection, 357;
in Solis, 360;
in Jovius, 381;
in Herrera, 389;
full-length portrait, 395;
medal likeness, 396;
other portraits, 389;
engraving by Vertue, 424;
his arms, 354;
his banner, 381;
his armor, 390;
his autog., 381.

Cortés, Martin, 95; _Arte de navegar_, 98.

Cortina, Conde de, 416.

Cosa, Juan de la, 16, 187, 189, 208, 209, 210;
vignette of Saint Christopher, 71;
killed, 191;
with Ojeda, 144;
his voyages, 206;
his chart, 135, 206.
_See_ La Cosa.

Cosco (Aliander, Leander), 177;
his rendering of Columbus’ letter, 47.

_Cosmographiæ introductio_, fac-similes of pages, 167, etc.;
(1514), 120.
_See_ Waldseemüller.

Cossette, Captain, 270.

Costa Rica coast, 21;
_Coleccion de doc. ined._, ix., 398.
_See_ Peralta.

Costanzo, B., _Hist. Siciliana_, 67.

Cotoche, 353.

Cotolendi, _La vie de Colomb_, 66.

Cotopaxi, 509.

Council for the Indies, 310, 348.
_See_ Indies.

Councils, ecclesiastical, in Mexico, records of, 399.

Court, Dr., his library, 163.

Cousin, of Dieppe, 34.

Coxa, 509.

Coxe, Daniel, _Carolana_, 467.

Coxe, William, _Russian Discoveries_, 463, 469.

Coyba, 198.

Coyohuacan, 375.

Cozamel, 203, 218, 224, 225, 351, 353, 384.

Cradock, F., _Wealth Discovered_, 3.

Cravaliz, Agost., 574.

_Crevenna Catalogue_, 171.

Crignet, epitome of Ortelius, 472.

Cristofano dell’Altissimo, 73.

Cromberger, 400.

Cromwell, Oliver, 341.

Cronabo, 187.

Crooked Island, 55, 92.

Cross-staff, 98.
_See_ Backstaff.

Cuaço, Alonso de, 212.

Cuba, 106, 115, 126, 128, 228, 229, 432, 435, 437, 451,
(1518), 217,
(1520), 218,
(1527), 220,
(1529), 221,
(1534), 223,
(1536), 225,
(1541), 177;
the name applied to North America, 121;
thought a part of Asia, 16, 106;
bibliography of, 230;
(Couba), 226;
circumnavigated, 214;
conquest of, 214;
(Fernandina), 201;
explored (1508), 201;
island or peninsula, 201;
(Isabell, Isabella, or Ysabella), 108, 111, 114, 118, 123, 125, 170,
175, 183;
earliest named, 183;
(Juana), 201;
early given a wrong latitude, 96;
letter from (1520), 215;
map of, 450;
in Martyr’s map, 110;
(North America), 127;
in Stobnicza map, 116;
in Sylvanus’ map, 122;
Wytfliet’s map, 230.

Cubagua, 134, 581, 585.

Cubanacan, 42.

Cuccaro, alleged birthplace of Columbus, 84.

Cuenca, 509;
founded, 547.

Cuellar, F. de, 511.

Cuellar, Sancho, 520.

Cuitlahuac, 369.

Cuitlahuatzin, 370.

Culebras (gulf), 199.

Culhuacan, native history of, 418;
_Codex Chimalpopoca_, 418;
_Anales de Cuauhtitlan_, 418.

Culiacan, S. Miguel de, 441, 475, 482, 485;
(province), 474.

Cullen, Charles, 425.

Cumana, 558, 559.

Cunningham, William, _Cosmographical Glasse_, 67, 176.

Curalaba, 562.

Curazao (Curaçoa), 189, 190.

Curiana, 189, 207.

Curico, 524.

Cusco, 228, 514, 516, 517, 519, 558;
claimed by Almagro, 525;
besieged by the Indians, 524;
manuscripts on, 577;
becomes a Spanish town, 520;
view of, 554;
view of temple at, 555;
plan of, by Markham, 556;
by Squier, 556;
palace of Ynca, 556;
other plans and views, 556.

Cushing, Caleb, on the De Fonte voyage, 463;
on Navarrete’s _Coleccion_, v;
_Reminiscences of Spain_, 84;
on Vespucius, 154, 178.

Cushing, Frank H., on Zuñi, 483.

Custodi, Pietro, 46.

Cutifachiqui, 247.

Cuyoacan, 369.

DABAIBE, 198;
expedition to, 211.

D’Abreu, 440.

Daelli, G., _Bibl. rara_, 46.

D’Ailly, Pierre, his map (1410), 95.
_See_ Ailly.

Dalibard, 575.

Dampier, the navigator, 592;
_New Voyage_, 467.

Danckerts, his maps, 466.

Dandolo, M., _Oratio_, 62.

Dandolo, T., _Secoli di Dante e Colombo_, 69;
_Colombo_, 69.

D’Anville and Lake Parima, 587.

D’Arcy de la Rochette, 589.

Darien, 191;
different forms of the name, 191;
settlement at, 204.

Darwin, Charles, _Voyage of the Beagle_, 609.

Dati, G., and Columbus’ letter, 51;
_Questa_, etc., 51;
_La lettera_, etc., 51.

D’Aubigné, _Hist. universelle_, 298.

D’Avezac, _Aperçus sur la boussole_, 94;
on Columbus’ birth, 83;
_Livre de F. Colomb_, 66;
_Découvertes dans l’Océan Atlantique_, 39;
_Expédition de Béthencourt_, 36;
_Isles d’Afrique_, 36;
_Isles fantastiques_, 36;
_Sur la projection des cartes_, 471;
_Waltze-Müller_, 164;
his writings, 164;
his _Voyages de Vespuce_, 164.

Dávila. _See_ Pedrárias.

Dávila, F. A., 213.

Davila, Gil Gonzales, 213;
_Teatro eclesiástico_, 399, 400.
_See_ Gil.

Davilla Padilla, _Santiago de México_, 399, 400;
_Varia historia_, 400.

Da Vinci, Leonardo, sketch of mappemonde ascribed to him, 124, 125,
126, 172, 234.
_See_ Vinci.

Davis, W. H. H., _El Gringo_, 502;
_Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, 288, 502.

D’Avity, Pierre, _Le Monde_, 462.

Daza, Luis, 257.

Deane, Charles, on Schöner, 176.

De Bry, his picture of Columbus, 73, 75;
gets Lemoyne’s papers, 296;
his engravings for Las Casas, 342.

De Clerck, _Tooneel_, etc., 76.

De Coca, 599.

De Costa, B. F., _Columbus and the Geographers of the North_, 33.

Dee, Dr., his map, 453.

De Fonte, Bartholemé, his alleged voyage, 462;
coined by Petiver, 462;
faith of Delisle and Buache, 463;
map, 469.

De Fuca, alleged voyage, 456;
partly believed by Greenhow, 457;
sources of, 457;
Delisle and Buache on, 463.

De Laet. _See_ Laet.

Delambre, _L’Astronomie du moyen-âge_, 94.

Delaplaine, _Repository of Lives_, etc., 139.

Del Cano, Seb., 224;
commands the “Victoria”, 612;
at the Cape de Verde Islands, 612;
surprise at the loss of a day, 612, 615;
reaches San Lucas, 612;
at Court, 613;
his letter, 616.

Delisle, 468;
on the insularity of California, 467;
_Découvertes de l’amiral de Fonte_, 463;
opposed by Buriel, 463;
map of Louisiana, 294;
route of De Soto, 294, 295;
_Atlas nouveau_, 294;
and Lake Parima, 587;
map of the _Mer de l’ouest_, 469.

Demarcation, line of, 99, 441;
in the Cantino map, 108;
on map of 1527, 43.
_See_ Alexander VI., Bull.

Demersay, A., on the Spanish and Portuguese archives, ii.

Denis, Ferd., on Sahagun, 416.

Depons, Fr., _Voyage_, 587.

_De principiis astronomie_, 432.

Des Brosses, _Navigations_, 614.

Deschanel, E., _C. Colomb_, 83.

Desimoni, C., _Libro di Harrisse_, 86.

Desjardin, Ernst, _Rapport sur Harrisse_, viii.

Desmarquets, _Hist. de Dieppe_, 34.

D’Este, Hercule, 107.

De Thou, _Hist. universelle_, 297.

De Vries in the Pacific, 463.

Dewey, Dr. Orville, on the Spanish conquerors, 314.

Dexter, Arthur, 426.

Dexter, George, character and death, ix.

Deza, Diego de, 4, 91.

Diaz, Alonzo, 411.

Diaz del Castillo, Bernal, 16, 196, 201, 214, 427;
with Cordova, 284;
account of, 414;
_Hist. verdadera_, 214, 414;
his autog., 414;
the original manuscript, 414, 415, 428;
two early printed editions, 415;
later editions in various languages, 415;
English texts, 415;
Jourdanet’s edition, 415;
letters in the _Cartas de Indias_, 415;
wounded, 236.

Diaz, Juan, his _Itinerario_, 215.

Diaz, Melchior, 481, 482, 485, 486, 503;
dies, 491.

_Diccionario univ. de hist. y de geog._, 415.

Diego de la Cruz, 256.

Diego, Juan, 399.

Diegus. _See_ Homem.

Dieppe, histories of, 34.

Diether, Andrew, 410.

Dinaux, _Cardinal d’Ailly_, 29.

Dixon Entrance, 470.

Dobbs, Arthur, _Countries adjoining to Hudson’s Bay_, 462, 468;
his map, 467.

_Doctrina Christiana_, 400.

_Doctrina en Mexicano_, 401.

Documentary sources of early Spanish-American history, i.

_Documentos para la historia de Mexico_, 398.

Dodge, Robert, 106;
_Memorials of Columbus_, iv.

Domenichi, 67.

Dominic of the Annunciation, 257.

Dominicans, 399;
in Florida, 256;
in Cusco, 520;
in Hispaniola, 305, 309.

Dominico, 188.

Doncel, Gines, 241.

Dondero, G. A., _L’onestá di C. Colombo_, 65.

Doppelmayr, J. G., _Hist. Nachricht_, 105.

Dorantes, 244, 287.

Doria, 68.

Dormer, _Discursos varios_, 343.

Doyle, William, _British Dominions_, 468.

Drage, Theodore S., _Northwest Passage_, 463.

Dragg, _Great Probability of a Northwest Passage_, 463.

Dragon’s mouth, 586, 588.

Drake, Sir Francis, his harbor on the California coast, 453;
H. H. Bancroft’s view, 453;
documents in Peralta, 453;
finds remains of Magellan’s mutineers, 599;
his discovery of New Albion, 465;
in the Pacific, 452;
his most northern point reached in the Pacific, 455;
sees giants in Patagonia, 602;
on the coast of Peru, 557.

Dresden, _Verein für Erdkunde_, 40, 106, 580.

Drogeo, 472.

Drummond, _Ilha Terceira_, 38.

Dryander, J., _Cosmographiæ, introd._, 421.

Dryden, _Indian Emperor_, 430.

Dudley, Robert, _Arcano del mare_, 464, 587;
his original drawings, 464;
his career, 464;
map of the California coast, 465;
edition of _Arcano_ (1661), 466.

Duflot de Mofras, _Mendoza et Navarrete_, v;
_L’Orégon_, 431.

Dugdale, _Warwickshire_, 466.

Dulce, Rio, 187.

Duprat, Elisabeth de Valois, 297.

Duran, Diego, _Historia_, 419;
his manuscript, 420.

Durazzo, J., _Elogi_, 68.

Duro, C. F., _Peñalosa_, 503;
_Colon y Pinzon_, 284;
_Informe_, etc., 242.

Duval, his map, 466.

Dwight, Theodore F., 469.

EARTH, Columbus’ idea of the form of, 133;
centre of, in the terrestrial paradise, 99;
a sphere, 24, 25;
size of, 24, 30;
shaped like a pear, 24.
_See_ Globe.

Echete, 288.

Echeverri, J. de, _Las Cenizas de Colon_, 81.

Ecija, 285;
_Relacion_, 286.

_Eclectic Magazine_, 426.

Eclipse. _See_ Sun.

_Edinburgh Review_, 50.

Edwards, B., _West Indies_, 78.

Edwards, E., _Memoirs of Libraries_, 65.

Eguiara y Eguren, _Bibliotheca Mexicana_, 429.

_Ein schöne newe Zeitung_, 51.

Eldorado, name first applied, 579;
(South America), history of the belief in, 579.

_El General San Martin_, 532.

Eliorraga, 599.

Ellis, George E., on Las Casas, 299;
on Prescott’s use of the noctograph, 427.

Ellis, Henry, _Voyage to Hudson’s Bay_, 468.

Elvas, Gentleman of, his _Relaçam_, 288;
_Virginia richly valued_, 289;
_Historie of Terra Florida_, 289;
_Discovery and Conquest of Florida_ (edited by Rye), 289.

Emory, W. H., _Notes of a Military Reconnoissance_, 501.

Enciso, M. F. de, 191, 194, 195, 197;
account of, 193, 208;
_Suma de geografia_, 98, 208.

Encomiendas, 337, 348, 537, 571.

Engel, Samuel, _Mémoires_, 468;
_Extraits raisonés_, 468.

Enim, 585, 589.

Equator, first crossed on the American side, 187;
first crossed on the Pacific side, 507.

Eratosthenes, his theory of the Atlantic, 104.

Ercilla, Alonso de, in Chili, 549;
_Araucana_, 571;
augmented by Osorio, 571.

Escambia River, 258.

Escobar, Maria de, 518, 547.

Escoiqui, _Mexico conquistada_, 430.

Escondido (river), 281.

Escurial, documents at, iii.

Espada, M. J. de la, edits Cieza de Leon, 574;
edits _Memorias antiguas del Peru_, 577;
edits _Relaciones geográficas_, 576.

Espejo, Ant. de, 497, 504.

Espinosa, _alcalde mayor_, 197.

Espinosa, _Chronica apostolica_, 399.

Espinosa, F. C., _Hist. de Mexico_, 428.

Espinosa, Gaspar de, 198, 505;
in Lima, 526;
his expedition, 211;
a partner with Pizarro, 507;
dies, 526.

Espinoza (with Magellan), 599.

Espiritu Santo, bay named by De Soto, 245;
Rio de, 221, 224, 225, 229;
(1520), 218;
(1527), 219.
_See_ Mississippi.

Esquivel, Juan de, 191, 201, 214.

Essenwein, A. O., _Bilder-Atlas_, 352.

Essequibo River, 187, 581, 587.

Estancelin, _Navigateurs Normands_, 34, 39.

Estero de los Lagartos, 203.

Esteve, R., 76.

Estienne, H., 186.

Estotilant, 459, 472.

Estrada, 386.

Estrada, Alonzo d’, 475.

Estrada, Pedro de, 240.

Etowa, 247.

_Etudes par les pères de la Compagnie de Jésus_, 69.

Europe, naming of, 167.

Eusebius, _Chronicon_, 64.

Evans, R. S., 481.

Everett, A. H., and Irving, vi.

FABER, Dr. John, 163, 173.

Fabian, 47.

Fabié, A. M., _Vida de Las Casas_, 343.

Fabre, Ant., 614.

Fabricius de Vagad, _Coronica de Aragon_, 59.

Faden, his map showing Lake Parima, 589.

Fairbanks, _Florida_, 292;
_St. Augustine_, 293.

Faleiro, Ruy, 591, 592.

Falero, _La longitud en la mar_, 98.

Falkenstein, _Buchdruckerkunst_, 407.

Fancourt, C. St. J., _Yucatan_, 429.

Farfan’s fleet wrecked, 256.

Faria y Sousa, _Asia Portuguesa_, 34, 616;
_Europa Portuguesa_, 56.

Farmer, Maria, 76.

Farrer, Virginia, her map, 466.

Favolius, Hugo, map-maker, 450.

Federici, F., his collection, iv.

Federmann, Nic., _Indianische Historia_, 579;
his expedition, 578.

Felipina, 257.

Ferdinand (Spain), sign-manual, 56, 85;
portrait, 85;
dies, 88, 310.

Ferdinand and Isabella (cut), 6.

Fergani, Al, 24.

Feria, Pedro de, 256, 257.

Fer-Isabelica, 169.

Fernandez, Alonso, _Hist. eclesiástica_, 399.

Fernandez, Alvaro, 289.

Fernández, León, _Coleccion_, 398.

Fernandez, Val., _Marco Paulo_, etc., 62.

Fernandina. _See_ Cuba.

Fernando VI. (Spain), his care of documents, ii.

Ferraro, G., _Relazione_, 62, 156, 162.

Ferrebouc, 47.

Ferrelo (or Ferrer), pilot, 444.

Ferrer, Jaume, his map, 45;
his _Sentencias_, 45.

Ferrer, Juan, 256.

Ferro, meridian of, 95.

Feuillet de Conches on pictures of Columbus, 70.

Finæus, Orontius, his globe, 184, 431.

Fiorentino, F. C., _Chroniche_, 62.

Fischer, Augustin, _Biblioteca Méjicana_, 430.

Fischer, Theobald, _Ueber Seekarten_, 93.

Fisher, L. P., on C. de Vaca, 288.

Flavigny, Vicomte de, 410.

Florencia, Fr. de, _Campañia de Jesus_, 399.

Florida, 228, 229, 432, 435, 436, 453;
(1520), 218,
(1527), 219,
(1541), 177,
(1542), 226,
(1566), 451;
abandoned by the Spanish (1561), 260;
Ribault in, 260;
Laudonnière in, 262;
ancient, by J. G. Shea, 231;
named, 233;
called Cancio, 234;
authorities on its history, 292;
on Menendez, 292;
on Ribault, 293;
on Laudonnière, 294, 296;
on Gourgues, 297;
_La Reprinse de la Floride_, 297;
as a name first confined to the peninsula, 275;
Indian tribes in, 284;
called Isabella, 116;
Jesuits in, 282, 399;
maps of (Cantino), 108,
(Cortés), 404,
(Da Vinci), 124, 126,
(anon.), 292,
(1565), 264,
(1591, Lemoine), 274,
(Ortelius), 472,
(Wytfliet), 281,
(others), 275.

Florin, Juan. _See_ Verrazano.

Foglietto, _Elogia_, 84.

Folieta, U., _Clarorum Ligurum elogia_, 67.

Folsom, George, on early American discoveries, 34;
_Despatches of Cortés_, 410, 411.

Fonseca, Juan Rodriguez, 57;
opponent of Las Casas, 310;
head of the council for the Indies, 311;
opposes Columbus, 91, 311;
opposes Cortés, 357, 380.

Fonseca, bay of, 200.

Fontaine, _How the World was Peopled_, 25.

Fontanarossa, Susanna, 89.

Fontaneda, Hern. de Escalante, _Memoir_, 291.

Fonte. _See_ De Fonte.

Force, Peter, 337.

Foresti, J. P. (Bergomas), _Supplementum supplementi cronicarum_, 52.

Forlani. _See_ Furlani.

Formaleoni, _La marine des Vénitiens_, 36.

Fornari, Baliano de, 66.

Forquevaulx, Sieur de, his papers, 297.

Forster, F., _Columbus_, 69.

Fort Caroline founded, 262;
site of, 264, 270, 274;
map of, 265;
views of, 268, 269;
attacked by Menendez, 271.

Fort Louis, 294.

Fortunate Islands, 36.
_See_ Canary Island.

Foscarini, _Della lett. Ven._, 30.

Fountain of Youth (Bimini), 283.

Fousang. _See_ Fusang.

Fox, G. V., _First Landing-place of Columbus_, 56.

Francesca (1527), 219.

Francino, A., his collection, 182.

Francis of Vittoria, 343.

Franciscans in Hispaniola, 305;
in Mexico, 399;
histories of, 399.

Franciscus, monk, _De orbis situ_, 431;
his map, 431.

Francisque-Michel on Saint-Brandan, 36.

Franck, Sebastian, _Weltbuch_, 421.

Frankfort globe, 118, 122.
_See_ Schöner.

Frankl, poem on Columbus, 73.

Franklin, Benjamin, on the De Fonte story, 462.

Franquelin, on California, 467.

Freccia, 78.

Freherus, P., _Théâtre_, 73.

Freire, Juan, his map of the California coast, 447.

French standard, shown in view, 269.

Fresnoy, Du, _Méthode pour étudier la géog._, 298.

Freytas, F. N. de, _Relacion_, 504;
edited by J. G. Shea, 504.

Friars in Mexico, 399.
_See_ Dominicans, Franciscans, etc.

Friess, Lorenz (Frisius, Phrysius), 125, 173;
his mappemonde, 174;
_Carta Marina_, 126, 127, 128, 220, 421;
map of Antilles, 218, 220.

Frio, Cape, 126, 151;
port, 162.
_See_ Cabo.

Frisius, Gemma, 101;
on longitude, 98;
annotates Apianus, 183.

Frisius. _See_ Friess.

Fritz, Samuel, map of the Amazon, 589.

Fructuoso, Gaspar, _Hist. das ilhas do Porto Santo_, 38.

Fuca. _See_ De Fuca.

Fuca Straits, 470.

Fuchsius, _Metoposcopia_, 76.

Fuenleal, Bishop, 391;
autog., 391.

Fuente, Alonso de la, 212.

Fuentes, F. de, 518.

Fuentes y Guzman, F. A., _Historia de Guatemala_, 398, 419, 428.

Fulgosus, B., _Collectanea_, 62.

Furlani, Paulo de (Forlani), _Carta nautica_, 439;
his maps, 438,
(1560), 449,
(1562), 439,
(1574), 450, 454;
sketched, 454.

Fusang, 454, 463, 469.

Fuster, iii.

GAFFAREL, Paul, his _Étude sur les rapports de l’Amérique et de
l’ancien continent avant Colomb_, 25, 34;
his _Découverte du Brésil par Cousin_, 34;
his _Hist. du Brésil Français_, 34;
_La Floride Française_, 293.

Galardi, Ferd. de, _Traité politique_, 33, 65.

Galdivia Mendoza, V. de, 489.

Gali, Francisco (Gaule), 455, 462.

Galiano, 469.

Gallaeus, Philippus, _Enchiridion_, 450.

Gallardo, B., _Ensayo_, etc. 24.

Gallardo, B. J., 422.

Gallatin, Albert, on the Indian tribes, 296;
on Aztec civilization, 427;
_Ancient Semi-civilization of New Mexico_, 501.

Gallego, 20, 249.

Gallegos, Juan, 486, 496, 497.

Galleon, picture of a, 456.

Gallinas River, 492.

Galliot du Pré, 47.

Gallo, Ant., on Columbus, 52, 89.

Gallo (island), 508, 509, 513.

Gallucci, 420.

Galvarino, 549.

Gama, João da, 466;
his land, 466;
in the Pacific, 463.

Gama, Vasco da, his portrait, 42;
autog., 42;
his discovery, 42.

Gambara, _De nov. C. Columbi_, 67.

Gambia River, 40.

Ganges, 113, 435;
in the early discoveries, 168.

Garabito, 198, 199, 213.

Garay, Francisco de, 237;
his patent, 237;
governor of Jamaica, 219;
authorities on his voyage, 284;
exploits sung by Castellanos, 584;
land of, 221;
names of his followers, 415;
at Pánuco, 382;
dies, 383, 503.

Garces, Julian, 343.

Garcia, Juan, 255.

Garcia, Nuña, de Toreno, his map, 43.

Garcia de Resende, _Choronica_, 90.

Garibay, _Isla de Santo Domingo_, 280.

Gasca, Pedro de la, likenesses, 539, 540;
president of Peru, 539;
enters Cusco, 542;
leaves Peru, 542;
his reports, 568;
authorities on his career, 569;
his papers, 569.

Gassarum, A. P., _Libellus_, 421.

Gastaldi, Jacopo, 433;
_Notizie di Gastaldi_, 435.

Gaule. _See_ Gali.

Gay, Sydney Howard, “Amerigo Vespucci”, 129.

Gayangos, P. de, 47, 400;
his autog., 408;
edits Marmolejo, 573;
_Cartas de Cortés_, 402, 408, 411;
_Catalogue of Spanish manuscripts_, vii.

Gayarré, _Louisiana_, 292.

Gaye, Claudio, _Historia de Chile_, 572.

Gayon, Gonzalo, 260.

_Gazetta letteraria universale_, 222.

_Gazette des Beaux-Arts_, 44.

Gazlelu, Domingo de, 564.

Gelves, Nuño, 89.

Génard on Ortelius, 471.

Genoa, birthplace of Columbus, 84;
Academy of, 65;
investigate birthplace of Columbus, 84;
archives of, iv;
home of Columbus, 78;
notarial records of, iv;
papers at, 89.

George of Spires, 579.

Georgia (island), 151.

Geography, histories of, 93.

Geraldinus, Alex., 4;
his _Itinerarium_, 4.

German efforts at settling South America, 581;
search for Eldorado, 584.

Geslin, 50.

Ghillany, _Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Behaim_, 35.

Giants in Patagonia, 600;
skeleton of, 602;
seen by Drake, 602;
named from their large feet, 603.

Gibbons, Edward, of Boston, 462.

Gil Gonzalez de Avila, 199, 200.
_See_ Davila.

Gila River, 485.

Gilbert, Sir H., map, 452.

Gilles de Gourmont, 158.

Gino Capponi, Marquis, _Osservazioni_ on Vespucius, 155.

Giocondo, Giovanni, 146;
the architect, 159, 163, 164.

Giocondo, Giuliano B. del, 146.

_Giornale Ligustico_, 102.

Giovio. _See_ Jovius.

Girava, _Cosmographia_, 438;
its titlepage, 437;
descriptions of America, 186.

Giron, Francisco Hernandez, 542;
enters Cusco, 545;
retreats and is captured, 545;
his rebellion, 577.

Giuntini, F., v.

Giustiniani (Agostino), 90;
_Psalter_, 64;
fac-similes of page, 63;
_Annali di Genoa_, 64.

Glareanus, Henricus, 116, 176;
_Geographia_, 25;
its bibliography, 25.

Glas, Geo., _Conquest of the Canaries_, 36.

Globe, sphericity of, 104;
picture of an ancient one, 437.
_See_ Earth.

_Globus mundi_, 171, 172.

Goatitlan, 374.

Godfrey, Thomas, his mariner’s bow, 101.

Godin in Peru, 590;
adventures of his wife, 590.

Godoy, his report to Cortés, 411.

Gohory, J., _La terre neuve de Peru_, 564.

Golfo Chinan, 451.

Gold coast, 40.

Golding, Arthur, translation of Mela, 186.

Goldson, William, _Passage between the Atlantic and Pacific_, 463;
_Straits of Anian_, 456.

Gomara, Francisco Lopez, account of, 412;
his access to documents, 412;
translated by Chimalpain, 412;
his _Historia general de las Indias_, 412, 563;
descriptions of America, 186;
on the Cortereals, 107;
_Conquista de Mexico_, 412;
on Peru, 412;
_Cronica de la Nueva España_, 412;
_Historia del Capitano Cortés_, 412;
_Historia de México_, 412;
_Conquista de México_, 412;
_Hispania Victrix_, with fac-simile of title, 413;
_Pleasant Historie_, 414;
_Conquista di Messico_, 414;
abridged in Eden’s _Decades_, 414;
in Hakluyt, 414;
bibliography of, by Brevoort, 414.

Gomberville, 589.

Gomez, Estevan, 241;
on the North American coast, 241;
with Magellan, 606;
deserts, 607.

Gomez, Francis, 241.

Gomez, Pedro, with Valdivia, 528.

Gomez, archipelago of, 224.

Gonzaga, F., _De origine religionis Franciscanæ_, 399.

Gonzales de la Rosa, Manuel, 567;
edits _Cieza de Leon_, 574.

Good Hope, Cape of, 41.

Goodall, B., _Tryall of Travell_, 68.

Goodrich, _Life of so-called Christopher Columbus_, 33, 69.

Goos, Abraham, his map, 462.

Gordillo, Francisco, sails to Florida, 238;
his expedition, 285.

Gorgona (island), 509, 511, 513.

Gorricio, Gaspar, iv, 26, 89.

Gossellin, _Géog. des Grecs_, 101.

Gourgues, Domenic de, his attack on Florida, 280;
“the avenger of the Huguenots”, 298;
_La reprinse de la Floride_, 297;
different manuscripts of it, 297, 298;
no Spanish authorities, 297;
a slaver, 297.

Goyeneche, Juan de, his life of Solis, 424.

Gracias á Dios, Cape, 21.

Graham on the hourly variation of the needle, 100.

Grajales, Mendoza, 270.

Gran Quivira, 494.
_See_ Quivira.

Granada, arms of, 48;
captured, 50;
_In laudem_, etc., 50.

Granada (island), 226, 588.

Grand (isle), fabulous, 36.

Grand Turk Island, 55.

Grant, Fort, 482.

Grantham, Lord, ii.

Grapes in Peru, 547.

Gravier, Gabriel, edits Challeux, 296;
_Rech. sur les navigations Européens_, 42;
_Le Canarien_, 36, 39;
_Les Normands sur la route des Indes_, 25.

Gravier, N. F., _Saint-Dié_, 162.

Gravière, J. de la, _Les marins_, 7, 83.

Gray, Capt., in the “Washington”, 470.

Great Circle, 25.

Great Exuma (island), 55.

Great Inaqua (island), 55.

Greco (northeast), 94.

Greenhow, _Oregon and California_, 455;
on the Oregon question, 469;
_Northwest Coast_, 461.

Greenland, a peninsula of Europe, 28, 111, 123, 433;
relations with Iceland, 33;
seen by Cortereal, 109;
on early maps, 28;
in the Cantino map, 109;
called by various names
(Grotlandia), 432;
(Grutlandia), 451, 453;
(Gronlandia), 434, 435;
(Groenland), 472;
(Groenlant), 452, 459;
(Gruenlant), 115;
(Gronland), 175;
(Terra nova), 446, 447.

Gregg, _Commerce of the Prairies_, 495.

Gregoire, Bishop of Blois, his _Apologie_, 325.

Greiff, B., 162.

Grieninger, Johannes, 128.

Grijalva, Juan de, 349, 351, 354;
his expedition, v, 203, 215, 402, 403;
sails with Garay (1523), 238;
_Cronica_, 399;
_Itinerario_, 397;
portrait, 216.

Grimaldi, 48.

Grimaldo, 93.

Grimm, Sigmund, 408.

Grimston, Edw., 421.

Groclant, 459, 472.

Grothe, H., his _Leonardo da Vinci_, 31.

Grüninger, printer, 169.

Grynæus, _Novus Orbis_, 62.

Guachoyanque, 253.

Guadalaxara, 474.

Guadalupe, 374;
Our Lady of, 399;
_Coleccion_, 400.

Guaguanico, 351.

Guahan, 611.

Guale, 278.

Guale (Amelia), Island, 282.

Gualterotti, R., _L’America_, 154.

Guamanga, 536, 537.

Guanahani, 52, 92, 224;
(Guanahan), 221;
(Ganahani), 226;
(Guanao), 177;
Ponce de Leon at, 233.

Guanape, 558.

Guandape, 241.

Guanima, 233.

Guanuco, 558.

Guarico, 558.

Guastecan, 472.

Guatari River (Wateree), 285.

Guatemala, 221;
audiencia of, 460;
_Coleccion de doc. antig._, 398, 419;
the _Proceso_ against Alvarado, 419;
Remesal as an authority, 419;
Vasquez’ _Chronica_, 419;
_Historia_ of Fuentes y Guzman, 419;
the _Compendio_ of Domingo Juavros, 419;
expedition to, under Alvarado, 383;
map, 384;
sources of its history, 398, 419.

Guaxule, 247.

Guayaquil, 509.

Guayaquil, Gulf of, 511.

Guazzo, Marco, _Historie_, 576.

Guérin, Leon, _Navigateurs Français_, 34, 298.

Guerra, C., 109, 187, 204, 205.

Guevara, Juan de, 207.

Guibert, M. C., _Mémoires de Dieppe_, 34.

Guicciardini, _Hist. d’Italia_, 154.

Guinea coast, 39.

Gumilla, _El Orinoco_, 587.

Guss, A. L., “Early Indian History of the Susquehanna”, 283.

Gutierrez, J. R., 570.

Guyas, 491.

Guzman, Alonso Enriques de, 566;
his autobiography, 567.

Guzman, Diego de, expedition to Sinaloa, 503.

Guzman, Fernando de, his revolt, 582.

Guzman, Nuño Beltran de, 473;
his expedition to Ciguatan, 499;
distresses the vessels of Cortés, 441, 442;
avoids Cortés, 442;
expedition to Pánuco, 386, 503;
to New Gallicia, 391, 503;
invades Jalisco, 387;
in Mexico, 395;
account of his trial, 398.

Guzman, Pero Nuñez de, 233.

Guzman, S., _El peregrino Indiano_, 430.

HAAG, _La France protestante_, 298.

Hacke, _Collection of Voyages_, 466.

Hackit, Thomas, 293;
his _Florida_, 293.

Hadley’s quadrant, 101.

Hagen, Von der, 179.

Hagenberg, Francis, 471.

Hain, _Repertorium_, 48.

Hakluyt, on Drake’s discovery, 455;
_Notable History_, 293;
_Voyages_, 498.

Hale, E. E., copy of a drawing of a buffalo, 489;
on Coronado’s discovery, 503;
procures Cortés’ map of California, 442;
discovers original of the name of California, 443;
_His Level Best_, 443;
“Magellan’s discovery”, 591;
_Seven Spanish Cities_, 6;
on Palos, 6.

Hallam, H., _Literature of Europe_, 57, 571.

Halley and the magnetic poles, 95;
on terrestrial magnetism, 100.

Hammocks (cut), 11;
in Brazil, 596;
figured, 597.

Hansen, Léonard de, life of Santa Rosa, 560;
_La bienaventurada Rosa_, 560;
other versions, 560.

Hardy, Jules, _Les Dieppois en Guinée_, 39.

Harley, Edward, 226.

Haro, C. de, 615.

Haro, H. de, 519, 520.

Harrassowitz, _Rarissima Americana_, 157.

Harris, John, the fac-similist, 50.

Harris, _Collection of Voyages_, 467.

Harrisse, H., his proposed _Americ Vespuce_, 155;
on Ferdinand Columbus, 66;
criticised by Stevens, 66;
his _D. Fernando Colon_, 66;
his _Fernand Colomb_, 66;
_Les Cortereals_, 33;
_Les sépultures de Colomb_, 80;
_Los restos de Colon_, 83;
his _Cabots_, 93;
_Christophe Colomb_, 88;
_Notes on Columbus_, privately printed, viii;
his _Histoire de C. Colomb attribuée à son fils_, 66;
_Les restes mortels de Colomb_, 83;
_Colomb et la Corse_, 84;
_Les Colombo_, 86;
Desjardin on, viii.

Hatteras, Cape, 285.

Hauslab, Freiherr von, his globes, 171.

Havana, 226, 230, 353;
plundered by the French, 262;
view of, 202.

Havana (San Cristoval), 351.

Hawkins, Sir John, 262.

Hawkins, Sir Richard, captured, 561.

Haxa, 492.

Haynes, Henry W., “Early Explorations of New Mexico”, 473;
favors the Zuñi theory of the Seven Cities, 503.

Hayti (1529), 221;
(1541), 177.
_See_ Hispaniola, Santo Domingo.

Hazard, Samuel, _Santo Domingo_, 71, 81, 88.

Helps, Sir Arthur, 337;
_Conquerors of the New World_, 428;
_Spanish Conquest of America_, 69, 204, 428;
_Life of Cortés_, 428;
his map of Cortés’ voyage, 353;
_Life of Pizarro_, 578;
_Life of Columbus_, 69;
_Life of Las Casas_, 343;
his map of the Valley of Mexico, 369.

Hemez, 495.

Hennepin, bibliography of, 67;
his maps of the Pacific coast, 466.

Henriquez, Martin, viceroy of Peru, 557.

Henry (Prince), the navigator, 2;
portrait (cut), 39;
autog., 39;
lives of, 40.

Henshaw, H. W., 481.

Hermano, Diego, 439.

Hermano de Toledo, 454.

Hernandez, Pero, _Comentarios_, 286.

Herrera, A. de, his life of Vaca de Castro, 567;
on Balbóa, 211;
his picture of Columbus, 71;
on Columbus, 67;
account of, 67;
drew largely from Las Casas, 67, 340;
bibliography of, 67;
his _Historia general_, i, 67, 213, 424, 563;
his _Descripcion_, 67;
edited by Barcia, 67;
editions of, 68;
in Vander Aa, Hulsius, etc., 68;
translated by John Stevens, 68, 563;
Robertson’s opinion of it, 424;
on Lake Parima, 587;
and Magellan, 616;
maps (1601), 460;
edited by Van Baerle, 461;
charges Vespucius with falsifying dates, 154;
historiographer, 563.

Herries, William, 11.

Hesperides (1541), 177.

Hessels, J. H., 50.

Hevia, Diego de, 278.

Heylin, _Cosmographie_, 466, 587.

Heyn, Peeter, _Miroir du Monde_, 472;
epitome of Ortelius, 472.

Hinojosa, Pedro de, 540.

Hipparchus and lunar tables, 99.

Hispaniola, 435, 437;
(1541), 177;
(Española), 106, 110;
(Espanholla), 108;
(Espagnolla), 226;
(Hispaniæ insula), 122;
(Isabella), 114, 126;
(Spagnola), 115, 123, 128, 175, 218, 223, 228, 229, 451;
(Spagnolla), 111, 116, 118, 170, 183, 450;
(Spagnollo), 125;
(Spagnuola), 188;
(Spaniola), 217, 432;
Columbus at, 13;
fruits of (cut), 16;
mines, 16;
map of, ascribed to Columbus, 104;
other early maps, 105;
map (1534), 188;
name, 10;
native houses (cut), 11;
curing of sick (cut), 11.
_See_ Hayti, Santo Domingo.

Hochelaga (Ochelai), 451.

Höfer, _Nouv. biog. gén._, 83.

Hogenberg, _Civitates_, 5.
_See_ Braun.

Hojeda. _See_ Ojeda.

Holbein, 446.

Holguin, Pedro Alvarez de, 534;
life of, 577;
killed, 536.

Homann, and Lake Parima, 587;
his map (1719), 467.

Homem, Diego, map of the Moluccas, 441;
map (1540), 446;
map (1558), 227, 229, 448; (1568), 449;
_Atlante maritimo_, 449.

Hondius, Jodocus, his map of Gulf of California, 461;
his circumpolar map, 461;
_Caerte van Guiana_, 587.

Hondius-Mercator atlas (1613), 461.
_See_ Mercator.

Honduras, Olid’s expedition to, 382;
map, 384;
Cortés in, 385;
discovered, 191.

Höniger, Nic., translates Benzoni, 347.

Honoratus, Fray, 475.

Honter, bibliography of, 122;
new maps (1561), 123;
_Rudimentorum cosmographiæ libri_, 122, 176.

Hooke, R., 424.

Horn, _Ulyssea_, 34.

Hour-glass, 437.

Howarth, George, 357.

Hoz, Alonzo de, 548.

Hoz, Pedro Sanchos de, 528.

Huallaga River, 519, 581.

Huamachuco, 520.

Huamanga, 520;
founded, 523.

Huanachuco, 519.

Huancabamba, 516, 519.

Huancavelica, 561.

Huanuco, 519, 520;
settled, 527.

Huarina, 519, 541;
war of, 574.

Huascar, 514.

Huasco, 524.

Huayna Capac, 514.

Hüber, Wolfgang, 160.

Huelen-Guala, 528.

Huet, Bishop, 420.

Huguenots in Florida, 293 _et seq._;
hated by the Spanish, 262.

Hugues, Luigi, 616.

Hulsius, Levinus, his map “Americæ pars australis”, 587.

Humaña, Juan de, 504.

Humboldt, Alex., his _Examen critique_, 68, 178;
autog., 68;
_Krit. Untersuchungen_, 68;
introduction to Ghillany’s _Behaim_, 68;
his _Voyage aux régions équinoxiales_, 206;
_Personal Narrative_, 206, 287, 375;
_Essai politique_, 375;
dissipated the myth of Eldorado, 589;
defence of Vespucius, 178.

Hurtado, 198.

Hutchinson, _Two Years in Peru_, 516.

Huten, Philip von, his expedition, 581.

Huts in trees, native, 514.

Hylacomylus. _See_ Waldseemüller.

IBARRA, B. de, 106.

Ibarra, Diego, 504.

Ibarra, F. de, 504.

Icaria, 472.

Icazbalceta, J. G., 397;
autog., 397;
_Apuntes para un catálogo_, etc., 417;
_Coleccion de documentos_, 397, 498;
_Diccionario_, 400;
edits Mendieta, 422;
on Lorenzana, 408;
prints a secret letter of Cortés, 411;
_Vida de Cortés_, 428.

Iceland (Islandia), 434;
visited by Columbus, 33.

Ichuse, 257.

Ideler, J. L., 68.

Ilacomylus. _See_ Waldseemüller.

Illapel, 524.

Imperial (town in Chili), 548.

Inca Titus and the crown of Peru, 325.

Inca empire, early reports of, 199.

Incas. _See_ Yncas.

India in Pomponius Mela’s map, 180.

India Superior, 176.
_See_ Asia.

Indian Ocean as an inland sea, 95, 165.

Indians, other advocates of, than Las Casas, 343;
described by Las Casas, 318;
estimates of numbers at the time of European contact, 327;
early cuts of, 159, 162;
enslaved by the Spaniards, 303;
sedentary, 473;
pueblo, 473;
the Spaniards’ relations to, 299;
as found by Columbus, 300;
why so named, 169.

Indies, council for the, and the publication of maps, 471;
their archives, i.
_See_ Council.

Infantado, Duque del, 89;
his manuscripts, viii.

Inga, 579;
_West-Indische Spieghel_, 462.

Inghirami, Fedia, 58.

Inquisition in Peru, 557;
in Spain, 301, 305;
history by Llorente, 325.

_Inventio fortunata_, 95.

Irving, Pierre, _Life of W. Irving_, vi.

Irving, Theo., _Florida and De Soto_, 290.

Irving, Washington, his _Columbus_, vi, 68;
_Companions of Columbus_, vi, 204;
manuscript of his account of Columbus at Barcelona, 56;
on portraits of Columbus, 71;
on Vespucius, 155.

Isabella (of Spain), sign-manual, 56;
her will, 316, 343;
dies, 23, 319;
her character, 5;
story of her jewels pledged, 91.

Isabella (city), 16.

Isabella. _See_ Cuba.

Isleta, 489.

Isnardi, F., _Dissertazione_, 84;
_Nuovi doc._, 84;
_Patria di Colombo_, 73.

Italian travellers, 93.

Italy and American discovery, 2;
Geographical Society, 93.

Iturri on Muñoz, iii.

Ivagana, 611.

Ixtlilxochitl, _Historia Chichimeca_, 417;
his works on New Spain, 417;
_Horribles crueldades_, 417;
_Noticias_, 417;
_Hist. des Chichimiques_, 417;
_Rois de Tezcuco_, 417;
_Relaciones_, 411, 417.

Iztapalapa, 369, 374, 376, 379.

Iztapalatzinco, 369.

JACKSTAFF, 98, 99.
_See_ Backstaff, Cross-staff.

_Jahresbericht der tech. Anstalten in Nürnberg_, 119.

Jal, A., _Archéologie navale_, 7;
_La France maritime_, 12;
_De Paris à Naples_, 12.

Jahsco, 387.

Jamaica, 128, 201,
(1511), 110,
(1529), 221,
(1534), 223,
(1541), 177,
(Jamaca), 226,
(Jamaicha), 219,
(Jamaiqua), 229,
(Jamayca), 217,
(Jamacqua), 218;
Columbus at, 22;
a granary, 191;
map, 450;
settled, 214.

Jamestown, its site occupied by the early Spaniards, 241.

Janequeo, 561.

Jannson, _Monde maritime_, 462;
_Orbis maritimus_, 462;
edits _Mercator-Hondius Atlas_, 462.

Janvier, _Atlas moderne_, 469.

Japan, 452,
(Cimpaga), 438;
(Giapan), 451, 454,
(Iapon), 464,
(Zipangri), 170;
in Ortelius, 472;
in Toscanelli’s map, 101.
_See_ Cipango.

Japanese map of the Pacific coast, 460.

Jaramillo, Juan de, 258;
_Relacion_, 500.

Jaume. _See_ Ferrer.

Jayme, Juan, 40;
his Declinatorium, 100.

Jefferson, Thomas, his picture of Columbus, 73;
engraved, 74.

Jefferys’s map of De Fonte’s narrative, 469;
_Northwest Coast_, 460;
translates Muller’s voyages to the northwest, 469.

Jemez, 495.

Jequetepeque, 516.

Jerez, G. de, 511.

Jeronymites, 311.

Jesso (island), 463;
in the maps, 463;
depicted by Hennepin, 464;
(Terro Esonis), 467.

Jesuits in Florida, 282;
in Mexico, 399;
in Peru, 552.

Joan Baptista, Fray, 422.

Jocundus. _See_ Giocondo.

John of Gaunt, 39.

Jomard on likenesses of Columbus, 70;
_Monument à Colomb_, 74.

Jones, C. C., Jr., on De Soto’s route, 291.

Jordan River, 240, 292;
whence named 285;
(Pedee), 260.

Josse, A. L., 424.

Jourdanet, Denis, edits Sahagun, 417;
_La pression de l’air sur la vie de l’homme_, 375;
his map of the Valley of Mexico, _heliotype_, 375;
_Histoire véridique_, 415.

_Journal of the Franklin Institute_, 94.

_Journal of the Military Service Institution_, 375.

Jovius, Paulus, _Elogia_, 29, 67, 70, 71, 72;
his gallery, 72;
portrait, 70.

Juan Ponce, Bay of, 283.

Juan y Ulloa, _El meridiano de demarcacion_, 45.

Juarros, Domingo, his _Guatemala_, 419.

Judæis. _See_ Judæus.

Judæus, Cornelius de, his map, 457;
_Speculum_, 457.

Jujuy, 525.

Julius II., Pope, 120.

KAEMPFER, 460.

Kalbfleisch, C. H., 113, 163, 173.

_Kansas City Review_, 467.

Karaikes, 601.

Keating, Maurice, edits Bernal Diaz, 415.

Kemenettes, 601.

Kendall, Abraham, in Guiana, 587.

Kendrick, Capt., in the “Columbia”, 470.

Kern, R. H., map by, 502.

Kerr, _Voyages_, 67, 162.

Kettell, Samuel, translates Columbus’ Journal, or _Personal
Narrative_, 46.

Keymis, with Raleigh, 587.

Kingsborough, his bound tracts on Mexico and Peru, 399;
his text of Sahagun, 416.

Kino, Father, explorations in California, 467;
his map, 467.

Kirk, J. F., 427;
criticises R. A. Wilson, 427;
edits Prescott’s _Peru_, 578.

Kitchen’s map shows Lake Parima, 587.

Klöoen, K. von, “Die Welser”, 579.

Klunzinger, Karl, _Antheil der Deutschen an der Entdeckung von
Südamerika_, 579.

Klüpfel, Karl, 579.

Knight, A. G., _Columbus_, 69.

Koerius, Petrus, his maps, 464.

Kohl, Dr. J. G., on discovery in the Gulf of Mexico, 404;
his collection of maps, 93;
his manuscript at Worcester, 127;
his studies of the cartography of the Pacific coast, 431;.
his manuscript memoir on this subject, 127, 431;
on Magellan’s Straits in _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde
in Berlin_, 617;.
republished as _Magellan’s Strasse_, 617;
_Lost Maps_, 117.

Kolno. _See_ Szkolny.

Koppe, K. W., 410.

Kries, _Magellan-Reise_, 615.

Kublai Khan, 42

Külb, 564.

Küsker, B., 51.

LA CAILLE, 276.

La Condamine, 590;
descends the Amazon, 590.

La Cosa, Juan de, his map, 106;
account of, 106.
_See_ Cosa.

La Croix, _Algemeene Weereld Beschryving_, 378.

La Cruz, his map, 587.

La Harpe, _Abrégé des voyages_, 463.

La Paz, 442.

La Pérouse, 470.

La Plata, 446, 450;
Magellan at, 598;
called early by Solis, 605.
_See_ Plata.

La Roche, Jean de, 262.

La Salle, Cavelier de, his connection with Peñalosa, 504;
place of his death, 294.

Labanoff, Alex., his maps, 93.

Labazares, Guido de, 256.

Laborde, J. B. _Mer du sud_, 468;
_Voyage pittoresque_, 389.

Labrador, 435, 436, 450, 451;
(Lavorador), 219;
(Laborador), 228, 453;
(terra laboratorum), 122;
early visits to, 34.

Lacio, publisher, 412.

Ladrones, 438, 610;
Pigafetta’s map of, 611, 614.

Laet, J. de, map of Lake Parima, 587, 588.

Lafitau, _Découv. des Portugais_, 42.

Lafreri, _Geografia_, 432.

Lafuente y Alcantara, 47.

Lake, Arthur, 11.

Lamartine, _C. Colomb_, 83.

Lambert, Jehan, 157.

Lambert, T. H., on the origin of the name America, 179.

Landa, Diego de, _Relation de Yucatan_, 429.

Landon, _Galerie historique_, 73.

Langeac, _Colomb_, 68.

Langeron on Magellan, 617.

Lanjuinas, J. D., _Colomb_, 84;
_Études_, 84.

Laon globe, 28.

Lapie on Maldonado, 456;
in _Nouv. annales des voyages_, 463.

Larousse, _Grand dict. universel_, 68.

Las Alas, Estevan de, 278.

Las Casas, Antoine, 304.

Las Casas, Bartholomew, chapter on, by Geo. E. Ellis, 299;
his birth, 303;
arrives in America, 21;
ordained at Hispaniola, 305;
goes to Cuba, 305;
goes to Spain (1515), 307;
returns to Indies, 307;
other visits to Spain, 308;
enters a convent (1522), 313, 333;
made bishop of Chiapa, 314;
dies, 314;
his character, 306, 330;
his exaggerations, 313, 318, 324, 326, 327, 328, 332;
relations to slavery, 304, 312, 325, 326;
on encomiendas, 537;
his colony at Cumana, 313;
his memorials to the Crown, 317;
his “Propositions”, 321, 335;
opposed by Oviedo and Sepulveda, 314, 331;
his opponents, 343;
charges against him, 326, 343;
supported by Herrera and Torquemada, 326;
reviewed by Prescott, 328;
his portrait, 332;
his autog., 333;
authorities on his career, 331;
lives of him, 343;
by Fabié, 343;
by Helps, 343;
by H. H. Bancroft, 343;
by Prescott, 343;
by Llorente, 324, 340;
his writings, 313, 325;
bibliography of, 333;
his _Obras_ (Llorente’s edition), 324, 340;
_Œuvres_, 340;
_Apologética hist._, 340;
his unpublished writings, 337;
_Carta_ (1520), 337;
_Carta_ (1545), 337;
_Carta_ (1554), 337;
_Historia de las Indias_, vii, 89, 174, 317, 339;
fac-simile of indorsement on it, 339;
_Conquista dell’Indie_, 342;
his use of documents, ii;
on De Soto, 254;
on Columbus, ii;
abridges the Journal of Columbus, 46, 91;
his nine tracts, 333, 335;
_Brevissima relacion_, 333;
fac-simile of title, 334;
_Cancionero spiritual_, 333;
_Lo que se signe_, etc., 335;
_Entre los remedios_, 335;
_Aqui se cōtienē unos_, etc., 335;
fac-simile of its title, 336;
_Aqui se contiene una disputa_, 335;
_Este es un tratado_, 335;
_Proposiciones_, 335;
fac-simile of title, 338;
_Principia_, 335;
_Tratado_, 335;
_Explicatio_, 337;
reprinted as _Las obras_, 337;
translations of his tracts, 341;
_Tyrannies et cruautez_, 341;
_The Spanish Colonie_, 341;
_Tears of the Indians_, 341;
_Seer cort Verhael_, 341;
_Spieghel der Sp. Tirannije_, 341;
_Histoire admirable des horribles insolences_, 341;
_Le miroir de la tyrannie_, 341;
_Histoire des Indes_, 351;
_La découverte des Indes_, 341;
_Relation des voyages_, 341;
_Relation of the first voyages_, 342;
_Newe Welt_, 342;
_Narratio regionum Indicarvm_, 342;
_De Bry’s engravings_, 342;
_Account of the first voyages_, 342;
_Popery truly displayed_, 342;
_Old England for ever_, 342;
_Warhafftiger Bericht_, 342;
_Umbständige warhafftige Beschreibung_, 342;
_Regionum Indicarum_, 342;
_Istoria_, 342;
_Il supplice_, etc., 342;
_La libertà pretesa_, 342.

Las Casas, Francisco de, 200.

Las Cases (Napoleon’s chamberlain), 304.

Lasso de la Vega, Gabriel, his _Cortés valeroso_, 354;
_Mexicana_, 354;
his likeness, 355.

Latitude, errors in, 96;
first use of, 95.

Latitude and longitude, earliest instance of, in Spanish maps, 224.

Laudonnière, René, builds Fort Caroline, 262;
_L’histoire notable_, 293;
_Notable History_, 293;
Lemoyne’s account, 296;
_Brevis narratio_, 296;
Challeux’ _Discours_, 296.

Lautaro, 548;
victorious, 549;
killed, 549.

Lavazares, Guido de, 504.

Lavradio, Count de, 42.

Laws, early Spanish, respecting the New World, 347;
of Mexico, 401.
_See_ New Laws.

Laycal Bay, 55.

Le Clercq, _Etablissement de la Foy_, 244.

Le Verrier, 36.

League, its length, 45.

Lebrija, Ant. de, _Prudentii Opera_, 64.

Ledesma, Pedro de, 176, 204.

Lefroy, J. H., _Memorials of Bermuda_, 110.

Legaspi, M. L. de, 616.

Leguina, Enrique de, _La Cosa_, 107.

Leguizamo, Marcio Sierra de, 556, 570.

Leigh, Sir Thomas, 464.

Leisler, Governor, 76.

Lelewei, Joachim, _Die Entdeckung der Carthager auf dem Atlantischen
Ocean_, 36;
his map of the Atlantic according to the ancients (cut), 37;
makes an hypothetical map (1501-1503), 109;
on Ortelius, 471, 472.

Lemaire, _Speculum_, 602.

Lemoyne de Morgues, Jacques, his account of Laudonnière’s expedition,
296;
_Brevis narratio_, 296;
translated by Perkins, 296.

Lenox, James, on the Columbus letters, 47;
his woodcut map (1534), 222;
fac-simile of, 223;
his globe, sketch of, 123, 170;
Lenox Library, 158;
Spanish documents in, iii.

Leo Africanus, 163;
his _Afrique_, 163.

Leon, Cieza de, treatment of natives, 556.

Leon, Jean. _See_ Leo Africanus.

Lepage, H., _René et Vespuce_, 164.

Lepe, Diego de, 109, 188;
his voyage, 149;
authorities on his voyage, 204, 205;
his map, 205.

Leroz, _Geographia de la America_, 288.

Lester, Charles Edwards, 139.

_Letera de la nobil cipta_, 576.

_Lettres édifiantes_, 467.

Leucaton, 549.

Levante (east), 94.

_Leven van Columbus_, 69.

Levinus Apollonius, 297.

Lexona, 408.

_Leyes y ordenanças_, 347.

Libri’s library, 166.

_Lichte der Zee-Vaert_, 97.

_Light of Navigation_, 97.

Lightfoote, William, _Complaints of England_, 341.

Lilio, Z., _De origine_, etc., 58.

Lilius, _Orbis breviarium_, 25.

Lima, 513, 519, 558;
accounts of its founding, 567;
colleges at, 561;
councils at, 552, 557;
founded, 510, 522;
called “Ciudad de los Reyes”, 522.

Linati, _Costûmes de Mexique_, 362.

Lindenau, _Corresp. de Zach_, 221.

Linschoten _Itinerario_, 457;
editions of, 457;
Wolfe’s translation, 459;
copies of, 459;
maps in, 457;
_Navigatio_, 460;
_Histoire de la navigation_, 460;
_Description de l’Amérique_, 460;
_Beschryvinge_, etc., 460;
the Dutch editions used as sea-manuals, 460;
in De Bry, 460;
bibliography in Sabin, 460;
his life, 460.

Lions (islands), 599.

_Lippincott’s Magazine_, 71.

Lisbon, archives of the Torre do Tombo, ii, viii, 90;
Royal Academy, their _Noticias para nações ultramarinas_, 173, 616.

_Livres payés en vente publique 1,000 francs_, 27.

Llama, 505.

Llorente, Juan Antonio, biographer and editor of Las Casas, 304, 324;
history of the Inquisition, 325;
his work on the Popes, 325.

Loaysa, Alonzo de, 543.

Loaysa, Garcia de, 440.

Loaysa, Geronimo, bishop, 537;
archbishop of Lima dies, 557.

Lockhart, John I., _Memoirs of Diaz_, 415.

Log, invention of, 98.

Lok, Michael, his map, 454.

Lomas Colmenares, J. B. de, 504.

Lombards (guns), 7.

Long Island (Bahamas), 55.

Longfellow, H. W., on Irving, vi.

Longitude, errors in, 98;
first use of, 95;
more or less uncertain at sea to-day, 101;
rewards of accurate methods, 100.
_See_ Latitude.

Lope de Sosa, 209.

Lope de Vega, on the Araucanian war, 572.

Lopes, Pero, 596.

Lopez de Haro, _Nobilario_, 88.

Lopez, Diego, 492.

Lopez, map of Mexico, 375.

Lorea, Ant. de, 560.

Lorenzana, _Cartas pastorales_, 400;
edits records of ecclesiastical councils, 399;
_Nueva España_, 408, 443;
account of him, 408;
_Historia de Méjico_, 408;
his map of New Spain (_heliotype_), 359;
on Viscaino, 461.

Lorgues, R. de, _Satan contre Colomb_, 69;
_La croix dans les deux mondes_, 69;
_Chr. Colomb_, 69;
_L’ambassadeur de Dieu_, 69.

Los Rios, Pedro de, 200.

Lota, 524.

Löwenstern, I., on likenesses of Columbus, 70.

Loyola, Martin Garcia, 553;
governor of Chili, 561;
killed, 562;
sources of information, 573.

Lucanas, 527, 544.

Lucayan Islands, map, 61;
their natives carried to Hispaniola, 321.

Lucayoneque, 238.

Lud, Walter, 145, 162, 471;
noticed by Henry Stevens, 162;
his _Speculum_, 62, 145, 163.

Lugtenberg, his map, 464.

Lugo, F. de, 580.

Lugo, Luis Alonzo de, 581;
of New Granada, 581.

Lugo, Montalvo de, 581.

Luguna, 489, 501.

Luis, missionary, 497.

Lullius, Raymond, _Arte de navegar_, 96, 98.

Luna, Gomez de, 534.

Luna y Arellano, Tristan de, 257;
his expedition, 258;
returned to Cuba, 259.

Lunar tables, 99.

_L’univers pittoresque_, 296.

Luque, Hernando, 505, 507;
made bishop of Tumbez, 512;
died, 526.

_Lyuro das obras de Garcia de Resende_, 56.

MACDONALD, M., _Guatemozin_, 430.

Macedo, notice of Ortelius, 471.

Machin discovers Madeira, 38.

Machiparo, 582.

Mackenzie, A. S., 53.

Macoya, 279.

Macrobius, 28.

Macuelas, Juan, 257.

Madden, Sir Frederick, 337.

Madeira discovered, 38;
as first meridian, 95.

Madrid, Academy of History, publications on American history, vii;
Royal Academy, _Memorias_, 70;
Soc. Geog., _Boletin_, 72.

Maella, M., 76.

Maese de Campo, 271.

Maffeius, 62;
_Commentariorum urbanorum libri_, 421;
_Historiarum indicarum libri_, 457.

Magalhaens. _See_ Magellan.

Magalhaes de Gandavo, 154.

_Magasin pittoresque_, 72, 296.

Magdalen (Indian women), 255.

Magdalena (Florida river), 243, 288.

Magdalena (South American river), 189, 513.

Magellan, Fernando de, career, 591;
different forms of his name, 591;
autog., 592;
sails on his expedition, 592;
portraits of, 72, 75, 76, 593, 594, 595;
his fleet, 593;
quarrels with Juan de Carthagena, 596, 599;
at Rio de Janeiro, 596;
at La Plata, 598;
at Port Desire, 599;
mutiny there, 599;
executes Mendoza and Quesada, 599;
sees a giant, 600;
fights the natives, 601;
takes possession of Patagonia, 604;
observes eclipse of sun, 604;
in the straits, 606;
reaches the Pacific, 608;
his track in the Pacific, 609;
map of it, 610;
at the Ladrones, 611;
at the Philippines, 612;
killed, 612;
sources of information for the voyage, 613;
Pigafetta’s diary, 613, 614;
Max. Transylvanus’ letter, 615;
lost account by Peter Martyr, 615;
documents in Navarrete, 615;
manuscript ascribed to Magellan, 615;
enumeration of his companions, 615;
accounts by Stanley, Major, etc., 617;
bibliography of, 617;
documents published by the Hakluyt Society, 616;
account by Genoese pilot, 616;
shows how Magellan followed the Antarctic current, 616;
account in Oviedo, 616;
in Herrera, 616;
the _Noticia_ of Navarrete, 617.

Magellan’s Straits, 435, 436, 446, 450,
(1534), 223;
(1541), 177;
treatise on its history by Kohl, 617;
by Wieser, 617;
named after the Eleven thousand Virgins by its discoverer, 604, 605;
prefigured on Behaim’s map, 604;
Pigafetta’s map, 605;
called “Streto Patagonico”, 605;
voyage of the “Santa Maria de la Cabeza”, 593.

Magini, J. A., edits Ptolemy, 457.

Magnet, history of the, 94;
variation of, 94;
lines of no variation, 95.
_See_ Compass, Needle.

Magnetic curves, charts of, 100.

Magnetic pole, 95.

Maida (island), 451, 453.

Maiollo, map of America (1527), 94, 219, 220.

Major, R. H., _Select Letters of Columbus_, 10, 47;
_Conquest of the Canaries_, 36;
on date of Columbus’ birth, 83;
on the Da Vinci map, 124;
on Vespucius, 178;
_Prince Henry the Navigator_, 40, 617;
_Discoveries of Prince Henry_, 617.

Mala, 519, 526.

Maldonado, 21.

Maldonado (artist), 362.

Maldonado, Diego, 503;
seeks De Soto, 253.

Maldonado, Francisco, 250.

Maldonado, Lorenzo Ferrer de, his disputed voyage, 455;
authorities for, 455;
_Viaggio_, 456;
Memoir by Lapie, 456;
map, 468.

Maldonado, Pedro de, 542.

Maldonado, Roderigo, 486, 492.

Malhado Island, 244.

Malipiero, Dominico, 106.

Malloy, Charles, _Affairs maritime_, 83.

Malpica, 72.

Malte-Brun, 164;
_Hist. de la géog._, 30.

Manca, Ynca, 520;
at Vilcabamba, 546;
neglected, 524;
heads an army, 524;
defeated by Orgoñez, 526.

Mandaña, 561.

Mandeville, John de, influences Columbus, 27;
_Itinerarius_, 30.

Maneiro, _De vitis Mexicanorum_, 429.

Mangi, 42, 105, 118, 438, 454, 472;
mare de, 451, 453.

Mangon, 42.

Manigua, 233.

Manilla, 454.

Manioc, 598.

Manipacna River, 259.

Mannert, Conrad, 587.

Manno and Promis, _Notizie di Gastaldi_, 439.

Manoa (city), 585;
first in maps, 587;
in later maps, 587, 588;
disappeared, 589.

Manrique de Lara, Rodrigo, 551.

Manta Bay, 509.

Mantuanus, B., _Opera_, 62.

_Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi_, 38.

Mapocho River, 528.

Maps of the earliest Spanish and Portuguese discoveries, 93;
early Spanish ones very rare, 174.
_See_ Cordiform.

Maracaibo, 190;
Lake of, 187.

Maracayo Lake, 558.

Maragnon, Rio, 228.

Maranon (river), 188, 513, 519, 581.
_See_ Amazon.

Marata, 477, 480.

Marchand, Guy, or Guiot, printer, 49, 50, 51.

Marchena of Rábida, 3, 5.

Marchena, Perez de, 91.

Marchesi, 48.

Marchetti, edition of Ortelius, 472.

Marcos, Fray, 475, 476, 477, 503;
his _Descubrimiento_, 499;
report altered in Ramusio and Hakluyt, 476, 499;
his fictions, 499;
rejoins Coronado, 480;
general of the Franciscans, 481.

Marcou, Jules, on the naming of America, 179;
_First Discoveries of California_, 443, 467;
on Alarcon’s voyage, 443.

Mar del Sur. _See_ Pacific.

Margarita (island), 18, 20, 110, 134, 187, 225, 581, 588;
map, 61;
seized by Aguirre, 582.

Margry, _Navigations Françaises_, 12, 39.

Mariames (Indians), 244.

Mariguana (island), 55, 56.

Mariguanu, battle of, 549.

Marin, _Commercio de’ Veneziani_, viii, 90.

Marina, 355, 396.

Marini, G. B., 66.

Marinus, 24.

Marinus of Tyre, 95.

Markham, Clements R., “Pizarro, and the Conquest of Peru and Chili”,
505;
“Critical Essay”, 563;
his _Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons_, 563, 585, 589;
his _Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrárias Davilla_, 564;
edits Xeres, 564;
_Reports on the Discovery of Peru_, 566;
edits _Life of Guzman_, 567;
_Rules and Laws of the Incas_, 571;
_Travels of Cieza de Leon_, 574;
Garcilasso de la Vega’s _Royal Commentaries_, 575;
encouraged by Prescott, 578;
his _Cusco and Lima_, 578;
_Travels in Peru and India_, 578;
his handbook on _Peru_, 578;
_Search of Eldorado_, 582;
edits Acosta, 421;
edits Andagoya, 212.

Marmocchi, _Raccolta_, v, 342.

Marmolejo, G., 528, 551.

Marmolejo, Gongora, career, 572;
_Hist. de Chile_, 573.

Marquesas Islands, 561.

Marquez, Diego, 212, 213.

Martens, Th., 50.

Martin, Alonso, 196.

Martin, Cristóbal, 504.

Martines, his maps, 450;
(155-?), 450;
(1578), 227, 229;
his map of the Moluccas, 441.

Martinez, Father, 279.

Martinez, Henrico, _Reportorio_, 421.

Martinez, the author of the story of Manoa, 579.

Martinez receives letter from Toscanelli, 31.

Martyr, Peter, d’Anghiera, 57, 224;
on Columbus’ second voyage, 58;
_Decades_, 57, 122, 182;
_Epistolæ_, 57;
estimate of, 57;
_De nuper repertis insulis_, 402;
_Extraict ou recueil_, 410;
on Magellan’s voyage, 615;
his map (1511), 109, 110;
_Legatio Babylonica_, 109;
_Summario_ (1534), 222.

Martyrs, the (islands), 233.

Massbieau, L., _Mexico_, 378.

Mata-Lanares, manuscripts of, ii.

Matagorda Bay, 244.

Matanzas, 203, 230, 276.

Mataquito, 549.

Matienzo, Juan, 552;
his _Gobierno de el Peru_, 571.

Maule River, 524, 531, 559.

Mauro, Fra, his map, 41, 94.

Mauro, Lucio, 414.

Maury, Mytton, 106.

Mavila, 248, 291;
battle of, 249;
name how spelled, 291.

May (river), 295.

Maya civilization, 429.

Mayer. _See_ Meyer.

Mayer, Anton, _Wiens Buchdruckergeschichte_, 184.

Mayor, Pedro de, 528.

Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico, his library, 430.

Maxixcatzin, 372.

McCulloch, _Antiquarian Researches in America_, 296.

Mead, _Construction of maps_, 470.

Mecia de Viladestes, map of the Canaries, 36.

Mecken, Israel van, 352.

Medici, Lorenzo di Pier Francesco de’, 145;
letter to, from Vespucius, 156.

Medici, princes, 131.

Medina, Pedro de, _Arte de navegar_, 7, 98, 176;
his map, 113, 226.

Medina-Sidonia, Duke of, his manuscripts, viii.

Medina, _Libro_, 6.

Meek, Alexander, on De Soto’s march, 296;
_Romantic Passages_, 296.

Megander, 262.

Meier, H. L., 290.

Mela, Pomponius, bibliography of, 180;
his map of the world, 180;
his _Cosmographia_, 180;
_De situ orbis_, 28, 181;
_Cosmographica geographia_, 181;
_De totius orbis descriptione_, 181;
edited by Vadianus, 122, 182;
issued with Solinus, 182;
corrected by Olive and Barbaro, 183;
translated by Golding, 186;
his north and south theory, 26;
on Vespucius, 154.
_See_ Pomponius.

_Memoirs for the Curious_, 462.

_Memorial historico Español_, 573.

Mena, Juan de, 256.

Mena, Marcos de, 256.

Mendana, Alvaro de, 552.

Mendez, Diego, 62.

Mendiburu, _Diccionario del Peru_, 570.

Mendieta, Alonzo de, 570.

Mendieta, G., _Hist. eclesiastica Indiana_, 415, 422.

Mendocino, Cape, 444, 465;
earliest mention of, 455.

Mendoza, Andrea Hurtado (Marquis of Cañate), viceroy of Peru, 545;
dies, 547.

Mendoza, Antonio de, 393, 474;
his autog., 254;
conquers the Chichimecs, 419;
viceroy of Peru, 542.

Mendoza, Cardinal, 91.

Mendoza, Garcia Hurtado de, governor of Chili, 549;
defeats Caupolican, 549;
likeness, 550;
leaves Chili, 551;
(fourth Marquis of Cañete), 560;
his life, 572.

Mendoza Grajales, his _Memoria_, 293.

Mendoza, Hurtado de, his voyage, 441;
on the Pacific coast, 393.

Mendoza, Juan Gonzáles de, _Historia del Reino de China_, 504.

Mendoza, L. T. de, his _Coleccion_, vii.

Mendoza, Martin, counsels with Magellan in the Straits, 607.

Mendoza, Pedro de (in Peru), 519.

Mendoza, P. G. de, archbishop of Toledo, 4.

Mendoza, one of Magellan’s captains, executed, and remains found by
Drake, 599.

Mendoza (Chili), 524.

Menendez de Aviles, Pedro, 260, 283;
directed to conquer Florida, 261;
attacks Ribault, 263;
attacks Fort Caroline, 272;
returns to Spain, 279;
returns to Florida, 282;
on the Chesapeake, 282;
dies, 283;
portrait, 261;
authorities, 293, 297;
_Cartas_, 293;
his victims of the _Epistola supplicatoria_, 297.

Meneses, 543.

Meneses, Pablo de, 545.

Mer de l’ouest, 463, 467, 468, 469.

Meras, Solis de, 275.

Mercadillo, 527.

Mercado, Martin, 545.

Mercator, Michael, his map, 461.

Mercator, Gerard, map (1541), 177;
(1569), 449, 452;
and Cnoyen, 95;
his projection, theory of, 470.
_See_ Hondius.

Mercator, Rumoldus, his map, 457.

_Mercure de France_, 560.

Mercuri, engraving of Columbus, 73.

Mérida, bishop of. _See_ Landa.

Meridian, first, 95.
_See_ Longitude.

Mesquita, 599, 607.

Mesurado, Cape, 40.

Meta (river), 581, 586.

Metullus, _America_, 458.

Mexia, Pedro, _Silva_, 616.

Mexico (_see_ Cortés), 435;
called Temistitan, 225;
held to be Quinsay, 432;
human sacrifices in, 328;
plans, descriptions, and views of the city, 450;
plan of, before the Conquest, 364;
descriptions of, 364;
lake of, 358;
its causeways, 364, 369;
alleged plan by Montezuma, 364;
Helps’s plan, 369;
Wilson’s plan of the valley, 374;
the lake in Cortés’ day, 375;
shrinkage of the lagunes, 375;
map in Keating’s _Bernal Diaz_, 415;
Jourdanet’s map (_heliotype_), 375, 415;
Humboldt’s map, 375;
Lopez map, 375;
Siguenza’s map, 375;
the waters of its lake supposed to flow into the Pacific, 375;
inundations, 375;
view of the city under the conquerors, 377;
sketch in Bordone’s _Libro_, 378;
new causeways built by the Spaniards, 378;
city rebuilt, 378;
cathedral built, 378;
plan from Ramusio, 379;
other plans, 378;
account by Salazar, 378: other accounts, 378;
Temple of, 408;
second conquest by Cortés, 376;
list of the conquerors and their descendants, 414, 415;
conquest of, sources of information, 397;
the “anonymous conqueror”, 397;
records of the municipality, 398;
records of ecclesiastical councils, 399;
authorities on church history, 399;
documentary sources, 397;
_Documentos para la historia_, 498;
native manuscripts destroyed, 417;
bibliography of, 429;
by Boturini, 429;
by Clavigero, 430;
by Ramirez, 430;
by H. H. Bancroft, 430;
plays and poems on the Conquest, 430;
map of the west coast, 450;
Geographical Society of, 93;
its _Boletin_, 451.

Mexico, Gulf of, early maps of, 217;
(Golfo Mexicano), 451, 459;
map by Martines, 450;
Cabot’s map, 447;
(mare Cathayum), 433;
Cortés’ map of, 404.

Meyer. _See_ Mayer.

Meyer, M. M., 102.

Meyer, Tobias, 101.

Meygenberg, 28.

Michoacan, map of, 400.

Miculasa (Indian), 250.

Miggrode, Jacques de, 341.

Milan, alleged birthplace of Columbus, 84.

Millacalquin, 562.

Mines and Mining, 578;
in Hispaniola, 16.

Mint established in Peru, 552.

Miranda de Azevedo, 440.

Miranda, Juan de, 504.

Mirandolo, Pico de, 162.

Miravalle, Counts of, 362.

Miruello, 292.

Miruelo, Diego, pilot, 236, 242.

Mississippi (river), its supposed course, 282;
crossed by De Soto, 247, 251;
discovered by Pineda, 237;
who discovered it? 292;
called “Espiritu Santo”, 177, 237, 404, 447, 504;
early maps of, 292;
map by Wytfliet, 281;
by Delisle, 294.
_See_ Espiritu Santo.

_Mittheilungen des Instituts für Oesterreichische
Geschichtsforschung_, 617.

Mixco, 383.

Mobile Bay, 295.

Mocha (island), 531;
(Chili), 524.

Mogrovejo, Toribio de, bishop, 557.

Molina, A. de, 511.

Molineaux globe, 452;
map, 458.

Moll, Hermann, map (1736), 468;
map of the Pacific coast, 467;
of California (1755), 468;
Lake Parima, 587.

Moluccas, 150, 217, 440, 610;
discovered, 591;
reached (1511), 441;
expeditions to, 440;
Cortés opens trade with, 393;
supposed way to, 446;
sold by Spain, 441;
early maps, 440, 450
(1568), 449;
history of, by Argensola, 616.

Monarchus, Robertus, _Bellum Christ. Princip._, 51.

Monasterio, 241.

Monette, J. W., _Valley of the Mississippi_, 296.

Monroy, Alonso, 528, 529;
goes to Cusco, 530;
dies, 532.

Monin, H., 40.

Moniz, Vasco Gill, 90.

Monserrate, documents at, iii.

Montaldo, Professor, 54.

Montanus, 192;
_Nieuwe Weereld_, 466.

Montejo, Francisco de, 351;
in Yucatan, 429.

Monteleone, Duke of, 395, 396.

Monteros, 516.

Montesinos, Ant. de, 240, 254, 286.

Montesinos, F., his career, 570;
his _Memorias_, 570, 577;
_Annales_, 570.

Montezuma, hears of Cortés, 353;
picture of, in Montanus, 361;
in Solis, 363;
other likenesses, 76, 362, 424;
meets Cortés, 362;
in chains, 362;
his descendants, 362;
his appearance and age, 362;
offers tribute to Cortés, 365;
wounded on the parapet, 368;
dies, 368;
his tributaries, 408.

Montlezun, Baron de, 53.

_Monthly Miscellany_, 462.

Moon. _See_ Lunar tables.

Moqui pueblos, 484, 503.

Mora, D. de, 519.

Mora, J. de, 425.

Mora, _Méjico_, 428.

Morales, 197.

Morales, Andrés de, 204.

Morales, Gaspar de, 505.

More, Sir Thomas, his _Utopia_, 176.

Morelli, Cav., _Lettera rarissima_, 62.

Moreno, his maps, 55.

Morga, _Philippine Islands_, 616.

Morgan, L. H., _House and House-Life of the American Aborigines_, 502;
on the seven cities of Cibola, 502.

Morisotus, _Orbis maritimi_, 34.

Morris, J. G., 106.

Morton, Thomas, on the Asiatic extension of North America, 439.

Moscoso, Luis de, 248;
succeeds De Soto, 253.

Moscoso, F., 519.

Motolinia, Toribio, 343;
his life by Ramirez, 343;
his autog., 343;
_Historia_, 397.

Motupe, 516, 519.

Mount St. Elias, 469.

Muller, E., 66.

Muller, G. F., on voyages to the Northwest, 469.

Müller, Johannes, of Königsberg (Regiomontanus), 96, 99;
his _Ephemerides_, 96;
his _Tabulæ astron._, 99.

Müller, Johannes, _Vereine Deutschlands_, 93.

Mulligan, John, 58.

_Mundus novus_, 157.

Mundus Novus (South America), 115, 123.

Muñoz, Juan, in Florida, 255.

Muñoz, J. B., autog. of, iii;
his collection of manuscripts, vii, 569;
on Columbus, 68;
his _Historia_ failed to record Vespucius, 153.

Munroe, Prof. C. E., 352.

Münster, Seb., his map (1532), 121, 122;
_Novus orbis_, 122.

Muratori, 90;
_Rerum ital. scriptores_, 48.

Murphy, B., on the tomb of Cortés, 396.

Murphy, H. C., 287;
on the bibliography of the _Cosmog. Introd._, 166.

Murdock, J. B., _Cruise of Columbus_, 54.

Murr, C. G. von, _Memorabilia_, 35, 221;
_Gesch. des Ritters Behaim_, 35.

Musters, G. C., on Patagonia, 603.

Myritius, Johannes, _Opusculum geographicum_, 154, 439;
map, 457.

NAHUATL manuscripts, 418.

Nancy globe, 432;
sketch of, 433.

Nanipacna, 258.

Napione, _Del primo scopritore_, 84, 163;
_Patria di Colombo_, 83, 84.

Napo River, 528, 588.

Napochies, 258.

Napoleon I., his havoc among the Spanish archives, i.

Napoli, Juan de, portolano, 38.

_Naraciones históricas_, 573.

Narvaez, Pamphilo de, in Cuba, 201;
has a patent, 242;
disappears, 244;
his landing in Florida, 274;
where did he land? 288;
names of his followers, 415;
sent against Cortés, 365;
treats with Cortés, 366;
released by Cortés, 380;
authorities, 286;
autog., 286;
map of his discoveries, 226.

Nasca, 519, 543, 558.

Nata, 509.

Natchez (Indians), 258, 294.

_Nation, The_, 71.

Natives, earliest picture of, 19.

Nativita, 188.

_Nautical Magazine_, 82, 100.

Navarrete, E. F. de, 65;
_La longitud en la mar_, 98.

Navarrete, M. F. de, account of, iv;
_La historia de la nautica_, v, 98;
on Alonzo de Santa Cruz, 100;
on Andagoya, 212;
his _Coleccion_, v;
_Opúsculos_, v;
_Bibl. mar. Española_, v;
his documents on Magellan, 615;
edits _Doc. inéditos_, vii;
_Sutil y Méxicana_ (atlas), 456, 561;
on Maldonado, 456;
his researches on Columbus, 68, 456;
_Noticia_ of Magellan, 617;
another in his _Opúsculos_, 617;
on Vespucius, 153, 178;
_Viages menores_, 204.

Navarro, 516.

Navarro, Joaquin, translates Prescott, 427.

Navidad, La, 10, 16, 226.

Navigation, books of, 98.

Nebrissensis, Ant., 58.

Needle, declination of, 100;
dip of, 100;
variation of, as a means of ascertaining longitude, 99.
_See_ Magnet, Compass.

Negrete, Juan de, 573.

Negro River, 581.

Negroes in Peru, 560.
_See_ Slavery.

_Neueröffnetes Amphitheatrum_, 78.

New Andalusia, 88, 190, 191, 585;
history of, 587.

New Castile (Peru), 525.
_See_ Castilla nueva.

New France (Nova Francia), 453.

New Gallicia, 229, 474, 504;
conquered by Guzman, 391.

New Granada, 458, 581.

_New Interlude_, 62.

New Laws, 537;
revoked, 539.
_See_ Laws.

New Mexico, Coronado’s incursion into, 473;
sources of information, 498 (_see_ Coronado);
early explorations of, 473;
various expeditions to, 503.

New Spain, Audiencia, 460;
Lorenzana’s map of, 408;
maps of, 358, 359;
map of, in Herrera, 392;
(Nueva Spanya), 450;
map by Ortelius, 472.

New Toledo (Chili), 525.

_New Quarterly Review_, 54.

New York Historical Society, _Catalogue of Gallery_, 515.

_Newe Zeitung aus Hispanien_, 576.

Newfoundland in the Cantino map, 108;
(Terra Cortesia), 121;
early voyages to, 33;
in Sylvanus’ map, 122;
(Terra nova), 450.

Newton, Sir Isaac, 470;
his theory of a sphere flattened at the poles, 590;
expeditions to verify it, 590.

Nicaragua, documents on, ix;
Lake of, 200.
_See_ Peralta.

Nicholas of Lynn, 95.

Nicholas, Thomas, 414;
translates Zarate, 568.

Nicolini, Donato, 131.

Nicoya, Diego de, 191, 198, 200.

Nicuessa, 88, 209, 210.

Nieva. _See_ Zuñiga.

“Nina”, ship, 8, 187.

Niño, 18, 204, 205.

Niño, Andrés, 199.

Niño, Pedro Alonso, 109, 187.

Nito, 385.

Nombre de Dios, 189, 190, 223, 228, 446, 509, 581;
settled, 505;
abandoned, 506.

Non, Cape, 40.

Nootka Sound, 469, 470.

Nordenskiöld, A. E., _Trois cartes_, 28;
_Bröderna Zenos_, 121, 436;
edits manuscript of Marco Polo, 30.

Noreña, Alonso de, 343.

North’s _Plutarch_, 78.

North America, the belief in its narrowness, 466;
connected with Asia, 285, 431;
shown as an archipelago, 128.
_See_ America.

North star, 99.

Northmen, voyages to America, 33;
their acquaintance with the loadstone, 94.

Norumbega, 451, 459, 473;
(Anorobagra), 224;
(Norumberga), 453.

_Noticias históricas de la Nueva España_, 421.

_Nouvelles certaines des isles du Peru_, 576.

Nova Galitia. _See_ New Gallicia.

_Novus orbis_. _See_ Grynæus.

Nucio, Antwerp publisher, 412.

Nueva Galicia. _See_ New Gallicia.

Nuñez de Balbóa. _See_ Balbóa.

Nuñez Vela, Blasco, 537.

Nuremberg Chronicle, 34.

Nuttall, _Travels into Arkansas_, 292.

Nyeto, Alvaro, 257.

_Obras escogidas de filósofos_, 337.

Ocampo, Baltasar d’, his _Provincia de S. F. de Villcapampa_, 571.

Ocampo, Florian d’, edits Zarate, 568.

Ocampo, Garcia de, 189.

Ocampo, Sebastian de, explores Cuba, 201;
sails around Cuba, 214.

Ocampo, _Chronica_, 421.

_Ocean Highways_, 221.

Ochechiton, 258.

Ochoa, Martin de, 271, 278.

Ochuse, 257.
_See_ Ichuse.

Odérigo, N., has manuscripts of Columbus, iv.

Odriozola, M., _Doc. históricos del Peru_, 576.

Oettinger, _Bibl. biog._, 66.

Ogilby, his map (1671), 466.

Ojeda, Alonso de, 16, 68, 88, 112, 144, 209, 506;
his voyages, 109, 187, 208;
authorities on, 204;
authorities on his second voyage, 207;
notice of, by Navarrete, v;
accompanied by Vespucius, 149, 153.

Olano, Lope de, 194.

Old World, map of (1490), 41.

Olibahali, 258.

Olid, Cristóbal de, 214, 351;
at the second siege of Mexico, 376;
in Honduras, 200, 383;
his defection, 384, 411.

Oliva, Anello, _Hist. du Pérou_, 576.

Oliva, F. P. de, his account of Columbus, 66.

Oliva, Johannes, his map, 461.

Olives planted in Peru, 547.

Oliveros, 241.

Omaguas, 581;
fabled empire of, 585.

Oña, Pedro de, _Arauco Domado_, 572.

Oñate, Juan de, 461, 504.

_Once a Week_, 66.

Ondegardo, Polo de, 545, 552;
career, 571;
_Relaciones_, 523, 571;
his manuscripts, 571.

Ongania, his _Raccolta di mappamundi_, 107.

Onondaga, Spanish at, 283.

Oostanaula River, 247.

Opmeer, P. van, _Opus chronographicum_, 72.

Ordaz, Diego, 351;
his expedition, 579.

_Ordenanzas reales_, 347.

_Ordinationes legumque collectiones_, 401.

Ordoñez de Montalvo, _Las sergas de Esplandian_, 443.

Oregon (river), 469.

Orellana, Francisco de, 188;
with Gonzalo Pizarro, 528;
courses the Amazon, 447, 528, 584;
Herrera’s account, translated by Markham, 563;
goes to Spain, 585;
returns and dies, 585.
_See_ Amazon.

Orgoñez, R., 525;
defeats Alvarado, 526;
defeats Manco, 526;
killed, 527.

Orinoco River, 133;
discovered by Columbus, 20;
explored, 579;
map of the mouths, 586, 588;
explored by Whiddon, 586.

Orista, 282.

Orizaba, 358.

Oropesa, 525, 552, 562.

Orozco y Berra, 418;
_Cartografia Mexicana_, 93, 166, 375;
_Vallée de Mexico_, 375.

Orozco, Juan de, 504.

Orsenius, Ambrose, 471.

Orsenius, Ferd., 471.

Ortega, C. de, _Resumen_, 603.

Ortega, C. F., 418.

Ortelius, account of, 471;
genealogy of, 471;
life by Van Hulst, 471;
portraits referred to, 471, 472;
notice by Macedo, 471;
his list of authorities, 93, 471;
editions of his _Theatrum_, 471, 472;
which is the original text? 471;
_additamentum_, 471;
French and German translations, 471;
his mappemonde described, 472;
map of the New World, 472;
epitomes of, 472;
map of new Spain, 472;
of Florida, 472;
of Peru, 472;
last edition, by himself, 472;
_Il Theatre del mondo_ (1598), 439;
map (1582), 186.

Ortis, Alonso, _Los tratados_, 57.

Ortiz, Diego, 553.

Ortiz de Matienzo, Juan, 238.

Ortiz of Narvaez’ expedition, 245;
with De Soto when he died, 252.

Osimo, d’, _Colomb et Marchena_, 3.

Osorius, _De rebus Emmanuelis gestis_, 616.

Osorno, 524;
founded, 549.

Ostro (south), 94.

Osuna, Duque d’, 89.

Otina, 279.

Otmar, Johannes, 157.

Ortubia, Juan Peres de, 233.

Otumba, 358, 369;
victory at, 370, 374.

Ovalle, _Historica relatione_, 576;
_Historica relacion_, 576;
English version, 576.

Ovando, Nic. de, 21, 201;
deporting natives from the Lucayan Islands, 328;
at Hispaniola, 23.

_Overland Monthly_, 288.

Oviedo y Baños, _Venezuela_, 584.

Oviedo y Herrera, _Vida de Santa Rosa_, 560.

Oviedo y Valdés, G. F. de, 197;
in Peru, 563;
his account of Peru, 563;
his career, 209, 343;
_Sumario_, 343, 345;
official chronicler, 343;
_Historia de las Indias_, 343, 345;
critical estimation of his history, 563;
published with Peter Martyr, 563;
printed complete, 346;
correspondent of Ramusio, 343;
knew Cortés, 343;
hated by Las Casas, 314, 345;
bibliography of, 345;
_De la natural hystoria_, 343, 345;
fac-simile of title, 344;
his arms, 345;
_Coronica_, 345;
his autog., 346;
_Histoire naturelle_, 346;
_Libro_ xx, 346;
dies, 346;
unprinted parts of his _Historia_, 346;
life by Amador de los Rios, 346;
_Histoire de Nicaragua_, 346;
letter from (1543), 410;
and Magellan’s papers, 616.

PABLOS, JUAN, 400.

Paca, 559.

Pacaha, 251.

Pachacamac, 519;
temple of, 517.

Pachama, 558.

Pacheco, J. F., _Coleccion_, vii, 498.

Pacific coast, discoveries on, 431;
chronology of explorations on, 431.

Pacific Ocean, 177;
heard of by Columbus, 211;
discovered, 195, 608 (_see_ Balbóa);
various names, 439;
(Mar Pacifico), 452;
(Mare del Sur), 223, 227, 228, 450, 451;
(Mare del Sul), 229;
(Mare del Zur), 459;
named in Pigafetta’s map, 605;
maps of (1513), 440;
(1518), 217;
chart of Magellan’s tract, 610;
trade-winds, 454.

_Pacific Railroad Reports_, 502.

Padilla. _See_ Davilla.

Padilla, Juan de, 484, 497, 503.

Padilla, Mota, _Nueva Galicia_, 468.

_Paesi novamente retrovati_, 205.

Paez, Juan, 445.

Pafallaya, 250.

Pagus Hispanorum, 265.

Paillamacu, 561, 563.

Palafox y Mendoça, _Virtudes del Indio_, 343.

Palencia, Fernandez de, career, 569;
_Historia del Peru_, 569;
called “El Palentino”, 569.

Palentino, el. _See_ Palencia.

Pallastrelli, B., _La moglie di Colombo_, 85.

Palmas, Rio de, 242, 281.

Palos, 5, 6.

Palos, Juan, likeness of, 287.

Pampluna, 581.

Panamá, 228, 229, 435, 509;
documents in, ix;
founded, 198, 199, 212, 505 (1566), 451.
_See_ Peralta.

Paniagua, 569.

Pánuco, 229, 353, 382, 386;
Rio, 203 (1520), 218, 225;
named, 237.

Panzer, _Annalen_, 159.

Paposo, 524.

Para, 581.

Parana, 459.

Parana Patinga, 589.

Pardo, Captain, 278.

Pardo, Juan, 504.

Pares, Juan de, 507.

Parestrello at Porto Santo, 38;
his family, 90.
_See_ Perestrello.

Pareto, Bartolomeus, sea-chart, 38.

Paria, 114, 169, 177, 218, 223, 588;
(Chili), 525;
discovered, 187;
gulf of, 586 (map), 61;
(1511), 110;
name of, 231.

Paria, University of, 90.

Parias, 121, 432;
(in Schöner’s globe), 118.

Paricura, 188. _See_ Amazon.

Parima (lake), 585;
first in maps, 587;
in later maps, 587, 588;
disappeared, 589.

Parima (river), 581.

Paris, Société de Géographie de, their _Recueil de voyages_, 30.

Parita (gulf), 198.

Parkman, F., _Pioneers of France_, 293, 298.

Parmentier of Dieppe, 105.

Parmigiano, picture of Columbus, 76.

Parra, Iacinto de, 560;
_Rosa Laureada_, 560.

Parrots, land of (Brazil), 598.

Pas, Crispin de, 72;
_Effigies regum_, etc., 72.

Pasamonte, 194, 210, 211.

Pasqual, _Descubr. de la sit. de la America_, 58.

Pasqualigo, 107.

Passado, Cape, 507.

Pastene, J. B., 530;
his likeness, 531.

Pasto, 509.

Pastro y Cueva, B. de, 561.

Patagonia, giants in, 600;
dress of, 600.
_See_ Giants (_regio gigantum_), 432.

Patalis, 433.

Patinamit, 383.

Patiño, 267.

Paucartambo River, 519.

Pauli, Reinhold, 337.

Paulitschke, _Afrika-literatur_, 40.

Paullu, Ynca, 524, 553.

Pauthier, G., edits Marco Polo, 30.

Payta, 519, 546.

Paytiti, 585, 589.

Paz, M. de, 511.

Pearl coast, 20, 106, 169.

Pearl-fishery, 187.

Pearl Islands, 197, 198, 199, 505, 509.

Pecari, 598.

Pecciolen, M. N., his map, 461.

Pedrarias, Davilla, 209;
_Lettere di Pietro Arias_, 567;
authorities on, 211;
his character, 196.
_See_ Avila.

Peignot, _Répertoire_, 163.

Pelantaru, 562.

Peña, Gutierrez de la, 582.

Peña, Nuñez de la, _La Gran Canaria_, 36.

Peñalosa, Diego de, his discovery of Quivira, 503, 504.

Penco, 548;
bay, 531.

Penguins (islands), 599.

Pensacola, 246, 250, 257, 295;
discovered, 236.

Peralta, C. de, 510.

Peralta, Joan Suarez de, _Las Yndias_, 421.

Peralta, Manuel M. de, _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panama_, ix, 213.

Perestrello, 2.
_See_ Parestrello.

Perez de el Christo, Cristóval, _Islas de Canaria_, 36.

Perez, Juan, 469.

Perkins, F. B., translates Lemoyne, 296.

Pernambuco, 228.

Pernetty, _Voyage_, 602.

Perthes, Justus, _Mittheilungen_, 471.

Peru, 433, 435, 436, 446, 450, 459 (1541), 177;
“Conquest and Settlement of”, by Markham, 505;
first rumors of the country, 505;
origin of name, 505;
Ribero first uses it in maps, 505;
likenesses of the viceroys, 532;
under Gasca, 539;
revolt under Giron, 543;
Andrea Hurtado de Mendoza, viceroy, 545;
Zuñiga, viceroy, 547;
sun-worship in, 551;
Castro, governor, 551;
Toledo, viceroy, 552;
relations of natives with the Council of the Indies, 556;
Inquisition introduced, 557;
Henriquez, viceroy, 557;
F. de Torres, viceroy, 560;
Mendoza (fourth marquis of Cañete), 560;
described in the Dutch Apianus, 184;
negroes introduced, 560;
Luis de Velasco, viceroy, 561;
sources of information, 563;
in Gomara, 412;
Xeres on, 345;
gold sent to Europe, 566, 578;
effect on prices, 566;
_Copey etlicher brieff_, 566;
_Libro ultimo_, 566;
authorities on the treatment of the Indians, 571;
later histories, 576;
_Documentos históricos del Peru_, 576;
manuscript sources, 576;
_Varias relaciones del Peru_, 576;
chief modern writers on Peru in English, 577;
quinine in, 578;
attempt to export treasure by the Amazon, 589;
Spanish cruelties in, 318, 319, 320;
the Inca Titus, 325;
maps of, 509;
(Ribero), 505,
(Ortelius), 472,
(Ramusio), 228,
(Wytfliet), 558;
(sketch-maps of the Conquest), 509, 519;
(Ruge’s), 513.
_See_ Pizarro, Birú.

Peschel, Oscar, on Bianco’s map, 94;
_Die Theilung der Erde_, 45;
_Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, 69, 106;
on Columbus’ birth, 83.

Petatlan, 475, 498;
(river), 244.

Petavius, _History of the World_, 466.

Petau. _See_ Petavius.

_Petit Atlas maritime_, 375.

Petiver, James, coins the De Fonte story, 462.

Petrarca, F., _Chronica_, 62.

Petri, Henri, prints Mela, 184.

Philesius, 159. _See_ Ringmann, M.

Philip II., organizes the archives at Simancas, i;
map of, 222.

Philippine Islands, 592, 610, 612;
conquered by the Spaniards, 454, 616;
histories of, 616.

Phillipps, Sir Thomas, 337, 427;
his manuscripts, 566, 614.

Phillips, Henry, Jr., 375.

Phillips, John (Milton’s nephew), 341.

Philoponus, F. H., _Nova typis_, etc., 58, 286.

Phrysius (Frisius). _See_ Friess.

Phrysius, Gemma, _Cosmographia_, 156;
_De principiis astronomiæ_, 176, 421.

Piache, 248.

Pichot, Amédée, edits Prescott’s _Peru_, 577.

Pickett, _Invasion of Alabama by De Soto_, 291;
_History of Alabama_, 291.

Piedrahita, Juan, 546.

Piedrahita, L. F., career, 584;
_Historia general_, 584.

Pietschmann, R., _Guanahani-Frage_, 55.

Pigafetta, Antonio, _Trattato di navigazione_, 98;
his narrative edited by Amoretti, 614, 615;
by Fabre, 614;
in different languages, 614;
bibliography of, 615;
his career, 613;
his diary, 613;
its illustrations, 613;
different texts, 613, 614;
_Uno libro_, 614;
and the captive Patagonian, 609.

Pighius, 154.

Pigmies, 472.

Pinart, his library, 430.

Pineapple found in Brazil, 597.

Pineda, Alonzo Alvarez de, on the Florida coast, 237.

Pineda’s expedition, 218.

Pinet, Ant. du, _Plantz, etc., de plusieurs villes_, 556.

Pingel, C., _Grönlands Hist. Mindesmaeker_, 34.

“Pinta”, ship, 8.

Pinto, fort, 549.

Pinzon, M. A., espouses Columbus’ theory, 3.

Pinzon, V. Y., 109, 187;
authorities on his voyage, 204, 205;
Varnhagen on it, 205;
his voyage, 149.

Pinzon and Solis, voyage of, 153, 154.

Pinzons, 8, 10, 34;
contribute money to Columbus’ outfit, 5, 91.

Pirckeymerus, B., _Germaniæ explicatio_, 99;
edits Ptolemy, 102;
portrait, 102.

Piron, his _Cortés_, 430.

Piscator. _See_ Visscher.

Pisco, 510.

Piura, 515.

Pizarro, Francisco, 193;
at Panama, 505;
forms a company with Almagro and Luque, 506, 567;
his previous history, 506;
sails on his first expedition, 507, 567;
his second, 507;
left on Gallo, 508;
draws the line on the sand, 510;
names of such as crossed, 510;
goes to Gorgona, 511;
cruises along the coast, 511;
goes to Spain, 512;
takes his brothers to Peru, 512;
breaks with Almagro, 512;
goes to Peru again, 514;
at Tumbez, 514;
at Caxamarca, 516;
imprisons Atahualpa, 516;
exacts ransom, 517;
murders Atahualpa, 517;
line of his march from Tumbez, 519;
sends treasure to Spain, 519;
enters Cusco, 520;
founds Lima, 522;
made a marquis, 522;
reconciliation with Almagro, 522;´
dispute with Almagro over bounds, 525;
conference with him, 526;
gives command of his army to his brother Hernando, 527;
likenesses of, 75, 76, 532, 533;
his standard, 532;
his body preserved, 532;
in Lima, 534;
killed, 534, 567;
his house in Lima, 534;
his house in Cusco, 556;
sources of his history, 563;
account of treasure sent to Spain, 566;
lives of, 567;
earliest tidings of his success, in the _Copia delle lettere_, etc.,
575;
translations of it, 576;
Helps’s character of him, 578;
H. H. Bancroft’s, 578;
Robertson’s, 578.
_See_ Peru.

Pizarro, Gonzalo (brother of Francisco), 512;
seized by Almagro, 526;
escapes, 526;
leads his brother’s infantry, 527;
sent to conquer Charcas, 527;
explores east from Quito, 528, 570;
deserted by Orellana, 584;
returns, 528;
on his estates, 537;
leads army against Lima, 537, 538;
enters it, 538;
rejects pardon from Gasca, 540;
defeats Centeno, 541;
surrenders and is executed, 542;
sentenced, 569;
letter to Valdivia, 573.

Pizarro, Gonzales (father of Francisco), 506.

Pizarro, Hernando, 512;
his expedition to Pachacamac, 517, 566;
goes to Spain, 520, 522;
returns to Peru, 522;
at Cusco, 523;
captures the Inca fortress, 524;
seized by Almagro, 526;
released, 527;
commands his brother’s army, 527;
attacks Orgoñez, 527;
imprisoned in Spain, 527;
his letter, 566.

Pizarro, Juan, 512;
at Cusco, 522, 524;
killed, 524.

Pizarro, Pedro, 512;
his _Relaciones_, 566.

Pizarro y Orellana, _Varones ilustres_, 68, 567;
his descent, 567.

Pizignani, his charts, 38, 94.

Placentia, alleged birthplace of Columbus, 84.

Planacays, 92.

Plancius, map of, 457.

Plannck, Stephanus, printer, 48.

Plata, Rio de la, 228.
_See_ La Plata.

Plato, _Critias_ and _Timæus_, 26.

Plautius, C., 58.

Plisacus sinus, 115.

Plutarch, translated by North, 516.

Poggiale, Gaetano, 163.

Poincy, Louis de, 289.

Polar Islands, 95.

Pole Star. _See_ North Star.

Poleur, Jean, translates Oviedo, 346.

Polo, Marco, _Milione_, 30;
early manuscript of, 30;
first printed, 30;
editions, 30;
his portrait (cut), 30;
edited by Yule, 30;
by Pauthier, 30.

Pomar, J. B., on Cholula, 422.

Pomponius Mela, 164, 168;
edited by Vadianus, 173.
_See_ Mela.

Ponce de Leon, Juan, his voyage to Bimini, 232, 233;
names Florida, 233;
directed to settle it, 234;
likeness of, 235;
dies, 236;
authorities on, 283;
bay of, 224, 225;
the controverted date of his discovery, 284;
his exploits celebrated by Castellanos, 584;
names of his followers, 415.

Ponce de Leon, Luis, in Mexico, 386.

Ponçe Vargas, his manuscript, iii.

Ponente (west), 94.

Pontanus, his _Amsterdam_, 461.

Pontonchan, 203.

Popayan, 509, 513, 581;
taken by Belalcazar, 584.

Popellinière, _Les trois mondes_, 454.

Popocatepetl, 358;
sulphur got from its crater, 380.

Porcacchi, map (1572), 449;
sketched, 453;
_L’isole_, 449;
copies of, 449;
editions of, 450;
_Carta da navigar_, 450.

Porco, 558.

Porras, Diego, 62.

Porro, Hieronymus, his map in Ptolemy (1597), 457.

Port Desire, Magellan at, 599;
view of, 602.

Port Nipe, 55.

Port Padre, 55.

Port Royal, 260;
Menendez builds fort, 278.

_Portfolio_ (Philadelphia), 410.

Porto Bello, 22, 506.

Porto Rico, 226;
pillaged, 262.

Porto Santo, 2;
discovered, 40.

Porto Seguro, Baron of. _See_ Varnhagen.

Portolá, 453.

Portugal, king of, on titlepages, 159, 160.

Portuguese on the African coast (1489), 41;
their authorities, 90;
their earliest maps, 93;
their possessions in the two Indies, 449;
their supposed early visit to the Pacific coast, 441.

Postel, Guillaume, _Cosmog. disciplinæ compend._, 35;
_De orbis terræ concordia_, 421.

Potosi, 558.

Poussielgue, _Floride_, 298.

Powell, J. W., _Geographical and Geological Survey_, 502.

Pradello, alleged birthplace of Columbus, 84.

Preciado, 443.

Prescott, W. H., account of, 425;
_Conquest of Mexico_, 425, 426, 427;
_Ferdinand and Isabella_, 425;
criticised by H. H. Bancroft, 425;
portrait, 426;
his manuscript material, vii, 397, 426, 427;
on Columbus, 69;
new editions by Kirk, 427;
translations of, 427;
life by Ticknor, 427;
his letters, 427;
his library, 427;
his manuscripts in Harvard College Library, 427;
his noctograph, 426, 427;
other manuscripts, 427;
eulogy on, by George Bancroft, 427;
view of his library, 577;
_Conquest of Peru_, 577;
translations, 577;
new edition by Kirk, 578;
reads Solis, 424;
alleged leniency to the Spaniards, 313, 328.

Prévost, Robert, 298.

Prieto, A. L., _Los restos de Colon_, 81, 82;
_Informe sobre los restos_, 82.

Prime, W. C., 126.

Prince, L. B., _New Mexico_, 503.

Prince, Thomas, on the De Fonte story, 462.

Prince Albert Land, 95.

Pringle, Dr., 462.

Printing, early, in Mexico, 400, 401.

Prisilia, 114.
_See_ Brazil.

Promauca Indians, 525.

Promis, Vincenzo, _Memoriale di Diego Colombo_, 224.

_Prosopographia_, 389.

Proveda, M. de, 585.

_Provisiones, cedulas_, etc. (1563), 347, (1596), 348.

Prynne, Arthur, abridges Bernal Diaz, 415.

Ptolemy, Claudius, editions and maps of, 26;
(1475), 27;
(1478), 27, 120;
(1482), 28, 95;
(1486), 28, 33, 95;
(1490), 28, 120;
(1507), 120;
(1508), 62, 95, 109, 120, 121, 154, 155, 220;
(1511), 62, 95, 109, 122, 123, 169, 184;
(1512, Stobnicza), 64, 116, 117, 121, 174;
(1513), 64, 95, 109, 111, 112, 113, 162, 171, 173, 220;
(1520), 112;
(1522), 112, 125, 126, 148, 173, 175, 184, 598;
(1525), 102, 112, 126;
(1535), 95, 112, 127, 176;
(1540), 446;
(1541), 127, 184, 446;
(1542), 446;
(1545), 446;
(1548), 226, 234, 434, 449;
(1552), 184, 234, 446;
(1555), 446;
(1561), 436, 449, 471;
(1562), 437;
(1564), 437;
(1574), 437;
(1597), 457, 472;
(1598), 457;
(1599), 457;
map of the world according to, 165;
his theory of east and west extension, 26, 95;
portraits (cuts), 26, 27;
Angelo’s Latin version of, 26, 27;
early editions, 27;
spread of his views, 27;
maps by Agathodæmon, 28;
manuscripts of, 28;
ibliography of, 93, 438;
recognizes latitude and longitude, 95;
errors of longitude, 101.

Pucara, 519, 545.

Pueblo Indians, 473.
_See_ Moqui; Sedentary; Zuñi.

Puelles, Pedro de, 528, 538.

Puente, Alonso de la, 213.

Puerco, Rio, 488.

Puerto Bello, 509.

Puerto Deseado, 203.
_See_ Port Desert.

Puerto Viejo, 509.

Puga, Vasco de, his edition of laws, 348;
_Provisiones_, 401.

Puget Sound, 470.

Puna, 509;
island, 514.

Puñonrostro, 213.

QUADRANT. _See_ Hadley.

Quadus, map (1600), 460.

Quaquima, 483.

Quauhtemotzin, 371;
captured, 378.

Queh, F. G., on the Cakchiquels, 419.

Quemado, 509.

Quérandis, 598.

Querechos, 492.

Quesada, Gonzalo Ximenes, conquers New Granada, 580;
his portrait, 580;
goes to Spain, 580;
his _Compendio_, 584;
his daughter marries Berreo, 586.

Quexos, Pedro de, 238, 240.

Quiché, 383.

Quicksilver in Peru, 552.

Quiguate, 251.

Quilacara, 532.

Quillota, 524.

Quintana, Manuel José, on Balbóa, 210;
_Vidas_, 210, 343, 567;
_Obras_, 343.

Quintanilla, 5.

Quintero, 524.

Quinto, 89.

Quipana, 251.

Quir, F. de, his map, 461.

Quirex, 485, 491.

Quiriquina, 524;
island, 549.

Quiro, Alvaro de, 507.

Quiroga, Rodrigo de, governor of Chili, 528, 551.

Quiros, 282.

Quisau, 454.

Quispicanchi, 511.

Quito, 509, 513;
audiencia, 460;
histories, 576, 584.

Quivedo, Bishop, 197.

Quivira, 451, 459, 465, 472, 491;
(1556), 228;
(1599), 504;
(1662), 504;
(Quivir), 454;
(city), 445;
site transferred to the coast, 445;
map of, 485.
_See_ Gran Quivira.

Quizquiz, 251.

Quoniambec, giant, picture of, 603.

RÁBIDA, 3, 5;
Columbus at, 90, 91.

Race, Cape (Rasu), 432.

Rado, J. de, 519, 525:
plots against Pizarro, 534;
dies, 535.

Raemdonck. _See_ Van Raemdonck.

Rafts, Indian, 508.

Raleigh, Sir Walter, his account of searches for Eldorado, 579;
at Trinidad, 587;
sends out Whiddon, 586;
map of the Orinoco, 587.

Ramirez, Antonio, 315.

Ramirez, José Fernando, edits the _Procesos de residencia_, 398;
his library, 398, 399;
_Bibliotheca Mexicana_, 430;
collates Sahagun, 416;
edits Duran, 419;
his life of Motolinia, 343, 397;
notes on Prescott, 427.

Ramirez, Juan, 241.

Ramirez, Pedro, translates Bethencourt’s narrative, 36.

Ramusio, G. B., _Navigationi_, 498, 499;
on Columbus, 67, 83;
his preface to Leo Africanus, 163;
his map (1556), 227, 448;
fac-simile, 228;
knew Oviedo, 343;
and the publication of Pigafetta, 614.

Ranjel, Rodrigo, on De Soto, 291.

Ranke, Leopold von, 337.

Rappahannock, Spaniards on, 282, 283.

Raynal, G. T., _Les Européens dans les deux Indes_, 40.

Rayon, I. L., _Archivo Mexicano_, 398.

Reclus, _Ocean_, 616.

_Recueil de traites_, 178.

Regiomontanus. _See_ Müller, Johannes, of Königsberg.

_Registro Yucateco_, 429.

Regnault, 47.

Reina, P. S. de la, 599.

Reinosa, Alonso de, 551.

Reisch, Gregor, _Margarita philosophica_, 95, 113;
his map, 114.

_Relaciones geográficas de Indias_, 576.

Rem, Lucas, _Tagebuch_, 45, 162.

Remesal, Ant. de, S. _Vincent de Chyapa_, 91, 343, 399, 419;
on Guatemala, 419.

Rémon, Alonso, 414.

Renchini, 58.

René, Duke, 106, 113, 146, 162, 164;
dies, 169.

Renteria, Pedro de la, 308.

Repartimientos, 309, 537.

Residencia, 14, 398.

Reusner, Nic., his _Icones_, 26, 27, 59, 70, 102.

Revelli, S., 78.

_Revista de Lima_, 569.

_Revista Peruana_, 567.

_Revue archéologique_, 70.

_Revue contemporaine_, 70, 411.

_Revue de géographie_, 25, 40, 378.

_Revue de Paris_, 68.

_Revue des questions historiques_, 66, 178.

_Revue géographique_, 617.

_Revue orientale et Américaine_, 50.

_Revue politique et littéraire_, 34.

_Revue rétrospective_, 298.

Rey, F. del, _Cortez en Tabasco_, 430.

Reynoso, Captain, 279.

_Rheinisches Archiv_, 51.

Ribadeneyras, _Biblioteca_, 411.

Ribault, at Port Royal, 260;
at Fort Caroline, 262;
attacked by Menendez’ fleet, 263;
wrecked, 273;
surrenders, 276;
authorities on his expedition in Florida, 293;
_Histoire de l’expédition_, 293;
_True and Last Discoveries_, 293;
_Whole and True Discovery_, 293;
flayed (?), 297.

Ribeiro, J. P., _Hist. de real archivo_, ii.

Ribera, A., 511.

Ribera, Nic. de, 507, 510.

Ribero, his map, 43, 206, 221, 233, 505;
its influence, 225;
records Gomez’ discoveries, 242.

Riccardi Palace (Florence), maps in, 438.

Rich, Obadiah, 577;
helps Irving, vi.

Richel, Dionisio, _Compendio_, 400.

Richelet, Pierre, _La Floride_, 290.

Richeri, G. B., his collection, iv.

Richter, J. P., _Da Vinci_, 124.

Riggs, George W., 287.

Rimac River, 522, 547.

Rincon, A. del, 72.

Ringmann, Mathias, 146, 163, 164;
at work on Ptolemy, 171;
dies, 171.
_See_ Philesius.

Rio de Janeiro, visited by Magellan, 596;
Pero Lopez at, 596.

Rio de Palmas, 242, 281.

Rios, Pedro de los, 508.

Riquelme, 516.

Rithaymer, _De orbis terrarum_, 421.

Ritter, Karl, on Bernal Diaz, 415.

Rivarolo, F. di, iv.

Robertson, Dr. William, his use of documents, ii;
on Columbus, ii;
_History of America_, 68, 424;
on Peru, 578;
on Vespucius, 148, 154.

Rocca Saporiti, 58.

Roce, Denys, 158.

Rochefort, César de, _Hist. naturelle des Iles Antilles_, 289;
_Caribby Islands_, 289.

Rodrigo, B., 528.

Rodriguez, Juan, 204.

Rodriguez de Villa Fuerte, Francisco, 511.

Rogel, Father, 279, 282.

Roillo Island, 38.

Rojas, Gabriel de, likeness of, 523.

Roldan, his revolt, 20;
drowned, 21.

Rolls Chronicles (British Government), i.

Roman, Cape, 260.

Rome (Georgia), 247.

Rondon, Antonio, 528.

Roque Cocchia, Bishop, _Los restos de Colon_, 82.

Roquette, De la, 53, 107.

Rosaccio, 457.

Rosaspina, 73.

Rosny, _Lettre de Colomb_, 49, 50.

Ross, Thomassina, 206.

Rossi, _Del discacciamento di Colombo_, 58.

Rostro hermoso (cape), 188.

Rota, 611.

Rotz, his map of the Antilles, 226.

Rouen, globe at, 34;
Indians at, 64.

Roure, P. du, _La conquête du Mexique_, 430.

Roux de Rochelle, _Ferd. Cortez_, 430.

Roxo, Cape, 237.

Rudders introduced, 98.

Ruge, Sophus, _Das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, 45, 69, 106;
_Weltanschauung des Columbus_, 69;
his map of Cortés’ march, 358;
his map of Guatemala, etc., 384;
his map of Pizarro’s discoveries, 512.

Ruiz, Bartolomé, 507, 510, 511;
made grand pilot, 512.

Ruiz, Fray Fr., 504.

Rum Cay, 55.

Rupumuni (river), 581, 587.

Ruscelli, _Carta marina_, 435;
his maps (1544), 432;
(1561), 449;
his text of Ptolemy, 457.

Russian Academy’s map of the northwest coast, 469.

Ruy de Pina, _Dom João II._, 90.

Ruysch and the magnetic pole, 95;
his map, 156;
its connection with Vespucius, 220;
Varnhagen’s view of it, 155.

Ruyter, _See-Helden_, 77.

Rycaut, _Royal Commentaries_, 575.

Rye, W. B., edits the Knight of Elvas, 289;
Biedma, 290.

SAAVEDRA, Ceron, 441.

Saavedra, Juan, 525.

Sabellicus, M. A., _In rapsod. hist._, 59.

Sabin, _Works of Las Casas_, 333.

Sabio, 408.

Sacchini, _Hist. Societatis Jesu_, 282.

Sacchuma, 250.

Sacoahuana, 519.

Sacsahuaman (Inca fortress), 521.

Sacsahuana, 520, 541.

Saeghman, his _Voyages_, 347.

Saegman Collection, 460.

_Saggio di storia Americana_, 587.

Sagras, Ramon de la, _Hist. de Cuba_, 230.

Sagres, school at, 40.

Sahagun, F. B., account of him, 415;
his manuscript lost and discovered, 415, 416;
studies the Aztec, 415;
_Evangelarium_, etc., 415;
his manuscripts, 415;
_Sermones_, 415;
his portrait, 415;
_Hist. general de las cosas de Nueva España_, 416;
_Conquista de Mexico_, 416;
his autog., 416;
the text in Kingsborough, 416;
different texts, 416;
_La aparicion de N. S. de Guadelupe_, 416;
contrasted with Bernal Diaz, 416;
article on, by Ferd. Denis, 416;
_Hist. générale des choses_, etc., 417.

Sails, reefing, 98.

Saint. _See_ San, Sanct, Santa, Santo.

St. Augustin, Cape, 188;
early names of, 205.

St. Augustine, 228, 295;
burned by Drake, 283;
founded by Menendez, 263, 264, 265;
view of, 266.

Saint-Dié., account of, 162;
its press, 162;
its scholars, 162;
its press broken up, 171.

St. Elias. _See_ Mount

St. Francis, Kingdom of, 480.

St. Helena (cape), 221.

St. Helena (river), 225, 292.

St. Iago (Mexico, west coast), 449.

St. John the Baptist (San Juan Bautista), River, 239, 240.

St. John’s River (Florida), 262, 265;
Spanish forts at, 280.

St. Julian, port of, 605.

St. Lawrence (gulf), 107, 123.

St. Lazarus Archipelago (northwest coast), 463;
(Philippines), 612.
_See_ San Lazarus.

St. Lucia, 226.

Saint-Martin, Vivien de, _Hist. de la géog._, 30, 617.

St. Matthew (island), 36.

Saint-Méry, M. de, on Santo Domingo, 80.

St. Michael’s (Azores), and the first meridian, 95.

St. Roman, Cape, 221.

St. Thomas (island), 227, 447, 449, 450, 451.

Saint-Victor. Geoffroy de, his _Microcosmos_, 28.

_Sainteté de Colomb_, 69.

Salamanca, council at, 4;
its university faculty on the making slaves of the Indians, 337;
junto at, 91.

Salazar, Dominic de, 257.

Salazar, F. C., his account of Mexico, 378.

Salazar, Joseph de, _Crisis_, etc., 283.

Salazar de Mendoza, P., _Monarquia de España_, 68.

Salazar y Olarte, Ignacio, _La conquista de México_, 422.

Salazar, usurper in Mexico, 386.

Salcedo, names of his followers, 415.

Saldomando, E. T., 571.

Salinas, 519, 527.

Salinas, Marquis of. _See_ Velasco.

Salinerio, _Annot. ad Tacitum_, 83.

Salmon, _America_, 468.

Salte, Martin, 213.

Saltonstall, W., translates the Hondius-Mercator atlas, 462.

Salvá, vii.

Salvador, 468.

Samana (Bahamas), 55, 56, 92.

Samano, Julian de, 254, 256.

Samar, 612.

San. _See_ Sanct, Santa, Santo, St.

“San Antonio”, 593.

San Brandan Island, 36.

San Diego (California), 444.

San Esteban del Puerto founded by Cortés, 238.

San Felipe (Chili), 524.

San Francisco, the older bay so called, 433.

San Francisco Cape (Peru), 509.

San Gallan (Pisco), 510.

San José, Rio, 501.

San Juan de Ulloa, 203, 352, 353.

San Juan River, 21, 212, 509, 513;
(Peru), 507.

San Lazaro Archipelago, 459.
_See_ St. Lazarus.

San Lorenzo (Peru), 509;
(Nootka), 469.

San Lucar, 142, 144, 200;
(gulf), 198.

San Martin, Thomas de, 542.

San Mateo (bay), 509, 513, 514;
(fort), 279, 282.

San Miguel, 519;
founded, 515;
(California), 444;
(gulf), 190, 196, 509;
settled (Jamestown), 241;
(Sinaloa), 244.

San Saba Mountains, 244.

San Salvador Island, 53.

San Sebastian, 191.

San Vicente, Juan de, 265.

Sana, 519.

Sanchez (Sanxis), Gabriel (Raphael), 47, 48.

Sanchez, Gonzalo, 257.

Sancho, Pedro, 566.

Sanct Vicente (gulf), 199.

Sanctæ Crucis Terra (South America), 115.
_See_ Santæ Crucis.

Sand clocks, 101.

Sandia Mountains, 488.

Sandoval, Gonzalo de, 351;
at Villa Rica, 366;
with Cortés, 367;
his raids, 372;
convoys brigantines, 373;
at second siege of Mexico, 376;
confers with Tapia, 380;
in Honduras, 385;
goes to Spain, 387;
autog., 387;
portrait, 388;
dies, 388.

Sanguinetti, 84.

Sanguinetti, A., _Origine de F. Colombo_, 65;
_Canonizazione di Colombo_, 69;
_Vita di Colombo_, 69.

Sanson, Guillaume, 463.

Sanson, Nic., 466;
died, 463;
his maps show Lake Parima, 587.

Santa. _See_ San, Santo, St.

Santa, 511.

Santa founded, 547.

Santa Argo, 612.

Santa Clara Island, 511.

Santa Cruz, A. de, his variation chart, 100.

Santa Cruz Bay (California), 442.

Santa Elena (Port Royal), 259.

Santa Lucia, Bay of. _See_ Rio de Janeiro.

Santa Maria (Chili), 524.

Santa Maria del Antigua del Darien, 193.

Santa Maria de la Consolacion (cape), 188.

“Santa Maria”, ship, 8.

Santa Marta, 189;
(mountain), 169.

Santa Martha, 580, 581.

Santa Rosa (bay), 257;
(island), 243.

Santa Rosa (of Lima), 560;
sources of her history, 560.

Santæ Crucis (cape), 598.
_See_ Sanctæ Crucis.

Santangel, Luis de, 5, 46, 91.

Santarem, Viscount, 178;
his accusations of Vespucius, 155, 178;
_Hist. de la cartographie_, 28, 93;
_Recherches sur Vespuce_, 178;
translated by Childe, 178;
his works on Vespucius, 178.

Santiago (Chili), 524, 529;
_Libro Becerro_, 572.

Santiago River (Peru), 509.

“Santiago de Palos”, ship, 20.

Santillan, Hernando de, 542, 545.

Santo. _See_ San, Santa, Saint.

Santo Domingo, archives of, iv;
Cathedral at, 79, 81;
founded, 20;
Hazard’s book on, 71.
_See_ Hispaniola, Hayti.

Santo Tomas, Domingo de, 542.

Sanuto, 95.

Sanuto, Livio, _Geografia distinta_, 439.

Sanuto, Marino, his map, 36, 94;
his _Diarii_, 108

Saona, 188.

Saragossa, treaty of, 441

Saravia, 509.

Sargent, Henry, 357.

Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro, _Relacion_, 616.

Sarmiento, Bishop, 275.

Sarmiento’s voyage to Magellan’s Straits, 557.

Saturiba, 279, 280.

Sauce, Mateo de, 258.

Savage, James, on the De Fonte story, 463.

Savona, 89, 90;
archives, 89;
alleged birthplace of Columbus, 84.

Savonarola, 131.

Savorgnanus, Pierre, 404, 410.

Sayri Tupac, 546;
dies, 552.

Scandia, 472.

_Scelta di curiosità letterarie_, 162.

Schanz, _Englische Handelspolitik_, 3.

Schedel, Hartmann, _Registrum_, or _Nuremberg Chronicle_, 34, 35.

Schefer, Ch., 105.

Scherdigers, Abel, translates Benzoni, 347.

Scherzer edits Ximenes, 415.

Schmeller, Dr., on the discovery of Madeira, 38.

Schmeller, J. A., _See-Karten_, 616.

Schmiedel, _Vera Historia_, 587.

Schoetter, M., on Vespucius, 179.

Schomburgk, R. H., _Barbadoes_, 226.

Schöner, Johann, _De nuper repertis insulis_, 118;
reprinted by Varnhagen, 118;
globe (1515), 118, 173;
(1520), 119, 173;
his _Luculentissima descriptio_, 118, 173;
his note-book, 113;
_Opusculum geographicum_, 176, 432;
portrait, 117;
references, 117.

Schonlandia, 437.

Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes of North America_, 502.

Schott, Andreas, _Hist. illust._, 51.

Schott, Charles A., _Variation of the Compass_, 100.

Schott, T., _Columbus_, 69.

Schottus, A., 186.

Schumacher, H. A., _Petrus Martyr_, 110.

Scott, Winfield, his approach to Mexico, 375.

Scotto of Genoa, 441.

Scyllacius, Nic., _De insulis_, etc., 58.

Sea-manuals, _See_ Navigation.

Sea of Darkness, 36.

Sechura, 516;
desert of, 519.

Sedeño, Father, 282.

Sedentary Indians, 473.
_See_ Pueblos; Moqui; Zuñi.

Sédillot, _Les instruments des Arabes_, 94.

Seeley, J. R., _Expansion of England_, 45, 421,

Segui, on history of Florence, 154.

Segura, 372.

Segura, Father, 282.

Segura, Juan, 282.

Segura mission, 282.

Senaraya, 84.

Senarega, _De rebus Genuensibus_, 48, 90.

Seneca, his _Medea_, 26.

Sepulveda, opposes Las Casas, 314, 333;
his career, 314;
his book printed and seized, 315;
dispute with Las Casas, 315;
his _Democrates Secundus_, 315, 335;
_Apologia_, 335;
_Opera_, 335.

Serena, 524;
founded, 531.

Serpent’s mouth, 586.

Serrano, 194;
murdered, 612.

Serrano, Juan, 606.

Serrano, Miguel Sanchez, 258.

Serraõ, 440.

Servetus edits Ptolemy, 127.
_See_ Ptolemy (1535).

Sessa, Duque de, 288.

Setebos, 597.

Sentter, _Atlas_, 467.

Seven Cities (islands), 36, 38;
called Heptapolis, 177.

Seven Cities (towns in New Mexico), 473, 480.

Sevilla Nueva (Sevilla d’Oro), in Jamaica, 201.

Seville, annals of, 68;
archives at, ii, viii;
cathedral of, 65;
views of, 5;
garden of Columbus, 5;
notarial records of, ii.

Sforza, Ascanio, 57.

Sforza, Lud., 58.

Shapley, 462.

Shea, J. G., on the Remains of Columbus, 80, 83;
on “Ancient Florida”, 231;
on the Segura mission, 282;
on the Spaniards in the
Chesapeake, 282;
edits _Relacion_ of Peñalosa’s expedition, 504.

Shelvocke, _Voyages_, 467.

Sherer, _Researches_, 25.

Ship-language, 597.

Shipp, Bernard, _De Soto and Florida_, 290.

Ships, early (cuts), 6, 7, 10, 13, 18, 19, 159;
method of building, 8;
first one built on the North Americancoast, 240.
_See_ Vessels.

Sicard, Commodore, 352.

Siguenza, map of Mexico, 375.

Siguenza y Gongora, 288.

Silla, 491.

Silva, Miguel de, 227.

Silva, Pedro Malaver de, 585.

Silver Bluff (Georgia), 247.

Silvius, Willem, edits Zarate, 568.

Simancas, archives of, i.

Siméon Remi, edits Sahagun, 417.

Simon, Pedro, _Noticias_, 582.

Simpson, J. H., _Coronado’s March_, 502;
_Journal of a Military Reconnoissance_, 502.

Sinacam, 383.

Sinaloa, 485, 499.

Singrein, Jean, 182.

Sirocco (southeast), 94.

Sismondi, _Literature of South of Europe_, 571.

Skolnus. _See_ Szkolny.

Slafter, E. F., _Incorrect Latitudes_, 96.

Slave voyages, 215.

Slavery, African, in the Spanish islands, 304;
connection of Las Casas with, 312;
of Indians, 348;
instituted by Columbus, 303;
its character, 309.

Slaves captured at the Bahamas, 239.

Sloane, Hans, 460.

Sloane manuscripts, early map in, 432.

Smith, Buckingham, _The Captivity of Ortiz_, 245;
on C. de Vaca’s route, 287;
memoir of, by Shea, 287;
_Cabeça de Vaca_, 289;
his _Coleccion_, 288, 498;
his manuscripts, vii, 288;
on De Soto’s landing, 291.

Smith, J. J., _American Historical and Literary Curiosities_, 73.

Smith, W., _Dictionary of Ancient Biography_, 164.

Smithsonian Institution, _Reports_, 502.

Smyth, William, _Lectures on Modern History_, 424, 578.

Snow, _History of Boston_, 463.

Sobrarius, _Panegyricum_, 62.

Socorro, 489.

Soderini, Piero, 145;
addressed by Vespucius, 162, 163.

Solano, Fr., 570.

Solano, Juan de, 537.

Soligo, Christofalo, his chart, 38.

Solinus, bibliography of, 180;
his _Polyhistor_, 122, 182;
issued with Mela, 182, 186;
edited by Camers, 122, 173.

Solis, Antonio de, _Conquista de Mexico_, 422, 575;
continuation by Salazar, 422;
account of, 422;
portrait, 423;
editions of, in various languages, 424;
life by Goyeneche, 424.

Solis, Juan Diaz de, 191.

Solis de Meras, _Memorial_, 293.

Solomon Islands discovered, 552.

Solorzano, Juan de, _Politica Indiana_, 45, 571, 592.

Sonora, 486.

Sopete, 492.

Soria Luce, D. de, 511.

Sorie, Jacques, sacks Havana, 262, 275.

Sotelo, C. de, 535.

Sotil, Alonzo Fernandez, 238.

Soto, Domingo de, 315;
his summary of the Las Casas controversy, 335.

Soto, Hernando de, 196, 200;
his expedition, 503;
in Florida, 244;
crosses the Mississippi, 251;
likeness of, 252;
autog., 253;
dies, 253;
spot of his death, 294;
in Peru, 288, 516, 517, 520;
protests against Atahualpa’s death, 518;
authorities on, 288;
_Relaçam verdadeira_, 288;
B. Smith on, 287;
Knight of Elvas, 288;
Biedma, 289;
Garcilasso de la Vega, 290;
Ranjel’s narrative, 291;
Soto’s own letter, 291;
opinions as to his route, 291, 296;
its northerly limit, 292;
his will, 291;
his route in Delisle’s map, 294, 295;
other maps of the route, 295.

Sotomayor, Alonso de, governor of Chili, 561
portrait, 562.

Sotomayor, Juan de V, _Provincia de el Itza_, 429.

South America, cartographical history of, 617;
maps, 434, 437;
(Ortelius), 472;
(1601), 460;
(Martines), 450;
(_Mundus novus_), 450;
(_TerraSanctæ Crucis_), 122, 123.
_See_ America; Mundus novus.

South Sea. _See_ Pacific.

_Southern Cross_, 41, 169.

_Southern Literary Messenger_, 292.

Southey, Robert, _Expedition of Orsua_, 582, 583;
_History of Brazil_, 589.

_Southron, The_, 296.

Southwell, Sir Robert, 464.

Souza, Lopez de, _Diario_, 155.

Spain, arms of (cuts), title, 6, 413;
chroniclers of, 68;
permits various early expeditions, 132;
its government suppresses maps, 113.
_See_ Spanish; Spaniards.

Spalding, Archbishop, on Prescott, 427.

Spangenberg, 469.

Spaniards, administrative and judicial system, 348;
regulations regarding slavery, 348;
their rapacity and cruelty, 301, 306, 319, 326, 327, 343, 417;
and the Indians, 299.
_See_ Spain.

Spanish arms, 334, 344, 406;
with quarterings, 565.

Spanish maps, earliest, 93.

Spanish voyages to the Northwest, 469.

Sparks, Jared, _Ribault_, 293, 298;
on Vespucius, 139.

Speed, John, his _Prospect_, 462, 464;
maps (1651), 466.

Sphericity of the earth, 24.
_See_ Earth; Globe.

Spice Islands, 441.
_See_ Moluccas.

Spitzer, F., 445.

Spotorno. G. B., _Codice dipl. Colombo-Americano_, and editions of,
iv, 68;
on Columbus’ birthplace, 84.

Sprengel, M. C., on Ribero’s map, 221;
_Beyträgen_, 615;
his version of Muñoz, iii.

Squier, E. G., _Collection of Documents_, vii;
manuscripts, 578;
map of New Mexico, 501;
on New Mexico, 501;
plan of Inca fortress, 521.

Stadius, 96.

Stamler, J., _Dyalogus_, 62.

Stanley, H. E. J., 44;
edits Morga’s _Philippine Islands_, 616;
life of Magellan, 617.

Stapfer, J. J., 410.

Steelsio, Juan, publisher, 412.

Steinhauser, A., 222.

Stephen, a negro, 475;
killed at Cibola, 479;
tradition of his death, 483.

Stevens, Henry, on the ancient geographers, 181;
_American Bibliographer_, 19;
his opinion of Clavigero, 425;
on early Spanish laws, 347;
on Harrisse, 66;
his prints of Las Casas’ writings, 337;
his notice of Lud, 162;
on Ortelius, 471.

Stevens, John, translates Herrera, 68;
Cieza de Leon, 574.

Stevens, _History of Georgia_, 291.

Stobnicza, his introduction to Ptolemy (_see_ Ptolemy);
his map, 116, 121.

Stocklein, _Reise Beschreibungen_, 589.

Stoeffler, Johann, _Elucidatio Astrolabii_, 99;
editor of Proclus, 99.

Stormy Cape, 41.

Strabo, 24; _De situ orbis_, 25;
on the sphericity of the globe, 104.

_Studi biografici e bibliografici_, 155.

Stukely projects an English settlement in Florida (1563), 262.

Stüven, _De vero novi orbis inventore_, 35.

Suarez de Figueroa, Cristóval, _Hechos de Mendoza_, 572.

Sugar-cane, 597.

Suma River, 519.

Sumner, Charles, _Prophetic Voices concerning America_, 25.

Sumner, George, 65;
on Columbus at Barcelona, 56.

Sun, eclipse observed by Magellan, 604.

Sun-worship, 551.

Surco, 543.

Susquehanna, early Indian history of, 283.

Suya, 491.

Sweet potato, 597.

Sylvanus, B., edits Ptolemy, 122, 123;
his map, 122.
_See_ Ptolemy (1511).

Szkolny, John, 34.

TABASCO, 203, 352, 353, 384.

Taboga, 507.

Tacatacura (St. Mary’s), 280, 282.

Tacuba, 374.

Tafur, Pedro, 510.

Taisnier’s _Navigatione_, 98.

Talavera, 57, 91, 210;
pirate, 191, 193.

Talcahuano, 549.

Taliepatua, 250.

Talladega River, 248.

Tallasehatchee River, 248.

Tallise, 248.

Tamarique, 218.

Tambo River, 519.

Tamizey de Larroque, 298.

Tampa Bay, 246, 288, 295;
its various names, 288.

Tangarara, 515.

Tanguijo (Bahia), 203.

Tanstetter, Georg, edits Albertus Magnus, 173.

Taos, 495.

Tapac, Amaru, his flight, 589.

Tápia, Andrés de, his _Relacion_, 398.

Tapia, Cristóbal de, 237;
ordered to New Spain, 380.

Tapir, 600.

Tascalousa, 278, 295.

Taschereau, 298.

Tastaluza, 248, 249.

Taylor, Alexander S., his version of the _Relacion_ of Cabrillo’s
voyage, 445;
_First Voyage to California_, 445;

Tehua, 495.

Tehuantepec, 228, 441, 384, 393;
(Tequantepeque), 229.

Tehuelches, 603.

Tejada, 537.

Tejera, E., _Los restos de Colon_, 82, 83.

Tejos, 473.

Tellez, F., _Oratio_, 62.

Temixtitan, 365, 432.
_See_ Mexico.

Temporal, Jean, 163.

Tendilla, 57.

Tenochtitlan, 365.
_See_ Mexico.

Tepeaca, 358.

Tepeacans, 372.

Tepeyacac, 376.

Tequeste, 279.

Ternate, 591.

Ternaux-Compans, Henri, 427;
his manuscript collection, iii;
his _Voyages_, vi;
his library, vi;
his _Archives des voyages_, vii, 498, 499, 576;
_Recueil de documents_, vii;
_Pièces sur la Floride_, 297;
his collections on Mexico, 417;
publishes part of Oviedo, 346.

Terra Esonis, 467.

Terra Ferma, 223.
_See_ Tierra.

Terra Sanctæ Crucis, 169.

Terrarossa, 89.

Terrazas, Francisco de, 397.

Testu, G., his map, 230.

Teucaria (river), 494.

Teutsch, G. D., on Honter, 122.

Texcoco. _See_ Tezcuco.

Texcuco, kings of, 417.

Texeira, explores the Amazon, 589;
map of Pacific coast, 466.

Teyas, 493.

Tezcuco, 358, 369, 374.

_Tezcuco en los ultimos tiempos_, 418.

Tezozomoc, F. de A., _Cronica Méxicana_, 418.

_Thesóro de virtudes_, 408.

Thevenot, map (1663), 463.

Thevet, André, _Le grand insulaire_, 105;
_Select Lives_, 389;
and Laudonniere’s papers, 297;
_Portraitures and Lives_, 516, 603.

Thomassy, Raymond, 614;
_Les papes géographes_, 27, 62.

Thorndike, Israel, 73.

Thottiana, 58.

Thule, 37;
(Iceland?), 33.

Thyle, 446.

Tiburon (cape), 188.

Ticknor, George, criticises R. A. Wilson, 427;
_Life of Prescott_, 426, 427;
_Spanish Literature_, 68;
catalogue of his Spanish library, 47.

Tidor, 591.

Tierra del Fuego, 435, 450, 459;
explored by De Fonta, 462;
named by Magellan, 607.

Tierra firme, 169, 189, 209, 218;
trading-voyages to, 208.
_See_ Terra.

Tiguex, 485, 488, 493, 495.

Timor, 612, 613.

Tiraboschi, 65;
_Letteratura italiana_, 83;
_Storia_, 30.

Tiran, _Archives d’Aragon_, ii.

Titian, head of Cortes, 424.

Titicaca, Lake, 519, 558.

Titu Atauchi, 516, 520,

Titu Cusi Yupanqui, 552, 553.

Tizon River, 486.

Tlacopan, 376.

Tlalpan, 358.

Tlascala, 358, 359, 362;
Cortés’ retreat to, 370.

Tlatelulco, market of, 376.

Tobar, Pedro de, 484, 496.

Tobia, Cristóbal de, 285.

Toboga, 509.

Toledo, Fernando Alvarez de, 573.

Toledo, Francisco de, governor of Peru, 552;
his _Libro de Tasas_, 556, 570;
returns to Spain, 557;
_Ordenanzas_, 570.

Toledo, Luis de, 549.

Tolm, 459, 472.

Tolosa, Diego de, 255.

Tolosa, Juan de, 503, 581.

Toluca, 358.

Tome, Rio, 259.

Ton, English, as compared with the Spanish _toneles_, 594.

Tonikas, 294.

Tonnage of ships, 7, 594.
_See_ Ships; Vessels.

Tonti, his route (1702), 294.

Tontonteac, 459.

Tontonteanc, (river), 449.

Topira, 438, 480, 500.

Tordesillas, convention of, 14, 45, 592.

Toreno, Nuño Garcia de, 224;
part of his map, 220, 221.

Toribio de Benavente. _See_ Motolinia.

Toribio de Ortiguera, 584.

Toro, Alonzo, 538.

Torquemada, Juan de, 460;
_Monarquia Indiana_, 421, 422;
account of, 421;
edited by Barcia from the manuscript, 422;
on Xuares, 287.

Torre, G. B., _Scritti di Colombo_, iv, 46, 52, 65.

Torre, Juan de la, 510.

Torre do Tombo. _See_ Lisbon.

Torres, Antonio de, 17.

Torres y Portugal, Fernando de (Conde de Villar don Pardo), 560.

Tortugas, 278;
(1529), 221;
(1542), 226;
discovered, 233;
on maps, 234.

Tory, Geofroy, edits Mela, 181;
account of, by Bernard, 181.

Toscanelli, 2, 3, 30;
his views, 25;
correspondence with Columbus, 30, 31, 90;
map, ii, 38, 101;
restored, 103.

Tosinus, publisher in Rome, 120.

Tosti engravings, 73.

Totonacs, 359.

Totonteac, 477, 480.

Tototeac, 472.

Toulza, P. de, translates Solis, 424.

_Tour du monde_, 298.

Tournee, R. de la, 224.

Touron, _Hist. de l’Amérique_, 256.

Tovar, Juan, 420.

Town, building of a, 522.

Townshend, Thomas, version of Solis, 424.

Tozen, E., _Entdecker der neuen Welt_, 35.

Trafalgar (Hatteras), Cape, 221, 285.

Tramont (north), 94.

Transylvanus, Maximilian, _De Moluccis insulis_, 615;
_De Hispanorum navigatione_, 615.

Triango Island, 92.

Tribaldo, Luis, 504.

Trinidad, 133, 137, 221;
(Cuba), 353;
discovered, 20;
map, 586.

_Triste noche_, 369;
tree of, 370.

Trithemus, Johannes, 121;
_Epist. fam._, 121.

Trivigiano, Angelo, 106.

Trivulgio Library, 51, 58.

Tross gores, 120, 173.

Trugillo, Sebastian, 341.

Trujillo, 385.

Truxillo, Diego (of Alonzo), 511.

Truxillo, 558;
founded, 523;
(Peru), 519.

Tschudi, _Antiquedades_, 515.

Tucapel, 524, 548.

Tucson, 477.

Tulla, 251.

Tumaco, 505, 509.

Tumbez, 223, 508, 509, 511, 514, 519, 558.

Tupac Amaru, 552;
captured, 553, 570;
executed, 553;
documents on, 576.

Turin, _Mém. de l’Académie_, 84.

Turner, Sharon, 3.

Turner, W. W., _Pacific R. R. Reports_, 502.

Turquoise mines, 488.

Tusayan (Moqui), 484, 485.

Tutahaco, 487, 489.

Tuzulutlan, 313.

Twiss, Sir Travers, _Monograph on Burial-place of Columbus_, 82;
_Oregon Question_, 455.

Tylor, E. B., _Anahuac_, 428;
confirms Prescott, 428.

Typographical errors in early books, 153.

UAUPE Indians, 581.

Ucayali River, 519.

Ucita (Indian), 245.

Uguina, Antonio de, his manuscripts, iii.

Uillac Umu, 524.

Uira-ccocha, Inca, 520.

Ullibahali, 248.

Ulloa, Alfonzo de, 65, 568.

Ulloa, _Carlo V._, 421.

Ulloa, Francisco de, explores in the Pacific, 395, 442;
his charts, 449.

United States Naval Institute, _Proceedings_, 54.

_Univers pittoresque_, 36.

Urabá (gulf), 189, 509.

Urano, C. M., translates Bossi’s _Columbo_, 68.

Urdaneta, Andres de, 445, 454.

Uricoechea, _Mapoteca Colombiana_, 93.

Ursua, Pedro de, in Bogota, 581;
founds Pampluna, 581;
quells the Cimarrones, 582;
seeks Eldorado, 520, 582;
murdered, 582;
account of, 582.

Uspallata, 561.

Utatlan, 383.

Uzielli, Gustavo, _Scelta_, etc., 51;
_Atlanti_, etc., 93;
on the early maps, 155.

VACA, CABEZA DE, with Narvaez, 243;
his journey overland, 244;
his _Relacion_, 286;
_Naufragios_, etc., 286;
in South America, 286;
autog., 287;
memoir by T. W. Field, 287;
his route, 287.
_See_ Cabeza de Vaca.

Vaca de Castro, defeats Diego Almagro, 536;
governor of Peru, 537;
imprisoned, 537;
escapes to Panama, 538;
likeness of, 535;
sent to Peru, 536.

Vacapa, 477.

Vadianus, adopts the name of America, 173;
edits Pomponius Mela, 173, 182;
his likeness, 181;
bibliography of, 180;
his true name Watt, 182;
letter to Rudolphus Agricola, 182;
his _Epitome_, 176, 184, 186;
its map, 184.

Valdés, 469.

Valdivia, Pedro, 193, 194;
leads Pizarro’s infantry, 527;
starts to complete conquest of Chili, 528;
likenesses of, 529, 530;
proceeds against Gonzalo Pizarro, 534;
joins Gasca, 541;
goes to Valparaiso, 548;
killed, 549;
his letters, 572;
accusations against, 572.

Valdivia (town), 524, 548.

Valerius, Cornelius, _De sphæra_, 176.

Valfermosa, 189.

Valladolid (New Mexico), 495.

Vallard, Nicholas, his map, 226.

Valori, Baccio, 163.

Valparaiso, 524;
named, 525;
name confirmed, 531.

Valsequa, Gabriel de, his chart, 38, 174.

Valtanas, D. de, _Compendio_, 84.

Valverde, V. de, 512;
bishop of Cusco, 520, 566;
death, 566;
_Carta-relacion_, 566.

Van Brocken, _Colomb_, 69.

Van Heuvel, J. A., _Eldorado_, 589.

Van Hulst, Felix, on Ortelius, 471.

Van Kampen, _Levens van Nederlanders_, 460.

Van Loon, _Zee-Atlas_, 463, 466.

Van Raemdonck, his _Mercator_, 471;
_Gérard de Cremer_, 471.

Van Richthofen, _China_, 119.

Vancouver on the northwest coast, 470.

Vander Aa, _Versameling_, 289;
_Zee- und Landreizen_, 289.
_See_ Aa.

Vandera, Juan de la, 278.

Varenius, 470.

Variation-charts, 100.

Variation of the needle, 45.
_See_ Needle.

Varnhagen, F. A. de, on the name of America, 178;
his _Schöner e Apianus_, 183;
_Carta de Colon_, 47;
publishes Columbus’ notes on D’Ailly, 29;
prints a Columbus letter, 47;
_Das wahre Guanahani_, 55, 56;
_Verdadera Guanahani_, 91;
edits Lopez de Souza’s Diario, 155;
his _Hist. do Brazil_, 155;
his _Amerigo Vespucci_, 131, 155;
his track of Vespucius’ first voyage, 155;
his various publications on Vespucius, 156;
on Vespucius’ voyage (1497), 231.

Varthema, _Itinerario_, 215;
copies of, 215.

Vasari, _Lives of the Painters_, 72.

Vasconcellos, _D. Juan al Segundo_, 90.

Vasquez, Alonzo, 291.

Vasquez de Aillon, Lucas, sent to Mexico, 365, 367.

Vasquez, Fr., his account of Aguirre, 582;
_Chronica_, 419;
_Guatemala_, 399.

Vasquez, Pedro, 212.

Vasquez, Tomas, 543, 545, 546.

Vattemare, H., 411.

Vaugondy, his map, 468;
_Observations_, 463.

Veer, Gustav de, _Prinz Heinrich_, 40.

Vega, Gabriel Lasso de la, _Cortés valeroso_, 430;
_Mexicana_, 430.
_See_ Lasso.

Vega, Garcilasso de la, bibliography of, 575;
_Commentarios reales_, 575;
_Hist. general del Peru_, 570, 575;
Rycaut’s _Royal Commentaries_, 575;
Markham’s version, 575;
other versions, 575;
_Florida del Inca_, 290, 575;
_Conquête de la Floride_, 290;
_Eroberung von Florida_, 290;
English version in Shipp’s _De Soto_, 290;
at school in Cusco, 547;
deserts Gonzalo Pizarro, 541;
as a writer, 569.

Vega, Garcilasso de la (father), 521.

Vega, Lope de, _Marquez del Valle_, 430.

Vega, M. de la, gathers documents in Mexico, viii;
_Historia_, 20.

Velarde, Luis, 467.

Velasco, Juan de, _Hist. de Quito_, 576, 584.

Velasco, Luis (an Indian), 279, 282.

Velasco, Luis de, 454;
anxious to conquer Florida, 256;
father of the Indians, 256.

Velasco, Luis de (Marquis of Salinas), 561.

Velasco (river), 463.

Velasquez (judge in Peru), 534.

Velasquez de Cuellar, Diego, governor, 349;
portrait, 350;
his adherents, 355;
his intrigues against Cortés, 356, 357;
sends Narvaez against him, 365;
his expedition to Cuba, 201, 237, 305;
death of, 214.

Velasquez de Leon, 351, 366, 367.

Velez de Medrano, Juan, 277.

Velsers, 579.

Venegas, _Noticia de la California_, 461;
bibliography of, 461.

Venereal diseases in America, 329.

Venezuela, 187, 190, 410;
colonies on the coast of, 579;
history of, 584.

Venice, archives of, viii;
plundered by the Austrians, viii;
_State Papers_, viii;
Columbus at, 90.

Ventura de Raulica, _Colombo_, 69.

Vera Cruz (Mexico), 203, 358;
founded, 355, 356;
site shifted, 356.

Vera Paz, 254.

Veradus, C., 50.

Veragua, or Veraguas, Duque de, 65, 87, 88;
his collection of papers, iii, viii, 89.

Veragua (town), 21, 198, 509.

Vergara, Juan de, 189, 207, 527.

Vermejo River, 483.

Verne, Jules, _Découverte de la terre_, 30, 71.

Verrazano, supposed pirate, 382.

_Verscheyde Oost-Indische Voyagien_, 460.

Vespucci. _See_ Vespucius.

Vespucius, Americus, chapter on, by S. H. Gay, 129;
an Italian, 2;
spelling of the name, 129, 179;
his forename of German origin, 137, 179;
notices of (Gay), 129;
(Navarrete), v;
(Winsor), 153;
account of his voyages collectively, 142, 145;
in the _Cosmog. introd._, 145;
_Quattuor navigationes_, 166;
his relations with Saint-Dié, 174;
his alleged first voyage, 137, 140, 155;
his second voyage, 149, 150, 153;
with Ojeda, 144, 149, 153, 187;
his third voyage, 145, 150, 156;
in the Portuguese service, 146;
his fourth voyage, 151;
his letter to F. de Medici, 156;
his letter to Soderini, different texts of, 163;
editions of the _Mundus novus_, and translations, 157;
fac-similes of pages, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161;
_De Ora Antarctica_, 159;
his connection with early maps (Ruysch), 220;
(missing map), 156, 174;
as a mariner, 148;
with Coelho, 162;
his character, self-praising, 169;
charged with deceit, 144, 176;
an impostor, 154;
a charlatan, 142;
claims to have discovered the main, 153;
was he on the Florida coast? 231;
named in the _New Interlude_, 62;
the first to describe the cannibals of Brazil, 598;
thought America was Asia, 167;
personal relations with Da Vinci, 172;
with Columbus, 131, 149, 178;
with Cabot, 154;
mentioned by Oviedo, 154;
not mentioned in the Portuguese archives, 137, 154, 155;
appointed pilot-major, 152;
his later voyages, 152;
his death, 152;
his portrait, 72, 74, 75, 140 (Bronzino), 139;
(Parmigiano), 140;
(Peale), 140;
(Montanus), 141;
his autog., 138;
fac-simile of letter, 130;
his descendants, 131.

Vespucius, Giorgi Antonio, 129.

Vespucius, Jerome, 129.

Vespucius, Nastugio, 129.

Vessels, size of early, 205, 594;
picture of, 267.
_See_ Ships; Tonnage.

Vetancour, _Teatro Mexicano_, 399.

Vetancurt, Augustin de, _Teatro Mexicano_, 422;
account of, 422.

Vetter, Theodor, 179.

Veytia, Mariano, _Hist. antigua de Mejico_, 418;
_Tezcuco_, 418.

Vianello, 152, 156.

“Victoria”, ship, 594;
her fate, 613;
commemorated by the Hakluyt Society, 613.

Vienna, geographers at, 173, 181;
presses at, 184.

Viera y Clavijo, _Islas de Canaria_, 36.

Vigel, _Biblioteca Méxicana_, 340, 418.

Vilcabamba, 526, 546.

Villa Rica. _See_ Vera Cruz.

Villa Riga (Chili), 524.

Villacuri, 519, 543.

Villafãne, Angel de, 256;
in Florida, 259;
at Santa Elena, 260.

Villagra, F. de, 548;
governor of Chili, 549;
defeated at Mariguanu, 549;
in Chili, 551.

Villagran, F. de, 528.

Villalobos, Lopes de, voyages, v;
on the Pacific coast, 448.

Villalta, José Garcia de, translates Irving’s _Columbus_, 68.

Villault de Belfond, _Costes d’Afrique_, 39.

Villroel, Gonzalo de, 273.

Vincent, _Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients_, 41.

Vincenzius of Beauvais, 28;
his _Speculum_, 28.

Vinci, Da, acquaintance with Columbus, 31;
his alleged map, 124-126.
_See_ Da Vinci.

Viranque, 251.

Viraratu, 582.

Virchow and Holtzendorff, _Verträge_, 69.

Virgil on western lands, 25.

_Virginia richly valued_, 289.

Viscaino, Seb., 504;
his voyage, 460;
his map of the Pacific coast, 461.

Visscher, his map of Pacific coast, 466.

Vitet, _Anc. villes de France_, 39;
_Hist. de Dieppe_, 34.

Vivien de Saint-Martin, _Hist. de la géog._, 472.

Viscaino, Juan. _See_ Cosa.

“Vizcaino”, ship, 20.

Volafan (_see_ Varnhagen), 47.

Von Murr, C. G., _Ritter Behaim_, 105;
_Memorabilia_, 96.

Vopellio, Gaspar, his map, 438, 448;
fac-simile of his map, 436.

Vorsterman, W., 158.

Voss, _Nachricht von dem neuen Welt_, 162.

_Voyages au nord_, 294.

_Voyagie ofte Schipvaert_, 460.

WAGENSEIL, J. C., _Sacra parentalia_, 35;
_Historia_, 35.

Wagner, _Colombo und seine Entdeckungen_, iv.

Walckenaer, dies, 107.

Waldseemüller, Martin (Waltzemüller, Hylacomylus, Ilacomylus), 113,
147, 220;
his _Cosmographiæ introductio_, 145, 148;
at Saint-Dié, 164;
edits Ptolemy, 264;
bibliography of his _Cosmographiæ introductio_, 164, etc.;
his maps, 125.

Wallace, _Amazon and Rio Negro_, 585.

Waltzemüller. _See_ Waldseemüller.

Warburton, _Conquest of Canada_, 298.

Warden, _Chron. hist. de l’Amérique_, 296.

_Warwickshire Historical Collections_, 466.

Washburn, J. D., reviews Wilson’s _New History_, 427.

Washita River, 251.

Water-clocks, 101.

Wateree River, 240;
(Guatari), 285.

Watling’s Island, 54.

Watson, Paul Barron, _Bibliography of Pre-Columbian Discoveries_, 34.

Watson, R. G., _Spanish and Portuguese South America_, 578.

Watt, Joachim. _See_ Vadianus.

Weimar globe, 118.

Weinhold, Moritz, “Federmann’s Reise”, 580.

Weise, A. J., _Discoveries of America_, 94.

Weissenburger, 182.

Weller, _Repertorium_, 159.

Wells, Edward, _New Sett of Maps_, 467.

_Welt-Kugel, Der_, 171.

Werner, John, of Nuremberg, 101.

West Indies, when named, 169.

Wheat introduced into Peru, 518, 547.

Wheeler, George M., 504;
_Report of Survey_, 443.

Whiddon, Jacob, explores the Orinoco, 586.

Whipple, A. W., _Pacific R. R. Reports_, 502.

White Sea (South America), 589.

Whitney, J. D., 446; on California, 443.

Wiesener, _Vespuce et Colomb_, 178.

Wieser, Franz, _Magalhâes-Strasse_, 617;
_Der Portulan des Königs Philipp_, ii, 178, 222.

Will und Nopitsch, _Lexicon_, 117.

Williams, Helen Maria, 206.

Williams’s _Florida_, 296.

Wilmer, L. A., _Life of De Soto_, 296, 427.

Wilson, R. A., _New History of the Conquest of Mexico_, 427;
_Mexico and its Religion_, 427;
_Mexico, its Peasants and its Priests_, 427;
_Mexico, Central America, and California_, 427;
criticised by George Ticknor, 427;
by Kirk, 427;
by J. D. Washburn, 427.

Winds, names of, 94.

Winnepeg, Lake, 469.

Winsor, Justin, “Columbus”, 1;
“Cortés and his Companions”, 349;
“Discoveries on the Pacific Coast of North America”, 431;
“Documentary Sources of Early Spanish-American History”, i;
on editions of Cieza de Leon, 573;
Garcillasso de la Vega, 575;
_Kohl’s Collection of Early Maps_, 94;
on Las Casas, 343;
“Sources of information” about Magellan’s voyages, 613;
“Vespucius and the naming of America”, 153;
_Bibliography of Ptolemy’s Geography_, 28, 438;
“Early Cartography of the Gulf of Mexico”, 217;
“The Amazon and Eldorado”, 579.

Wolfenbüttel map, 222.

Wood, W. M., 66.

Wright, Edw., _Certain Errors of Navigation_, 466, 470.

Wuttke, Heinrich, _Gesch. der Erdkunde_, 40, 224.

Wyse, Lieutenant, 352.

Wytfliet, Cornelius, 472;
_Descriptionis Ptolemaïcæ augmentum_, 457;
map of California, 458;
map of America, 459;
his map of Peru, 558;
of Chili, 559;
_Rerum Danicarum historia_, 34.

XABA, 492.

Xahila, E. A., _Tecpan Atitlan_, 419.

Xalisco, 228.

Xaquixaguana, war of, 574.

Xauxa, 520, 558;
(river), 519.

Xeres, Francisco de, with Pizarro, 564;
_Verdadera relacion_, 564;
title of Venice (1535), edition, 565;
a version by Jacques Gohory, 345;
_L’histoire_, 345.

Ximenes, Cardinal, 307, 311;
opposes African slavery, 312.

Ximenes, _Origen de los Indios_, 415.

Ximenes, pilot, killed, 442.

Xivrey, B. de, _Des premières relations_, 68.

Xlicia, Mark de, 320.

Xoloc, 369, 376.

Xualla, 247.

Xuarez, Father Juan, 242, 244;
likeness of, 287.

YAGUNA, 233.

Yanez, picture of Columbus, 72.

Yazoo River, 250.

Yça, 519, 543.

Yemassee, 295.

Yéméniz, Nic., his sale, 166.

Yncas, Empire of. _See_ Peru.

Yncas, likenesses of, 515.

Young, Alex., on Ternaux, vi.

Yucatan, 109, 177;
its name, 220;
(Iucatan), 220, 221, 223;
(Lucatan), 225;
(Luchatan), 219;
(Iuchita), 219;
coasted, 203;
Cordoba at, 214, 217;
discovered by Pinzon, 209;
authorities on, 429; maps of, 220, 231, 353, 384, 404;
as an island, 128, 220;
_Trois lettres sur la découverte_, 402.

Yucay, 524, 547.

Yupaha, 246.

Yuque-Yunque, 495.

ZABALLOS, 280.

Zacalula built, 380.

Zacatula, 439, 441.

Zach, _Correspondance_, v, 84, 221.

Zalango, 509.

Zaltieri, map, (1566), 449;
fac-simile, 451.

Zamacois, N. de, _Hist. de Méjico_, 428.

Zamal, 612.

Zamudio, 193, 194.

Zapata y Mendoza, J. V., _Cronica_, 481.

Zaragoza, Justo, 419.

Zarate, Aug. de, 537;
career, 567;
his _Historia_, 568;
translations, 568;
_Conquista de México_, 430;
_De Wonderlijcke ende Warachtighe Historie_, 512.

_Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde_, 404.

_Zeitschrift für wissensch. Geog._, 55.

Zeni explorations and Columbus, 33;
their map, 28, 437, 472.

Zeri, Augusto, _Tre lettere di Colombo_, etc., ix.

Zhaual, 576.

Ziegler, Alex., _Regiomontanus_, 96.

Ziegler, his _Schondia_, 433;
map, 434.

Ziletti, 574.

Zoa-na-me-la, on Reisch’s map, 114.

Zorgi, Alessandro, 117.

Zuazo, 385.
_See_ Cuaço.

Zuazo, Diego M. de, 213.

Zucatepec, 383.

Zumarraga, Bishop, 400.

Zuñi, 501, 502;
pueblos of, 483.

Zúñiga, _Anales ecles._, 65, 68.

Zuñiga y Velasco, Diego Lopes de (Conde de Nieva), Viceroy of Peru,
547.

Zurla, _Fra Mauro_, 31;
_Di Marco Polo_, 30.

Zurita, 256;
on New Spain, 417.

Zurotus, 180.

Zutugils, 383.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See further on Herrera _post_, p. 67.

[2] J. C. Brevoort, on “Spanish-American documents, printed or
inedited,” in _Magazine of American History_, March, 1879; Prescott,
_Mexico_, ii. 91.

[3] “Of all the narratives and reports furnished to Herrera for his
History, and of which he made such scanty and unintelligent use, very
few have been preserved.”—Markham, _Rites and Laws of the Yncas_, p.
vii.

[4] An overcrowding of archives in the keeping of the Council of the
Indies was sometimes relieved by sending part of them to Simancas.
Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 281. Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, i.
33, says all, or nearly all, the papers relating to Columbus have been
removed to Seville.

[5] Some of the documents at Simancas and in other repositories,
beginning with 1485, have been edited in the Rolls Series (published
for the English Government) by G. A. Bergenroth and by Gayangos
(London, 1862-1879), in the _Calendar of Letters, Despatches, and State
Papers relating to Negotiations between England and Spain_, contained
in five volumes. Vol. i. comes through 1509; and the first paper in
it is a complaint of Ferdinand and Isabella against Columbus for his
participancy in the piratical service of the French in 1485. Various
documents from the archives of Simancas are given in Alaman’s _La
República Megicana_, three volumes, 1844-1849. We get glimpses in the
_Historia_ of Las Casas of a large number of the letters of Columbus,
to which he must have had access, but which are now lost. Harrisse
thinks it was at Simancas, that Las Casas must have found them; for
when engaged on that work he was living within two leagues of that
repository. It seems probable, also, that Las Casas must have had use
of the Biblioteca Colombina, when it was deposited in the convent of
San Pablo (1544-1552), from whose Dominican monks Harrisse thinks it
possible that Las Casas obtained possession of the Toscanelli map. He
regrets, however, that for the personal history of Columbus and his
family, Las Casas furnishes no information which cannot be found more
nearly at first hand elsewhere. See Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, i.
122, 125-127, 129, 133.

[6] Robertson prefixes to his _History_ a list of the Spanish books and
manuscripts which he had used.

“The English reader,” writes Irving in 1828, when he had published his
own _Life of Columbus_, “hitherto has derived his information almost
exclusively from the notice of Columbus in Dr. Robertson’s _History_;
this, though admirably executed, is but a general outline.”—_Life of
Irving_, ii. 313.

[7] Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, i. 35. He also refers to the
notarial records preserved at Seville, as having been but partially
explored for elucidations of the earliest exploration. He found among
them the will of Diego, the younger brother of Columbus (p. 38). Alfred
Demersay printed in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, June,
1864, a paper, “Une mission geographique dans les archives d’Espagne
et de Portugal,” in which he describes, particularly as regards
their possessions of documents relating to America, the condition at
that time of the archives of the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon (of which,
after 1842 and till his death, Santarem was archivist); those of the
Kingdom of Aragon at Barcelona, and of the Indies at Seville; and
the collections of Muñoz, embracing ninety-five vols. in folio, and
thirty-two in quarto, and of Mata-Lanares, included in eighty folios,
in the Academy of History at Madrid. He refers for fuller details to
Tiran’s _Archives d’Aragon et de Simancas_ (1844), and to Joáo Pedro
Ribeiro’s _Memorias Authenticas para a Historia do real Archivo_,
Lisbon, 1819.

[8] This authority to search was given later, in 1781 and 1788.

[9] This volume is worth about five dollars.

[10] It was he who allowed Irving to use them.

[11] J. C. Brevoort, in the _Magazine of American History_, March,
1879. Cf. Prescott’s _Ferdinand and Isabella_ (1873), ii. 508, and his
_Mexico_, preface.

[12] Vol. i. p. 56, referring to Fuster’s “Copia de los manuscritos
que recogió D. Juan Bautista Muñoz,” in _Biblioteca Valenciana_, ii.
202-238.

[13] Harrisse, in his _Notes on Columbus_, p. 5, describes a collection
of manuscripts which were sold by Obadiah Rich, in 1848 or 1849, to
James Lenox, of New York, which had been formed by Uguina, the friend
of Muñoz. There is in the Academy of History at Madrid a collection of
documents said to have been formed by Don Vargas Ponçe.

[14] Harrisse (_Christophe Columb_, i. 65) refers to an unpublished
fragment in the Lenox Library. The _Ticknor Catalogue_ (p. 244) shows a
discourse on Muñoz read before the Academy of History in 1833, as well
as a criticism by Iturri on his single volume. Harrisse (_Christophe
Colomb_, i. 65) gives the titles of other controversial publications on
the subject of Muñoz’s history. Muñoz died in 1799. It is usually said
that the Spanish Government prevented the continuation of his work.

[15] _Christophe Colomb_, i. 20.

[16] See _post_, p. 77. A third copy, made by Columbus’ direction was
sent to his factor in Hispaniola, Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal. This
is not known; and Harrisse does not show that the archives of Santo
Domingo offer much of interest of so early a date. A fourth copy was
deposited in the monastery of the Cuevas at Seville, and is probably
the one which his son, Diego, was directed to send to Gaspar Gorricio.
Cf. Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, i. 16-23, 41, 46.

[17] This letter is given in fac-simile in the Navarrete Collection,
French translation, vol. iii.

[18] This book was reprinted at Genoa in 1857, with additions, edited
by Giuseppe Banchero, and translated into English, and published in
1823 in London, as _Memorials of a Collection of Authentic Documents_,
etc. A Spanish edition was issued at Havana in 1867 (Leclerc, nos. 134,
135). Wagner, in his _Colombo und seine Entdeckungen_ (Leipsic, 1825),
makes use of Spotorno, and translates the letters. These and other
letters are also given in Torre’s _Scritti di Colombo_; in the _Lettere
autografe di Colombo_, Milan, 1863; and in Navarrete’s _Coleccion_,
vol. ii. following the text of those in the Veraguas collections. Cf.
_North American Review_, xviii. 417; xxi. 398.

[19] Dodge also translated the other letters. Photographic fac-similes
of these letters are in the Harvard College Library and in the Library
of the Massachusetts Historical Society. See the _Proceedings_ of the
latter Society, February, 1870.

[20] _Christophe Colomb_, p. 11.

[21] Prescott, in the preface to his _Mexico_, speaks of him as
“zealously devoted to letters; while his reputation as a scholar was
enhanced by the higher qualities which he possessed as a man,—by his
benevolence, his simplicity of manners, and unsullied moral worth.”

[22] His projected work on the Spanish navy was never printed, though
a fragment of it appeared in the _Memorias_ of the Academy of History
(_Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 247).

[23] Leclerc says it is “difficile à trouver,” and prices it
at 80 francs. The English price is from £2 to £3. A letter by
Navarrete, descriptive of his _Coleccion_, is to be found in Zach’s
_Correspondance_, xi. 446. Cf. also Duflot de Mofras, _Mendoza et
Navarrete_, Paris, 1845, quoted by Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, i. 67.

[24] There is a memoir of him, with a catalogue of his works, in the
_Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, vol. vi.; and of those published
and unpublished in his _Biblioteca marítima Española_, ii. 458-470.
These sixth and seventh volumes have never been published. The sixth
was to cover the voyages of Grijalva and Lopes de Villalobos. Harrisse
(_Christophe Colomb_, i. 68) learned that the _Cartas de Indias_
(Madrid, 1877) contains some parts of what was to appear in vol. vii.

[25] Columbus, Vespucius, Ojeda, Magellan, etc.

[26] It is an alphabetical (by Christian names,—a not uncommon Spanish
fashion) record of writers on maritime subjects, with sketches of their
lives and works.

[27] Cf. an article in the _North American Review_, xxiv. 265, by Caleb
Cushing.

[28] These form vols. i. and ii. of Marmocchi’s Collection (Leclerc,
no. 133).

[29] Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 199.

[30] _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 247.

[31] _Magazine of American History_, iii. 176. Cf., however,
Navarrete’s generous estimate of Irving’s labors in the Introduction to
the third volume of his _Coleccion_.

[32] The story of this undertaking is told in Pierre Irving’s _Life of
Washington Irving_, vol. ii. chaps. xiv., xv., xvi. The book was kindly
reviewed by Mr. A. H. Everett in the _North American Review_, January,
1829 (vol. xxviii). Cf. other citations and references in Allibone’s
_Dictionary_, 942, and Poole’s _Index_, p. 280. A portion, at least, of
the manuscript of the book is in existence (_Massachusetts Historical
Society’s Proceedings_, xx. 201). Longfellow testified to Irving’s
devotion to his subject (_Proc._, iv. 394). See _post_, p. 68.

[33] Irving also early made an abridged edition, to forestall the
action of others.

[34] Their bibliography is fully given in Sabin, vol. ix. p. 150.

[35] It was completed in twenty volumes, and is now worth from 250
to 300 francs. See Leclerc, no. 562, for contents; Field’s _Indian
Bibliography_, no. 1,540; Alexander Young in _North American Review_,
xlv. 222. Ternaux died in 1864. Santarem speaks of “the sumptuous
stores of his splendid American library.” Cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Central
America_, ii. 759.

[36] Now worth from $12 to $15.

[37] Cf. contents in _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 87.

[38] Cf. _Magazine of American History_, i. 256; ii. 256; (by Mr.
Brevoort), iii. 175 (March, 1879); Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. xiv. no.
58,072. Leclerc, _Bibliotheca Americana, Supplément_, no. 3,016, for
22 vols. (300 francs). Harrisse, referring to this collection, says:
“It is really painful to see the little method, discrimination, and
knowledge displayed by the editors.” The documents on Columbus largely
repeat those given by Navarrete.

[39] Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. xiv. no. 58,270.

[40] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 484; ii. 736.

[41] Collections like that of Icazbalceta on Mexico may be barely
mentioned in this place, since their characteristics can better
be defined in more special relations. Prescott had eight thousand
manuscript pages of copies of documents relating to Mexico and Peru.
Cf. Preface to his _Mexico_. In 1792 Father Manuel de la Vega collected
in Mexico thirty-two folio volumes of papers, in obedience to an
order of the Spanish Government to gather all documents to be found
in New Spain “fitted to illustrate the antiquities, geography, civil,
ecclesiastical, and natural history of America,” and transmit copies of
them to Madrid (Prescott, Mexico, iii. 409).

[42] This book was privately printed (ninety-five copies) for Mr. S.
L. M. Barlow, of New York. It has thrice, at least, occurred in sales
(Menzies, no. 894,—$57.50; J. J. Cooke, vol. iii. no. 580; Brinley, no.
17). It is an extremely valuable key to the documentary and printed
references on Columbus’ career. To a very small number (nine) of a
separate issue of the portion relating to the letters of Columbus, a
new Preface was added in 1865. Cf. Ernest Desjardin’s _Rapport sur les
deux ouvrages de bibliographie Américaine de M. Henri Harrisse_ (Paris,
1867, p. 8), extracted from the _Bullétin de la Société de Géographie_.
The article on Columbus in Sabin’s _Dictionary_ (iv. 274, etc.) is
based on Harrisse, with revisions. Cf. references in H. H. Bancroft,
_Central America_, i. 238; Saint-Martin, _Histoire de la géographie_
(1873), p. 319; F. G. Cancellieri’s _Dessertazioni epistolari
bibliografiche sopra Colombo_, etc. (Rome, 1809).

[43] The Archives of Venice, at the beginning of this century,
contained memorials of Columbus which can no longer be found (Marin,
_Storia civile e politica del commercio de’ Veneziani_, Venezia, 1800;
Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet. Additions_, p. xxi). This is perhaps owing
to the Austrian depredation upon the Venetian archives in the Frari
and Marciana in 1803-1805, and in 1866. Not a little, however, of use
has been preserved in the _Calendar of State Papers in the Archives
of Venice_ published by the British Government, in the Rolls Series,
since 1864. They primarily illustrate English history, but afford some
light upon American affairs. Only six volumes (the last volume in three
parts) have been printed. Mr. Rawdon Brown, who edited them, long a
resident of Italy, dying at Venice, Aug. 25, 1883, at eighty, has sent,
during his labors in this field, one hundred and twenty-six volumes of
manuscript copies to the English Public Record Office.

[44] Of these, twenty-nine are also given in fac-simile; there are
besides about two hundred and fifty fac-similes of autographs. The
volume is priced at 150 marks and 300 francs. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,688.
H. H. Bancroft (_Mexico_, ii. 606) says of the volume: “There are about
two hundred and twenty-four pages of geographical notes, vocabulary,
biographical data, a glossary, and cuts, maps, and indexes. The
letters and fac-similes, from the first to the last, are valuable in
a historic sense, and the vocabulary is useful; but the biographical
and historical data are not always reliable, numerous errors having
been detected in comparing with official records and with memoranda of
witnesses of the events related.” Mr. Bancroft’s own library is said to
contain twelve hundred volumes of manuscript amassed for his own work;
but a large portion of them, it is supposed, do not concern the Spanish
history of the Pacific coast.

[45] Mr. Dexter, a graduate of Harvard in 1858, after most serviceable
labors as Recording Secretary of the Massachusetts Historical
Society, resigned that position on account of ill health, and died at
Santa Barbara, California, Dec. 18, 1883. The _Proceedings_ of the
Society for January, 1884, contain tributes to his memory. Various
communications in earlier volumes of the same _Proceedings_ show the
painstaking of his research, and the accuracy of his literary method.
The first chapter in Vol. IV. of the present _History_ was his last
effort in historical study, and he did not live to correct the proofs.
His death has narrowed the circle of those helpful friends who have
been ever ready to assist the Editor in his present labors.

[46] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvi. 318; also issued separately. The
letters of Columbus are also translated in the _Magazine of American
History_, January, 1883, p. 53.

[47] An Italian version of the letters of Columbus and Vespucius, with
fac-similes of the letters (_Tre lettere di Colombo ed Vespucci_),
edited by Augusto Zeri, was printed (six hundred copies) at Rome in
1881. Cf. _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 642.

[48] Irving’s _Life of Columbus_, app. no. vii.

[49] Ferdinand Columbus tried to make his readers believe that his
father was of some kinship with this corsair. The story of Columbus
escaping on an oar from a naval fight off Cape St. Vincent, and
entering Portugal by floating to the shore, does not agree with known
facts in his life of the alleged date. (Harrisse, _Les Colombo_, p.
36.) Allegri Allegretti, in his _Ephemerides Senenses ab anno 1450
usque ad 1496_ (in Muratori, xxiii. 827), gives a few particulars
regarding the early life of Columbus. (Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_,
p. 41.) Some of the latest researches upon his piratical life are given
by Rawdon Brown in the _Calendar of State Papers_, 1864, covering
1202-1509, vol. i.

[50] This name is sometimes given _Palestrello_.

[51] Rawdon Brown’s _Calendar of State Papers in the Archives of
Venice_, vol. i. (1864).

[52] Prescott (_Ferdinand and Isabella_, ed. 1873, vol. ii. p. 123)
says: “The discrepancies among the earliest authorities are such as to
render hopeless any attempt to settle with precision the chronology of
Columbus’s movements previous to his first voyage.”

[53] It cannot but be remarked how Italy, in Columbus, Cabot, and
Vespucius, not to name others, led in opening the way to a new stage
in the world’s progress, which by making the Atlantic the highway of a
commerce that had mainly nurtured Italy on the Mediterranean, conduced
to start her republics on that decline which the Turk, sweeping through
that inland sea, confirmed and accelerated.

[54] Notwithstanding this disappointment of Columbus, it is claimed
that Alfonso V., in 1474, had consulted Toscanelli as to such a western
passage “to the land where the spices grow.”

[55] There is great uncertainty about this English venture. Benzoni
says Columbus’s ideas were ridiculed; Bacon (_Life of Henry VII._)
says the acceptance of them was delayed by accident; Purchas says they
were accepted too late. F. Cradock, in the Dedication of his _Wealth
Discovered_, London, 1661, regrets the loss of honor which Henry VII.
incurred in not listening to the project. (Sabin, v. 55.) There is
much confusion of statement in the early writers. Cf. Las Casas, lib.
i. cap. 29; Barcia, _Hist. del Almirante_, cap. 10; Herrera, dec. i.
lib. 2; Oviedo, lib. i. cap. 4; Gomara, cap. 15; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, p. 4.

[56] As, for instance, Oviedo and Bossi.

[57] The same whom Isabella advised Columbus to take “as an astrologer”
on one of his later voyages. Cf. P. Augustin d’Osimo’s _Christophe
Colomb et le Père Juan Perez de Marchena; ou, de la co-opération des
franciscains à la découverte de l’Amérique_, 1861, and P. Marcellino da
Civezza’s _Histoire générale des missions franciscaines_, 1863.

[58] Cf. Schanz on “Die Stellung der beiden ersten Tudors zu den
Entdeckungen,” in his _Englische Handelspolitik_.

[59] Stevens, _Historical Collection_, vol. i. no. 1,418; Leclerc, no.
235 (120 francs); Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 376; Sabin, vol. vii. no.
27,116; Murphy, no. 1,046. This book, which in 1832 Rich priced at £1
10_s._, has recently been quoted by Quaritch at £5 5_s._ Harrisse calls
the book mendacious (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 37). The book was written
in 1522; its author was born in 1465, and died in 1525 as bishop of
Santo Domingo.

[60] There are two views of Seville in Braun and Hogenberg’s _Civitates
orbis terrarum_, published at Antwerp in 1572, and again at Brussels
(in French) in 1574. In one of the engravings a garden near the Puerta
de Goles is marked “Guerta de Colon;” and in the other the words “Casa
de Colon” are attached to the top of one of the houses. Muller, _Books
on America_, 1877, no. 712. The book is in the Harvard College Library.

[61] Santangel supplied about seventeen thousand florins from
Ferdinand’s treasury. Bergenroth, in his Introduction to the Spanish
State Papers, removes not a little of the mellow splendor which
admirers have poured about Isabella’s character.

[62] Palos is no longer a port, such has been the work of time and
tide. In 1548 the port is described in Medina’s _Libro de grandezas
y cosas de España_. (Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 281.) Irving
described it in 1828. Its present unmaritime character is set forth
by E. E. Hale in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, ii. 159; _Seven Spanish
Cities_, p. 17; and _Overland Monthly_, Jan., 1883, p. 42.

[63] Cf. Irving, app. no. xvi., on the route of Columbus. Brevoort
in his _Verrazzano_, p. 101, describes the usual route of the early
navigators from Spain to the West Indies. Columbus kept two records of
his progress. One was an unworthily deceitful one (reminding us of an
earlier deceit, when he tampered with the compass to mislead his crew),
by which he hoped to check the apprehensions of his men arising from
his increasing longitude; and the other a dead reckoning of some kind,
in which he thought he was approximately accurate. The story of his
capitulating to his crew, and agreeing to turn back in three days in
case land was not reached, is only told by Oviedo on the testimony of a
pilot hostile to Columbus.

[64] It may have been on some island or in some canoe; or just as
likely a mere delusion. The fact that Columbus at a later day set
up a claim for the reward for the first discovery on the strength
of this mysterious light, to the exclusion of the poor sailor who
first actually saw land from the “Pinta,” has subjected his memory,
not unnaturally, to some discredit at least with those who reckon
magnanimity among the virtues. Cf. _Navarrete_, iii. 612.

[65] The prayer used was adopted later in similar cases, under
Balboa, Cortes, Pizarro, etc. It is given in C. Clemente’s _Tablas
chronologicas_, Valencia, 1689. Cf. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p.
140; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,632; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,376;
Murphy, no. 599; and H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 371.

[66] Humboldt in his _Cosmos_ (English translation, ii. 422) has
pointed out how in this first voyage the descriptions by Columbus of
tropical scenes convince one of the vividness of his impressions and of
the quickness of his observation.

[67] Pinzon’s heirs at a later day manifested hostility to Columbus,
and endeavored to magnify their father’s importance in the voyage.
Cf. Irving, App. x. In the subsequent lawsuit for the confirmation of
Columbus’s right, the Pinzons brought witnesses to prove that it was
their urgency which prevented Columbus from giving up the voyage and
turning back.

[68] This Latin name seems to have been rendered by the Spaniards La
Española, and from this by corruption the English got Hispaniola.

[69] There is a wide difference as reported by the early writers as to
the number of men which Columbus had with him on this voyage. Ferdinand
Columbus says ninety; Peter Martyr, one hundred and twenty; others say
one hundred and eighty. The men he left at Hayti are reckoned variously
at thirty-nine, forty-three, forty-eight, fifty-five, etc. Major,
_Select Letters_, p. 12, reckons them as from thirty-seven to forty.
The lists show among them an Irishman, “Guillermo Ires, natural de
Galney, en Irlanda,” and an Englishman, “Tallarte de Lajes, Ingles.”
These are interpreted to mean William Herries—probably “a namesake of
ours,” says Harrisse—and Arthur Lake. Bernaldez says he carried back
with him to Spain ten of the natives.

[70] The line of 1494 gave Portugal, Brazil, the Moluccas, the
Philippines, and half of New Guinea. Jurien de la Gravière, _Les marins
du XV^e et du XVI^e siècle_, i. 86.

[71] Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 496, describes the procedures
finally established in laying out towns.

[72] Navarrete, ii. 143. It is the frequent recurrence of such
audacious and arrogant acts on the part of Columbus which explains his
sad failure as an administrator, and seriously impairs the veneration
in which the world would rejoice to hold him.

[73] The question of the priority of Columbus’ discovery of the
mainland over Vespucius is discussed in the following chapter.
M. Herrera is said to have brought forward, at the Congrès des
Américanistes held at Copenhagen in 1883, new evidence of Columbus’s
landing on the mainland. Father Manoel de la Vega, in his _Historia del
descobrimiento de la America septentrional_, first published in Mexico
in 1826 by Bustamante, alleges that Columbus in this southern course
was intending to test the theory of King John of Portugal, that land
blocked a westerly passage in that direction.

[74] Irving, app. xxxiii.

[75] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, vol. i. chap. iv., traces
with some care the coast-findings of this voyage and the varying
cartographical records.

[76] Helps says: “The greatest geographical discoveries have been made
by men conversant with the book-knowledge of their own time.” The age
of Columbus was perhaps the most illustrious of ages. “Where in the
history of nations,” says Humboldt, “can one find an epoch so fraught
with such important results as the discovery of America, the passage
to the East Indies round the Cape of Good Hope, and Magellan’s first
circumnavigation, simultaneously occurring with the highest perfection
of art, the attainment of intellectual and religious freedom, and with
the sudden enlargement of the knowledge of the earth and the heavens?”
_Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 673.

[77] This manuscript is the _Libro de las profecias_, of which parts
are printed in Navarrete. Cf. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 156,
who calls it a “curious medley of quotations and puerile inferences;”
and refers for an analysis of it to Gallardo’s _Ensayo_, ii. 500.
Harrisse thinks the hand is that of Ferdinand Columbus when a boy, and
that it may have been written under the Admiral’s direction.

[78] Irving, book i. chap. v.; Humboldt, _Examen critique_ and
_Cosmos_; Major, _Prince Henry of Portugal_, chap. xix. and
_Discoveries of Prince Henry_, chap. xiv.; Stevens, _Notes_; Helps,
_Spanish Conquest_; and among the early writers, Las Casas, not to name
others.

[79] Columbus, it is well known, advocated later a pear-shape, instead
of a sphere. Cf. the “Tercer viage” in Navarrete.

[80] Robertson’s _America_, note xii. Humboldt cites the ancients;
_Examen critique_, i. 38, 61, 98, etc.

[81] Ferdinand Columbus says that the Arab astronomer, Al Fergani,
influenced Columbus to the same end; and these views he felt were
confirmed by the reports of Marco Polo and Mandeville. Cf. Yule’s
_Marco Polo_. vol. i. p. cxxxi.

[82] By a great circle course the distance would have been reduced to
something short of five thousand eight hundred miles. (Fox in _U. S.
Coast Survey Report_, 1880, app. xviii.) Marco Polo had not distinctly
said how far off the coast of China the Island of Cipango lay.

[83] Cf. D’Avezac in _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_,
August-October, 1857, p. 97. Behaim in his globe placed China 120° west
of Cape St. Vincent; and Columbus is supposed to have shared Behaim’s
views and both were mainly in accord with Toscanelli. Humboldt, _Examen
Critique_, ii. 357.

[84] Not long from the time of his first voyage the _Orbis breviarium_
of Lilius, which later passed through other editions and translations,
summarized the references of the ancients (Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._ no.
1,670). But Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 180, holds that the
earliest instance of the new found islands being declared the parts
known to the ancients, and referred to by Virgil in the 6th book of the
Æneid,—

“Jacet extra sidera tellus,” etc.,

is in the _Geographia_ of Henricus Glareanus, published at Basle in
1527. Cf. also Gravier, _Les Normands sur la route des Indes_, Rouen,
1880, p. 24; Harrisse, _Bibl. Am. Vet._ 262. Mr. Murphy, in placing the
1472 edition of Strabo’s _De Situ orbis_ in his American collection,
pointed to the belief of this ancient geographer in the existence of
the American continent as a habitable part of the globe, as shown when
he says: “Nisi Atlantici maris obstaret magnitudo, posse nos navigare
per eundem parallelum ex Hispania in Indiam, etc.” Cf. further, Charles
Sumner’s _Prophetic Voices concerning America_; also in his _Works_;
Bancroft’s _Native Races_, v. 68, 122; Baldwin’s _Prehistoric Nations_,
399; Fontaine’s _How the World was peopled_, p. 139; Las Casas,
_Historia general_; Sherer, _Researches touching the New World_, 1777;
_Recherches sur la géographie des anciens_, Paris, 1797-1813; _Memoirs_
of the Lisbon Academy, v. 101; Paul Gaffarel, _L’Amérique avant
Colomb_, and his “Les Grecs et les Romains, ont ils connu l’Amérique?”
in the _Revue de Géographie_ (1881), ix. 241, etc.; Ferdinand Columbus’
life of his father, and Humboldt’s examination of his views in his
_Examen critique_; Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Introduction to his
_Popul-Vuh_.

Glareanus, above referred to, was one of the most popular of the
condensed cosmographical works of the time; and it gave but the
briefest reference to the New World, “de regionibus extra Ptolemæum.”
Its author was under thirty when he published his first edition in 1527
at Basle. There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, i.
90). Cf. also _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 142; Huth, ii. 602; Weigel, 1877,
p. 82, priced at 18 marks. It was reprinted at Basle, the next year,
1528 (Trömel, 3), and again in 1529. (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 143, 147.)
Another edition was printed at Freiburg (Brisgau) in 1530, of which
there are copies in Harvard College and Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, no.
95) libraries. (Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 147; Muller, 1877, no. 1,232.)
There were other Freiburg imprints in 1533, 1536, 1539, 1543, and 1551.
(_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 183, 212, 248; _Additions_, 121; Carter-Brown, i.
160; White Kennett, p. 12; Trömel, no. 12; Murphy, 1049.) There were
Venice imprints in 1534, 1537, 1538, 1539, and 1544. (_Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, 225, 228, 259; _Additions_, 120; Lancetti, _Buchersaal_, i. 79.)
An edition of Venice, without date, is assigned to 1549. (_Catalogue
of the Sumner Collection in Harvard College Library._) Editions were
issued at Paris in 1542, with a folded map, “Typus cosmographicus
universalis,” in 1550 (Court, 144), and in 1572, the last repeating
the map. (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 139.) The text of all these editions is
in Latin. Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,536, etc., enumerates most of the
editions.

[85] Such as Plato’s in his _Critias_ and _Timæus_, and Aristotle’s in
his _De Mundo_, cap. iii., etc.

[86] Harrisse, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima; Additions_, no. 36.

[87] Bernaldez tells us that Columbus was a reader of Ptolemy and of
John de Mandeville. Cf. on the spreading of Ptolemy’s views at this
time Lelewel, _Géographie du moyen âge_, ii. p. 122; Thomassy, _Les
papes géographes_, pp. 15, 34. There are copies of the 1475 edition of
Ptolemy in the Library of Congress and the Carter-Brown Library (cf.
also _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,044); of the 1478 edition, the only
copy in this country, so far as known, is the one in the Carter-Brown
Library, added to that collection since its catalogue was printed. The
Perkins copy in 1873 brought £80 (cf. _Livres payés en vente publique
1,000 francs_, etc., p. 137). It was the first edition with maps.
Lelewel (vol. ii. p. 124) had traced the influence of the Agathodæmon
(Ptolemean) maps on the cartography of the Middle Ages. The maps
representing the growth of geographical ideas anterior to Columbus
will be examined in another place. The Ulm edition of Ptolemy, 1482,
showed in its map of the world a part of what is now called America in
representing Greenland; but it gave it a distinct relation to Europe,
by making Greenland a peninsula of the Scandinavian north. There seems
reason to believe that this map was made in 1471, and it passes for the
earliest engraved map to show that northern region,—“Engrone-land,”
as it is called. If we reject the Zeno map with its alleged date of
1400 or thereabout (published long after Columbus, in 1558), the
oldest known delineations of Greenland (which there is no evidence
that Columbus ever saw, and from which if he had seen them, he could
have inferred nothing to advantage) are a Genoese manuscript map in
the Pitti palace, which Santarem (_Histoire de la Cartographie_,
vol. iii. p. xix) dates 1417, but which seems instead to be properly
credited to 1447, the peninsula here being “Grinlandia” (cf. Lelewel,
_Epilogue_, p. 167; _Magazine of American History_, April, 1883, p.
290); and the map of Claudius Clavus, assigned to 1427, which belongs
to a manuscript of Ptolemy, preserved in the library at Nancy. This,
with the Zeno map and that in the Ptolemy of 1482, is given in _Trois
cartes précolombiennes représentant Groenland, fac-simile présentés
au Congrès des Américanistes à Copenhague; par A. E. Nordenskiöld_,
Stockholm, 1883. In the Laon globe (1486-1487) “Grolandia” is put
down as an island off the Norway coast. There is a copy of this 1482
edition of Ptolemy in the Carter-Brown Library, and another is noted in
the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,046. Its maps were repeated in the 1486
edition, also published at Ulm; and of this there was a copy in the
Murphy Collection (no. 2,047,—bought by President White, of Cornell);
and another belongs to the late G. W. Riggs, of Washington. In 1490 the
Roman edition of 1478 was reproduced with the same maps; and of this
there is a copy in the Carter-Brown Library; and another is shown in
the _Murphy Catalogue_ (no. 2,048). A splendidly illuminated copy of
this edition sold in the Sunderland sale (part v. no. 13,770) has since
been held by Quaritch at _£_600. See further on these early editions of
Ptolemy in Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy’s Geography_, published by
Harvard University.

[88] Gravier, _Les Normands sur la route des Indes_, Rouen, 1880, p. 37.

[89] Humboldt, _Cosmos_ (Eng. ed.), ii. 619. The _Speculum naturale_
of Vincenzius (1250) is an encyclopædic treatise, closely allied
with other treatises of that time, like the _De rerum natura_ of
Cantipratensis (1230), and the later work of Meygenberg (1349).

[90] Humboldt, _Examen Critique_, i. 61, 65, 70; ii. 349. Columbus
quoted this passage in October, 1498, in his letter from Santo Domingo
to the Spanish monarch. Margry, _Navigations Françaises_, Paris, 1867,
p. 71, “Les deux Indes du XV^e siècle et l’influence Française sur
Colomb,” has sought to reflect credit on his country by tracing the
influence of the _Imago mundi_ in the discovery of the New World; but
the borrowing from Bacon destroys his case. (Major, _Select Letters of
Columbus_, p. xlvii; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 84.) If Margry’s
claim is correct, that there was an edition of the _Imago mundi_
printed at Nuremberg in 1472, it would carry it back of the beginning
of Columbus’s advocacy of his views; but bibliographers find no edition
earlier than 1480 or 1483, and most place this _editio princeps_ ten
years later as Humboldt does. It is generally agreed that the book was
written in 1410. A copy of this first edition, of whatever date, is
preserved in the Colombina Library in Seville; and it was the copy used
by Columbus and Las Casas. Its margins are annotated, and the notes,
which are by most thought to be in the hand of Columbus, have been
published by Varnhagen in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie
de Paris_, January, 1858, p. 71, and by Peschel in his _Geschichte
des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 112,—who, however, ascribes the
notes to Bartholomew Columbus. A fac-simile of part of them is given
on p. 31. Cf. Major, _Prince Henry_, p. 349; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no.
3; _Murphy catalogue_, no. 27, bought by Cornell Univ. and Dinaux,
_Cardinal P. d’Ailly_, Cambray, 1824.

[91] Mandeville had made his Asiatic journey and long sojourn
(thirty-four years) thirty or forty years later than Marco Polo, and
on his return had written his narrative in English, French, and Latin.
It was first printed in French at Lyons, in 1480. The narrative is,
however, unauthentic.

[92] A copy of this edition is in the Colombina Library, with marginal
marks ascribed to Columbus, but of no significance except as aids to
the memory. Cf. _Harper’s Monthly_, xlvi. p. 1.

[93] There were other editions between his first voyage and his
death,—an Italian one in 1496, and a Portuguese in 1502. For later
editions, cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Am. Vet._, no. 89; Navarrete, _Bibl.
maritima_, ii. 668; Brunet, iii. 1,406; Saint-Martin, _Histoire de
la Géographie_, p. 278. The recent editions of distinctive merit
are those, in English, of Colonel Yule; the various texts issued in
the _Recueil de voyages et de mémoires publiés par la Société de
Géographie de Paris; and Le livre de Marco Polo, rédigé, en Français
sous sa dictée en 1298 par Rusticien de Pise, publ. pour la 1^e fois
d’après 3 MSS. inéd., av. variantes, comment. géogr. et histor.,
etc._, par G. Pauthier. 2 vols. Paris: Didot, 1865. Cf. Foscarini,
_Della lett. Ven._ 239; Zurla, _Di Marco Polo_; Maltebrun, _Histoire
de la Géographie_; Tiraboschi, _Storia della lett. Ital._, vol. iv.;
Vivien de Saint-Martin, _Histoire de la Géographie_, p. 272; and the
bibliography of the MSS. and printed editions of the _Milione_ given
in Pietro Amat di S. Filippo’s _Studi biog. e bibliog._, published by
the Società Geografica Italiana in 1882 (2d ed.). A fac-simile of a
manuscript of the fourteenth century of the _Livre de Marco Polo_ was
prepared under the care of Nordenskiöld, and printed at Stockholm in
1882. The original is in the Royal Library at Stockholm.

[94] The actual distance from Spain westerly to China is two hundred
and thirty-one degrees.

[95] Cf. Zurla, _Fra Mauro_, p. 152; Lelewel, ii. 107.

[96] The Italian text of Toscanelli’s letter has been long known
in Ferdinand Columbus’ Life of his father; but Harrisse calls it
“très-inexact et interpolée;” and, in his _Bibl. Am. Vet. Additions_
(1872), p. xvi, Harrisse gives the Latin text, which he had already
printed, in 1871, in his _Don Fernando Colon_, published at Seville,
from a copy made of it which had been discovered by the librarian of
the Colombina, transcribed by Columbus himself in a copy of Æneas
Sylvius’ (Pius II.’s) _Historia rerum ubique gestarum_, Venice,
1477, preserved in that library. Harrisse also gives a photographic
fac-simile of this memorial of Columbus. Cf. D’Avezac, in the _Bulletin
de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, October, 1873, p. 46; and
Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, p. 41. The form of the letter, as given
in Navarrete, is translated into English in Kettell’s _Journal of
Columbus_, p. 268, and in Becher’s _Landfall of Columbus_, p. 183. Cf.
Lelewel, _Géographie du moyen âge_, ii. 130; _Bulletin de la Société
de Géographie_, 1872, p. 49; Ruge, _Geschichte des Zeitalters der
Entdeckungen_, p. 225. H. Grothe, in his _Leonardo da Vinci_, Berlin,
1874, says that Da Vinci in 1473 had written to Columbus respecting a
western passage to the Indies.

[97] Navarrete, iii. 28.

[98] Note xvii.

[99] Appendix xi.

[100] Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 1147, and Sabin, _Dictionary_, vii.
no. 26,342, give different dates.

[101] Goodrich’s _Life of the so-called Christopher Columbus_. Cf.
Luciano Cordeiro, “Les Portugais dans la découverte de l’Amérique,” in
Congrès des Américanistes, 1875, i. 274.

[102] Humboldt sees no reason to doubt that Iceland was meant.
(_Examen critique_, i. 105; v. 213; _Cosmos_, ii. 611.) It may be
remarked, however, that “Thyle” and “Islanda” are both laid down in
the Ptolemy map of 1486, which only signifies probably that the old
and new geography were not yet brought into accord. Cf. _Journal of
the American Geographical Society_, xii. 170, 177, where it is stated
that records prove the mild winter for Iceland in 1477, which Columbus
represents at Thule.

[103] A like intimation is sustained by De Costa in _Columbus and the
Geographers of the North_, Hartford, 1872; and it is distinctly claimed
in Anderson’s _America not discovered by Columbus_, 3d edition, 1883,
p. 85. It is also surmised that Columbus may have known the Zeni map.

[104] Humboldt discusses the question whether Columbus received any
incentive from a knowledge of the Scandinavian or Zeni explorations,
in his _Examen critique_, ii. 104; and it also forms the subject of
appendices to Irving’s _Columbus_.

[105] This problem is more particularly examined in Vol. I. Cf. also
Vol. IV. p. 3.

[106] Harrisse, _Les Cortereals_, p. 25, who points out that Behaim’s
globe shows nothing of such a voyage,—which it might well have done if
the voyage had been made; for Behaim had lived at the Azores, while
Cortereal was also living on a neighboring island. Major, _Select
Letters of Columbus_, p. xxviii, shows that Faria y Sousa, in _Asia
Portuguesa_, while giving a list of all expeditions of discovery from
Lisbon, 1412-1460, makes no mention of this Cortereal. W. D. Cooley, in
his _Maritime and Island Discovery_, London, 1830, follows Barrow; but
Paul Barron Watson, in his “Bibliography of pre-Columbian Discoveries”
appended to the 3d edition (Chicago, 1883) of Anderson’s _America
not discovered by Columbus_, p. 158, indicates how Humboldt (_Examen
critique_, i. 279), G. Folsom (_North American Review_, July, 1838),
Gaffarel (_Études_, p. 328), Kohl (_Discovery of Maine_, p. 165), and
others dismiss the claim. If there was any truth in it, it would seem
that Portugal deliberately cut herself off from the advantages of it in
accepting the line of demarcation in 1493.

[107] Edition of 1597, folio 188.

[108] Follows Wytfliet in his _Rerum Danicarum historia_, 1631, p. 763.

[109] _Ulyssea_, Lugduni, 1671, p. 335.

[110] _Journal of the American Geographical Society_, xii. 170. Asher,
in his _Henry Hudson_, p. xcviii, argues for Greenland.

[111] Gomara, _Historia general de las Indias_, Medina, 1553, and
Anvers, 1554, cap. xxxvii, folio 31; and Herrera, _Historia general_,
Madrid, 1601, dec. 1, lib. 6, cap. 16. Later writers have reiterated
it. Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, ii. 152, who is doubtful;
Lelewel, iv. 106, who says he reached Labrador; Kunstmann, _Entdeckung
Amerikas_, p. 45. Watson, in his _Bibliography of the pre-Columbian
Discoveries_, cites also the favorable judgment of Belleforest,
_L’histoire universelle_, Paris, 1577; Morisotus’ _Orbis maritimi_,
1643; Zurla’s _Marco Polo_, 1818; C. Pingel in _Grönlands Historisk
Mindesmaeker_, 1845; Gaffarel, _Étude_, 1869; and De Costa, _Columbus
and the Geographers of the North_, 1872, p. 17.

[112] _America not discovered by Columbus_, p. 164. Estancelin, in his
_Recherches sur les voyages et découvertes des navigateurs Normands
en Afrique, dans les Indes orientales, et en Amérique; suivies
d’observations sur la marine, le commerce, et les établissemens
coloniaux des Français_, Paris, 1832, claims that Pinzon, represented
as a companion of Cousin, was one of the family later associated with
Columbus in his voyage in 1492. Léon Guérin, in _Navigateurs Français_,
1846, mentions the voyage, but expresses no opinion. Parkman, _Pioneers
of France_, p. 169, does not wholly discredit the story. Paul Gaffarel,
_Étude sur les rapports de l’Amérique et de l’ancien continent avant
Colomb_, Paris, 1869, and _Découverte du Brésil par Jean Cousin_,
Paris, 1874, advocates the claim. Again, in his _Histoire du Brésil
Français_, Paris, 1878, Gaffarel considers the voyage geographically
and historically possible. (Cf. also a paper by him in the _Revue
politique et littéraire_, 2 mai, 1874.) It is claimed that the white
and bearded men whom, as Las Casas says, the natives of Hispaniola
had seen before the coming of the Spaniards, were the companions of
Cousin. Cf. Vitet’s _Histoire de Dieppe_, Paris, 1833, vol. ii.; David
Asseline’s _Antiquitéz et chroniques de Dieppe, avec introduction
par Hardy, Guérillon, et Sauvage_, Paris, 1874, two vols.; and the
supplemental work of Michel Claude Guibert, _Mémoires pour servir à
l’histoire de Dieppe_, Paris, 1878, two vols. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no.
47,541; Dufossé, _Americana_, nos. 4,735, 9,027.

[113] The ordinary designation of Hartmann Schedel’s _Registrum huius
operis libri cronicarum cū figuris et ymagībus ab inicio mūdi_,
Nuremberg, 1493, p. 290. The book is not very rare, though much sought
for its 2,250 woodcuts; and superior copies of it bring from $75 to
$100, though good copies are often priced at from $30 to $60. Cf.
_Bibliotheca Spenceriana_; Leclerc, no. 533; Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos.
12, 18; Huth, iv. 1305; Sunderland, no. 2,796; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 13; Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. 1,402; Cooke, no.
2,961; Murphy, no. 2,219, with a note by that collector.

[114] Cf. Von Murr, _Memorabilia bibliothecarum Norimbergensium_, vol.
i. pp. 254-256: “nec locus ille de America loquitur, sed de Africa.”

[115] Watson’s _Bibliography of pre-Columbian Discoveries of America_,
p. 161, enumerates the contestants; and Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._,
nos. 13, 14, epitomizes the authorities. The earliest reference,
after Schedel, seems to be one in Guillaume Postel’s _Cosmographicæ
disciplinæ compendium_, Basle, 1561, in which a strait below South
America is named Behaim’s Strait; but J. Chr. Wagenseil, in his _Sacra
parentalia_, 1682, earliest urged the claim, which he repeated in
his _Historia universalis_, while it was reinforced in Stüven’s or
Stuvenius’ _De vero novi orbis inventore_, Frankfort, 1714. (Copy
in Harvard College Library; cf. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 195.)
The first important counter-argument appeared in E. Tozen’s _Der
wahre und erste Entdecker der Neuen Welt, Christoph Colon, gegen die
ungegründeten Ausprüche, welche Americus Vespucci and Martin Behaim
auf diese Ehre machen, vertheidiget_, Göttingen, 1761. (Sabin, xii.
489.) Robertson rejected the claim; and so, in 1778, did C. G. von
Murr, in his _Diplomatische Geschichte des Ritters Behaim_, published
at Nuremberg (2d ed., Gotha, 1801; Jansen’s French translation, Paris,
1801 and Strasburg, 1802; also appended to Amoretti’s _Pigafetta_;
English in Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, 1812). A letter from Otto to Benjamin
Franklin, in the _American Philosophical Society’s Transactions_, 1786,
ii. 263, urged the theory. Dr. Belknap, in 1792, in the Appendix to his
_Discourse on Columbus_, dismissed it. Cladera, in his _Investigaciones
históricas sobre los principales descubrimientos de los Españoles_,
Madrid, 1794, was decidedly averse, replying to Otto, and adding a
translation of Von Murr’s essay. (Leclerc, nos. 118, 2,505.) Amoretti,
in his Preface to _Pigafetta’s Voyage_, Paris, 1801, argues that
Columbus’ discoveries convinced Behaim of his own by comparison.
Irving says the claim is founded on a misinterpretation of the Schedel
passage. Humboldt, in his _Examen critique_, i. 256, enters into a long
adverse argument. Major, in his _Select Letters of Columbus_, and in
his _Prince Henry_, is likewise decided in opposition. Ghillany, in
his _Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim_, is favorable.
Gaffarel, _Étude sur les rapports de l’Amérique et de l’ancien
continent avant Colomb_, Paris, 1869, is sceptical.

It seems to be a fact that Behaim made a map showing the straits
passed by Magellan, which Pigafetta refers to; and it is also clear
that Schöner, in globes made earlier, also indicated a similar strait;
and Schöner might well have derived his views from Behaim. What we
know of Behaim’s last years, from 1494 to 1506, is not sufficient
to fill the measure of these years; and advocates are not wanting
who assign to them supposed voyages, on one of which he might have
acquired a personal knowledge of the straits which he delineated. Such
advocates are met, and will continue to be answered, with the likelier
supposition, as is claimed, of the Straits in question being a happy
guess, both on Behaim’s and Schöner’s part, derived from the analogy
of Africa,—a southern extremity which Behaim had indeed delineated on
his globe some years before its actual discovery, though not earlier
than the existence of a prevalent belief in such a Strait. Cf. Wieser,
_Magalhâes-Strasse_.

[116] Las Casas is said to have had a manuscript by Columbus respecting
the information derived by him from Portuguese and Spanish pilots
concerning western lands.

[117] These were accounted for by the westerly gales, the influence
of the Gulf Stream not being suspected. Humboldt, _Cosmos_, English
translation, ii. 662; _Examen critique_, ii. 249.

[118] See Major’s Preface to his _Prince Henry_. Cf. H. H. Bancroft,
_Central America_, i. 373, for the successive names applied to the
Atlantic.

[119] Cf. _Les voyages merveilleux de Saint-Brandan à la recherche
du paradis terrestre. Légende en vers du XI^e siècle, publiée avec
introduction par Francisque-Michel_, Paris, 1878; and references in
Poole’s _Index_, p. 159.

[120] Humboldt points this island out on a map of 1425.

[121] Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, ii. 156-245; Kunstmann,
_Entdeckung Amerikas_, pp. 6, 35; D’Avezac on the “Isles fantastiques,”
in _Nouvelles annales des voyages_, April, 1845, p. 55. Many of these
islands clung long to the maps. Becher (_Landfall of Columbus_) speaks
of the Isle of St. Matthew and Isle Grande in the South Atlantic being
kept in charts till the beginning of this century. E. E. Hale tells
amusingly of the Island of Bresil, lying off the coast of Ireland
and in the steamer’s track from New York to England, being kept on
the Admiralty charts as late as 1873. _American Antiquarian Society
Proceedings_, Oct. 1873. Cf. Gaffarel, _Congrès des Américanistes_,
1877, i. 423, and Formalconi’s _Essai sur la marine ancienne des
vénitiens; dans lequel on a mis au jour plusieurs cartes tirées de la
bibliothèque de St. Marc, antérieures à la découverte de Christophe
Colomb, & qui indiquent clairement l’existence des isles Antilles.
Traduit de l’italien par le chevalier d’Hénin_, Venise, 1788.

[122] There are seven inhabitable and six desert islands in the group.

[123] Cf. _Die Entdeckung der Carthager und Griechen auf dem
Atlantischen Ocean_, by Joachim Lelewel, Berlin, 1831, with two maps
(Sabin, x. 201) one of which shows conjecturally the Atlantic Ocean of
the ancients (see next page).

[124] Two priests, Bontier and Le Verrier, who accompanied him, wrote
the account which we have. Cf. Peter Martyr, dec. i. c. 1; Galvano, p.
60; Muñoz, p. 30; Kunstmann, p. 6.

[125] Charton (_Voyageurs_, iii. 75) gives a partial bibliography of
the literature of the discovery and conquest. The best English book is
Major’s _Conquest of the Canaries_, published by the Hakluyt Society,
London, 1872, which is a translation, with notes, of the Béthencourt
narrative; and the same author has epitomized the story in chapter ix.
of his _Discoveries of Prince Henry_. There is an earlier English book,
George Glas’s _Discovery and Conquest of the Canary Islands_, London,
1764, 1767, which is said to be based on an unpublished manuscript
of 1632, the work of a Spanish monk, J. de Abreu de Galineo, in the
island of Palma. The Béthencourt account was first published in Paris,
1630, with different imprints, as _Histoire de la première descovverte
et conqueste des Canaries_. Dufossé prices it at from 250 to 300
francs. The original manuscript was used in preparing the edition,
_Le Canarien_, issued at Rouen in 1874 by G. Gravier (Leclerc, no.
267). This edition gives both a modern map and a part of that of Mecia
de Viladestes (1413); enumerates the sources of the story; and (p.
lxvi) gives D’Avezac’s account of the preservation of the Béthencourt
manuscript. The Spanish translation by Pedro Ramirez, issued at Santa
Cruz de Tenerife in 1847, was rendered from the Paris, 1630, edition.

Cf. Nuñez de la Peña’s _Conquista y antiguedades de las Islas de la
Gran Canaria_, Madrid, 1676, and reprint, Santa Cruz de Tenerife, 1847;
Cristóval Perez de el Christo, _Las siete Islas de Canaria_, Xeres,
1679 (rare, Leclerc, no. 644,—100 francs); Viera y Clavijo, _Historia
general de las Islas de Canaria_, Madrid, four volumes, 1772-1783
(Leclerc, no. 647, calls it the principal work on the Canaries); Bory
de Saint Vincent, _Essais sur les Isles Fortunées_, Paris, an xi.
(1803); _Les Iles Fortunées_, Paris, 1869. D’Avezac, in 1846, published
a _Note sur la première expéditien de Béthencourt aux Canaries_, and
his “Isles d’Afrique” in the _Univers pittoresque_ may be referred to.

[126] It is given by Lelewel, _Géographie du Moyen Age_; and has been
issued in fac-simile by Ongania at Venice, in 1881. It is also given in
Major, _Prince Henry_, 1868 edition, p. 107, and in Marco Polo, edition
by Boni, Florence, 1827. Cf. Winsor’s _Kohl Collection of Early Maps_,
issued by Harvard University.

[127] This chart is given by Jomard, pl. x., and Santarem, pl. 40.
Ongania published in 1881 a Pizigani chart belonging to the Ambrosian
Library in Milan, dated 1373.

[128] This map is given in _Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi_,
vol. xiv. part 2; in Santarem, pl. 31, 40; Lelewel, pl. xxix.;
Saint-Martin’s _Atlas_, pl. vii.; Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der
Entdeckungen_, 1881, and full size in fac-simile in _Choix de documents
géographiques conservés à la Bibliothèque Nationale_, Paris, 1883.

[129] Winsor’s _Kohl Collection of early maps_, part i., no. 17.

[130] Cf. Santarem, _Histoire de la Cartographie_, iii. 366, and
the references in Winsor’s _Kohl Collection_, part i. no. 19; and
_Bibliography of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1478. A sea-chart of Bartolomeus
de Pareto, A. D. 1455, shows “Antillia” and an island farther west
called “Roillo.” Antillia is supposed also to have been delineated
on Toscanelli’s map in 1474. In 1476 Andreas Benincasa’s portolano,
given in Lelewel, pl. xxxiv. and Saint-Martin, pl. vii. shows an
island “Antilio;” and again in the portolano belonging to the Egerton
manuscripts in the British Museum, and supposed to represent the
knowledge of 1489, just previous to Columbus’s voyage, and thought
by Kohl to be based on a Benincasa chart of 1463, the conventional
“Antillia” is called “Y de Sete Zitade.” It is ascribed to Christofalo
Soligo. Behaim’s globe in 1492 also gives “Insula Antilia genannt Septe
Citade.” Cf. Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, p. 116. The name “Antilhas”
seems first to have been transferred from this problematical mid-ocean
island to the archipelago of the West Indies by the Portuguese, for
Columbus gave no general name to the group.

[131] Cf. Kunstmann, _Entdeckung Amerikas_, pp. 1, etc.; Drummond,
_Annales da Ilha Terceira_; Ernesto do Canto, _Archivo dos Açores_;
Major’s _Discoveries of Prince Henry_, chap. x.; _Quarterly Review_,
xi. 191; Cordeyro’s _Historia insulana_, Lisbon, 1717.

[132] Appendix xxv.

[133] Vol. ii. part 2, p. 1; also Purchas, ii. 1672.

[134] Edition of 1868, pp. xvii and 69; Kunstmann, _Entdeckung
Amerikas_, p. 4.

[135] Cf. Gaspar Fructuoso’s _Historia das Ilhas do Porto-Santo,
Madeira, Desertas e Selvagens_, Funchal, 1873.

[136] Cf. _Studi biog. e bibliog._ i. 137, which places Perestrello’s
death about 1470.

[137] It has sometimes been put as early as 1440; but 1460 is the
date Major has determined after a full exposition of the voyages of
this time. _Prince Henry_ (1868 edition), p. 277. D’Avezac _Isles de
l’Afrique_, Paris, 1848.

[138] Prince Henry, edition of 1868, pp. xxiv and 127. Guibert, in
his _Ville de Dieppe_, i. 306 (1878), refers, for the alleged French
expedition to Guinea in 1364, to Villault de Belfond, _Relation
des costes d’Afrique appelées Guinée_, Paris, 1669, p. 409; Vitet,
_Anciennes villes de France_, ii. 1, Paris, 1833; D’Avezac _Découvertes
dans l’océan atlantique antérieurement aux grands explorations du XV^e
siècle_, p. 73, Paris, 1845; Jules Hardy, _Les Dieppois en Guinée en
1364_, 1864; Gabriel Gravier, _Le Canarien_, 1874.

[139] Cf. Jurien de la Gravière’s _Les marins du XV^e et du XVI^e
siècle_, vol. i. chap. 2.

[140] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, i. 144, 161, 329; ii. 370; _Cosmos_,
ii. 561; Jules Codine’s _Mémoire géoqraphique sur la mer des Indes_,
Paris, 1868.

[141] Irving, app. xiv.

[142] _Prince Henry_, p. 116 (1868). Cf. _Studi biog. e bibliog. della
Soc. Geog. Ital._, ii. 57.

[143] The author tells, in his preface, the condition of knowledge
regarding his subject which he found when he undertook his work, and
recounts the service the Royal Academy of Sciences at Lisbon has
done since 1779 in discovering and laying before the world important
documents.

[144] Gustav de Veer’s _Prinz Heinrich der Seefahrer, und seine Zeit_,
Dantzig, 1864, is a more popular work, and gives lists of authorities.
Cf. H. Monin in the _Revue de géographie_, December, 1878.

[145] There is some question if the school of Sagres had ever an
existence; at least it is doubted in the _Archivo dos Açores_, iv. 18,
as quoted by Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, p. 40.

[146] Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 261; _adds_ 154.

[147] Major (p. xvi) has more or less distrust of Cadamosto’s story as
given in the _Paese novamente_. Cf. the bibliography in _Studi biog. e
bibliog. della Soc. Geog. Ital._, i. 149 (1882); and Carter-Brown, i.
101, 195, 202, 211; also _Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add._, no. 83.

[148] “Through all which I was present,” said Bartholomew, in a note
found by Las Casas.

[149] The original is now preserved at Venice, in the Biblioteca
Marciana. A large photographic fac-simile of it was issued at Venice,
in 1877, by Münster (Ongania); and engraved reproductions can be found
in Santarem, Lelewel, and Saint-Martin, besides others in Vincent’s
_Commerce and Navigations of the Ancients_, 1797 and 1807; and in
Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, 1881. A copy on
vellum, made in 1804, is in the British Museum.

[150] Cf. G. Gravier’s _Recherches sur les navigations Européennes
faites an moyen-âge_, Paris, 1878.

[151] Navarrete, i. 304, ii. 280; Bandini’s _Amerigo Vespucci_, pp.
66, 83; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, i. 26, iv. 188, 233, 250, 261, v.
182-185; and his preface to Ghillany’s _Behaim_; Harrisse, _Ferdinand
Colomb_, pp. 121-127; Major’s _Prince Henry_, p. 420; Stevens’s
_Notes_, p. 372. When the natives of Cuba pointed to the interior of
their island and said “Cubanacan,” Columbus interpreted it to mean
“Kublai Khan;” and the Cuban name of Mangon became to his ear the Mangi
of Sir John Mandeville.

[152] Dec. i. c. 8.

[153] Da Gama’s three voyages, translated from the narrative of Gaspar
Correa, with other documents, was edited for the Hakluyt Society by
H. E. J. Stanley, in 1869. Correa’s account was not printed till
1858, when the Lisbon Academy issued it. Cf. Navarrete, vol. i. p.
xli; Ramusio, i. 130; Galvano, p.93; Major, _Prince Henry_, p. 391;
Cladera, _Investigaciones históricas_; Saint-Martin, _Histoire de la
géographie_, p. 337; Clarke, _Progress of Maritime Discovery_, p. 399;
Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ pp. 109, 135, 188,
189; Lucas Rem’s _Tagebuch_, 1494-1542, Augsburg, 1861; Charton’s
_Voyageurs_, iii. 209 (with references), etc.

“Portugal,” says Professor Seeley, “had almost reason to complain of
the glorious intrusion of Columbus. She took the right way, and found
the Indies; while he took the wrong way, and missed them.... If it be
answered in Columbus’s behalf, that it is better to be wrong and find
America, than to be right and find India, Portugal might answer that
she did both,”—referring to Cabral’s discovery of Brazil (_Expansion of
England_, p. 83).

[154] The Bull is printed in Navarrete, ii. 23, 28, 130; and in the
app. of Oscar Peschel’s _Die Theilung der Erde unter Papst Alexander
VI. und Julius II._, Leipsic, 1871. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet.,
Additions_, gives the letter of May 17, 1493, which Alexander VI.
sent with the Bulls to his nuncio at the court of Spain, found in the
archives of the Frari at Venice. Cf. also Humboldt, _Examen critique_,
iii. 52; Solorzano’s _Política Indiana_; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol. i.
no. 745; and the illustrative documents in Andres Garcia de Céspedes’
_Reg. de nav._, Madrid, 1606.

[155] There is more or less confusion in the estimates made of the
league of this time. D’Avezac, _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie
de Paris_, September and October, 1858, pp. 130-164, calls it 5,924
metres. Cf. also Fox, in the _U. S. Coast Survey Report_, 1880, p. 59;
and H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 190.

[156] Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iii. 17, 44, 56, etc.

[157] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iii. 54; _Cosmos_, v. 55. Columbus
found this point of no-variation, Sept. 13, 1492. In the latter part
of the sixteenth century, for a similar reason, St. Michael’s in the
Azores was taken for the first meridian, but the no-variation then
observable at that point has given place now to a declination of
twenty-five degrees.

[158] See the documents in Navarrete, ii. 116, and Peschel’s _Theilung
der Erde unter Papst Alexander VI. und Julius II._

[159] Cf., however, Juan y Ulloa’s _Dissertacion sobre el meridiano de
demarcation_, Madrid, 1749, in French, 1776. Carter-Brown, vol. iii.
no. 910; and “Die Demarcations-linie” in Ruge’s _Das Zeitalter der
Entdeckungen_, p. 267.

[160] In 1495 Jaume Ferrer, who was called for advice, sent a
manuscript map to the Spanish Monarchs to be used in the negotiations
for determining this question. (Navarrete; also Amat, _Diccionario de
los escritores Catalanes_.) Jaume’s different treatises are collected
by his son in his _Sentencias cathólicas_, 1545. (Leclerc, no. 2,765,
1,000 francs; Harrisse, _Bibl. Am. Vet._, no. 261; _Additions_, no.
154.) This contains Jaime’s letter of Jan. 27, 1495, and the Monarchs’
reply of Feb. 28, 1495; and a letter written at the request of Isabella
from Burgos, Aug. 5, 1495, addressed to “Christofol Colō en la gran
Isla de Cibau.”

[161] Cf. _North American Review_, nos. 53 and 55.

[162] Cf. portions in German in _Das Ausland_, 1867, p. 1.

[163] It is in Italian in Torre’s _Scritti di Colombo_.

[164] Brunet, _Supplément_, col. 277.

[165] It appeared in the series _Biblioteca rara_ of G. Daelli.

[166] Cf. _Historical Magazine_, September, 1864.

[167] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet. Additions_, p. vi., calls this
reproduction extremely correct.

[168] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. xii.

[169] _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 387; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, vol. i. no.
1,380; Sabin, iv. 277; Leclerc, no. 132. It was noticed by Don Pascual
de Gayangos in _La America_, April 13, 1867. Cf. another of Varnhagen’s
publications, _Carta de Cristóbal Colon enviada de Lisboa á Barcelona
en Marzo de 1493_, published at Vienna in 1869. It has a collation of
texts and annotations (Leclerc, no. 131). A portion of the edition was
issued with the additional imprint, “Paris, Tross, 1870.” Of the 120
copies of this book, 60 were put in the trade. Major, referring to
these several Spanish texts, says: “I have carefully collated the three
documents, and the result is a certain conclusion that neither one nor
the other is a correct transcript of the original letter,”—all having
errors which could not have been in the original. Major also translates
the views on this point of Varnhagen, and enforces his own opinion
that the Spanish and Latin texts are derived from different though
similar documents. Varnhagen held the two texts were different forms of
one letter. Harrisse dissents from this opinion in _Bibl. Amer. Vet.
Additions_, p. vi.

[170] Cf. Irving’s _Columbus_, app. xxix.

[171] Prescott’s _Ferdinand and Isabella_, revised edition, ii. 108;
Sabin, vol. ii. no. 4,918; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, no. 7, who
reprints the parts in question, with a translation.

[172] _Cosmos_, English translation, ii, 641.

[173] _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 32.

[174] He points out how the standard _Chronicles_ and _Annals_
(Ferrebouc, 1521; Regnault, 1532; Galliot du Pré, 1549; Fabian, 1516,
1533, 1542, etc.), down to the middle of the sixteenth century, utterly
ignored the acts of Columbus, Cortes, and Magellan (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._
p. ii).

[175] Murr, _Histoire diplomatique de Behaim_, p. 123.

[176] They are mentioned in Senarega’s “De rebus Genuensibus,” printed
in Muratori’s _Rerum Italicarum scriptores_, xxiv. 534. Cf. Harrisse,
_Notes on Columbus_, p. 41.

[177] Harrisse says that when Tross, of Paris, advertised a copy at a
high price in 1865, there were seven bidders for it at once. Quaritch
advertised a copy in June, 1871. It was priced in London in 1872 at
£140.

[178] This view is controverted in _The Bookworm_, 1868, p. 9. Cf.
1867, p. 103. The ships are said to be galleys, while Columbus sailed
in caravels.

[179] But compare his _Cooke Catalogue_, no. 575; also,
_Pinart-Bourbourg Catalogue_, p. 249.

[180] M. de Rosny was born in 1810, and died in 1871. M. Geslin
published a paper on his works in the _Actes de la Société
d’Ethnologie_, vii. 115. A paper by Rosny on the “Lettre de Christoph
Colombe,” with his version, is found in the _Revue Orientale et
Américaine_, Paris, 1876, p. 81.

[181] The earliest English version of this letter followed some one
edition of the Cosco-Sanchez text, and appeared in the _Edinburgh
Review_ in 1816, and was reprinted in the _Analectic Magazine_, ix.
513. A translation was also appended by Kettell to his edition of the
_Personal Narrative_. There is another in the _Historical Magazine_,
April, 1865, ix. 114.

[182] It was priced by Rich in 1844 at £6 6s.; and by Robert Clarke, of
Cincinnati, in 1876, at $200. There was a copy in the J. J. Cooke sale
(1883), vol. iii. no. 574, and another in the Murphy sale, no. 2,602.

[183] Sabin, vol. v. no. 18,656; Major, p. xc, where the poem is
reprinted, as also in Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, p. 186; _Bibl.
Amer. Vet._, no. 8, p. 461. This first edition has sixty-seven octaves;
the second, sixty-eight. Stevens’s _Hist. Coll._, vol. i. no. 129,
shows a fac-simile of the imperfect first edition.

[184] _Notes on Columbus_, p. 185; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 9;
_Additions_, no. 3; Lenox’s _Scyllacius_, p. lii. The last stanza is
not in the other edition, and there are other revisions. A fac-simile
of the cut on the title of this Oct. 26, 1493, edition is annexed.
Other fac-similes are given by Lenox, and Ruge in his _Geschichte des
Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 247. This edition was reprinted at
Bologna, 1873, edited by Gustavo Uzíelli, as no. 136 of _Scelta di
curiosità letterarie inedite_, and a reprint of Cosco’s Latin text was
included.

[185] Lenox’s _Scyllacius_, p. lv, with fac-similes of the cuts;
_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 19; _Notes on Columbus_, p. 123; _Huth_, i.
337. The elder Harris made a tracing of this edition, and Stevens had
six copies printed from stone; and of these, copies are noted in the
C. Fiske-Harris Catalogue, no. 553; Murphy, no. 632; Brinley, no. 14;
Stevens’s (1870) _Catalogue_, no. 459; and _Hist. Coll._, vol. i. nos.
130, 131. The text was reprinted in the _Rheinisches Archiv_, xv. 17.
It was also included in _Ein schöne newe Zeytung_, printed at Augsburg
about 1522, of which there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown
libraries. _Scyllacius_, p. lvi; Brunet, _Supplément_, col. 277;
Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 115. The latest enumeration of these
various editions is in the _Studi biog. e bibliog. della Soc. Geog.
Ital._, 2d edition, Rome, 1882, p. 191, which describes some of the
rare copies.

[186] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 175; _Carter-Brown_, no. 105;
Lenox, _Scyllacius_, p. lviii; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, vol. i. no. 163,
and _Bibl. Geog._, no. 2,383; Muller (1872), no. 387; J. J. Cooke,
no. 2,183; O’Callaghan, no. 1,836. The letter is on pages 116-121 of
the _Bellum_, etc. The next earliest reprint is in Andreas Schott’s
_Hispaniæ illustratæ_, Frankfort, 1603-1608, vol. ii. (Sabin, vol.
viii. no. 32,005; Muller, 1877, no. 2,914; Stevens, 1870, no. 1,845).
Of the later reproductions in other languages than English, mention may
be made of those in Amati’s _Ricerche Storico-Critico-Scientifiche_,
1828-1830; Bossi’s _Vita di Colombo_, 1818; Urano’s edition of Bossi,
Paris, 1824 and 1825; the Spanish rendering of a collated Latin text
made by the royal librarian Gonzalez for Navarrete, and the French
version in the Paris edition of Navarrete; G. B. Torre’s _Scritti di
Colombo_, Lyons, 1864; _Cartas y testamento di Colon_, Madrid, 1880.
There is in Muratori’s _Rerum Italicarum scriptores_ (iii. 301) an
account “De navigatione Columbi,” written in 1499 by Antonio Gallo, of
Genoa; but it adds nothing to our knowledge, being written entirely
from Columbus’s own letters.

The earliest compiled account from the same sources which appeared in
print was issued, while Columbus was absent on his last voyage, in
the _Nouissime Hystoriarum omnium repercussiones, que supplementum
Supplementi Cronicarum nuncupantur ... usque in annum 1502_, of Jacopo
Filippo Foresti (called Bergomenses, Bergomas, or some other form),
which was dated at Venice, 1502 (colophon, 1503), and contained a
chapter “De insulis in India,” on leaf 441, which had not been included
in the earlier editions of 1483, 1484, 1485, 1486, and 1493, but is
included in all later editions (Venice, 1506; Nuremberg, 1506; Venice,
1513, 1524; Paris, 1535), except the Spanish translation (Harrisse,
_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 42, 138, 204, and _Additions_, nos. 11,
75; Sabin, vol. vi. nos. 25,083, 25,084; Stevens, 1870, no. 175,
$11; Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 19, 27; Murphy, no. 226; Quaritch,
no. 11,757, £4). There are copies in the Library of Congress, the
Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries, and in the National Library in Paris.

[187] _Sull’importanza d’un manoscritto inedito della Biblioteca
Imperiale di Vienna per verificare quale fu la prima isola scoperta dal
Colombo, ... Con una carta geographica_, Vienna, 1869, sixteen pages.
Varnhagen’s paper first appeared in the _Anales de la Universedad de
Chile_, vol. xxvi. (January, 1864).

[188] Evora, 1545, and often reprinted. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_,
p. 45; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 265.

[189] A fac-simile of Irving’s manuscript of his account of this
reception is given in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ xx. 201.

[190] Prescott, _Ferdinand and Isabella_ (1873), ii. 170; Major’s
_Select Letters_, p. lxvi; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p.
ix.

[191] Irving’s _Columbus_, app. xxxii.

[192] Humboldt (_Examen critique_, ii. 279-294) notes the letters
referring to Columbus; and Harrisse, (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 129)
reprints these letters, with translations. In the 1670 edition the
Columbus references are on pp. 72-77, 81, 84, 85, 88-90, 92, 93, 96,
101, 102, 116.

[193] There are eight hundred and sixteen in all (1488 to 1525), and
about thirty of them relate to the New World. He died in 1526.

[194] Prescott, _Ferdinand and Isabella_ (1873), ii. 76.

[195] _Literature of Europe_, vol. i. cap. 4, § 88.

[196] _Ferdinand and Isabella_ (1873), ii. 507, and p. 77. Referring to
Hallam’s conclusion, he says: “I suspect this acute and candid critic
would have been slow to adopt it had he perused the correspondence in
connection with the history of the times, or weighed the unqualified
testimony borne by contemporaries to Martyr’s minute accuracy.”

[197] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 282; Irving, _Columbus_, app.
xxvii.; Brevoort’s _Verrazano_, p. 87; H. H. Bancroft’s _Central
America_, i. 312. A bibliography of Martyr’s works is given on another
page.

[198] _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 255; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p.
135; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 10; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,714.

[199] It is not certain when this discourse was printed, for the
publication is without date. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 136;
_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 11; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,175; _Carter-Brown
Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 4. There are copies of this little tract of
eight leaves in the Force Collection (Library of Congress), and in the
Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. Others are in the Vatican, Grenville
Collection, etc. Cf. Court, no. 255.

[200] It is given in Italian in Torre’s _Scritti di Colombo_, p. 372;
and in English in Major’s _Select Letters of Columbus_, repeated in
the appendix of Lenox’s reprint of Scyllacius. The “Memorial ... sobre
el suceso de su segundo viage á las Indias,” in Navarrete, is also
printed, with a translation, by Major, p. 72.

[201] They were all presentation-copies; but one in Leclerc, no. 2,960,
is priced 400 francs. The Menzies copy brought $35.

[202] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 16; _Notes on Columbus_, p.
125. Cf. _Intorno ad un rarissimo opusculo di Niccolò Scillacio_,
Modena, 1856, by Amadeo Ronchini, of Parma.

[203] Cf. _ante_ a note for the bibliography of Martyr, in Vol. I.

[204] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 36, refers, for curious details
about Buell, to Pasqual’s _Descubrimiento de la situacion de la
América_, Madrid, 1789, and the letter of the Pope to Boil in Rossi’s
_Del discacciamento di Colombo dalla Spagnuola_, Rome, 1851, p. 76.

[205] There are two copies in Harvard College Library. Cf. Rich (1832),
no. 159, £2 2_s._; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 252; Quaritch, £6 16_s._
6_d._; O’Callaghan, no. 1,841; Murphy, no. 1,971; Court, nos. 271, 272.

[206] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 2.

[207] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 16, 17, 276, 356; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._,
nos. 5, 6.

[208] Folios 11 and 40. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 17; Sabin, vol. x.
no. 41,067. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 55, says Rich errs in
stating that an earlier work of Lilio (1493) has a reference to the
discovery.

[209] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 7.

[210] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, no. 126. The _Coronica de Aragon_,
of Fabricius de Vagad, which was published in 1499, makes reference to
the new discoveries (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 9), as does
the _Coronica van Coellen_, published at Cologne, 1499, where, on the
verso of folio 339, it speaks of “new lands found, in which men roam
like beasts” (Murphy, no. 254; Baer, _Incunabeln_, 1884, no. 172, at
160 marks; London Catalogue (1884), £12 10_s._). In 1498, at Venice,
was published Marc. Ant. Sabellicus’ _In rapsodiam historiarum_ (copy
in British Museum), which has a brief account of Columbus’ family and
his early life. This was enlarged in the second part, published at
Venice in 1504 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 21). An anchor lost by Columbus
on this voyage, at Trinidad, is said to have been recovered in 1880
(_Bulletin de la Société Géographique d’Anvers_, v. 515).

[211] _Que escribió D. Cristóbal Colon á los ... Rey y Reina de
España._ Cf. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 127. It is given, with
an English translation, in Major’s _Select Letters_; also in the
_Relazione delle scoperte fatte da C. Colombo, da A. Vespucci, e da
altri dal_ 1492 _al_ 1506, _tratta dai manoscritti della Biblioteca
di Ferrara e pubblicata per la prima volta ed annotata dal Prof. G.
Ferraro_, at Bologna, in 1875, as no. 144 of the _Scelta di curiosità
letterarie inedite o rare dal secolo_ xiii _al_ xvii. A French
translation is given in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 174.

[212] It is usually said that Ferdinand Columbus asserts it was
printed; but Harrisse says he can find no such statement in Ferdinand’s
book.

[213] Vol. i. pp. 277-313.

[214] It is a little quarto of six leaves and an additional blank
leaf (Lenox, _Scyllacius_, p. lxi; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no.
36). There is a copy in the Marciana, which Harrisse compared with
the Morelli reprint, and says he found the latter extremely faithful
(_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 17).

[215] Leclerc, no. 129.

[216] In Italian in Torre’s _Scritti di Colombo_, p. 396.

[217] This is also in Italian in Torre, p. 401, and in English in
Major’s _Select Letters_.

[218] Stevens (_Notes_, etc., p. 31) is said by Harrisse (_Bibl.
Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. 35) to be in error in saying that Valentim
Fernandez’s early collection of Voyages, in Portuguese, and called
_Marco Paulo_, etc., has any reference to Columbus.

[219] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 43, 67, and p. 463; _Additions_, nos.
22, 40; Thomassy, _Les papes géographes_.

[220] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 49. See the chapter on Vespucius.

[221] Ibid., _Additions_, no. 27.

[222] Ibid., no. 28.

[223] Ibid., no. 30.

[224] Sabin, vol. vi. no. 24,395.

[225] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 51, 52; Murphy, no. 2,353; Stevens,
_Bibl. Geog._, no. 2,609. There are copies in the Library of Congress,
Harvard College Library, etc.

[226] Sabin, vol. vii. no. 26,140; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 39; _Bibl.
Amer. Vet._, no. 34; Graesse, ii. 645; Brunet, ii. 1421. There were
later editions in 1518, 1565, 1567, 1578, 1604, 1726, etc.

[227] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 35.

[228] See Vol. III. pp. 16, 199; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, pp. 464, 518; and
_Additions_, no. 38.

[229] In the section “inventio novarum insularum,” _Bibl. Amer. Vet.,
Additions_, no. 39.

[230] Brunet, iv. 915; _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 44.

[231] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 57; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 73.
There is a copy in the Boston Athenæum.

[232] Carter-Brown, no. 48; Murphy, no. 32.

[233] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 75.

[234] Cf. bibliographical note on Columbus in Charton’s _Voyageurs_,
iii. 190.

[235] _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 1,554; _Bibl. Hist._
(1870), no. 1,661; J. J. Cooke, no. 2,092; Murphy, no. 2,042 (bought
by Cornell University); Panzer, vii. 63; Graesse, v. 469; Brunet,
iv. 919; Rosenthal (1884); Baer, _Incunabeln_ (1884), no. 116. Cf.
Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 74, for the note and translation;
and other versions in _Historical Magazine_, December, 1862, and in
the _Christian Examiner_, September, 1858. Also, see _Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 88, for a full account; and the reduced fac-simile of title
in Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 51. The book is not very rare, though
becoming so, since, as the French sale-catalogues say, referring to
the note, “Cette particularité fait de ce livre un objet de haute
curiosité pour les collectionneurs Américains.” Harrisse says of
it: “Although prohibited, confiscated, and otherwise ill-treated by
the Court of Rome and the city authorities of Genoa, this work is
frequently met with,—owing, perhaps, to the fact that two thousand
copies were printed, of which only five hundred found purchasers, while
the fifty on vellum were distributed among the sovereigns of Europe
and Asia.” (Cf. Van Praet, _Catalogue des livres sur vélin_, i. 8.)
Its price is, however, increasing. Forty years ago Rich priced it at
eighteen shillings. Recent quotations put it, in London and Paris, at
£7, 100 marks, and 110 francs. The Editor has used the copy in the
Harvard College Library, and in the Boston Public Library,—which last
belonged to George Ticknor, who had used George Livermore’s copy before
he himself possessed the book. Ticknor’s _Spanish Literature_, i. 188;
_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, x. 431.

[236] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 220; Stevens, _Historical Collections_,
vol. i. no. 242. There is a copy in Harvard College Library.

[237] We know that Ferdinand bought a copy of this book in 1537; cf.
Harrisse, _Fernand Colomb_, p. 27.

[238] _Historical Collections_, vol. i, no. 1,554.

[239] On the question of the connection of Columbus with his second
companion, Donna Beatrix Enriquez who was of a respectable family in
Cordova,—that there was a marriage tie has been claimed by Herrera,
Tiraboschi, Bossi, Roselly de Lorgues, Barry, and Cadoret (_Vie
de Colomb_, Paris, 1869, appendix); and that there was no such
tie, by Napione (_Patria di Colombo_ and Introduction to _Codice
Colombo-Americano_), Spotorno, Navarrete, Humboldt, and Irving. Cf.
_Historical Magazine_ (August, 1867), p. 225; _Revue des questions
historiques_ (1879), XXV. 213; Angelo Sanguinetti’s _Sull’origine di
Ferdinando Colombo_ (Genoa, 1876), p. 55; Giuseppe Antonio Dondero’s
_L’onestá di Cristoforo Colombo_ (Genoa, 1877), p. 213; Harrisse,
_Fernand Colomb_, p. 2; D’Avezac, in _Bulletin de la Société de
Géographie_ (1872), p. 19. It may be noted that Ferdinand de Galardi,
in dedicating his _Traité politique_ (Leyden, 1660) to Don Pedro Colon,
refers to Ferdinand Colon as “Fernando Henriquez.” (Stevens, _Bibl.
Geog._, no. 1,147).

The inference from Columbus’ final testamentary language is certainly
against the lady’s chastity. In his codicil he enjoins his son Diego
to provide for the respectable maintenance of the mother of Ferdinand,
“for the discharge of my conscience, for it weighs heavy on my soul.”
Irving and others refer to this as the compunction of the last hours
of the testator. De Lorgues tries to show that this codicil was made
April 1, 1502 (though others claim that the document of this date was
another will, not yet found), and only copied at Segovia, Aug. 25,
1505, and deposited in legal form with a notary at Valladolid, May
19, 1506. Columbus dying May 20,—the effect of all which is only to
carry back, much to Columbus’ credit, the compunction to an earlier
date. The will (1498), but not the codicil, is given in Irving, app.
xxxiv. Cancellieri, in his _Dissertazioni_, gives it imperfectly; but
it is accurately given in the _Transactions_ of the Genoa Academy. Cf.
Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_) p. 160; Torre’s _Scritti di Colombo;
Colon en Quisqueya_, Santo Domingo (1877), pp. 81, 99; _Cartas y
testamento_, Madrid, 1880; Navarrete, _Coleccion_; and elsewhere.

[240] De Lorgues, on the authority of Zúñiga (_Anales eclesiásticos_,
p. 496), says he was born Aug. 29, 1487, and not Aug. 15, 1488, as
Navarrete and Humboldt had said. Harrisse (_Fernand Colomb_, p. 1)
alleges the authority of the executor of his will for the date Aug. 15,
1488. The inscription on his supposed grave would make him born Sept.
28, 1488.

[241] Prescott (_Ferdinand and Isabella_, ii. 507) speaks of Ferdinand
Columbus’ “experience and opportunities, combined with uncommon
literary attainments.” Harrisse calculates his income from the bequest
of his father, and from pensions, at about 180,000 francs of the
present day. (_Fernand Colomb_, p. 29.)

[242] There has been close scrutiny of the publications of Europe in
all tongues for the half century and more following the sketch of
Guistiniani in 1516, till the publication of the earliest considerable
account of Columbus in the Ulloa version of 1571, to gather some
records of the growth or vicissitudes of the fame of the great
discoverer, and of the interest felt by the European public in the
progress of events in the New World. Harrisse’s _Bibliotheca Americana
Vetustissima_, and his _Additions_ to the same, give us the completest
record down to 1550, coupled with the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ for the
whole period.

[243] A copy of the inscription on his tomb in Seville, with a
communication by George Sumner, is printed in Major’s _Select Letters
of Columbus_, p. lxxxi.

[244] Cf. Edwards, _Memoirs of Libraries_, and a Memoir of Ferdinand,
by Eustaquio Fernandez de Navarrete, in _Colec. de doc. inéd._, vol.
xvi. A fac-simile of the first page of the manuscript catalogue of the
books, made by Ferdinand himself, is given in Harrisse’s _D. Fernando
Colon_, of which the annexed is the heading:—

[Illustration]

There is a list of the books in B. Gallardo’s _Ensayo de una
bibliotheca de libros españoles raros_. Harrisse gives the fullest
account of Ferdinand and his migrations, which can be in part traced by
the inscriptions in his books of the place of their purchase; for he
had the habit of so marking them. Cf. a paper on Ferdinand, by W. M.
Wood, in _Once a Week_, xii. 165.

[245] Barcia says that Baliano began printing it simultaneously in
Spanish, Italian, and Latin; but only the Italian seems to have been
completed, or at least is the only one known to bibliographers. (_Notes
on Columbus_, p. 24.) Oettinger (_Bibl. biog._, Leipsic, 1850) is in
error in giving an edition at Madrid in 1530. The 1571 Italian edition
is very rare; there are copies in Harvard College, Carter-Brown, and
Lenox libraries. Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10_s._ Leclerc (no. 138)
prices it at 200 francs. The Sobolewski copy (no. 3,756) sold in 1873
for 285 francs, was again sold in 1884 in the Court Sale, no. 77.
The _Murphy Catalogue_ (no. 2,881) shows a copy. This Ulloa version
has since appeared somewhat altered, with several letters added,—in
1614 (Milan, priced in 1832, by Rich, at £1 10_s._; recently, at 75
francs; Carter-Brown, ii. 165); in 1676 (Venice, Carter-Brown, vol.
ii. no. 1,141, priced at 35 francs and 45 marks); in 1678 (Venice,
Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,181, priced at 50 francs); in 1681 (Paris,
Court Sale, no. 79); in 1685 (Venice, Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,310,
priced at £1 8_s._); and later, in 1709 (Harvard College Library),
1728, etc.; and for the last time in 1867, revised by Giulio Antimaco,
published in London, though of Italian manufacture. Cancellieri cites
editions of 1618 and 1672. A French translation, _La Vie de Cristofle
Colomb_, was made by Cotolendi, and published in 1681 at Paris. There
are copies in the Harvard College and Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, vol.
ii. no. 1,215) libraries. It is worth from $6 to $10. A new French
version, “traduite et annotée par E. Muller,” appeared in Paris
in 1879, the editor calling the 1681 version “tronqué, incorrect,
décharné, glacial.” An English version appears in the chief collections
of Voyages and Travels,—Churchill (ii. 479), Kerr (iii. 1), and
Pinkerton (xii. 1). Barcia gave it a Spanish dress after Ulloa’s,
and this was printed in his _Historiadores primitivos de las Indias
occidentales_, at Madrid, in 1749, being found in vol. i. pp. 1-128.
(Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 893.)

[246] _Historical Collections_ (1881), vol. i. no. 1,379.

[247] The Spanish title of Harrisse’s book is _D. Fernando Colon,
historiador de su padre: Ensayo crítico, Sevilla_, 1871. It was not
published as originally written till the next year (1872), when it bore
the title, _Fernand Colomb: sa vie, ses œuvres; Essai critique_. Paris,
Tross, 1872. Cf. Arana, _Bibliog. de obras anónimas_ Santiago de Chile
(1882), no. 176.

[248] Le Comte Adolphe de Circourt in the _Revue des questions
historiques_, xi. 520; and _Ausland_ (1873). p. 241, etc.

[249] Harrisse, _Fernand Colomb_, p. 152.

[250] Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,478. Also in 1558, 1559.

[251] Sabin, vol. v. no. 17,971.

[252] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 293.

[253] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 340; Leclerc, nos. 226-228; J. J.
Cooke, no. 575. There were other editions in 1583 and 1585; they have a
map of Columbus’ discoveries. Sabin, vol. vii. no. 26,500.

[254] Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,161-6,162; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 509.
There was a second edition, _Bibliotheca, sive thesaurus virtutis et
gloriæ_, in 1628.

[255] Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,195.

[256] He assumed his mother’s name, but sometimes added his
father’s,—Herrera y Tordesillas. Irving (app. xxxi. to his _Life of
Columbus_) says he was born in 1565.

[257] _Life of Columbus_, app. xxxi.; Herrera’s account of Columbus is
given in Kerr’s _Voyages_, iii. 242.

[258] _Central America_, i. 317; cf. his _Chroniclers_, p. 22.

[259] _Dictionary_; also issued separately with that of Hennepin.

[260] In comparing Rich’s (1832, £4 4_s._) and recent prices, there
does not seem to be much appreciation in the value of the book during
the last fifty years for ordinary copies; but Quaritch has priced the
Beckford (no. 735, copy so high as £52. There are copies in the Library
of Congress, Carter-Brown, Harvard College, and Boston Public Library.
Cf. _Ticknor Catalogue_; Sabin, no. 31,544; Carter-Brown, ii. 2;
Murphy, 1206; Court, 169.

[261] Sabin, no. 31,539. This _Descripcion_ was translated into
Latin by Barlæus, and with other tracts joined to it was printed at
Amsterdam, in 1622, as _Novus orbis sive descriptio Indiæ occidentalis_
(Carter-Brown) vol. ii., no. 266; Sabin, no. 31,540; it is in our
principal libraries, and is worth $10 or $15). It copies the maps of
the Madrid edition, and is frequently cited as Colin’s edition. The
Latin was used in 1624 in part by De Bry, part xii. of the _Grands
voyages_. (Camus, pp. 147, 160; Tiele, pp. 56, 312, who followed other
engravings than Herrera’s for the Incas). There was a Dutch version,
_Nieuwe Werelt_, by the same publisher, in 1622 (Sabin, no. 31,542;
Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 264), and a French (Sabin, no. 31,543;
Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 265; Rich, 1832, £1 10_s._; Quaritch, £2
12_s._ 6_d._).

[262] There are copies in the Boston Athenæum, Boston Public, and
Harvard College libraries (Sabin, nos. 31,541, 31,546; Carter-Brown,
vol. iii. nos. 376, 450; Huth, vol. ii. no. 683; Leclerc, no. 278, one
hundred and thirty francs; Field, no. 689; ordinary copies are priced
at £3 or £4; large paper at £10 or £12). A rival but inferior edition
was issued at Antwerp in 1728, without maps, and with De Bry’s instead
of Herrera’s engravings (Sabin, no. 31,545). A French version was
begun at Paris in 1659, but was reissued in 1660-1670 in three volumes
(Sabin, nos. 31,548-31,550; Field, no. 690; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no.
875; Leclerc, no. 282, sixty francs), including only three decades.
Portions were included in the Dutch collection of Van der Aa (Sabin,
nos. 31,551, etc.; Carter-Brown, iii. 111). It is also included in
Hulsius, part xviii. (Carter-Brown, i. 496). The English translation of
the first three decades, by Captain John Stevens, is in six volumes,
London, 1725-1726; but a good many liberties are taken with the text
(Sabin, no. 31,557; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 355). New titles were
given to the same sheets, in 1740, for what is called a second edition
(Sabin, no. 31,558). “How many misstatements are attributed to Herrera
which can be traced no nearer that author than Captain John Stevens’s
English translation? It is absolutely necessary to study this latter
book to see where so many English and American authors have taken
incorrect facts” (H. Stevens, _Bibliotheca Hist._, p. xiii.).

[263] Such as the _Anales de Aragon_, 1610; the _Compendio historial
de las chrónicas y universal historia de todos los reynos de España_,
1628; Zúñiga’s _Annales eclesiasticos y seculares de Seville_, 1677;
_Los reyes de Aragon, por Pedro Abarca_, 1682; and the _Monarquía de
España, por Don Pedro Salazar de Mendoza_, 1770. The _Varones ilustres
del nuevo mondo_ of Pizarro y Orellana, published at Madrid in 1639,
contained a Life of Columbus, as well as notices of Ojeda, Cortes,
Pizarro, etc.

[264] Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,440; Asher, no. 355; Trömel, no. 366;
Muller (1872), no. 126.

[265] Sabin, vol. v. no. 21,418. Cf. Arana’s _Bibliografía de obras
anónimas_, Santiago de Chile (1882), no. 143.

[266] Sabin, vol. x. no. 38,879. Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_, p.
190) enumerates some of the earlier and later poems, plays, sonnets,
etc., wholly or incidentally illustrating the career of Columbus. Cf.
also his _Fernand Colomb_, p. 131, and Larousse’s _Grand dictionnaire
universel_, vol. iv. The earliest mention of Columbus in English poetry
is in Baptist Goodall’s _Tryall of Trauell_, London, 1630.

[267] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, i. 45; xii. 65.

[268] A French version, by C. M. Urano, was published at Paris in
1824; again in 1825. It is subjected to an examination, particularly
as regards the charge of ingratitude against Ferdinand, in the French
edition of Navarrete, i. 309 (Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,464).

[269] There was a Spanish translation, made by José Garcia de Villalta,
published in Madrid in 1833.

[270] In vol. iii., “De quelques faits relatifs à Colomb et à Vespuce.”
In vol. i. he reviews the state of knowledge on the subject in
1833. The German text, _Kritische Untersuchungen_, was printed in a
translation by Jules Louis Ideler, of which the best edition is that
of Berlin, 1852, edited by H. Müller. Humboldt never completed this
work. The parts on the early maps, which he had intended, were later
cursorily touched in his introduction to Ghillany’s _Behaim_. Cf.
D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_, p. 2, and B. de Xivrey’s _Des premières
relations entre l’Amerique et l’Europe d’après les recherches de A. de
Humboldt_, Paris, 1835,—taken from the _Revue de Paris_.

[271] _History of Spanish Literature_, i. 190.

[272] Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 50) speaks of Prescott as
“eloquent but imaginative.”

[273] The work was patronized by the Pope, and was reproduced in great
luxury of ornamentation in 1879. An English abridgment and adaptation,
by J. J. Barry, was republished in New York in 1869. A Dutch
translation, _Leven en reizen van Columbus_, was printed at Utrecht in
1863.

[274] Some of the other contributions of this movement are these:
Roselly de Lorgues, _Satan contre Christophe Colomb, ou la prétendue
chute du serviteur de Dieu_, Paris, 1876; Tullio Dandolo’s _I secoli di
Dante e Colombo_, Milan, 1852, and his _Cristoforo Colombo_, Genovese,
1855; P. Ventura de Raulica’s _Cristoforo Colombo rivendicato alla
chiesa_; Eugène Cadoret, _La vie de Christophe Colomb_, Paris, 1869,—in
advocacy of canonization; Le Baron van Brocken, _Des vicissitudes
posthumes de Christophe Colomb, et de sa béatification possible_,
Paris, 1865,—which enumerates most of the publications bearing on
the grounds for canonization; Angelo Sanguineti, _La Canonizzazione
di Cristoforo Colombo_, Genoa, 1875,—the same author had published a
_Vita di Colombo_ in 1846; _Sainteté de Christophe Colomb, résumé des
mérites de ce serviteur de Dieu, traduit de l’Italien_, twenty-four
pages; _Civiltà cattolica_, vol. vii.; a paper, “De l’influence de la
religion dans les découvertes du XV^e siècle et dans la découverte
de l’Amérique,” in _Etudes par des Pères de la Compagnie de Jésus_,
October, 1876; Baldi, _Cristoforo Colombo glorificato dal voto
dell’Episcopato Cattolico_, Genoa, 1881. A popular Catholic Life is
Arthur George Knight’s _Christopher Columbus_, London, 1877.

[275] There are various reviews of it indicated in Poole’s _Index_, p.
29; cf. H. H. Bancroft’s _Mexico_, ii. 488.

[276] A somewhat similar view is taken by Maury, in _Harpers’ Monthly_,
xlii. 425, 527, in “An Examination of the Claims of Columbus.”

[277] From which the account of Columbus’ early life is translated in
Becher’s _Landfall of Columbus_, pp. 1-58.

[278] An English translation, by R. S. H., appeared in Philadelphia
in 1878. We regret not being able to have seen a new work by Henry
Harrisse now in press: _Christophe Colomb, son origine, sa vie, ses
voyages, sa famille, et ses descendants, d’après documents inédits,
avec cinq tableaux généalogiques et un appendice documentaire_. [See
_Postscript_ following this chapter.]

[279] Fr. Forster, _Columbus, der Entdecker der Neuen Welt_, second
edition, 1846.

[280] Oscar Peschel, _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_,
second edition, 1877.

[281] Sophus Ruge, _Die Weltanschauung des Columbus_, 1876; _Das
Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, 1883. Cf. Theodor Schott’s “Columbus und
seine Weltanschauung,” in Virchow and Holtzendorff’s _Vorträge_, xiii.
308.

[282] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 50.

[283] It appeared in the _Revue contemporaine_, xxiv. 484, and was
drawn out by a paper on a newly discovered portrait of Columbus,
which had been printed by Jomard in the _Bulletin de la Société de
Géographie_; by Valentin Carderera’s _Informe sobre los retratos
de Cristóbal Colon_, printed by the Royal Academy of History at
Madrid, in 1851, in their _Memorias_, vol. viii.; and by an article,
by Isidore Löwenstern, of the Academy of Sciences at Turin, in the
_Revue Archéologique_, x. 181. The paper by Jomard was the incentive
of Carderera. both treatises induced the review of Löwenstern; while
Feuillet de Conches fairly summed up the results. There has been
no thorough account in English. A brief letter on the subject by
Irving (printed in the _Life of Irving_, vol. iv.) was all there
was till Professor J. D. Butler recently traced the pedigree of
the Yanez picture, a copy of which was lately given by Governor
Fairchild to the Historical Society of Wisconsin. Cf. Butler’s paper
in the _Collections_ of that Society, vol. ix. p. 76 (also printed
separately); and articles in _Lippincott’s Magazine_, March, 1883, and
_The Nation_, Nov. 16, 1882.

[284] The vignette is given in colored fac-simile in Major’s _Select
Letters of Columbus_, 2d edition. Herrera’s picture was reproduced in
the English translation by Stevens, and has been accepted in so late
a publication as Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, i. 99.
Cf. also the portrait in the 1727-1730 edition of Herrera, and its
equivalent in Montanus, as shown on a later page. There is a vignette
portrait on the titlepage of the 1601 edition of Herrera.

[285] The edition of Florence, 1551, has no engravings, but gives the
account of Columbus on p. 171.

[286] _Magazine of American History_, June, 1884, p. 554.

[287] Cf. _Boletin de la Sociedad geográfica de Madrid_, vol. vi. A
portrait in the collection of the Marquis de Malpica is said closely to
resemble it. One belonging to the Duke of Veraguas is also thought to
be related to it, and is engraved in the French edition of Navarrete.
It is thought Antonio del Rincon, a painter well known in Columbus’
day, may have painted this Yanez canvas, on the discoverer’s return
from his second voyage. Carderera believed in it, and Banchero, in his
edition of the _Codice Colombo Americano_, adopted it (_Magazine of
American History_, i. 511). The picture now in the Wisconsin Historical
Society’s Rooms is copied directly from the Yanez portrait.

[288] This Capriolo cut is engraved and accepted in Carderera’s
_Informe_. Löwenstern fails to see how it corresponds to the written
descriptions of Columbus’ person. It is changed somewhat from the
1575 cut; cf. _Magasin pittoresque_, troisième année, p. 316. The two
cuts, one or the other, and a mingling of the two, have given rise
apparently to a variety of imitations. The head on panel preserved now,
or lately, at Cuccaro, and belonging to Fidele Guglielmo Colombo, is
of this type. It was engraved in Napione’s _Della patria di Colombo_,
Florence, 1808. The head by Crispin de Pas, in the _Effigies regum
ac principum_, of an early year in the seventeenth century, is also
traced to these cuts, as well as the engraving by Pieter van Opmeer
in his _Opus chronographicum_, 1611. Landon’s _Galerie historique_
(Paris, 1805-1809), also shows an imitation; and another is that on
the title of Cancellieri’s _Notizia di Colombo_. Navarrete published
a lithograph of the 1575 cut. Cf. Irving’s letter. A likeness of this
type is reproduced in colors, in a very pleasing way, in Roselly de
Lorgues’ _Christophe Colomb_, 1879, and in woodcut, equally well done,
in the same work; also in J. J. Barry’s adaptation of De Lorgues, New
York, 1869. Another good woodcut of it is given in _Harpers’ Monthly_
(October, 1882), p. 729. It is also accepted in Torre’s _Scritti di
Colombo_.

[289] See 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 285; _Proc._, vol. ii. pp. 23,
25, 289.

[290] There are two portraits thought to have some relation with this
Florentine likeness. One was formerly in the Collection d’Ambras, in
the Tyrol, which was formed by a nephew of Charles V., but was in 1805
removed to the museum in Vienna. It is on panel, of small size, and has
been engraved in Frankl’s German poem on Columbus. The other is one
whose history Isnardi, in his _Sulla patria di Colombo_, 1838, traces
back for three centuries. It is now, or was lately, in the common
council hall at Cogoleto.

[291] What is known as the Venetian mosaic portrait of Columbus,
resembling the De Bry in the head, the hands holding a map, is engraved
in _Harpers’ Monthly_, liv. 1.

[292] A proof-copy of this engraving is among the Tosti Engravings in
the Boston Public Library.

[293] Engravings from De Bry’s burin also appeared, in 1597, in
Boissard’s _Icones quinquaginta virorum ad vivum effictæ_; again,
in the _Bibliotheca sive thesaurus virtutis et gloriæ_ (Frankfort,
1628-1634), in four volumes, usually ascribed jointly to De Bry and
Boissard; and, finally, in the _Bibliotheca chalcographica_ (Frankfort,
1650-1664), ascribed to Boissard; but the plates are marked Jean
Théodore de Bry. The De Bry type was apparent in the print in Isaac
Bullart’s _Académie des Sciences et des Arts_, Paris, 1682; and a few
years later (1688), an aquaforte engraving by Rosaspina came out in
Paul Freherus’ _Théâtre des hommes célèbres_. For the later use made of
this De Bry likeness, reference may be made, among others, to the works
of Napione and Bossi, Durazzo’s _Eulogium_, the _Historia de Mexico_
by Francisco Carbajal Espinosa, published at Mexico, in 1862, tome i,
J. J. Smith’s _American Historical and Literary Curiosities_, sundry
editions of Irving’s _Life of Columbus_, and the London (1867) edition
of Ferdinand Columbus’ Life of his father. There is a photograph of
it in Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_. De Bry engraved various other
pictures of Columbus, mostly of small size,—a full-length in the corner
of a half-globe (part vi.); a full-length on the deck of a caravel
(in part iv., re-engraved in Bossi, Charton, etc.); a small vignette
portrait, together with one of Vespucius, in the Latin and German
edition of part iv. (1594); the well-known picture illustrating the
anecdote of the egg (part iv.). Not one of these has any claim to be
other than imaginative. His larger likeness he reproduced in a small
medallion as the title of the Herrera narrative (part xii., German and
Latin, 1623-1624), together with likenesses of Vespucius, Pizarro, and
Magellan. Another reminiscence of the apocryphal egg story is found in
a painting, representing a man in a fur cap, holding up an egg, the
face wearing a grin, which was brought forward a few years ago by Mr.
Rinck, of New York, and which is described and engraved in the _Compte
rendu_ of the Congrès des Américanistes, 1877, ii. 375.

[294] There was a movement at this time (1845) to erect a monument in
Genoa.

[295] _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 95. The medallion on the tomb in the
cathedral at Havana is usually said to have been copied from this
picture; but the picture sent to Havana to be used as a model is
said, on better authority, to have been one belonging to the Duke
of Veraguas,—perhaps the one said to be in the Consistorial Hall at
Havana, which has the garb of a familiar of the Inquisition; and
this is represented as the gift of that Duke (_Magazine of American
History_, i. 510).

[296] It is re-engraved in the English and German translations.
Carderera rejects it; but the portrait in the Archives of the Indies at
Seville is said to be a copy of it; and a copy is in the Pennsylvania
Academy of Arts in Philadelphia. A three-quarters length of Columbus,
representing him in ruff and armor, full face, mustache and imperial,
right hand on a globe, left hand holding a truncheon, called “Cristoval
Colon: copiado de un Quadro origl. que se conserva en la familia,” was
engraved, and marked “Bart. Vazque. la Grabo, 1791.”

[297] It is still unaccountably retained in the revised 1873 edition.

[298] Cf. their _Proceedings_, April, 1853.

[299] It was restored in 1850 (_Magazine of American History_, v. 446).

[300] Such are the following: (1) In full dress, with ruff and rings,
said to have been painted by Sir Anthony More for Margaret of the
Netherlands, and taken to England in 1590,—engraved in one of the
English editions of Irving, where also has appeared an engraving of a
picture by Juan de Borgoña, painted in 1519 for the Chapter-room of
the Cathedral of Toledo. (2) A full-length in mail, with ruff, in the
Longa or Exchange at Seville, showing a man of thirty or thirty-five
years, which Irving thinks may have been taken for Diego Columbus.
(3) An engraving in Fuchsius’ _Metoposcopia et ophthalmoscopia_,
Strasburg, 1610 (Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vii. 89). (4) An engraving in
N. De Clerck’s _Tooneel der beroemder hertogen_, etc., Delft, 1615,—a
collection of portraits, including also Cortes, Pizarro, Magellan,
Montezuma, etc. (5) A full-length, engraved in Philoponus, 1621. (6) An
old engraving, with pointed beard and ruff, preserved in the National
Library at Paris. (7) The engraving in the _Nieuwe en onbekende
Weereld_ of Montanus, 1671-1673, repeated in Ogilby’s _America_, and
reproduced in Bos’s _Leven en Daden_, and in Herrera, edition 1728.
A fac-simile of it is given herewith. Cf. Ruyter’s _See-Helden_,
Nuremberg, 1661. (8) A copper plate, showing a man with a beard,
with fur trimmings to a close-fitting vestment, one hand holding an
astrolabe, the other pointing upward,—which accompanies a translation
of Thevet’s account of Columbus in the appendix to the Cambridge, 1676,
edition of North’s _Plutarch_. (9) An old woodcut in the _Neueröffnetes
Amphitheatrum_, published at Erfurt in 1723-1724 (_Brinley Catalogue_,
no. 48). (10) A man with curly hair, mustache and imperial, ruff and
armor, with a finger on a globe,—engraved in Cristóbal Cladera’s
_Investigaciones históricas, sobre los principales descubrimientos de
los Españoles en el mar Oceano en el siglo XV. y principios del XVI._,
Madrid, 1794. (11) Columbus and his sons, Diego and Ferdinand, engraved
in Bryan Edwards’ _The History, civil and commercial, of the British
Colonies in the West Indies_, 1794; again, 1801. Feuillet de Conches in
his essay on the portraits calls it a pure fantasy.

[301] A view of this receptacle of the papers, with the bust and the
portfolio, is given in _Harpers’ Monthly_, vol. liv., December, 1876.

[302] It is engraved in the first edition of the _Codice diplomatico
Colombo-Americano_, and in the English translation of that book. It is
also re-engraved in the Lenox edition of _Scyllacius_. Another bust in
Genoa is given in the French edition of Navarrete. Of the bust in the
Capitoline Museum at Rome—purely ideal—there is a copy in the New York
Historical Society’s Gallery, no. 134. The effigies on the monument at
Seville, and the bust at Havana, with their costume of the latter part
of the sixteenth century, present no claims for fidelity. Cf. _Magazine
of American History_, i. 510.

[303] There is a model of it in the Public Library of Boston, a
photograph in Harrisse’s _Notes_, p. 182, and engravings in De Lorgues,
Torri, etc. There is also a view of this monument in an article on
Genoa, the home of Columbus, by O. M. Spencer, in _Harpers’ Monthly_,
vol. liv., December, 1876. The mailed figure on the Capitol steps at
Washington, by Persico, is without claim to notice. There is a colossal
statue at Lima, erected in 1850 by Salvatore Revelli, a marble one at
Nassau (New Providence), and another at Cardeñas, Cuba.

[304] Navarrete, ii. 316.

[305] The _Informe de la Real Academia_ says there is no proof of it;
and of the famous inscription.—

“A Castilla y á Leon Nuevo Mundo dió Colon,”—

said to have been put on his tomb, there is no evidence that it ever
was actually used, being only proposed in the _Elegías_ of Castellanos,
1588.

[306] They are in the Archives at Madrid. Harrisse found one in the
Archives of the Duke of Veraguas (_Los restos_, etc., p. 41). The
orders are printed by Roque Cocchia, Prieto, Colmeiro, etc.

[307] Harrisse, _Los restos_, p. 44.

[308] Pricto, _Exámen_, etc., p. 18.

[309] Colmeiro, p. 160.

[310] Quoted in Harrisse, _Les sépultures_, etc., p. 22.

[311] _Synodo Diocesan del Arzobispado di Santo Domingo_, p. 13.

[312] Plans of the chancel, with the disposition of the tombs in 1540
or 1541, as now supposed, are given in Tejera, p. 10; Cocchia, p. 48,
etc.

[313] Published both in French and English at Philadelphia in 1796.

[314] Harrisse, _Los restos_, p. 47.

[315] Navarrete, ii. 365; Prieto’s _Exámen_, p. 20; Roque Cocchia, p.
280; Harrisse, _Los restos_, app. 4.

[316] Irving’s account of this transportation is in his _Life of
Columbus_, app. i. Cf. letter of Duke of Veraguas (March 30, 1796) in
_Magazine of American History_, i. 247. At Havana the reinterment took
place with great parade. An oration was delivered by Caballero, the
original manuscript of which is now in the Massachusetts Historical
Society’s Library (cf. _Proceedings_, ii. 105, 168). Prieto (_Los
restos_) prints this oration; Navarrete (vol. ii. pp. 365-381) gives
extracts from the official accounts of the transfer of the remains.

[317] The Spanish consul is said to have been satisfied with the
precautions. Cf. _Do existen depositadas las cenizas de Colon?_ by Don
José de Echeverri (Santander, 1878). There are views of the Cathedral
in Hazard’s _Santo Domingo_, p. 224, and elsewhere.

[318] Which some have supposed was received in Columbus’ body in his
early piratical days.

[319] This plate was discovered on a later examination.

[320] Both of these inscriptions are given in fac-simile in Cocchia,
p. 290; in Tejera, p. 30; and in Armas, who calls it “inscripcion
auténtica—escritura gótica-alemana” of the sixteenth century.

[321] Fac-similes of these are given in the _Informe de la Real
Academia_, Tejera (pp. 33, 34), Prieto, Cocchia (pp. 170, 171), Shea’s
paper, and in Armas, who calls the inscription, “Apócrifas—escritura
inglesa de la épocha actual.”

[322] _Descubrimiento de los verdaderos restos de Cristóbal Colon:
carta pastoral_, Santo Domingo, 1877,—reprinted in _Informe de la Real
Academia_, p. 191, etc.

[323] The Bishop, in his subsequent _Los restos de Colon_ (Santo
Domingo, 1879), written after his honesty in the matter was impugned,
and with the aim of giving a full exposition, shows, in cap. xviii.
how the discovery, as he claimed it, interested the world. Various
contemporaneous documents are also given in _Colon en Quisqueya,
Coleccion de documentos_, etc., Santo Domingo, 1877. A movement was
made to erect a monument in Santo Domingo, and some response was
received from the United States. _New Jersey Historical Society’s
Proceedings_, v. 134; _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, iii. 465.

[324] Mr. J. C. Brevoort, in “Where are the Remains of Columbus?” in
_Magazine of American History_, ii. 157, suggests that the “D. de la
A.” means “Dignidad de la Almirantazgo.”

[325] This was a view advanced by J. I. de Armas in a Caracas
newspaper, later set forth in his _Las cenizas de Cristóbal Colon
suplantadas en la Catedral de Santo Domingo_, Caracas, 1881. The same
view is taken by Sir Travers Twiss, in his _Christopher Columbus: A
Monograph on his True Burial-place_ (London, 1879), a paper which
originally appeared in the _Nautical Magazine_. M. A. Baguet, in “Où
sont ces restes de Colomb?” printed in the _Bulletin de la Société
d’Anvers_ (1882), vi. 449, also holds that the remains are those of the
grandson, Cristoval Colon. For an adverse view, see the _Informe_ of
the Amigos del Pais, published at Santo Domingo, 1882. Cf. also Juan
Maria Asensio, _Los restos de Colon_, segunda ed., Sevile, 1881.

[326] Originally in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_,
October, 1878. Cf. also his paper in the _Revue critique_, Jan. 5,
1878, “Les restes mortels de Colomb.”

[327] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 3.

[328] Pages 1177-1181: “Ueber das Geburtsjahre des Entdeckers von
America.”

[329] _Année véritable de la naissance de Christophe Colomb, et revue
chronologique des principales époques de sa vie_, in _Bulletin de la
Société de Géographie_, Juillet, 1872; also printed separately in 1873,
pp. 64.

[330] Based on a statement in the Italian text of Peter Martyr (1534)
which is not in the original Latin.

[331] Also in Prévost’s _Voyages_, and in Tiraboschi’s _Letteratura
Italiana_.

[332] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iii. 252.

[333] _Nouvelle biographie générale_, xi. 209.

[334] _Christophe Colomb_, Paris, 1862.

[335] _Christopher Colomb._

[336] _Les marins du XV^e et du XVI^e siècle_, i. 80.

[337] _Patria di Colombo._

[338] _Storia universale._

[339] _Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p. 97; _Ausland_, 1866, p. 1178.

[340] _Investigaciones históricas_, p. 38.

[341] _Annali di Genova_,1708, p. 26.

[342] _Annotationes ad Tacitum._

[343] These various later arguments are epitomized in Ruge, _Das
Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p. 219.

[344] Charles Malloy’s _Treatise of Affairs Maritime_, 3d ed., London,
1682; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 69.

[345] Documentary proof, as it was called, has been printed in the
_Revue de Paris_, where (August, 1841) it is said that the certificate
of Columbus’ marriage has been discovered in Corsica. Cf. Margry,
_Navigations Françaises_, p. 357. The views of the Abbé Martin
Casanova, that Columbus was born in Calvi in Corsica, and the act of
the French President of Aug. 6, 1883, approving of the erection of a
monument to Columbus in that town, have been since reviewed by Harrisse
in the _Revue critique_ (18 Juin, 1883), who repeats the arguments for
a belief in Genoa as the birthplace, in a paper, “Christophe Colomb et
la Corse,” which has since been printed separately.

[346] Domingo de Valtanas, _Compendio de cosas notables de España_,
Seville, 1550; _Bibl. Amer. Vet.,_ no. 183.

[347] The claim is for Pradello, a village neighboring to Placentia.
Cf. Campi, _Historia ecclesiastica di Piacenza,_, Piacenza, 1651-1662,
which contains a “discorso historico circa la nascita di Colombo,”
etc.; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 67; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no.
711.

[348] Napione, in _Mémoires de l’Académie de Turin_ (1805), xii. 116,
and (1823) xxvii. 73,—the first part being printed separately at
Florence, in 1808, as _Della Patria di Colombo_, while he printed, in
1809, _Del primo scopritore del continente del nuovo mondo_. In the
same year J. D. Lanjuinais published at Paris, in reference to Napione,
his _Christophe Colomb, ou notice d’un livre Italien concernant cet
illustre navigateur_. Cf. the same author’s _Etudes_ (Paris, 1823),
for a sketch of Columbus, pp. 71-94; _Dissertazioni di Francesco
Cancellieri sopra Colombo_, Rome, 1809; and Vicenzio Conti’s historical
account of Montferrat. In 1853 Luigi Colombo, a prelate of the Roman
Church, who claimed descent from an uncle of the Admiral, renewed the
claim in his _Patria e biografia del grande ammiraglio D. Cristoforo
Colombo de’ conti e signori di Cuccaro_, Roma, 1853. Cf. _Notes on
Columbus_, p. 73.

[349] _Ragionamento nel quale si confirma l’opinione generale intorno
al patria di Cristoforo Colombo_, in vol. iii. of the _Transactions_ of
the Society.

[350] A view of the alleged house and chamber in which the birth took
place is given in _Harpers’ Monthly_, vol. liv., December, 1876.

[351] In his _Clarorum Ligurum elogia_, where the Genoese were taunted
for neglecting the fame of Columbus.

[352] See his will in Navarrete, and in Harrisse’s _Fernan Colon_.

[353] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, pp. xix, 2.

[354] The claims of Savona have been urged the most persistently. The
Admiral’s father, it seems to be admitted, removed to Savona before
1469, and lived there some time; and it is found that members of the
Colombo family, even a Cristoforo Colombo, is found there in 1472; but
it is at the same time claimed that this Cristoforo signed himself
as of Genoa. The chief advocate is Belloro, in the _Corres. Astron.
Géograph. du Baron de Zach_, vol. xi., whose argument is epitomized by
Irving, app. v. Cf. Giovanni Tommaso Belloro, _Notizie d’atti esistenti
nel publico archivio de’ notaj di Savona, concernenti la famiglia di
Cristoforo Colombo_, Torino, 1810, reprinted by Spotorno at Genoa in
1821. Sabin (vol. ii. no. 4,565), corrects errors of Harrisse, _Notes
on Columbus_, p. 68. Other claims for these Genoese towns are brought
forward, for which see Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_; J. R. Bartlett,
in _Historical Magazine_, February, 1868, p. 100; Felice Isnardi’s
_Dissertazione_, 1838, and _Nuovi documenti_, 1840, etc. Caleb
Cushing in his _Reminiscences of Spain_, i. 292 (Boston, 1833), gave
considerable attention to the question of Columbus’ nativity.

[355] Bernardo Pallastrelli’s _Il suocero e la moglie di C. Colombo_
(Modena, 1871; second ed., 1876), with a genealogy, gives an account
of his wife’s family. Cf. also _Allgemeine Zeitung_, Beilage no. 118
(1872), and _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1873.

[356] Philip Casoni’s _Annali di Genova_, Genoa, 1708.

[357] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 73. Harrisse, in his _Les
Colombo de France et d’Italie, fameux marins du XV^e siècle_, 1461-1492
(Paris, 1874), uses some new material from the archives of Milan,
Paris, and Venice, and gathers all that he can of the Colombos; and
it does not seem probable that the Admiral bore anything more than a
very remote relationship to the family of the famous mariners. Major
(_Select Letters_, p. xliii) has also examined the alleged connection
with the French sea-leader, Caseneuve, or Colon. Cf. Desimoni’s
_Rassegna del nuovo libro di Enrico Harrisse: Les Colombo de France
et d’Italie_ (Parigi, 1874, pp. 17); and the appendices to Irving’s
_Columbus_ (nos. iv. and vi.) and Harrisse’s _Les Colombo_ (no. vi).

[358] Conferred by the Convention of 1492; ratified April 23, 1497;
confirmed by letter royal, March 14, 1502.

[359] Such as New Andalusia, on the Isthmus of Darien, intrusted to
Ojeda; and Castilla del Oro, and the region about Veragua, committed to
Nicuessa. There was a certain slight also in this last, inasmuch as Don
Diego had been with the Admiral when he discovered it.

[360] The ruins of Diego Columbus’ house in Santo Domingo, as they
appeared in 1801, are shown in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 186, and
Samuel Hazard’s _Santo Domingo_, p. 47; also pp. 213, 228.

[361] Papers relating to Luis Colon’s renunciation of his rights as
Duke of Veraguas, in 1556, are in Peralta’s _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y
Panamá_, Madrid, 1883, p. 162.

[362] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 3. Leclerc (_Bibl. Amer._, no.
137) notes other original family documents priced at 1,000 francs.

[363] The arms granted by the Spanish sovereigns at Barcelona, May 20,
1493, seem to have been altered at a later date. As depicted by Oviedo,
they are given on an earlier page. Cf. Lopez de Haro, _Nobiliario
general_ (Madrid, 1632), pt. ii. p. 312; Muñoz, _Historia del nuevo
mundo_, p. 165; _Notes and Queries_ (2d series), xii. 530; (5th series)
ii. 152; _Mem. de la Real Academia de Madrid_ (1852), vol. viii.;
Roselly de Lorgues, _Christophe Colomb_ (1856); _Documentos inéditos_
(1861), xxxi. 295; _Cod. diplom. Colombo-Americano_, p. lxx; Harrisse,
_Notes on Columbus_, p. 168; Charlevoix, _Isle Espagnole_, i. 61, 236,
and the engraving given in Ramusio (1556), iii. 84. I am indebted to
Mr. James Carson Brevoort for guidance upon this point.

[364] Vol. i. of the _Studi_ is a chronological account of Italian
travellers and voyages, beginning with Grimaldo (1120-1122), and
accompanied by maps showing the routes of the principal ones. Cf.
Theobald Fischer, “Ueber italienische Seekarten und Kartographen des
Mittelalte’s,” in _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu_
Berlin, xvii. 5.

As to the work which has been done in the geographical societies
of Germany, we shall have readier knowledge when Dr. Johannes
Müller’s _Die wissenschaftlichen Vereine und Gesellschaften
Deutschlands,—Bibliographie ihrer Veröffentlichungen_, now announced
in Berlin, is made public. One of the most important sale-catalogues
of maps is that of the Prince Alexandre Labanoff Collection, Paris,
1823,—a list now very rare. Nos. 1-112 were given to the world, and
1480-1543 to America separately.

[365] Santarem, _Histoire de la cartographie_, etc., vol. i., preface,
pp. xxxix, 1, and 194. After the present volume was printed to this
point, and after Vols. III. and IV. were in type, Mr. Arthur James
Weise’s _Discoveries of America to the year 1525_ was published in
New York. A new draft of the Maiollo map of 1527 is about its only
important feature.

[366] See an enumeration of all these earlier maps and of their
reproductions in part i. of _The Kohl Collection of Early Maps_, by the
present writer. Bianco’s map was reproduced in 1869 at Venice, with
annotations by Oscar Peschel; and Mauro’s in 1866, also at Venice.

[367] _Literature of Europe_, chap. iii. sect. 4.

[368] Cf., on the instruments and marine charts of the Arabs, Codine’s
_La mer des Indes_, p. 74; Delambre, _Histoire de l’astronomie du
moyen-âge_; Sédillot’s _Les instruments astronomiques des Arabes_, etc.

[369] Major, _Prince Henry_ (1868 ed.), pp. 57, 60. There is some
ground for believing that the Northmen were acquainted with the
loadstone in the eleventh century. Prescott (_Ferdinand and Isabella_,
1873 ed., ii. III) indicates the use of it by the Castilians in 1403.
Cf. Santarem, _Histoire de la cartographie_, p. 280; _Journal of the
Franklin Institute_, xxii. 68; _American Journal of Science_, lx. 242.
Cf. the early knowledge regarding the introduction of the compass
in Eden’s Peter Martyr (1555), folio 320; and D’Avezac’s _Aperçus
historiques sur la boussole_, Paris, 1860, 16 pp.; also Humboldt’s
_Cosmos_, Eng. tr. ii. 656.

[370] For instance, the map of Bianco. The variation in Europe was
always easterly after observations were first made.

[371] Hakluyt, i. 122.

[372] _Journal of the American Geographical Society_, xii. 185.

[373] It is supposed to-day to be in Prince Albert Land, and to make
a revolution in about five hundred years. Acosta contended that there
were four lines of no variation, and Halley, in 1683, contended for
four magnetic poles.

[374] Cf. notes on p. 661, _et seq._, in Bunbury’s _History of Ancient
Geography_, vol. i., on the ancients’ calculations of latitude and
measurements for longitude. Ptolemy carried the most northern parts
of the known world sixty-three degrees north, and the most southern
parts sixteen degrees south, of the Equator, an extent north and
south of seventy-nine degrees. Marinus of Tyre, who preceded Ptolemy,
stretched the known world, north and south, over eighty-seven degrees.
Marinus had also made the length of the known world 225 degrees east
and west, while Ptolemy reduced it to 177 degrees; but he did not, nor
did Marinus, bound it definitely in the east by an ocean, but he left
its limit in that direction undetermined, as he did that of Africa in
the south, which resulted in making the Indian Ocean in his conception
an inland sea, with the possibility of passing by land from Southern
Africa to Southern Asia, along a parallel. Marinus had been the first
to place the Fortunate Islands farther west than the limits of Spain in
that direction, though he put them only two and a half degrees beyond,
while the meridian of Ferro is nine degrees from the most westerly part
of the main.

[375] Cf. Lelewel, pl. xxviii., and Santarem, _Histoire de la
cartographie_, iii. 301, and _Atlas_, pl. 15.

[376] Cf. editions of 1482, 1486, 1513, 1535.

[377] The earliest instance in a _published_ Spanish map is thought to
be the woodcut which in 1534 appeared at Venice in the combination of
Peter Martyr and Oviedo which Ramusio is thought to have edited. This
map is represented on a later page.

[378] There was a tendency in the latter part of the sixteenth century
to remove the prime meridian to St. Michael’s, in the Azores, for the
reason that there was no variation in the needle there at that time,
and in ignorance of the forces which to-day at St. Michael’s make
it point twenty-five degrees off the true north. As late as 1634 a
congress of European mathematicians confirmed it at the west edge of
the Isle de Fer (Ferro), the most westerly of the Canaries.

[379] Edmund Farwell Slafter, _History and Causes of the Incorrect
Latitudes as recorded in the Journals of the Early Writers, Navigators,
and Explorers relating to the Atlantic Coast of North America_
(1535-1740). Boston: Privately printed, 1882. 20 pages. Reprinted from
the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ for April, 1882.

[380] Regiomontanus,—as Johannes Müller, of Königsberg, in Franconia,
was called, from his town,—published at Nuremberg his _Ephemerides_
for the interval 1475-1506; and these were what Columbus probably
used. Cf. Alex. Ziegler’s _Regiomontanus, ein geistiger Vorläufer
des Columbus_, Dresden, 1874. Stadius, a professor of mathematics,
published an almanac of this kind in 1545, and the English navigators
used successive editions of this one.

[381] Cf. Kohl, _Die beiden General-Karten von Amerika_, p. 17, and
Varnhagen’s _Historia geral do Brazil_, i. 432.

[382] Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 630, 670; Reisch’s _Margarita
philosophica_ (1535), p. 1416; D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_, p. 64.

[383] Cf. Lelewel, _Géographie du moyen-âge_, ii. 160. The rules of
Gemma Frisius for discovering longitude were given in Eden’s _Peter
Martyr_ (1555), folio 360. An earlier book was Francisco Falero’s
_Regimiento para observar in longitud en la mar_, 1535. Cf. E. F. de
Navarrete’s “El problema de la longitud en la mar,” in volume 21 of the
_Doc. inéditos (España)_; and _Vasco da Gama_ (Hakluyt Soc.), pp. 19,
25, 33, 43, 63, 138.

[384] _The Germaniæ, ex variis scriptoribus perbrevis explicatio_ of
Bilibaldus Pirckeymerus, published in 1530, has a reference to this
eclipse. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 96; _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 1,992.
The paragraph is as follows: “Proinde compertum est ex observatione
eclypsis, quæ fuit in mense Septembri anno salutis 1494. Hispaniam
insulam, quatuor ferme horarum intersticio ab Hyspali, quæ Sibilia est
distare, hoc est gradibus 60, qualium est circulus maximus 360, medium
vero insulæ continet gradus 20 circiter in altitudine polari. Navigatur
autem spacium illud communiter in diebus 35 altitudo vero continentis
oppositi, cui Hispani sanctæ Marthæ nomen indidere, circiter graduum
est 12 Darieni vero terra et sinus de Uraca gradus quasi tenent 7½
in altitudine polari, unde longissimo tractu occidentem versus terra
est, quæ vocatur Mexico et Temistitan, a qua etiam non longa remota est
insula Jucatan cum aliis nuper repertis.” The method of determining
longitude by means of lunar tables dates back to Hipparchus.

[385] These were the calculations of Regiomontanus (Müller), who calls
himself “Monteregius” in his _Tabulæ astronomice Alfonsi regis_,
published at Venice in the very year (1492) of Columbus’ first voyage.
(Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 83.) At a later day the Portuguese accused
the Spaniards of altering the tables then in use, so as to affect the
position of the Papal line of Demarcation. Barras, quoted by Humboldt,
_Cosmos_, Eng. tr. ii. 671.

Johann Stoeffler was a leading authority on the methods of defining
latitude and longitude in vogue in the beginning of the new era; cf.
his _Elucidatio fabricæ ususque astrolabii_, Oppenheim, 1513 (colophon
1512), and his edition of _In Procli Diadochi sphæram omnibus numeris
longe absolutissimus commentarius_, Tübingen, 1534, where he names one
hundred and seventy contemporary and earlier writers on the subject.
(Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, nos. 2,633-2,634.)

[386] The polar distance of the North Star in Columbus’ time was 3°
28´; and yet his calculations made it sometimes 5°, and sometimes 10°.
It is to-day 1° 20´ distant from the true pole. _United States Coast
Survey Report_, 1880, app. xviii.

[387] Santarem, _Histoire de la cartographie_, vol. ii. p. lix.
Columbus would find here the centre of the earth, as D’Ailly, Mauro,
and Behaim found it at Jerusalem.

[388] _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 658. Humboldt also points out how
Columbus on his second voyage had attempted to fix his longitude by
the declination of the needle (Ibid., ii. 657; v. 54). Cf. a paper on
Columbus and Cabot in the _Nautical Magazine_, July, 1876.

It is a fact that good luck or skill of some undiscernible sort enabled
Cabot to record some remarkable approximations of longitude in an
age when the wildest chance governed like attempts in others. Cabot
indeed had the navigator’s instinct; and the modern log-book seems to
have owed its origin to his practices and the urgency with which he
impressed the importance of it upon the Muscovy Company.

[389] Appendix xix. of the _Report of the United States Coast Survey_
for 1880 (Washington, 1882) is a paper by Charles A. Schott of “Inquiry
into the Variation of the Compass off the Bahama Islands, at the
time of the Landfall of Columbus in 1492,” which is accompanied by a
chart, showing by comparison the lines of non-variation respectively
in 1492, 1600, 1700, 1800, and 1880, as far as they can be made out
from available data. In this chart the line of 1492 runs through
the Azores,—bending east as it proceeds northerly, and west in its
southerly extension. The no-variation line in 1882 leaves the South
American coast between the mouths of the Amazon and the Orinoco, and
strikes the Carolina coast not far from Charleston. The Azores to-day
are in the curve of 25° W. variation, which line leaves the west coast
of Ireland, and after running through the Azores sweeps away to the St.
Lawrence Gulf.

[390] Navarrete, _Noticia del cosmografo Alonzo de Santa Cruz_.

[391] Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 672; v. 59.

[392] _Cosmos_, v. 55.

[393] _Cosmos_, v. 59.

[394] Charts of the magnetic curves now made by the Coast Survey
at Washington are capable of supplying, if other means fail, and
particularly in connection with the dipping-needle, data of a ship’s
longitude with but inconsiderable error. The inclination or dip was not
measured till 1576; and Humboldt shows how under some conditions it can
be used also to determine latitude.

In 1714 the English Government, following an example earlier set
by other governments, offered a reward of £20,000 to any one who
would determine longitude at sea within half a degree. It was
ultimately given to Harrison, a watchmaker who made an improved
marine chronometer. An additional £3,000 was given at the same time
to the widow of Tobias Meyer, who had improved the lunar tables. It
also instigated two ingenious mechanicians, who hit upon the same
principle independently, and worked out its practical application,—the
Philadelphian, Thomas Godfrey, in his “mariner’s bow” (_Penn. Hist.
Soc. Coll._, i. 422); and the Englishman, Hadley, in his well-known
quadrant.

It can hardly be claimed to-day, with all our modern appliances, that a
ship’s longitude can be ascertained with anything more than approximate
precision. The results from dead-reckoning are to be corrected in three
ways. Observations on the moon will not avoid, except by accident,
errors which may amount to seven or eight miles. The difficulties
of making note of Jupiter’s satellites in their eclipse, under the
most favorable conditions, will be sure to entail an error of a half,
or even a whole, minute. This method, first tried effectively about
1700, was the earliest substantial progress which had been made;
all the attempts of observation on the opposition of planets, the
occultations of stars, the difference of altitude between the moon
and Jupiter, and the changes in the moon’s declination, having failed
of satisfactory results (Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 671). John
Werner, of Nuremberg, as early as 1514, and Gemma Frisius, in 1545,
had suggested the measure of the angle between the altitude of the
moon and some other heavenly body; but it was not till 1615 that it
received a trial at sea, through the assiduity of Baffin. The newer
method of Jupiter’s satellites proved of great value in the hands of
Delisle, the real founder of modern geographical science. By it he cut
off three hundred leagues from the length of the Mediterranean Sea, and
carried Paris two and a half degrees, and Constantinople ten degrees,
farther west. Corrections for two centuries had been chiefly made in a
similar removal of places. For instance, the longitude of Gibraltar had
increased from 7° 50´ W., as Ptolemy handed it down, to 9° 30´ under
Ruscelli, to 13° 30´ under Mercator, and to 14° 30´ under Ortelius. It
is noticeable that Eratosthenes, who two hundred years and more before
Christ was the librarian at Alexandria and chief of its geographical
school, though he made the length of the Mediterranean six hundred
geographical miles too long, did better than Ptolemy three centuries
later, and better even than moderns had done up to 1668, when this sea
was elongated by nearly a third beyond its proper length. Cf. Bunbury,
_History of Ancient Geography_, i. 635; Gosselin, _Géog. des Grecs_, p.
42. Sanson was the last, in 1668, to make this great error.

The method for discovering longitude which modern experience has
settled upon is the noting at noon, when the weather permits a view of
the sun, of the difference of a chronometer set to a known meridian.
This instrument, with all its modern perfection, is liable to an
error of ten or fifteen seconds in crossing the Atlantic, which may
be largely corrected by a mean, derived from the use of more than
one chronometer. The first proposition to convey time as a means of
deciding longitude dates back to Alonzo de Santa Cruz, who had no
better time-keepers than sand and water clocks (Humboldt, _Cosmos_,
Eng. tr., ii. 672).

On land, care and favorable circumstances may now place an object
within six or eight yards of its absolute place in relation to the
meridian. Since the laying of the Atlantic cable has made it possible
to use for a test a current which circles the earth in three seconds,
it is significant of minute accuracy, in fixing the difference of time
between Washington and Greenwich, that in the three several attempts to
apply the cable current, the difference between the results has been
less than 7/100 of a second.

But on shipboard the variation is still great, though the last fifty
years has largely reduced the error. Professor Rogers, of the Harvard
College Observatory, in examining one hundred log-books of Atlantic
steamships, has found an average error of three miles; and he reports
as significant of the superior care of the Cunard commanders that the
error in the logs of their ships was reduced to an average of a mile
and a half.

[395] Lelewel, ii. 130.

[396] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, ii. 210.

[397] The breadth east and west of the Old World was marked
variously,—on the Laon globe, 250°; Behaim’s globe, 130°; Schöner’s
globe, 228°; Ruysch’s map, 224°; Sylvanus’ map, 220°; and the
Portuguese chart of 1503, 220°.

[398] This sea-chart was the first which had been seen in England, and
almanacs at that time had only been known in London for fifteen years,
with their tables for the sun’s declination and the altitude of the
pole-star.

[399] Cf. _Atti della Società Ligure_, 1867, p. 174, Desimoni in
_Giornale Ligustico_, ii. 52. Bartholomew is also supposed to have been
the maker of an anonymous planisphere of 1489 (Peschel, _Ueber eine
alte Weltkarte_, p. 213).

[400] Strabo, i. 65. Bunbury, _Ancient Geography_, i. 627, says the
passage is unfortunately mutilated, but the words preserved can clearly
have no other signification. What is left to us of Eratosthenes are
fragments, which were edited by Seidel, at Göttingen, in 1789; again
and better by Bernhardy (Berlin, 1822). Bunbury (vol. i. ch. xvi.)
gives a sufficient survey of his work and opinions. The spherical shape
of the earth was so generally accepted by the learned after the times
of Aristotle and Euclid, that when Eratosthenes in the third century,
B.C. went to some length to prove it, Strabo, who criticised him two
centuries later, thought he had needlessly exerted himself to make
plain what nobody disputed. Eratosthenes was so nearly accurate in his
supposed size of the globe, that his excess over the actual size was
less than one-seventh of its great circle.

[401] There is a manuscript map of Hispaniola attached to the copy of
the 1511 edition of Peter Martyr in the Colombina Library which is
sometimes ascribed to Columbus; but Harrisse thinks it rather the work
of his brother Bartholomew (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, _Add._, xiii.) A map
of this island, with the native divisions as Columbus found them, is
given in Muñoz. The earliest separate map is in the combined edition of
Peter Martyr and Oviedo edited by Ramusio in Venice in 1534 (Stevens,
_Bibliotheca geographica_, no. 1,778). _Le discours de la navigation de
Jean et Raoul Parmentier, de Dieppe_, including a description of Santo
Domingo, was edited by Ch. Schefer in Paris, 1883; a description of the
“isle de Haity” from _Le grand insulaire et pilotage d’André Thevet_ is
given in its appendix.

[402] _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 647. One of these early engravings is
given on page 15.

[403] Navarrete, i. 253, 264.

[404] Navarrete, i. 5.

[405] Navarrete, iii. 587.

[406] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 34; Morelli’s _Lettera
rarissima_ (Bassano, 1810), appendix. A “carta nautica” of Columbus is
named under 1501 in the _Atti della Società ligure_, 1867, p. 174, and
_Giornale Ligustico_, ii. 52.

[407] Of La Cosa, who is said to have been of Basque origin, we know
but little. Peter Martyr tells us that his “cardes” were esteemed, and
mentions finding a map of his in 1514 in Bishop Fonseca’s study. We
know he was with Columbus in his expedition along the southern coast
of Cuba, when the Admiral, in his folly, made his companions sign
the declaration that they were on the coast of Asia. This was during
Columbus’ second voyage, in 1494; and Stevens (_Notes_, etc.) claims
that the way in which La Cosa cuts off Cuba to the west with a line of
green paint—the conventional color for “terra incognita”—indicates this
possibility of connection with the main, as Ruysch’s scroll does in his
map. The interpretation may be correct; but it might still have been
drawn an island from intimations of the natives, though Ocampo did not
circumnavigate it till 1508. The natives of Guanahani distinctly told
Columbus that Cuba was an island, as he relates in his Journal. Stevens
also remarks how La Cosa colors, with the same green, the extension
of Cuba beyond the limits of Columbus’ exploration on the north coast
in 1492. La Cosa, who had been with Ojeda in 1499, and with Rodrigo
de Bastidas in 1501, was killed on the coast in 1509. Cf. Enrique
de Leguina’s _Juan de la Cosa, estudio biográfico_ (Madrid, 1877);
Humboldt’s _Examen critique_ and his _Cosmos_, Eng. tr. ii., 639; De
la Roquette, in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_,
Mai, 1862, p. 298; Harrisse’s _Cabots_, pp. 52, 103, 156, and his _Les
Cortereal_, p. 94; and the references in Vol. III. of the present
_History_, p. 8.

[408] Vol. III. p. 8. The fac-simile there given follows Jomard’s.
Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 40), comparing Jomard’s reproduction
with Humboldt’s description, thinks there are omissions in it. Becher
(_Landfall of Columbus_) speaks of the map as “the clumsy production
of an illiterate seaman.” There is also a reproduction of the American
parts of the map in Weise’s _Discoveries of America_, 1884.

[409] Ongania, of Venice, announced some years ago a fac-simile
reproduction in his _Raccolta di mappamundi_, edited by Professor
Fischer, of Kiel. It was described in 1873 by Giuseppe Boni in _Cenni
storici della Reale Biblioteca Estense in Modena_, and by Gustavo
Uzielli in his _Studi bibliografici e biografici_, Rome, 1875.

[410] Pages 143, 158.

[411] He was born about 1450; _Les Cortereal_, p. 36. Cf. E. do Canto’s
_Os Corte-Reaes_ (1883), p. 28.

[412] _Les Cortereal_, p. 45.

[413] See Vol. IV. chap. 1.

[414] Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, p. 50, translates this.

[415] Printed for the first time in Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, app.
xvii. From Pasqualigo and Cantino down to the time of Gomara we find no
mention of these events; and Gomara, writing fifty years later, seems
to confound the events of 1500 with those of 1501. Gomara also seems
to have had some Portuguese charts, which we do not now know, when he
says that Cortereal gave his name to some islands in the entrance of
the gulf “Cuadrado” (St. Lawrence?), lying under 50° north latitude.
Further than this, Gomara, as well as Ramusio, seems to have depended
mainly on the Pasqualigo letter; and Herrera followed Gomara (Harrisse,
_Les Cortereal_, p. 59). Harrisse can now collate, as he does (p. 65),
the two narratives of Pasqualigo and Cantino for the first time, and
finds Cortereal’s explorations to have covered the Atlantic coast from
Delaware Bay to Baffin’s Bay, if not farther to the north.

[416] Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, p. 71.

[417] Ibid., p. 96.

[418] Some have considered that this Atlantic coast in Cantino may in
reality have been Yucatan. But this peninsula was not visited earlier
than 1506, if we suppose Solis and Pinzon reached it, and not earlier
than 1517 if Cordova’s expedition was, as is usually supposed, the
first exploration. The names on this coast, twenty-two in number, are
all legible but six. They resemble those on the Ptolemy maps of 1508
and 1513, and on Schöner’s globe of 1520, which points to an earlier
map not now known.

[419] These earliest Spanish voyages are,—

1. Columbus, Aug. 3, 1492—March 15, 1493.

2. Columbus, Sept. 25, 1493—June 11, 1496.

3. Columbus, May 30, 1498—Nov. 25, 1500.

4. Alonzo de Ojeda, May 20, 1499—June, 1500, to the Orinoco.

5. Piro Alonzo Niño and Christoval Guerra, June, 1499—April, 1500, to
Paria.

6. Vicente Yañez Pinzon, December, 1499—September, 1500, to the Amazon.

7. Diego de Lepe, December, 1499 (?)—June, 1500, to Cape St. Augustin.

8. Rodrigo de Bastidas, October, 1500—September, 1502, to Panama.

[420] The Greenland peninsula seems to have been seen by Cortereal in
1500 or 1501, and to be here called “Ponta d’Asia,” in accordance with
the prevalent view that any mainland hereabout must be Asia.

[421] See fac-simile on page 112, _post._

[422] Plate 43 of his _Géographie du Moyen-âge_.

[423] De Costa points out that La Cosa complains of the Portuguese
being in this region in 1503.

[424] _Catalogue_ of February, 1879, pricing a copy of the book,
with the map, at £100. This Quaritch copy is now owned by Mr. C.
H. Kalbfleisch, of New York, and its title is different from the
transcription given in Sabin, the Carter-Brown and Barlow catalogues,
which would seem to indicate that the title was set up three times at
least.

[425] _Verrazano_, p. 102.

[426] The editions of 1516 and 1530 have no map, and no _official_ map
was published in Spain till 1790. The Cabot map of 1544 is clearly from
Spanish sources, and Brevoort is inclined to think that the single copy
known is the remainder after a like suppression. The Medina sketch of
1545 is too minute to have conveyed much intelligence of the Spanish
knowledge, and may have been permitted.

[427] Vol ii. p. 143.

[428] This edition will come under more particular observation in
connection with Vespucius. There are copies in the Astor Library and
in the libraries of Congress, of the American Antiquarian Society,
and of Trinity College, Hartford (Cooke sale, no. 1,950), and in the
Carter-Brown, Barlow, and Kalbfleisch collections. There was a copy in
the Murphy sale, no. 2,052.

[429] Cf. Santarem in _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_
(1837), viii. 171, and in his _Recherches sur Vespuce et ses voyages_,
p. 165; Wieser’s _Magalhâes-Strasse_, p. 10. It will be seen that
in the Latin quoted in the text there is an incongruity in making a
“Ferdinand” king of Portugal at a time when no such king ruled that
kingdom, but a Ferdinand did govern in Spain. The Admiral could hardly
have been other than Columbus, but it is too much to say that he made
the map, or even had a chief hand in it.

[430] Cf. Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 620, 621.

[431] A heliotype fac-simile is given in Vol. III. p. 9, where are
various references and a record of other fac-similes; to which may be
added Varnhagen’s _Novos estudos_ (Vienna, 1874); Ruge’s _Geschichte
des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_; Weise’s _Discoveries of America_; and
on a small scale in H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i.

[432] This supposition is not sustained in Wieser’s _Karte des B.
Colombo_ (1893).

[433] Pope Julius II. (July 28, 1506) gave to Tosinus, the publisher,
the exclusive sale of this edition for six years. It was first issued
in 1507, and had six new maps, besides those of the editions of 1478
and 1490, but none of America. There are copies in the Carter-Brown
Library; and noted in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,049; and one
was recently priced by Rosenthal, of Munich, at 500 marks. It was
reissued in 1508, with a description of the New World by Beneventanus,
accompanied by this map of Ruysch; and of this 1508 edition there are
copies in the Astor Library, the Library of Congress, of the American
Geographical Society, of Yale College (Cooke sale, vol. ii. no. 1,949),
and in the Carter-Brown and Kalbfleisch collections. One is noted in
the Murphy sale, no. 2,050, which is now at Cornell University.

[434] H. H. Bancroft (_Central America_, p. 116) curiously intimates
that the dotted line which he gives in his engraving to mark the place
of this vignette, stands for some sort of a _terra incognita_!

[435] _Les Cortereal_, p. 118.

[436] Harrisse, Cabots, p. 164. In his _Notes on Columbus_, p. 56, he
conjectures that it sold for forty florins, if it be the same with the
map of the New World which Johannes Trithemus complained in 1507 of his
inability to buy for that price (_Epistolæ familiares_, 1536).

[437] Its date was altered to 1530 when it appeared in the first
complete edition of Peter Martyr’s _Decades_. There are fac-similes
in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ and in Santarem’s Atlas. It will be
considered further in connection with the naming of America. See
_post_, p. 183.

[438] Pl. xviii.

[439] The bibliography of Honter has been traced by G. D. Teutsch in
the _Archiv des Vereins für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde_, neue Folge,
xiii. 137; and an estimate of Honter by F. Teutsch is given in Ibid.,
xv. 586. The earliest form of Honter’s book is the _Rudimentorum
cosmographiæ libri duo_, dated 1531, and published at Cracow, in a
tract of thirty-two pages. It is a description of the world in verse,
and touches America in the chapter, “Nomina insularum oceani et maris.”
It is extremely rare, and the only copy to be noted is one priced
by Harrassowitz (_Catalogue_ of 1876, no. 2), of Leipsic, for 225
marks, and subsequently sold to Tross, of Paris. Most bibliographers
give Cracow, with the date 1534 as the earliest (Sabin, no. 32,792;
Muller, 1877, no. 1,456,—37.50 fl.); there was a Basle edition of
the same year. (Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 194; Wieser,
_Magalhâes-Strasse_, p. 22.) Editions seem to have followed in 1540
(queried by Sabin, no. 32,793); in 1542 (if Stevens’s designation of
his fac-simile of the map is correct, _Notes_, pl. 3); in 1546, when
the map is inscribed “Universalis cosmographia ... Tiguri, J. H. V.
E. [in monogram], 1546.” (Harrisse, no. 271; Muller, 1877, no. 1,457;
Carter-Brown, no. 143; Sabin, no. 32,794.) The same map, which is part
of an appendix of thirteen maps, was repeated in the Tiguri edition of
1548, and there was another issue the same year at Basle. (Harrisse,
no. 287; Sabin, no. 32,795; Weigel, 1877, no. 1,268.) The maps were
repeated in the 1549 edition. (Sabin, no. 32,796; Carter-Brown, no.
153.) The edition at Antwerp in 1552 leaves off the date. (Harrisse,
no. 287; Weigel, no. 1,269; Murphy, no. 1,252.) It is now called,
_Rvdimentorvm cosmographicorum libri III. cum tabellis geographicis
elegantissimis. De uariarum rerum nomenclaturis per classes, liber I_.
There was a Basle edition the same year. The maps continued to be used
in the Antwerp edition of 1554, the Tiguri of 1558, and the Antwerp of
1660.

In 1561 the edition published at Basle, _De cosmogaphiæ rudimentis
libri VIII._, was rather tardily furnished with new maps better
corresponding to the developments of American geography. (Muller, 1877,
no. 1,459.) The Tiguri publishers still, however, adhered to the old
plates in their editions of 1565 (Carter-Brown, no. 257; Sabin, no.
32,797); and the same plates again reappeared in an edition, without
place, published in 1570 (Muller, 1877, no. 1,457), in another of
Tiguri in 1583, and in still another without place in 1590 (Murphy, no.
1,253; Muller, 1872, no. 763; Sabin, no. 32,799).

[440] Harrisse (_Les Cortereal_, p. 121) says there is no Spanish map
showing these discoveries before 1534.

[441] Vol. III. p. 212, and the present volume, page 170.

[442] Vol. xl.; also Major’s _Prince Henry_, p. 388.

[443] J. P. Richter, _Literary Works of Da Vinci_, London, 1883,
quoting the critic, who questions its assignment to the great Italian.

[444] The Portuguese portolano of about this date given in Kunstmann,
pl. 4, is examined on another page.

[445] This Strasburg edition is particularly described in D’Avezac’s
_Waltzemüller_, p. 159. (Cf. Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, 176;
his _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 117; and Winsor’s _Bibliography of
Ptolemy’s Geography_ sub anno 1522.) The maps closely resemble those
of Waldseemüller in the edition of 1513; and indeed Frisius assigns
them as re-engraved to Martin Ilacomylus, the Greek form of that
geographer’s name. There are copies of this 1522 Ptolemy in the Harvard
College, Carter-Brown, Cornell University, and Barlow libraries, and
one is noted in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,054, which is now in the
Lenox Library. The map of Frisius (Lorenz Friess, as he was called in
unlatinized form) was reproduced in the next Strasburg edition of 1525,
of which there are copies in the Library of Congress, in the New York
Historical Society, Boston Public, Baltimore Mercantile, Carter-Brown,
Trinity College, and the American Antiquarian Society libraries, and in
the collections of William C. Prime and Charles H. Kalbfleisch. There
were two copies in the Murphy sale, nos. 2,055 and 2,056, one of which
is now at Cornell University. Cf. references in Winsor’s _Bibliography
of Ptolemy_.

This “L. F. 1522” map (see p. 175), as well as the “Admiral’s map,”
was reproduced in the edition of 1535, edited by Servetus, of which
there are copies in the Astor, the Boston Public, and the College of
New Jersey libraries, and in the Carter-Brown and Barlow collections. A
copy is also noted in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,057, which is now
at Cornell University.

The American maps of these editions were again reproduced in the
Ptolemy, published at Vienna in 1541, of which there are copies in
the Carter-Brown, Brevoort, and Kalbfleisch collections. Cf. Winsor’s
_Bibliography of Ptolemy_.

[446] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 133. The edition of 1530 has no
maps (ibid., no. 158).

[447] There is a copy in the Grenville Collection in the British
Museum. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 144; Zurla, _Fra Mauro_,
p. 9, and his _Marco Polo_, ii. 363. Harrisse, in his _Notes on
Columbus_, p. 56, cites from Morelli’s _Operette_, i. 309, a passage in
which Coppo refers to Columbus.

[448] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._) gives the various ways of spelling
the name by different authors as follows: “Albericus (_Madrignano_,
_Ruchamer_, _Jehan Lambert_); Emeric (_Du Redouer_); Alberico or
Americo (_Gomara_); Morigo (_Hojeda_); Amerrigo (_Muñoz_); Americus
(_Peter Martyr_); Almerigo Florentino (_Vianello_); De Espuche,
Vespuche, Despuche, Vespuccio (_Ramusio_); Vespuchy (_Christ.
Columbus_).” Varnhagen uniformly calls him Amerigo Vespucci; and that
is the signature to the letter written from Spain in 1492 given in the
_Vita_ by Bandini.

[449] The facts relative to the birth, parentage, and early life of
Vespucci are given by the Abbé Bandini in his _Vita e lettere di
Amerigo Vespucci_, 1745, and are generally accepted by those whose
own researches have been most thorough,—as Humboldt in his _Examen
Critique_; Varnhagen in his _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère, ses
écrits, sa vie, et ses navigations_, and in his _Nouvelles recherches_,
p. 41, where he reprints Bandini’s account; and Santarem in his
_Researches respecting Americus Vespucius and his Voyages_, as the
English translation is called. In relation to representatives of the
family in our day, see Lester’s _Vespucius_, p. 405. The newspapers
within a year have said that two female descendants were living in
Rome, the last male representative dying seven years ago.

[450] Humboldt says that it cannot be true of either voyage, and relies
for proof upon the documentary evidence of Vespucci’s presence in Spain
during the absence of Columbus upon those expeditions. But he makes
a curious mistake in regard to the first, which, we think, has never
been noticed. Columbus sailed on his first voyage in August, 1492,
and returned in March, 1493. Humboldt asserts that Vespucci could not
have been with him, because the letter written from Cadiz and jointly
signed by him and Donato Nicolini was dated Jan. 30, 1493. But Humboldt
has unaccountably mistaken the date of that letter; it was not 1493,
but 1492, seven months before Columbus sailed on his first voyage. The
_alibi_, therefore, is not proved. There is indeed no positive proof
that Vespucci was not on that voyage; but, on the other hand, there
is nothing known of that period of his life to suggest that he was;
and, moreover, the strong negative evidence is—unusually strong in his
case—that he never claimed to have sailed with Columbus.

[451] _The history of the Life and Actions of Admiral Christopher
Colon._ By his son, Don Ferdinand Colon. [For the story of this book,
see the previous chapter.—ED.]

[452] _Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, with other Original
Documents relating to his Four Voyages to the New World._ Translated
and edited by R. H. Major, Esq., of the British Museum, London. Printed
for the Hakluyt Society, 1847.

[453] The very name he bore had a divine significance, according to the
fanciful interpretation of his son, Don Ferdinand Colon. For as the
name Christopher, or Christophorus,—the Christ-bearer,—was bestowed
upon the Saint who carried the Christ over deep waters at his own
great peril, so had it fallen upon him, who was destined to discover
a new world, “that those Indian nations might become citizens and
inhabitants of the Church triumphant in heaven.” Nor less appropriate
was the family name of Columbus, or Colomba,—a dove,—for him who showed
“those people, who knew him not, which was God’s beloved Son, as the
Holy Ghost did in the figure of a dove at Saint John’s baptism; and
because he also carried the olive-branch and oil of baptism over the
waters of the ocean like Noah’s dove, to denote the peace and union of
these people with the Church, after they had been shut up in the ark of
darkness and confusion.” Saint Christopher carrying Christ, appears as
a vignette on Cosa’s chart.

[454] _A Discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his Discovery,
etc._ Translated from Ramusio (1550) by Hakluyt for his _Principal
Navigations, Voyages, and Discoveries of the English Nation_, 1589, and
in later editions.

[455] [See Vol. III. chap. i.—ED.]

[456] For the distinction which possibly Cabot meant to convey between
_terra_ and _insula_, see Biddle’s _Memoir of Sebastian Cabot_ (London
1831), p. 54.

[457] Humboldt (_Examen critique_, vol. iv.), supported by the
authority of Professor Von der Hugen, of the University of Berlin,
shows that the Italian name Amerigo is derived from the German Amalrich
or Amelrich, which, under the various forms of Amalric, Amalrih,
Amilrich, Amulrich, was spread through Europe by the Goths and other
Northern invaders.

[458] [See Vol. III. p. 53.—ED.]

[459] On the 20th of May, according to one edition of the letter,—that
published by Hylacomylus at St-Dié.

[460] [After a picture in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s
Gallery (no. 253), which is a copy of the best-known portrait of
Vespucius. It is claimed for it that it was painted from life by
Bronzino, and that it had been preserved in the family of Vespucius
till it was committed, in 1845, to Charles Edwards Lester, United
States consul at Genoa. It is engraved in Lester and Foster’s _Life
and Voyages of Americus Vespucius_ (New York, 1846), and described
on p. 414 of that book. Cf. also Sparks’s statement in _Mass. Hist.
Soc. Proc._, iv. 117. It has been also engraved in Canovai among
the Italian authorities, and was first, I think, in this country,
produced in Philadelphia, in 1815, in Delaplaine’s _Repository of
the Lives and Portraits of distinguished American characters_, and
later in various other places. The likeness of Vespucius in the Royal
Gallery at Naples, painted by Parmigianino, is supposed to be the
one originally in the possession of the Cardinal Alexander Farnese
(_Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, iii. 370, by Jomard).
That artist was but eleven years old at the death of Vespucius, and
could not have painted Vespucius from life. A copy in 1853 was placed
in the gallery of the American Antiquarian Society (_Proceedings_,
April, 1853, p. 15; Paine’s _Portraits and Busts_, etc., no. 28). C.
W. Peale’s copy of the likeness in the gallery of the Grand Duke of
Tuscany is in the collection belonging to the Pennsylvania Historical
Society (_Catalogue_, 1872, no. 148). There is also a portrait in the
gallery of the New York Historical Society (_Catalogue_, no. 131),
but the origin of it is not named. De Bry gives vignette portraits
in parts iv., vi., and xii. of his _Grands Voyages_. See Bandini’s
_Vita e lettere di Vespucci_, chap. vii. for an account of the various
likenesses.—ED.]

[461] “Et quoniam in meis hisce bis geminis navigationibus, tam
varia diversaque, ac tam a nostris rebus, et modis differentia
perspexi, idcirco libellum quempiam, quem Quatuor diætas sive quatuor
navigationes appello, conscribere paravi, conscripsique; in quo maiorem
rerum a me visarum partem distincte satis juxta ingenioi mei tenuitatem
collegi: verumtamen non adhuc publicavi.” From the _Cosmographiæ
introductio_ of Hylacomylus (Martin Waldseemüller). St.-Dié, 1507.
Repeated in essentially the same words in other editions of the letter.

[462] In the original: _En este viage que este dicho testigo hizo trujo
consigo a Juan de la Cosa, piloto, e Morigo Vespuche, e otros pilotos_.
The testimony of other pilots confirmed that of Ojeda. The records
of this trial are preserved among the archives at Seville, and were
examined by Muñoz, and also by Washington Irving in his studies for the
_Life of Columbus_. See also _ante_, p. 88.

[463] The title of this work is _Cosmographiæ introductio cum quibusdam
geometriæ ac astronomiæ principiis ad eam rem necessariis. Insuper
quatuor Americi Vespucii navigationes_. The name of the editor,
Martinus Hylacomylus, is not given in the first edition, but appears in
a later, published at Strasburg in 1509. [See _post_, p. 167.—ED.]

[464] See Major’s _Henry the Navigator_, p. 383. The title of Lud’s
four-leaved book is _Speculi orbis succinctiss. sed neque pœnitenda
neque inelegans declaratio et canon_.

[465] “_Et quarta orbis pars quam quis Americus invenit, Amerigen quasi
Americi terram, sive Americam nuncupare licet._”

[466] “_Nunc vero et hæc partes sunt latius lustratæ, et alia quarta
Pars per Americum Vesputium, ut in sequentibus audietur, inventa est,
quam non video cur quis iure vetet ab America inventore, sagacis
ingenii viro, Amerigen quasi Americi terram sive Americam dicendum, cum
et Europa et Asia a mulieribus sua sortitæ sint nomina._” _Hylacomylus._

[467] [Vespucci himself says that his mission was “per ajutare a
discoprire.” An astronomer was an important officer of all these early
expeditions. Isabella urged Columbus not to go without one on his
second voyage; and in his narrative of his fourth voyage, Columbus
contends that there is but one infallible method of making a ship’s
reckoning, that employed by astronomers. Cf. Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng.
tr., ii. 671.—ED.]

[468] Herrera,—of whom Robertson says that “of all Spanish writers he
furnishes the fullest and most authentic information upon American
discoveries”—accuses Vespucci of “falsehoods” in pretending to have
visited the Gulf of Paria before Columbus.

[469] [Varnhagen thinks there is reason to believe, from the letter
of Vianello, that Vespucius made a voyage in 1505 to the northern
coast of South America, when he tracked the shore from the point of
departure on his second voyage as far as Darien; and he is further of
the opinion, from passages in the letters of Francesco Corner, that
Vespucius made still a final voyage with La Cosa to the coast of Darien
(_Postface_ in _Nouvelles recherches_, p. 56). Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer.
Vet., Additions_, p. xxvii) gives reasons, from letters discovered by
Rawdon Brown at Venice, for believing that Vespucius made a voyage in
1508.—ED.]

[470] Cf. Navarrete, iii. 297, for the instructions of the King.

[471] “Noticias exactas de Americo Vespucio,” in his _Coleccion_,
iii. 315. The narrative in English will be found in Lester’s _Life of
Vespucius_, pp. 112-139.

[472] May 10, 20, 1497, and Oct. 1, 15, 18, 1499.

[473] Cf. _Examen critique_, iv. 150, 151, 273-282; v. 111, 112,
197-202; _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 678.

[474] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 50, 267, 268, 272; Harrisse,
_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 57; Navarrete, iii. 317.

[475] This part is given in English in Lester, p. 175.

[476] It is translated in Lester, pp. 151-173; cf. Canovai, p. 50.

[477] These instances are cited by Santarem. Cf. Ternaux’s
_Collection_, vol. ii.

[478] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 64; Humboldt, _Examen
critique_, v. 209. There were other editions of Albertini in 1519 and
1520, as well as his _De Roma prisca_ of 1523, repeating the credit
of the first discovery in language which Muller says that Harrisse
does not give correctly. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 96, 103, 106;
_Additions_, 56, 74; Muller, _Books on America_ (1872), no. 17.

[479] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 107.

[480] Editions at Venice in 1572 and 1589 (Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,161).

[481] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 96.

[482] Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,102.

[483] Carter-Brown, ii. 114. It was reprinted at Florence in 1859, and
at Milan in 1865.

[484] Santarem enumerates various others; cf. Childe’s translation,
p. 34 etc. Bandini (_Vita e lettere di Vespucci_, cap. vii.) also
enumerates the early references.

[485] Though Guicciardini died in 1540, his _Historia d’Italia_
(1494-1532) did not appear at Florence till 1564, and again at Venice
in 1580. Segni, who told the history of Florence from 1527 to 1555, and
died in 1559, was also late in appearing.

[486] Dec. i. lib. iv. cap. 2; lib. vii. c. 5.

[487] Robertson based his disbelief largely upon Herrera (_History of
America_, note xxii.).

[488] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 793; Murphy, no. 142; Leclerc, no.
2,473. There was a German translation in 1748 (Carter-Brown, iii. 866;
Sabin, vol. i. no. 3,150), with annotations, which gave occasion to a
paper by Caleb Cushing in the _North American Review_, xii. 318.

[489] Santarem reviews this literary warfare of 1788-1789 (Childe’s
translation, p. 140).

[490] Sabin (_Dictionary_, iii. 312) gives the following contributions
of Canovai: (1) _Difensa d’Amerigo Vespuccio_, Florence, 1796 (15 pp).
(2) _Dissertazione sopra il primo viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci alle Indie
occidentali_, Florence, 1809. (3) _Elogio d’Amerigo Vespucci ... con
una dissertazione giustificativa_, Florence, 1788; con illustrazioni ed
aggiunte [Cortona], 1789; no place, 1790, Florence, 1798. (4) _Esame
critico del primo viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci al nuovo mondo_, Florence,
1811. Cf. Il Marquis Gino Capponi, _Osservazioni sull’esame critico
del primo viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci al nuovo mondo_, Florence, 1811.
Leclerc, no. 400; copy in Harvard College Library. (5) _Lettera allo
Stampat. Sig. P. Allegrini a nome dell’ autore dell’elogio prem. di
Am. Vespucci_, Florence, 1789. (6) _Monumenti relativi al giudizio
pronunziato dall’Accademia Etrusca di Cortona di un Elogio d’Amerigo
Vespucci_, Florence, 1787. (7) _Viaggi d’ Amerigo Vespucci con la vita,
l’elogio e la dissertazione giustificativa_, Florence, 1817; again,
1832. There was an English version of the _Elogio_ printed at New Haven
in 1852. Canovai rejects some documents which Bandini accepted; as, for
instance, the letter in Da Gama, of which there is a version in Lester,
p. 313. Cf. also Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci_, pp. 67, 69, where it is
reprinted.

[491] Irving got his cue from this, and calls the voyage of 1497 pure
invention. The documents which Navarrete gives are epitomized in
Lester, p. 395, and reprinted in Varnhagen’s _Nouvelles recherches_, p.
26.

[492] Childe’s translation, p. 24.

[493] Childe’s translation, pp. 65, 66.

[494] There is another laying down of his course in a map published
with a volume not seldom quoted in the present work, and which may be
well described here: _Studi biografici e bibliografici sulla storia
della geografia in Italia publicati in occasione del IIIº Congresso
Geografico Internazionale, Edizione seconda_, Rome, 1882. Vol. i.
contains _Biografia dei viaggiatori Italiani, colla bibliografia delle
loro opere per Pietro Amat di San Filippo_. The special title of vol.
ii. is _Mappamondi, carte nautiche, portolani ed altri monumenti
cartografici specialmente Italiani dei secoli XIII-XVII, per Gustavo
Uzielli e Pietro Amat di San Filippo_.

[495] He gives his reasons for this landfall in his _Le premier
voyage_, p. 5.

[496] We have no positive notice of Bermuda being seen earlier than the
record of the Peter Martyr map of 1511.

[497] See Vol. III. p. 8, and the present volume, p. 115.

[498] Where (p. 106) he announced his intention to discuss at some
future time the voyages of Vespucius, and to bring forward, “selon
notre habitude,” some new documentary evidence. He has since given
the proposed title: _Americ Vespuce, sa Correspondance_, 1483-1491;
_soixante-huit lettres inédites tirées du porte-feuille des Médicis_,
with annotations.

[499] See p. 108.

[500] This Vianello document was printed by Ferraro in his _Relazione_
in 1875.

[501] His publications on the subject of Vespucius are as follows:
(1) _Vespuce et son premier voyage, ou notice d’une découverte et
exploration du Golfe du Méxique et des côtes des États-Unis en 1497
et 1498, avec le texte de trois notes de la main de Colomb_, Paris,
1858. This had originally appeared from the same type in _Bulletin
de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, January and February, 1858;
and a summary of it in English will be found in the _Historical
Magazine_, iv. 98, together with a letter from Varnhagen to Buckingham
Smith. (2) _Examen de quelques points de l’Histoire géographique du
Brésil,—second voyage de Vespuce_, Paris, 1858. (3) _Amerigo Vespucci,
son caractère, ses écrits, sa vie, et ses navigations_, Lima, 1865.
(4) _Le premier voyage de Amerigo Vespucci définitivement expliqué
dans ses détails_, Vienna, 1869. (5) _Nouvelles recherches sur les
derniers voyages du navigateur florentin, et le reste des documents
et éclaircissements sur lui_, Vienna, 1869. (6) _Postface auxt rois
livraisons sur Amerigo Vespucci_, Vienna, 1870. This is also given as
pages 55-57 of the _Nouvelles recherches_, though it is not included
in its contents table. (7) _Ainda Amerigo Vespucci, novos estudos e
achegas, especialmente em favor da interpretaçāo dada à sua 1ª viagem,
em 1497-1498, ás Costas do Yucatan_, Vienna, 1874, eight pages, with
fac-similes of part of Ruysch’s map. Cf. _Cat. Hist. Brazil, Bibl. nac.
do R. de Janeiro_, no. 839. (8) _Cartas de Amerigo Vespucci_, in the
_Rev. do Inst. Hist._, i. 5.

[502] Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 61.

[503] It is reprinted in Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 78. The
manuscript is not in Vespucius’ hand (_Bulletin de la Société de
Géographie de Paris_, April, 1858). Varnhagen is not satisfied of its
genuineness.

[504] Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 1, 34; Major, _Prince
Henry_, p. 375; Navarrete, iii. 46, 262; Ramusio, i. 139; Grynæus,
p. 122; Galvano, p. 98. Santarem, in his iconoclastic spirit, will
not allow that Vespucius went on this voyage, or on that with Coelho
in 1503,—holding that the one with Ojeda and La Cosa is the only
indisputable voyage which Vespucius made (Childe’s translation, p.
145), though, as Navarrete also admits, he may have been on these
or other voyages in a subordinate capacity. Santarem cites Lafitau,
Barros, and Osorius as ignoring any such voyage by Vespucius. Vespucius
says he could still see the Great Bear constellation when at 32°
south; but Humboldt points out that it is not visible beyond 26° south
latitude.

[505] This was a cousin of Lorenzo the Magnificent; he was born in
1463, and died in 1503. Cf. Ranke’s letter in Humboldt’s _Examen
critique_, and translated in Lester’s _Life and Voyages of Vespucius_,
p. 401. Varnhagen has an “Étude bibliographique” on this 1503 letter in
his _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère_, etc., p. 9.

[506] Varnhagen is confident (_Postface_ in _Nouvelles recherches_, p.
56) that Vespucius was aware that he had found a new continent, and
thought it no longer Asia, and that the letter of Vespucius, on which
Humboldt based the statement of Vespucius’ dying in the belief that
only Asia had been found, is a forgery.

[507] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 26; D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 74;
Carter-Brown, i. 26; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,919; Brunet, vol. v.
col. 1,155; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 766.

[508] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 31; Carter-Brown, i. 21; Ternaux, no. 6;
_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 766; Brunet, vol. v. col. 1,154; Huth,
p. 1525. A copy was sold in the Hamilton sale (1884) for £47, and
subsequently held by Quaritch at £55. The _Court Catalogue_ (no. 369)
shows a duplicate from the Munich Library. Harrassowitz, _Rarissima
Americana_ (91 in 1882), no. 1, priced a copy at 1,250 marks.

[509] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 22.

[510] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 23; Carter-Brown, i. 22; _Bibliotheca
Grenvilliana_, p. 766; Court, no. 368; Quaritch (no. 321, title 12,489)
held a copy at £100.

[511] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 24.

[512] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 25; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, ii. 766;
Huth, v. 1525.

[513] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 27.

[514] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 28.

[515] Cf. also Libri (_Catalogue_ of 1859); Brunet, vol. v. col. 1,
155; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 30. “La petite édition de la
lettre de Vespuce à Médicis sur son troisième voyage, imprimée à Paris
chez Gilles de Gourmont, vendue à Londres en 1859 au prix de £32 10s.,
et placée dans la riche collection de M. James Lenox de New York,
n’existe plus dans le volume à la fin duquel elle était reliée à la
Bibliothèque Mazarine.” D’Avezac: _Waltzemüller_, p. 5.

[516] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 29; Huth, v. 1525; Humboldt, _Examen
critique_, v. 7, describing a copy in the Göttingen Library;
_Bibliophile Belge_, v. 302.

[517] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 30; Carter-Brown, i. 23. A copy was (no.
233) in a sale at Sotheby’s, London, Feb. 22, 1883. It seems probable
that no. 14 of Harrisse’s _Additions_, corresponding to copies in the
Lenox, Trivulziana, and Marciana libraries, is identical with this.

[518] Harrisse, _Additions_, p. 12, where its first page is said
to have thirty-three lines; but the _Court Catalogue_ (no. 367),
describing what seems to be the same, says it has forty-two lines, and
suggests that it was printed at Cologne about 1503.

[519] _Additions_, p. 13, describing a copy in the British Museum.
Varnhagen (_Amerigo Vespucci_, Lima, 1865, p. 9) describes another copy
which he had seen.

[520] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 39; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 24;
Brunet, vol. v. col. 1,155; Court, no. 370; Huth, v. 1526; D’Avezac,
_Waltzemüller_; p. 91. Tross, of Paris, in 1872, issued a vellum
fac-simile reprint in ten copies. Murphy, no. 2,615; Court, no. 371.

[521] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. 36.

[522] This title is followed on the same page by a large cut of the
King of Portugal with sceptre and shield. The little plaquette has
six folios, small quarto (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 33). A fac-simile
edition was made by Pilinski at Paris (twenty-five copies), in 1861.
Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 25, with fac-simile of title; Murphy,
no. 2,616; Huth, v. 1525; O’Callaghan, no. 2,328; Cooke, no. 2,519.
There is a copy of this fac-simile, which brings about $5 or $6, in
the Boston Public Library. Cf. also Panzer, _Annalen, Suppl._, no. 561
_bis_, and Weller, _Repertorium_, no. 335.

[523] There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Collection (_Catalogue_, vol.
i. no. 586). It seems to be Harrisse’s no. 37, where a copy in the
British Museum is described.

[524] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._) says he describes his no. 38 from
the Carter-Brown and Lenox copies; but the colophon as he gives it does
not correspond with the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, nor with the Dresden
copy as described by Ruge. Cf. also Panzer, _Annalen_, vol. i. p. 271,
no. 561; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 6.

[525] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 34.

[526] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 21.

[527] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 20, following Weller’s
_Repertorium_, no. 320.

[528] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 40; there is a copy in the Lenox Library.

[529] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 41; Heber, vol. vi. no. 3,846; Rich, no.
1; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 160.

[530] Vol. v. col. 1156; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 50.

[531] _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie d’Anvers_, 1877, p. 349.

[532] There is a copy of this fac-simile in the Boston Public Library
[G. 302, 22]. Cf. _Historical Magazine_, xxi. 111.

[533] _Ricerche istorico-critiche circa alle scoperte d’Amerigo
Vespucci con l’aggiunta di una relazione del medesimo fin ora
inedita_ (Florence, 1789), p. 168. He followed, not an original, but
a copy found in the Biblioteca Strozziana. This text is reprinted in
Varnhagen’s _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 83.

[534] Cf. the _Relazione delle scoperte fatte da C. Colombo, da A.
Vespucci_, etc., following a manuscript in the Ferrara Library, edited
by Professor Ferraro, and published at Bologna in 1875 as no. 144 of
the series _Scelta di curiosità letterarie inedite e rare dal secolo
XIII al XVII_.

[535] Lucas Rem’s _Tagebuch aus den Jahren 1494-1542_. _Beitrag zur
Handelsgeschichte der Stadt Augsburg. Mitgetheilt mit Bemerkungen und
einem Anhange von noch ungedruckten Briefen und Berichten über die
Entdeckung des newen Seeweges nach Amerika und Ost-Indien, von B.
Greiff._ Augsburg, 1861. This privately printed book in a “kurtzer
Bericht aus der neuen Welt, 1501,” is said to contain an account of a
voyage of Vespucius, probably this one (Muller, _Books on America_,
1877, no. 2,727).

[536] _Hist. geral do Brazil_ (1854), p. 427. Cf. Navarrete, iii. 281,
294; Bandini, p. 57; Peschel, _Erdkunde_ (1877), p. 275; Callender’s
_Voyages to Terra Australis_ (1866), vol. i.; Ramusio, i. 130, 141.

[537] That portion of it relating to this voyage is given in English in
Lester, p. 238.

[538] N. F. Gravier in his _Histoire de Saint-Dié_, published at Épinal
in 1836, p. 202, depicts the character of Lud and the influence of his
press. Lud died at St.-Dié in 1527, at the age of seventy-nine.

[539] Cf. his _Notes_, etc., p. 35.

[540] Varnhagen’s _Le premier voyage_, p. 1.

[541] Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère_, etc., p. 28;
D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_, p. 46; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet.,
Additions_, p. xxiv.

[542] Napione puts it in this year in his _Del primo scopritore_,
Florence, 1809.

[543] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 87) describes it from a copy
in the British Museum which is noted in the _Grenville Catalogue_, p.
764, no. 6,535. D’Avezac, in 1867, noted, besides the Grenville copy,
one belonging to the Marquis Gino Capponi at Florence, and Varnhagen’s
(_Waltzemüller_, p. 45; Peignot, _Répertoire_, p. 139; Heber, vol.
vi. no. 3,848; Napione, _Del primo scopritore del nuovo mondo_, 1809,
p. 107; Ebert, _Dictionary_, no. 27,542; Ternaux, no. 5). Harrisse in
1872 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. xxiv), added a fourth copy,
belonging to the Palatina in Florence (Biblioteca Nazionale), and
thinks there may have been formerly a duplicate in that collection,
which Napione describes. The copy described by Peignot may have been
the same with the Heber and Grenville copies; and the Florence copy
mentioned by Harrisse in his _Ferdinand Colomb_, p. 11, may also be
one of those already mentioned. The copy which Brunet later described
in his _Supplément_ passed into the Court Collection (no. 366); and
when that splendid library was sold, in 1884, this copy was considered
its gem, and was bought by Quaritch for £524, but is now owned by Mr.
Chas. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York. The copies known to Varnhagen in
1865 were—one which had belonged to Baccio Valori, used by Bandini; one
which belonged to Gaetano Poggiale, described by Napione; the Grenville
copy; and his own, which had formerly belonged to the Libreria de
Nuestra Señora de las Cuevas de la Cartuja in Seville. The same text
was printed in 1745 in Bandini’s _Vita e lettere di Amerigo Vespucci_,
and in 1817 in Canovai’s _Viaggi d’Americo Vespucci_, where it is
interjected among other matter, voyage by voyage.

[544] There was also a French edition at Antwerp the same year, and
it was reprinted in Paris in 1830. There were editions in Latin at
Antwerp in 1556, at Tiguri in 1559, and an Elzevir edition in 1632
(Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 211).

[545] Cf. Varnhagen, _Le premier voyage_, p. 1.

[546] Bandini, p. xxv; Bartolozzi, _Recherche_, p. 67.

[547] Santarem dismisses the claim that Vespucius was the intimate of
either the first or second Duke René. Cf. Childe’s translation, p.
57, and H. Lepage’s _Le Duc René II. et Améric Vespuce_, Nancy, 1875.
Irving (_Columbus_, app. ix.) doubts the view which Major has contended
for.

[548] Varnhagen, ignorant of Lud, labors to make it clear that Ringmann
must have been the translator (_Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 30); he learned
his error later.

[549] See the chapters of Bunbury in his _History of Ancient
Geography_, vol. ii., and the articles by De Morgan in Smith’s
_Dictionary of Ancient Biography_, and by Malte-Brun in the _Biographie
universelle_.

[550] See Vol. IV. p. 35, and this volume, p. 112.

[551] Cf. D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 8; Lelewel, Moyen-âge, p. 142;
N. F. Gravier, _Histoire de la ville de Saint-Dié_, Épinal, 1836. The
full title of D’Avezac’s work is _Martin Hylacomylus Waltzemüller,
ses ouvrages et ses collaborateurs_. _Voyage d’exploration et de
découvertes à travers quelques épîtres dédicatoires, préfaces, et
opuscules du commencement du XVI^e siècle: notes, causeries, et
digressions bibliographiques et autres par un Géographe Bibliophile_
(_Extrait des Annales des Voyages_, 1866). Paris, 1867, pp. x. 176,
8vo. D’Avezac, as a learned writer in historical geography, has put
his successors under obligations. See an enumeration of his writings
in Sabin, vol. i. nos. 2,492, etc., and in Leclerc, no. 164, etc., and
the notice in the _Proceedings_ of the American Antiquarian Society,
April, 1876. He published in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie
de Paris_, 1858, and also separately, a valuable paper, _Les voyages
de Améric Vespuce au compte de l’Espagne et les mesures itinéraires
employées par les marins Espagnols et Portugais des XV^e et XVI^e
siècles_ (188 pp.).

[552] They bear the press-mark of the St.-Dié Association, which is
given in fac-simile in Brunet, vol. ii. no. 316. It is also in the
_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 33, and in the _Murphy Catalogue_, p. 94.

[553] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 35; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet.,
Additions_, no. 24.

[554] D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 28.

[555] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 44; _Additions_, no. 24; D’Avezac,
_Waltzemüller_, p. 31. It is said that an imperfect copy in the
Mazarine Library corresponds as far as it goes. D’Avezac says the
Vatican copy, mentioned by Napione and Foscarini, cannot be found.

[556] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 45.

[557] _Catalogue_, no. 679, bought (1884) by President White of Cornell
University.

[558] _Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 28.

[559] _Cat. Hist. Brazil, Bibl. Nac. do Rio de Janeiro_, no. 825.

[560] Described by Humboldt.

[561] _Catalogue_, i. 356.

[562] _Waltzemüller_, p. 52, etc.

[563] Cf. Brunet, ii. 317; Ternaux, no. 10.

[564] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 46; _Additions_, no. 24.

[565] _Catalogue_, i. 29. It was Ternaux’s copy, no. 10.

[566] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 25; Leclerc, no. 600 (100
francs); D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 58.

[567] Cf. D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 111, and Orozco y Berra’s
_Cartografia Mexicana_ (Mexico, 1871), p. 19.

[568] How Europe, which on a modern map would seem to be but one
continent with Asia, became one of three great continents known
to the ancients, is manifest from the world as it was conceived
by Eratosthenes in the third century. In his map the Caspian Sea
was a gulf indented from the Northern Ocean, so that only a small
land-connection existed between Asia and Europe, spanned by the
Caucasus Mountains, with the Euxine on the west and the Caspian on
the east; just as the isthmus at the head of the Arabian Gulf also
joined Libya, or Africa, to Asia. Cf. Bunbury’s _History of Ancient
Geography_, i. 660.

[569] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 182; but Varnhagen thinks
Humboldt was mistaken so far as Vespucius was concerned.

[570] As early as 1519, for instance, by Enciso in his _Suma de
geographia_.

[571] _Examen critique_, i. 181; v. 182.

[572] Suggested by Pizarro y Orellano in 1639; cf. Navarrete, French
tr., ii. 282.

[573] _Pilgrimes_, iv. 1433.

[574] Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 291.

[575] See p. 122.

[576] Humboldt (_Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 420) particularly instances
his descriptions of the coast of Brazil. For fifteen hundred years, as
Humboldt points out (p. 660), naturalists had known no mention, except
that of Adulis, of snow in the tropical regions, when Vespucius in
1500 saw the snowy mountains of Santa Marta. Humboldt (again in his
_Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 664, 667), according Vespucius higher literary
acquirements than the other early navigators had possessed, speaks of
his extolling not ungracefully the glowing richness of the light and
picturesque grouping and strange aspect of the constellations that
circle the Southern Pole, which is surrounded by so few stars,—and
tells how effectively he quoted Dante at the sight of the four stars,
which were not yet for several years to be called the Southern Cross.
Irving speaks of Vespucius’ narrative as “spirited.”

[577] Harrisse, no. 60; Brunet, ii. 319.

[578] Harrisse, _Fernand Colomb_, p. 145.

[579] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 62; _Additions_, no. 31; Huth, v. 1,526;
Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 31. Cf. Navarrete, _Opúsculos_, i. 94.

[580] Equally intended, as Varnhagen (_Le premier voyage_, p. 36),
thinks to be accompanied by the Latin of the _Quattuor navigationes_.

[581] This little black-letter quarto contains fourteen unnumbered
leaves, and the woodcut on the title is repeated on Bii, _verso_,
E, _recto_, and Eiiii, _verso_. There are five other woodcuts, one
of which is repeated three times. Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no.
61; also p. 462) reports only the Harvard College copy, which was
received from Obadiah Rich in 1830. There are other entries of this
tract in Panzer, vi. 44, no. 149, under Argentorati (Strasburg),
referring to the _Crevenna Catalogue_, ii. 117; Sabin, vii. 286;
_Grenville Catalogue_, p. 480; Graesse, iii. 94; Henry Stevens’s
_Historical Nuggets_, no. 1,252, pricing a copy in 1862 at £10 10_s._;
Harrassowitz (81, no. 48), pricing one at 1,000 marks; Huth, ii. 602;
Court, no. 145; _Bibliotheca Thottiana_, v. 219; and Humboldt refers
to it in his _Examen critique_, vi. 142, and in his introduction to
Ghillany’s _Behaim_, p. 8, note. Cf. also D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_,
p. 114; Major’s _Prince Henry the Navigator_, p. 387, and his paper in
the _Archæologia_, vol. xl.; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 173.
D’Avezac used a copy in the Mazarine Library. A German translation,
printed also by Grüninger at Strasburg, appeared under the title, _Der
Welt Kugel_, etc. (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 32.) Varnhagen
(_Le premier voyage_, p. 36) thinks this German text the original one.

[582] Cf. Harrisse, _Cabots_, 182; D’Avezac, _Allocution à la Société
de Geographie de Paris_, Oct. 20, 1871, p. 16; and his _Waltzemüller_,
p. 116.

[583] See this Vol. p. 120.

[584] No. 4,924 of his _Catalogue_, no. xiv. of that year.

[585] This Latin text of Bassin was also printed at Venice in 1537
(_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 156; Leclerc, no. 2,517). Humboldt
(_Examen critique_, iv. 102, 114) and others have been misled by a
similarity of title in supposing that there were other editions of the
_Cosmographiæ introductio_ published at Ingoldstadt in 1529, 1532, and
at Venice in 1535, 1541, 1551, and 1554. This book, however, is only
an abridgment of Apian’s _Cosmographia_, which was originally printed
at Landshut in 1524. Cf. Huth, i. 357; Leclerc, no. 156; D’Avezac,
_Waltzemüller_, p. 124. The Bassin version of the voyages was later the
basis of the accounts, either at length or abridged, or in versions
in other languages, in the _Paesi novamente_ and its translations;
in the _Novus orbis_ of 1532 (it is here given as addressed to René,
King of Sicily and Jerusalem), and later, in Ramusio’s _Viaggi_, vol.
i. (1550); in Eden’s _Treatyse of the Newe India_ (1553); in the
_Historiale description de l’Afrique_ of Leo Africanus (1556),—cf.
_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 211, 229; in De Bry, first and second
parts of the Grands voyages, and third and fourth of the _Petits
voyages_, not to name other of the older collections; and among later
ones in Bandini, _Vita e lettere di Vespucci_ (pp. 1, 33, 46, 57),
and in the _Collecção de noticias para a historia e geografia das
nações ultramarinas_ (1812), published by the Royal Academy of Lisbon.
Varnhagen reprints the Latin text in his _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 34.

[586] Depicted on p. 118. Cf. Wieser, _Magalhaês-Strasse_, pp. 26, 27.

[587] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 142.

[588] The original edition appeared at Vienna in 1514; but it was
reprinted at Strasburg in 1515. Cf. Sabin, vol. i. no. 671; _Bibl.
Amer. Vet._, nos. 76, 77, 78; Stevens, _Bibliotheca geographica_, 70;
Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 48.

[589] See the following section of the present chapter.

[590] See a fac-simile of this part of the map in the chapter on
Magellan.

[591] Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_ (1870), no. 1,272; _Bibliotheca
geographica_, no. 1,824.

[592] See p. 112.

[593] See chapter on Magellan.

[594] Helps, however, cannot trace him at work upon it before 1552, and
he had not finished it in 1561; and for three centuries yet to come it
was to remain in manuscript.

[595] Book i. cap. 140.

[596] Harrisse (_Fernand Colomb_, p. 30), says: “The absence of
nautical charts and planispheres, not only in the Colombina, but in all
the muniment offices of Spain, is a signal disappointment. There is one
chart which above all we need,—made by Vespucius, and which, in 1518,
was in the collection of the Infanta Ferdinand, brother of Charles V.”
A copy of Valsequa’s chart of 1439 which belonged to Vespucius, being
marked “Questa ampla pelle di geographia fù pagata da Amerigo Vespucci
cxxx ducati di oro di marco,” was, according to Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer.
Vet. Add._, p. xxiii), in existence in Majorca as late as 1838.

[597] The letters AM appear upon the representation of the New World
contained in it.

[598] Cf. on Gemma Frisius’ additions to Apianus’ _Cosmographia_,
published in Spanish from the Latin in 1548, what Navarrete says in his
_Opúsculos_, ii. 76.

[599] Antwerp, 1544, cap. xxx. “America ab inventore Amerio [_sic_]
Vesputio nomen habet;” Antwerp, 1548, adds “alii Bresiliam vocât;”
Paris, 1548, cap. xxx., “de America,” and cap. xxxi. “de insulis apud
Americam;” Paris, 1556, etc. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos.
156, 252, 279; _Additions_, nos. 92, 168.

[600] “Quam ab Americo primo inventore Americam vocant.”

[601] “Insularum America cognominata obtenditur.”

[602] Sir Thomas More in his _Utopia_ (which it will he remembered
was an island on which Vespucius is represented as leaving one of his
companions), as published in the 1551 edition at London, speaks of
the general repute of Vespucius’ account,—“Those iiii voyages that be
nowe in printe and abrode in euery mannes handes.” Cf. _Carter-Brown
Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 162. William Cuningham, in his _Cosmographical
Glasse_ (London, 1559), ignores Columbus, and gives Vespucius the
credit of finding “America” in June, 1497 (Ibid., no. 228).

[603] See p. 119.

[604] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 178; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 106;
Charles Deane’s paper on Schöner in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._,
October, 1883.

[605] _Examen critique_, v. 174. Here is a contemporary’s evidence that
Vespucius supposed the new coasts to be Asia.

[606] “Tota itaque quod aiunt aberrant cœlo qui hanc continentem
Americâ nuncupari contendunt, cum Americus multo post Columbû eandê
terram adieret, nec cum Hispanis ille, sed cum Portugallensibus, ut
suas merces commutaret, èo se contulito.” It was repeated in the
edition of 1541.

[607] Pedro de Ledesma, Columbus’ pilot in his third voyage, deposed in
1513 that he considered Paria a part of Asia (Navarrete, iii. 539).

[608] _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 676.

[609] Wieser, _Der Portulan des Königs Philipp_, vol. ii. Vienna, 1876.

[610] See instances cited by Prof. J. D. Butler, _Transactions_ of the
Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, vol. ii. (1873, 1874). There was an
attempt made in 1845, by some within the New York Historical Society,
to render tardy justice to the memory of Columbus by taking his name,
in the form of Columbia, as a national designation of the United
States; but it necessarily failed (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 315).
“Allegania” was an alternative suggestion made at the same time.

[611] This letter is preserved in the Archives of the Duke of Veraguas.
It has been often printed. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 149.

[612] Vizconde de Santarem (Manoel Francisco de Barros y Sousa),
_Researches respecting Americus Vespucius and his Voyages_. Translated
by E.V. Childe (Boston, 1850), 221 pp. 16mo. This is a translation of
the _Recherches historiques, critiques et bibliographiques sur Améric
Vespuce et ses voyages_, which was published in Paris in 1842. Santarem
had before this sought to discredit the voyages claimed for Vespucius
in 1501 and 1503, and had communicated a memoir on the subject to
Navarrete’s _Coleccion_. He also published a paper in the _Bulletin
de la Société de Géographie de Paris_ in October, 1833, and added
to his statements in subsequent numbers (October, 1835; September,
1836; February and September, 1837). These various contributions were
combined and annotated in the _Recherches_, etc., already mentioned.
Cf. his _Memoria e investigaciones históricas sobre los viajes de
Américo Vespucio_, in the _Recueil complet de traités_, vi. 304.
There is a biography of Vespucius, with an appendix of “Pruebas é
ilustraciones” in the _Coleccion de Opúsculos_ of Navarrete, published
(1848) at Madrid, after his death.

[613] Such, for instance, was Caleb Cushing’s opinion in his
_Reminiscences of Spain_, ii. 234.

[614] Eng. tr., ii. 680.

[615] These chapters are reprinted in Sabin’s _American Bibliopolist_,
1870-1871.

[616] His theory was advanced in a paper on “The Origin of the Name
America” in the _Atlantic Monthly_ (March, 1875), xxxv. 291, and in
“Sur l’origine du nom d’Amérique,” in the _Bulletin de la Société de
Géographie de Paris_, June, 1875. He again advanced his theory in the
_New York Nation_, April 10, 1884, to which the editors replied that it
was “fatally ingenious,”—a courteous rejoinder, quite in contrast with
that of H. H. Bancroft in his _Central America_ (i. 291), who charges
the Professor with “seeking fame through foolishness” and his theory.
Marcou’s argument in part depends upon the fact, as he claims, that
Vespucius’ name was properly Albericus or Alberico, and he disputes
the genuineness of autographs which make it Amerigo; but nothing was
more common in those days than variety, for one cause or another,
in the fashioning of names. We find the Florentine’s name variously
written,—Amerigo, Merigo, Almerico, Alberico, Alberigo; and Vespucci,
Vespucy, Vespuchi, Vespuchy, Vesputio, Vespulsius, Despuchi, Espuchi;
or in Latin Vespucius, Vespuccius, and Vesputius.

[617] The Germans have written more or less to connect themselves with
the name as with the naming,—deducing Amerigo or Americus from the Old
German Emmerich. Cf. Von der Hagen, _Jahrbuch der Berliner Gesellschaft
für Deutsche Sprache_, 1835; _Notes and Queries_, 1856; _Historical
Magazine_, January, 1857, p. 24; Dr. Theodor Vetter in _New York
Nation_, March 20, 1884; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 52.

[618] Bunbury, _History of Ancient Geography_, ii. 352-368.

[619] [Cf. the section on the “Historical chorography of South America”
in which the gradual development of the outline of that continent is
traced.—ED.]

[620] It should be remembered that Columbus on his fourth voyage had
sailed along the coast from Cape Honduras to Nombre de Dios, and that
Vicente Yañez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis, coasting the shores of
the Gulf of Honduras, had sailed within sight of Yucatan in 1506; and
therefore that in 1508 the coast-line was well known from the Cabo de
S. Augustin to Honduras.

[621] [This name in the early narratives and maps appears as Tarena,
Tariene, or Darien, with a great variety of the latter form. Cf.
Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 326.—ED.]

[622] This Vasco Nuñez was a bankrupt farmer of Española who went with
Bastidas on his voyage to the Gulf of Urabá and had been so carefully
concealed aboard Enciso’s ship that the officers sent to apprehend
absconding debtors had failed to discover him.

[623] [See the chapter on Peru.—ED.]

[624] [Cf. the chapter on Cortés.—ED.]

[625] Not the Córdoba of Nicaragua.

[626] [From this point the story is continued in the chapter on
Cortés.—ED.]

[627] _Coleccion de los viages y déscubrimientos, que hicieron por mar
los Españoles desde fines del siglio XV._, por Don Martin Fernandez
de Navarrete. The third volume of this series constitutes the _Viages
menores, y los de Vespucio; Poblaciones en el Darien, suplemento
al tomo II_, Madrid, 1829. [Cf. the Introduction to the present
volume.—ED.]

[628] Cf. _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 436-438; H. H. Bancroft,
_Central America_, i. 198. [Cf. Introduction to the present volume.—ED.]

[629] [Cf. the chapters on Columbus, Las Casas, and Pizarro.—ED.]

[630] Navarrete, iii. 5, _note_ 1, and 539, 544; Humboldt, _Examen
critique_, i. 88, _note_.

[631] _Coleccion_, iii. 538-615.

[632] Besides this original material, something concerning this first
voyage of Ojeda is contained in Oviedo, i. 76, and ii. 132; Las Casas,
ii. 389-434 (all references to Oviedo and Las Casas in this chapter
are to the editions issued by the _Real Academia_); Herrera, dec. i.
lib. 4, chaps. i.-iv.; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 4-11, 167, 543-545;
Humboldt, _Examen critique_, i. 313, and iv. 195, 220; Helps, _Spanish
Conquest_, i. 263, 280, ii. 106; Irving, _Companions_, pp. 9-27;
Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 111, 118, 308; Ruge, _Geschichte des
Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 322. There is also a notice of Ojeda
by Navarrete in his _Opúsculos_, i. 113.

[633] [On this see note on p. 7 of the present volume.—ED.]

[634] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 12, _note_ 1.

[635] _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 525.

[636] Page 117, ed. 1532. For other references to this voyage, see
Peter Martyr (dec. i. chap. viii.), whose account is based on the
above; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. v.; Navarrete, _Coleccion_,
iii. 11-18, 540-542; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 220; Bancroft,
_Central America_, i. 111; Irving, _Companions_, pp. 28-32.

[637] Chapters cxii. and cxiii. In Latin in Grynæus, p. 119, edition of
1532.

[638] Varnhagen, _Examen de quelques points de l’histoire géographique
du Brésil_, pp. 19-24; Varnhagen, _Historia geral do Brazil_ (2d ed.),
i. 78-80.

[639] Cf. Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 19, _note_. Humboldt (_Examen
critique_, i. 313) says that Vicente Yañez saw the coast forty-eight
days before Cabral left Lisbon. As to the exact date of Vicente Yañez’
landfall, the _Paesi novamente_ (chap. cxii.) gives it as January
20, while Peter Martyr (dec. i. chap. ix.), who usually follows the
_Paesi novamente_, in his description of this and of the Guerra and
Niño voyages gives it as “Septimo kalendas Februarii,” or January 26.
But the difference is unimportant. [Cf. further the section on the
“Historical Chorography of South America,” in which the question is
further examined.—ED.]

[640] Navarrete, iii. 547 _et seq._

[641] See also Navarrete, _Notice chronologique_, in _Quatre voyages_,
i. 349, and Humboldt, Introduction to Ghillany’s _Behaim_, p. 2,
where he says, in the description of the La Cosa map, that Cabo de S.
Augustin, whose position is very accurately laid down on that map,
was first called Rostro Hermoso, Cabo Sta. Maria de la Consolacion,
and Cabo Sta. Cruz. In this he is probably correct; for if Vicente
Yañez or Lepe did not discover it, how did La Cosa know where to place
it?—unless he revised his map after 1500. This is not likely, as the
map contains no hint of the discoveries made during his third voyage
undertaken with Rodrigo de Bastidas in 1500-1502. Cf. Stevens, _Notes_,
p. 33, note.

[642] Cf. two _Real provisions_ of date Dec. 5. 1500, in Navarrete,
iii. 82, 83; and see also a _Capitulacion_ and _Asiento_ of date Sept.
5, 1501, in _Documentos inéditos_, xxx. 535. Other references to this
voyage are,—Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. vi.; Navarrete, iii. 18-23;
Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 221; Bancroft, _Central America_, i.
112; and Irving, _Companions_, pp. 33-41.

[643] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 552-555.

[644] Ibid., iii. 552.

[645] Ibid., iii. 80, 81.

[646] _Capitulacion_, etc., Sept. 14, 1501 (_Documentos inéditos_,
xxxi. 5); _Cédulas_, November, 1501 (_Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 100,
102); another cédula of January, 1502 (_Documentos inéditos_, xxxi.
119). See also Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. vii.; Navarrete, iii. 23,
594; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, i. 314, iv. 221; Bancroft, _Central
America_, i. 113; and Irving, _Companions_, p. 42.

[647] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 5, and _note_, and p. 539; Humboldt,
_Examen critique_, i. 88, and _note_. [Cf. the section in the present
volume on “The Early Maps of the Spanish and Portuguese Discoveries,”
_ante_, p. 106.—ED.]

[648] Cf. _Voyage aux régions équinoxiales du nouveau continent fait en
1799, 1800, 1801, 1802, 1803, et 1804, par Alexandre de Humboldt et A.
Bonpland, rédigé par Alexandre de Humboldt, avec un atlas géographique
et physique_ (8 vols.), Paris, 1816-1832. Translated into English by
Helen Maria Williams, and published as _Personal Narrative of Travels
to the Equinoctial Regions_, etc. (7 vols.), London, 1818-1829. There
is another translation, with the same title, by Thomassina Ross (7
vols.), London, 1818-1829, of which a three-volume edition was brought
out in 1852.

[649] _Examen critique de l’histoire de la géographie du nouveau
continent_, etc., par A. de Humboldt, Paris, 1836-1839. This was first
published in _Voyage de Humboldt et Bonpland_. Cf. _Bibliography of
Humboldt_, vol. iii.

[650] (1) With Columbus—September, 1493 to June, 1496. (2) With
Ojeda—May, 1499 to June, 1500. (3) With Bastidas—October, 1500 to
September, 1502. (4) In command—1504 to 1506. (5) In command—1507 to
1508. (6) With Ojeda—1509. Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 163;
also Navarrete, _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 208.

[651] [See further on the La Cosa map, Vol. III. of the present
_History_, p. 8, and the present volume, p. 106, where fac-similes and
sketches are given.—ED.]

[652] Answers to the sixth question (_Coleccion_, iii. 545), reviewed
by the editor on pp. 591 and 592 of the same volume.

[653] _Documentos inéditos_, ii. 362. It was partially translated in
Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 186, _note_.

[654] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, ii. 416.

[655] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 230.

[656] _Título_ (1502, April 3), _Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 129.

[657] _Documentos inéditos_, ii. 366.

[658] Ibid., xxxvii. 459.

[659] Oviedo, i. 76, and ii. 334; Las Casas, iii. 10. Something may
also be found in Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. xiv., and in Navarrete,
_Coleccion_, iii. 25; Quintana, _Obras completas_ in _Biblioteca de
autores Españoles_, xix. 281; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, i. 360, iv.
224; Helps, i. 281; and Irving, _Companions_, p. 43-45.

[660] Vol. i. pp. 114, 183-194.

[661] Cf. _Early American Chroniclers_, p. 44.

[662] _Chroniclers_, p. 44.

[663] [There is a further estimate in another part of the present
work.—ED.]

[664] _Coleccion_, pp. 28, 168, 591; see also Humboldt, _Examen
critique_, i. 360, and iv. 226; and Irving, _Companions_, pp. 46-53.

[665] _Coleccion_, iii. 85.

[666] Ibid., iii. 89.

[667] Ibid., iii. 91.

[668] Ibid., iii. 103, 105-107.

[669] Ibid., ii. 420-436.

[670] _Tierra de riego_, Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 32.

[671] Navarrete, iii. 32, _note_ 3. In this note he mentions Enciso’s
_Suma de geografía_ as an authority.

[672] _Central America_, i. 339, _note_.

[673] Navarrete, _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 432; but see also
Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 192, _note_.

[674] Irving, _Companions_, pp. 126-129. See _Memorial que dió el
bachiller Enciso de lo ejecutado por el en defensa de los Reales
derechos en la materia de los indios, in Documentos inéditos_, i. 441.
This document contains, pp. 442-444, the celebrated _requerimiento_
which Pedrárias was ordered to read to the natives before he seized
their lands. A translation is in Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 397,
_note_. It may also be found in Oviedo, iii. 28. Bancroft in the above
note also indicates the depositary of the _requerimiento_ drawn up for
the use of Ojeda and Nicuesa. With regard to this Cenú expedition, see
also Enciso, _Suma de geografía_, p. 56.

[675] Cited in this chapter as _Documentos inéditos_. [See further on
this collection in the Introduction to the present volume.—ED.]

[676] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 109; and see also _Biblioteca
marítima española_, ii. 210, 211.

[677] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 220.

[678] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 161.

[679] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 360.

[680] Ibid., xxxi. 250.

[681] _Coleccion_, iii. 169.

[682] _Coleccion_, iii. 162.

[683] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 46; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv.
228; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 6, chap. xvii. But this discovery is denied
by Harrisse.

[684] “Collector of penalties.” Cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 473.

[685] [The bibliographical history of Oviedo’s writings is given in the
note following the chapter on Las Casas. Harrisse, who gives a chapter
on Oviedo in his _Christophe Colomb_, p. 97, points out how rarely he
refers to original documents.—ED.]

[686] _Real cédula por la cual, con referencia á lo capitulado con
Diego de Nicuesa y Alonso de Hojeda, y al nombramiento de ámbos por
cuatro años para gobernadores de Veragua el primero y de Urabá et
segundo, debiendo ser Teniente suyo Juan de la Cosa, se ratifica
el nombramiento á Hojeda_ (June 9, 1508), Navarrete, _Coleccion_,
iii. 116; in the original spelling, and bearing date May 9, 1508, in
_Documentos inéditos_, xxxii. 25. The “_capitulado_” mentioned in the
above title is in _Documentos inéditos_, xxxii. 29-43, and is followed
by the _Real cédula para Xoan de la Cossa sea capitan e gobernador por
Alhonso Doxeda; e en las partes donde esthobiere el dicho Doxeda su
Lugar Thiniente_ (June 9, 1508); and see also _Capitulacion que se toma
con Diego de Nicuesa y Alonso de Ojeda_ (June 9, 1508), _Documentos
inéditos_, xxii. 13.

[687] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 118; _Documentos inéditos_, xxxii.
46; and see also Ibid., p. 52.

[688] _Cédula_, _Documentos inéditos_, xxxii. 51.

[689] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 386 and note; probably presented in
1516. Cf. _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 666.

[690] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 529, 533.

[691] Ibid., xxxii. 101.

[692] Ibid., xxxii. 103.

[693] Ibid., xxxii. 231, 236, 240, 257.

[694] See document of October 5, 1511, in Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii.
120, and of Oct. 6, 1511, in _Documentos inéditos_, xxxii. 284.

[695] Other references are Oviedo, ii. 421; Las Casas, iii. 289-311;
Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chap. i.; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 7, chaps. vii.,
xi., xiv.-xvi., and lib. 8, iii.-v.; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 170;
Quintana, _U. S._, pp. 281, 301; Helps, i. 287-296; Bancroft, _Central
America_, i. 289-301; Irving, _Companions_, pp. 54-102.

[696] See, however, on the career of Nicuesa after leaving Cartagena
the following authorities: Oviedo, ii. 465-477; Las Casas, iii.
329-347; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chaps. ii.-iii.; Herrera, dec. i.
lib. 7, chap. xvi., and lib. 8, chaps. i.-iii. and viii.; _Vidas de
Españoles célebres_ in vol. xix. of _Biblioteca de autores Españoles,
obras completas del Excímo Sr. D. Manuel José Quintana_, p. 283; Helps,
i. 303-317; Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 289-308, and 336, _note_;
Irving, _Companions_, pp. 103-117, 138-146.

[697] Cf. Navarrete, _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 409.

[698] Quintana, _U. S._, pp. 281-300.

[699] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 358-375.

[700] _Narrative ... of Pascual de Andagoya_, translated by C. R.
Markham for the Hakluyt Society, 1865, Introduction, pp. iii, xix.

[701] Oviedo, iii. 4-21; Las Casas, iii. 312-328, iv. 66-134; Peter
Martyr, dec. ii. chaps. iii.-vi., dec. iii. chap. i.; Herrera, dec.
i. lib. 9 and 10, with the exception of chap. vii. of book 10, which
relates to Pedrárias, and of a few other chapters with regard to the
affairs of Velasquez, etc.; Galvano, Hakluyt Society ed., p. 124;
Helps, i. 321-352, and chap. iv. of his _Pizarro_; Bancroft, _Central
America_, i. 129, 133, 330-385, 438; and _Mexico_, iii. 558; Irving,
_Companions_, pp. 136-212 and 254-276; Ruge, _Geschichte des Zeitalters
der Entdeckungen_, p. 347.

[702] Cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 364, _note_. Irving unluckily
followed Peter Martyr, as Bancroft shows. [Humboldt is inclined to
magnify the significance of the information which Columbus in his
third voyage got, as looking to a knowledge, by the Spaniards, of the
south sea as early as 1503. Cf. his _Relation historique du voyage aux
régions équinoxiales_, iii. 703, 705, 713; _Cosmos_, Eng. tr. (Bohn),
ii. 642; _Views of Nature_ (Bohn), p. 432.—ED.]

[703] _Coleccion_, iii. 337-342.

[704] Ibid., iii. 342-355.

[705] Ibid., iii. 355.

[706] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxvii. 282.

[707] Ibid., ii. 526; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 375. Cf. Navarrete’s
_nota_ on the credibility of Vasco Nuñez in Ibid., p. 385. Portions of
this letter have been translated by Markham in the notes to pages 1 and
10 of Andagoya’s _Narrative_, published by the Hakluyt Society.

[708] Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. xiii. no. 56,338; also vol. x. no.
41,604.

[709] Letter from the King to Pedrárias, Sept. 23, 1514 (_Documentos
inéditos_, xxxvii. 285); to Alonso de la Fuente, nuestro Thesoréro de
Castilla del Oro, same date (_Doc. in._, p. 287); to other officials
(_Doc. in._, p. 289); to Vasco Nuñez (_Doc. in._, p. 290). See also
some extracts printed in the same volume, pp. 193-197.

[710] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxvii. 5-75.

[711] Ibid., xx. 5-119.

[712] _Carta de Alonso de la Puente_ [_thesoréro_ of Tierra-Firme]
_y Diego Marquez_, 1516 (_Documentos inéditos_, ii. 538); _Carta al
Mr. de Zevres el lycenciado Çuaço_, 1518 (_Documentos inéditos_, i.
304). _Alonso do Çuaço_, or _Zuazo_, was j_uez de Residencia en Santo
Domingo_. Cf. _Documentos inéditos_, i. 292, _note_.

[713] _Relacion de los sucesos de Pedrárias Dávila en las provincias de
Tierra firme ó Castilla del oro, y de lo occurido en el descubrimiento
de la mar del Sur y costas del Perú y Nicaragua, escrita por el
Adelantado Pascual de Andagoya_, in Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii.
393-456. The portion bearing on the events described in this chapter
ends at page 419. This has been translated and edited with notes, a
map, and introduction by Clements R. Markham, in a volume published by
the Hakluyt Society, London, 1865. [Cf. chapter on Peru, and the paper
on Andagoya by Navarrete in his _Opúsculos_, i. 137.—ED.]

[714] Cf. Navarrete, _Noticia biográfica del Adelantado Pascual de
Andagoya_, _Coleccion_, iii. 457; also _Biblioteca marítima española_,
ii. 519; and Markham’s translation of Andagoya’s _Relacion_, pp.
xx.-xxx.

[715] [See the bibliography of Herrera on p. 67, ante.—ED.]

[716] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxvii. 311.

[717] See also Oviedo, iii. 21-51, 83 _et seq._; Las Casas, iv.
135-244; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chap. vii. dec. iii. chaps. i.-iii.,
v., vi., and x., and dec. v. chap. ix.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 1, 2, 3,
dec. iii. lib. 4, 5, 8, 9, and 10 _passim_; Quintana, _U. S._, p. 294;
Helps, i. 353-388; Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 386-431; Irving,
_Companions_, pp. 212-276.

[718] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxvii. 215-231.

[719] Oviedo, iii. 56; Las Casas, iv. 230-244; Peter Martyr, dec. iv.
chap. ix.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 2, chaps. xiii., xv., and xxi.;
Quintana, _U. S._, pp. 298-299; Helps, i. 389-411; Bancroft, _Central
America_, i. 432-459; Irving, _Companions_, pp. 259-276. Cf. Manuel M.
De Peralta, _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en el siglo XVI_. (Madrid,
1883), pp. ix, 707, for documents relating to Pedrárias in Costa Rica
and Nicaragua, and p. 83 for Diego Machuca de Zuazo’s letter to the
Emperor, written from Granada, May 30, 1531, referring to the death of
Pedrárias.

[720] _Documentos inéditos_, xiv. 5, partly translated in Bancroft,
_Central America_, i. 480, _note_.

[721] Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 481, _note_.

[722] _Documentos inéditos_, xiv. 20.

[723] Ibid., xiv. 25.

[724] Ibid., xiv. 47.

[725] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 413-418; Markham’s translation, pp.
31-38; see also Oviedo, iii. 65 _et seq._; Las Casas, v. 200 _et seq._;
Peter Martyr, dec. vi. chaps. ii.-viii.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 3,
chap. xv. and lib. 4 etc., dec. iii. lib. 4, chaps. v. and vi.; Helps,
iii. 69-76.

[726] Cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 483, _note_. [See the
Introduction to the present volume.—ED.]

[727] _Central America_, i. 478-492, 512-521, and 527-538. This letter,
which is dated at Santo Domingo (March 6, 1524), has since been printed
in Peralta’s _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en el Siglo XVI_. (Madrid,
1883), p. 3, where is also (p. 27) his _Itinerario_, beginning “21 de
Enero de 1522.”

[728] For Esquivel and Jamaica, see Herrera, dec. i. lib. 8, chap.
v.; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 171. For Ocampo’s voyage, Oviedo, i.
495; Las Casas, iii. 210; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 7, chap. i.; Stevens’s
_Notes_, p. 35; Helps, i. 415, and ii. 165.

[729] See also Herrera, dec. i. lib. 9, chaps. iv., vii., and xv.;
also lib. 10, chap. viii.; Helps, i. 415-432, and _Vida de Cortés_ in
Icazbalceta, _Coleccion ... para la historia de México_, i. 319-337.
[There is a little contemporary account of the conquest of Cuba in the
Lenox Library, _Provinciæ ... noviter reperta in ultima navigatione_,
which seems to be a Latin version of a Spanish original now lost
(_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 101). On the death of Velasquez, see _Magazine
of American History_, i. 622, 692.—ED.]

[730] _Coleccion_, iii. 53.

[731] Oviedo, i. 497; Las Casas, iv. 348-363; Peter Martyr, dec.
iv. chap. i.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 2, chap. xvii.; Navarrete,
_Coleccion_, iii. 53; Cogolludo, _Historia de Yucatan_, 3; Prescott,
_Mexico_, i. 222; Helps, ii. 211-217; Bancroft, _Central America_, i.
132, and _Mexico_, i. 5-11.

[732] [Cf. the chapter on Cortés.—ED.]

[733] _History of Mexico_, i. 7, _note_ 4.

[734] Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 5, 6, _notes_.

[735] _Memorial del negocio de D. Antonio Velasquez de Bazan_, etc.,
_Documentos Inéditos_, x. 80-86; this extract is on p. 82.

[736] _Historia verdadera_, chaps. viii.-xiv.

[737] _Historia general_, i. 502-537.

[738] As to the identity of Juan Diaz, see note to Bernal Diaz,
_Historia verdadera_, ed. of 1632, folio 6; Oviedo, i. 502; Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. 31, chap. i. As to his future career, see Bancroft,
_Mexico_, ii. 158 and _note_ 5. The full title of this account of
Juan Diaz is: _Itinerario del armata del Re catholico in India verso
la isola de Iuchathan del anno M.D.XVIII. alla qual fu presidente &
capitan generale Ioan de Grisalva: el qual e facto per el capellano
maggior de dicta armata a sua altezza_.

[739] [A copy of this, which belonged to Ferdinand Columbus, is in the
Cathedral Library at Seville. The book is so scarce that Muñoz used a
manuscript copy; and from Muñoz’ manuscript the one used by Prescott
was copied. Maisonneuve (1882 _Catalogue_, no. 2,980) has recently
priced a copy at 600 francs. There is a copy in the Carter-Brown
Library (_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 65), and was sold the present year
in the Court sale (no. 362). It was reprinted in 1522, 1526 (Murphy,
no, 2,580), and 1535,—the last priced by Maisonneuve (no. 2,981) at
400 francs. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 98, 114, 137, 205,
and _Additions_, no. 59. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (i. 119) puts
a Venice edition, without date, under 1536. Ternaux gives a French
translation in his _Relations et mémoires_, vol. x. Icazbalceta has
given a Spanish version from the Italian, together with the Italian
text, in his _Coleccion de documentos para la historia de México_, i.
281; also see his introduction, p. xv. He points out the errors of
Ternaux’s version. Cf. Bandelier’s “Bibliography of Yucatan” in _Amer.
Antiq. Soc. Proc._ (October, 1880), p. 82. Harrisse in his _Bibl. Amer.
Vet., Additions_, no. 60, cites a _Lettera mādata della insula de
Cuba_, 1520, which he says differs from the account of Juan Diaz.—ED.]

[740] Las Casas, iv. 421-449. Other references to this voyage
are,—Peter Martyr, dec. iv. chaps. iii. and iv.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib.
3, chaps. i., ii., ix., x., and xi.; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 55;
Cogolludo, _Historia de Yucathan_, p. 8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, iv. 50;
Helps, ii. 217; Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 132; and _Mexico_, PP.
15-35.

[741] This map has seemingly some relation to a map, preserved in the
Propaganda at Rome, of which mention is made by Thomassy, _Les papes
géographes_, p. 133.

[742] See notes following chap. vi.

[743] Yucatan seems to have been first named, or its name at least
was first recorded, as Yuncatan by Bartholomew Columbus (_Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, p. 471). There are various theories regarding the origin of the
name. Cf. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 11, 12; Prescott, _Mexico_, i. 223.
A new Government map of Yucatan was published in 1878 (_Magazine of
American History_, vol. iii. p. 295).

[744] As given by Kunstmann. See Vol. IV. p. 36 of the present work.

[745] See notes following chap. vi.

[746] See _ante_, p. 218.

[747] See _ante_, p. 43.

[748] See _ante_, p. 127.

[749] See Vol. IV. p. 26.

[750] See _post_, p. 221.

[751] See Vol. III. p. 11.

[752] See _post_, p. 223.

[753] See Vol. IV. p. 42.

[754] Cf. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 21; Valentini in _Magazine of American
History_, iii. 295, who supposes that the land usually thought to
be an incomplete Cuba in Ruysch’s map of 1508 (p. 115, _ante_) is
really Yucatan, based on the results of the so-called first voyage
of Vespucius, and that its seven Latin names correspond to a part of
the nineteen Portuguese names which are given on the western shore of
the so-called Admiral’s map of the Ptolemy of 1513 (p. 112, _ante_).
Peschel (_Geschichte der Erdkunde_, 1865, p. 235) also suggests that
this map is the work of Vespucius.

[755] Page 43. The best reproduction of it is in Kohl’s _Die beiden
ältesten General-Karten von Amerika_; and there is another fac-simile
in Santarem’s _Atlas_, no. xiv. Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, ii.
184, and his preface to Ghillany’s _Behaim_; Harrisse, _Cabots_, pp.
69, 172; Murr, _Memorabilia bibliothecarum_ (Nuremberg, 1786), ii.
97; Lindenau, _Correspondance de Zach_ (October, 1810); Lelewel,
_Géographie du moyen-âge_, ii. 110; 110; _Ocean Highways_ (1872).

[756] _Les papes géographes_, p. 118.

[757] See Vol. IV. p. 38.

[758] Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iii. 184; _Gazetta letteraria
universale_ (May, 1796), p. 468; Santarem in _Bulletin de la Société de
Géographie_ (1847), vii. 310, and in his _Recherches sur la découverte
des pays au-delà du Cap-Bojador_, pp. xxiii and 125; Murr, _Histoire
diplomatique de Behaim_, p. 26; Lelewel, _Géographie du moyen-âge_, ii.
166.

[759] See _ante_, p. 92.

[760] One hundred copies issued.

[761] Dr. J. Chavanne in _Mittheilungen der k. k. geographischen
Gesellschaft in Wien_ (1875), p. 485; A. Steinhauser in Ibid., p.
588; _Petermann’s Mittheilungen_ (1876), p. 52; Malte-Brun in the
_Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_ (1876), p. 625; Dr.
Franz Wieser’s “Der Portulan des Infanten und nachmaligen Königs
Philipp II. von Spanien,” printed in the _Sitzungsberichte der
philosophisch-historischen Classe der kaiserlichen Akademie der
Wissenschaften in Wien_, lxxxii. 541 (March, 1876), and also printed
separately.

[762] _Cabots_, p. 168.

[763] See Vol. III. p. 19

[764] _Catalogue_, no. 349, p. 1277.

[765] Cf. Vincenzo Promis, _Memoriale di Diego Colombo con nota sulla
bolla di Alessandro VI_. (Torino, 1869), p. 11; Heinrich Wuttke, “Zur
Geschichte der Erdkunde in der letzten Hälfte des Mittelalters,” in the
_Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_ (1870), vol. vi.
and vii. p. 61, etc.; Wieser, _Der Portulan_, etc., p. 15.

[766] Vol. IV. p. 26.

[767] Vol. III. p. 17.

[768] See _post_, p. 432.

[769] Vol. III. p. 11.

[770] Vol. IV. p. 46.

[771] Vol. IV. p. 40.

[772] Kohl, ignorant of the Peter Martyr map of 1511 (see p. 110),
mistakes in considering that the map must be assigned to a date later
than 1530, for the reason that the Bermudas are shown in it.

[773] This may be the map referred to by R. H. Schomburgk in his
_Barbadoes_ (London, 1848), as being in the British Museum, to which
it was restored in 1790, after having been in the possession of Edward
Harley and Sir Joseph Banks.

[774] See Vol. IV. p. 41.

[775] See _ante_, p. 177.

[776] See Vol. IV. p. 42.

[777] Cf. Schomburgk’s _Barbadoes_, p. 256.

[778] See “Hist. Chorography of S. America.”

[779] See Vol. IV. p. 43, and fac-simile given in “Hist. Chorography of
South America.”

[780] See “Hist. Chorography of S. America.”

[781] Figured in the _Jahrbuch des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_,
1870.

[782] See _post_, p. 433.

[783] See _post_, p. 450.

[784] See _post_, p. 438.

[785] See Vol. IV. p. 93.

[786] See Vol. IV. p. 79.

[787] See _post_, p. 449.

[788] See Vol. IV. pp. 94, 373.

[789] See Vol. IV. p. 95.

[790] See Vol. IV. p. 96.

[791] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 97.

[792] Harrisse, _Jean et Sebastien Cabot, leur origine et leurs
voyages_ (Paris, 1882), pp. 97-104. The Cabot claim appears in Peter
Martyr, _Decades_ (Basle, 1533), dec. iii. lib. 6, folio 55; Ramusio,
_Viaggi_ (1550-1553), tom. i. folio 414; Jacob Ziegler, _Opera varia_
(Argentorati, 1532), folio xcii. [Cf. the present _History_ Vol. III.
chap. i., where it is shown that the person not named by Ramusio was
Gian Giacomo Bardolo.—ED.]

[793] _Historical Magazine_, 1860, p. 98. Varnhagen ascribes the names
of the Cantino and subsequent Ptolemy maps to Vespucius. The name
Paria near Florida seems certainly to have come from this source. [The
question of this disputed voyage is examined in chapter ii. of the
present volume.—ED.]

[794] James Carson Brevoort, _Verrazano the Navigator_, p. 72.

[795] Harrisse, _Les Corte-Real et leurs voyages au Nouveau Monde_, pp.
111, 151. [The Cantino map is sketched on p. 108.—ED.]

[796] _P. Martyris Angli Mediolanensis opera. Hispali Corumberger_,
1511. [A fac-simile of this map in given on p. 110.—ED.]

[797] King to Ceron and Diaz, Aug. 12, 1512.

[798] Las Casas was certainly mistaken in saying that Ponce de Leon
gave the name Bimini to Florida; the name was in print before it
appears in connection with him, and is in his first patent before he
discovered or named Florida (Las Casas, _Historia de las Indias_, lib.
ii. chap. xx., iii. p. 460).

[799] _Capitulacion que el Ray concedió á Joan Ponce de Leon para que
vaya al descubrimiento de la ysla de Bemini. Fecha en Burgos a xxiij de
hebrero de Dxij a^o._

[800] Letter of the King to Ceron and Diaz, Aug. 12, 1512; the King to
Ponce de Leon, and letter of the King, Dec. 10, 1512, to the officials
in the Indies.

[801] The King, writing to the authorities in Española July 4, 1513,
says: “Alegrome de la ida de Juan Ponce á Biminy; tened cuidado de
proveerle i avisadme de todo.”

[802] _Memoir on a Mappemonde by Leonardo da Vinci_ communicated to
the Society of Antiquaries by R. H. Major, who makes its date between
1513 and 1519,—probably 1514. The _Ptolemy_ printed at Basle 1552
lays down Terra Florida and Ins. Tortucarum, and the map in Girava’s
_Cosmography_ shows Florida and Bacalaos; but the B. de Joan Ponce
appears in _La geografia di Clavdio Ptolomeo Alessandrino_, Venice,
1548. [A fac-simile of the sketch accredited to Da Vinci is given on p.
126.—ED.]

[803] _Asiento y capitulacion que se hizo demas con Joan Ponce de Leon
sobre la ysla Binini y la ysla Florida_, in the volume of _Asientos y
capitulaciones_(1508-1574), Royal Archives at Seville, in _Coleccion de
documentos inéditos_, xxii. pp. 33-38.

[804] _Cédula_ to the Jeronymite Fathers, July 22, 1517 (_Coleccion de
documentos inéditos_, xi. 295-296). One of these surreptitious voyages
was made by Anton de Alaminos as pilot (Ibid., pp. 435-438). [See
_ante_, p. 201, for the voyage of Alaminos.—ED.]

[805] Ponce de Leon to Charles V., Porto Rico, Feb. 10, 1521.

[806] Extracted from a letter of Ponce de Leon to the Cardinal of
Tortosa (who was afterward Pope Adrian VI.), dated at Porto Rico,
February 10, 1521.

[807] Herrera, dec. iii. book 1, chap. xiv.; Oviedo, lib. 36, chap. i.
pp. 621-623; Barcia, _Ensaio cronologico_, pp. 5, 6.

[808] Oviedo (edition of Amador de los Rios, ii. 143), gives in his
_Derrotero_, “la bahia que llaman de Miruelos” as west of Apalache Bay.
See Barcia’s _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 2.

[809] [The Córdoba of chap. iii. _ante_.—ED.]

[810] [See chap. vi. of the present volume.—ED.]

[811] The great river might be supposed to be the Rio Grande; but its
volume is scarcely sufficient to justify the supposition, while the
Mississippi is indicated on the map of his province with its name R.
del Espiritu Santo, evidently given by Garay.

[812] [See _ante_, p. 218.—ED.]

[813] [See chapter vi. of the present volume.—ED.]

[814] Testimony of Pedro de Quexos; Act of taking possession by Quexos.

[815] Testimony of Pedro de Quexos.

[816] Act of possession; Testimony of Aldana.

[817] Answer of Ayllon to Matienzo.

[818] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 69.

[819] Ibid., p. 153.

[820] _Cédula_, June 12, 1523.

[821] _Cédula_ given at Burgos.

[822] Interrogatories of Ayllon; Testimony of Quexos.

[823] Testimony of Alonzo Despinosa Cervantes and of Father Antonio de
Cervantes, O.S.D., in 1561. The date is clearly fixed after May 26, and
before June 9, as Ayllon testified on the former day, and on the latter
his procurator appeared for him. Navarrete is wrong in making him sail
about the middle of July (_Coleccion_, iii. 72).

[824] If Ayllon really reached the Jordan, this was the Wateree.

[825] [See Vol. III. p. 130.—ED.]

[826] See _ante_, p. 221; and references to reproductions, on p. 222.

[827] Duro, _Informe relativo a los pormenores de descubrimiento del
Nuevo Mundo_, Madrid, 1883. p. 266, where Cabot’s testimony in the
Colon-Pinzon suit is given.

[828] [See chapter vi. of this volume.—ED.]

[829] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xii. 86.

[830] “Aqui desembarco Panfilo de Narvaez.” Mappemonde of Sebastian
Cabot in Jomard. This map has always been supposed to be based on
Spanish sources; but owing to the strict prohibition of publication in
Spain, it was probably printed elsewhere, “in Brussels or Amsterdam, or
some such place,” as Gayangos thinks. It is seemingly engraved on wood
(Smith’s _Relation of Alvar Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca_, p. 56); or at least
some have thought so.

[831] Compare Cabeza de Vaca’s account, Oviedo, lib. 35, chap. i.-vii.,
pp. 582-618; and the French accounts of La Salle’s expedition,—Joutel
and Anastase Douay in Le Clercq, _Établissement de la Foi_, for the
animals and plants of the district.

[832] _Relaçam verdadeira_ (Evora, 1557), chaps. i.-vi., continued
in Smith’s translation, pp. 1-21; in Hakluyt’s Supplementary Volume
(London, 1812), pp. 695-712; and in Force’s _Tracts_. Rangel in Oviedo,
book xvii. chap. xxii. p. 546.

[833] Biedma’s _Relacion_ in Smith’s _Coleccion_, and his _Soto_, p.
231; _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, iii. 414-441.

[834] Cf. Buckingham Smith on “The Captivity of Ortis,” in the appendix
to his _Letter on De Soto_.

[835] Oviedo, i. 547.

[836] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xi.; Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 43-44;
Biedma, Ibid., 234.

[837] Oviedo, i. 554-557.

[838] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xii.-xv.; Biedma, _Relacion_; Smith’s
_Soto_, pp. 49-68, 236-241; Rangel in Oviedo, _Historia General_, i.
562.

[839] Oviedo, i. 563.

[840] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xv.-xvi.; Biedma, _Relacion_; Smith’s
_Soto_, pp. 66-77, 240-242; Rangel in Oviedo, i. 563-566.

[841] It is variously written also _Mavila_ and _Mavilla_.

[842] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chs. xvii.-xix.; Biedma, _Relacion_;
Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 80-90, 242-245.

[843] See Smith’s _Soto_, p. 90; Rangel in Oviedo, i. 569. The requiems
said years afterward to have been chanted over Soto’s body are
therefore imaginary. No Mass, whether of requiem or other, could have
been said or sung after the battle of Mauila.

[844] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xx.-xxi.; Biedma, _Relacion_; Smith’s
_Soto_, pp. 91-100, 246-248; Rangel in Oviedo, _Historia General_,
chap. xxviii. pp. 571-573.

[845] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xxii.; Biedma, _Relacion_, in Smith,
_Soto_, pp. 101-105, 249-250; Hakluyt; Rangel in Oviedo.

[846] Oviedo, p. 573.

[847] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xxiii., xxiv.; Biedma, _Relacion_,
in Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 106-117, 250-252; Hakluyt; Rangel in Oviedo.
Compare _Relacion_ of Coronado’s expedition in Smith’s _Coleccion_, p.
153.

[848] Rangel in Oviedo, i. 576.

[849] Oviedo, p. 577. Here, unfortunately, his abridgment of Rangel
ends. The contents of two subsequent chapters are given, but not the
text.

[850] _Relaçam verdad._, chaps. xxv.-xxx.; Biedma, _Relacion_, in
Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 118-149, 252-257.

[851] _Relaçam verdad._, chaps. xxxi.-xlii.; Biedma, _Relacion_, in
Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 150-196, 257-261.

[852] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 24; Gomara, _Hist. gen._, lib.
i. c. 45.

[853] Cf. Vol. IV. chap. 2.

[854] Documents printed in Smith’s _Coleccion_, pp. 103-118.

[855] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 24.

[856] Las Casas, _Destruccion de las Indias_. _De las provincias de la
Tierra Firme por la parte que se llama la Florida_,—a chapter written
partly before and partly after Moscoço’s arrival in Mexico. [See the
chapter on Las Casas, following the present one.—ED.]

[857] The best account of this affair is a “Relacion de la Florida
para el Ill^{mo} Señor Visorrei de la N^a España la qual trajo Fray
Greg^o de Beteta,” in Smith’s _Coleccion_, pp. 190-202. The first
part is by Cancer himself, the conclusion by Beteta. There are also
extant “Requirimentos y respuestas que pasaron en la Nao S^a Maria de
la Encina,” and the Minutes of discussions between the missionaries,
and the Captain’s order to his pilot and sailors. There is a somewhat
detailed sketch of Cancer’s life in Davila Padilla’s _Historia de
la fundacion de la Provincia de Santiago de México_, 1596, chapters
liv.-lvii., and a brief notice in Touron, _Histoire de l’Amérique_, vi.
81. Cf. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. 5, p. 112; Gomara, c. xlv.; Barcia,
_Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 25-26.

[858] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 26.

[859] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 28-29. “Don Luis Velasco a los
officiales de Sevilla,” Mexico, November, 1554. Farfan to same, Jan.
3, 1555. The vessels were wrecked at Cape Santa Elena, 9° N. Villafañe
was sent to rescue the survivors. Davila Padilla gives details in his
sketches of Fathers Diego de la Cruz, Juan de Mena, Juan Ferrer, and
Marcos de Mena.

[860] “The Viceroy has treated this matter in a most Christian
way, with much wisdom and counsel, insisting strenuously on their
understanding that they do not go to conquer those nations, nor do
what has been done in the discovery of the Indies, but to settle, and
by good example, with good works and with presents, to bring them to a
knowledge of our holy Faith and Catholic truth.”—FATHER PEDRO DE FERIA,
_Letter of March 3, 1559_.

[861] Alaman, _Disertaciones históricas_, vol. iii., apendice, p. 11.

[862] _Declaracion de Guido de Bazares de la Jornada que hizo á
descubrir las puertos y vaias q^e hai en la costa de la Florida_,
Feb. 1, 1559. A poor translation of this document is given in French
in Ternaux’ _Voyages_, vol. x., and a still worse one in English in
French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, etc., new series, ii.
236.

[863] _Relacion de Dn Luis de Velasco a S. M. Mexico_, Sept. 24, 1559.
This was written after receiving, on the 9th, the letters sent by
Tristan de Luna on the galleon. It is given in B. Smith’s _Coleccion_,
p. 10. See Davila Padilla, _Historia de la fundacion de la Provincia de
Santiago de México_ (Madrid, 1596), chaps. lviii.-lix., pp. 231-234.
Ichuse in some documents is written Ochuse.

[864] _Testimony of Cristóval Velasquez._

[865] Davila Padilla (p. 236) says August 20; but it was evidently
September.

[866] _Letter of Velasco_, Oct. 25, 1559, citing a letter of Tristan
de Luna. Said by Montalvan and Velasquez to have been one hundred and
fifty men, horse and foot, under Mateo de Sauce, the sergeant-major,
and Captain Christopher de Arellano, accompanied by Fathers
Annunciation and Salazar (_Testimony of Miguel Sanchez Serrano_). He
remained three months at Ichuse before he heard from Ypacana; and
though urged to go there, lingered five or six months more.

[867] _Letter of Tristan de Luna to the King_, Sept. 24, 1559, in
_Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xii. 280-283.

[868] _Letter of Velasco to Luna_, Oct. 25, 1559; Davila Padilla, book
i. chap. lxi. pp. 242-244.

[869] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 33-34; Davila Padilla, book i.
chap. lxii., pp. 245-246.

[870] Ochechiton, like Mississippi, means great river,—from _okhina_,
river; _chito_, great (Byington’s _Choctaw Definer_, pp. 79, 97).

[871] Testimony of soldiers.

[872] Davila Padilla, book i. chap. lxiii.-lxvi. pp. 247-265.

[873] These I take to be the Rio Manipacna and Rio Tome.

[874] Ceron, _Respuesta_, Sept. 16, 1560. Velasco, _Letter, Aug.
20-Sept. 3, 1560_; Davila Padilla, book i. p. 268.

[875] Davila Padilla, p. 270. The labors of Cancer and of Feria and his
companions are treated briefly in the _Relacion de la fundacion de la
Provincia de Santiago_, 1567. Cf. _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_,
v. 447.

[876] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 34-41; Davila Padilla, pp.
271-277.

[877] _Testimony of Velasquez and Miguel Sanchez Serrano._ The
expedition sent out by Tristan de Luna to occupy Santa Elena was
composed of three vessels, bearing one hundred men. The vessels were
scattered in a storm, and ran to Mexico and Cuba. After that Pedro
Menendez, who was in command of a fleet sailing from Vera Cruz,
was ordered to run along the Atlantic coast for a hundred leagues
above Santa Elena. _Letter of Velasco_, Sept. 3, 1560; _Testimony of
Montalvan_.

[878] _Testimonio de Francisco de Aguilar, escrivano que fue en la
jornada á la Florida con Angel de Villafañe Relacion del reconocimiento
que hizo el Capitan General Angel de Villafañe de la costa de la
Florida, y posesion que tomó ... desde 33° hasta 35°._ Testimony of
Montalvan, Velasquez, Serrano, etc. The Indian, however, may have been
found among a still more southerly tribe.

[879] A council held in Mexico of persons who had been in Florida
agreed that the royal order was based on accurate information (_Parecer
que da S. M. el conséjo de la Nueva España_, March 12, 1562). Tristan
de Luna sailed to Spain, and in a brief, manly letter solicited of the
King an investigation into his conduct, professing his readiness to
submit to any punishment if he was deemed deserving of it (_Memorial
que dió al Rey Don Tristan de Luna y Arellano dandole cuenta del suceso
de la jornada de la Florida_).

[880] There is a copperplate engraving of “Pedro Menendez de Aviles,
Natural de Avilés en Asturias, Comendador de la orden de Santiago,
Conquistador de la Florida, nombrado Gral de la Armada contra
Jnglaterra. Murió en Santander A^o 1574, á los 55, de edad.” Drawn by
Josef Camaron, engraved by Franco de Paula Marte, 1791 (7⅛ × 11⅜
inches). Mr. Parkman engraved the head for his _France in the New
World_, and Dr. Shea used the plate in his _Charlevoix_.

[881] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xxii. 242.

[882] “They burned it [Havana], with all the town and church, and
put to death all the inhabitants they found, and the rest fled to
the mountains; so that nothing remained in the town that was not
burned, and there was not an inhabitant left alive or dwelling there”
(_Memorial de Pedro Menendez de Aviles á S.M. sobre los agravios ...
que recivio de los oficiales de la casa de contratacion_, 1564).
Menendez was personally cognizant, as he sent a vessel and men from his
fleet to help restore the place.

[883] [Laudonnière’s account of this relief is translated in the
_Hawkins Voyages_ (p. 65), published by the Hakluyt Society. A project
of the English for a settlement on the Florida coast (1563), under
Stukely, came to nought. Cf. Doyle’s _English in America_, p. 55.—ED.]

[884] “En fermant ceste lettre i’ay eu certain aduis, comme dom Petro
Melandes se part d’Espagne, pour aller à la coste de la Nouvelle
Frāce; vous regarderez n’endurer qu’il n’entrepreine sur nous non
plus qu’il veut que nous n’entreprenions sur eux.” As Mr. Parkman
remarks, “Ribault interpreted this into a command to attack the
Spaniards.”—_Pioneers of France in the New World._

[885] _Relacion de Mazauegos. Relacion de lo subcedido en la Habana
cerca de la entrada de los Franceses._ Smith, _Coleccion_, p. 202.
_Relacion de los robos que corsarios franceses han hecho 1559-1571.
Relacion de los navios quo robaron franceses los años de 1559 y 1560._

[886] One was commanded by Captain Cossette (_Basanier_, p. 105).

[887] Letter of Menendez to the King, dated Province of Florida, Sept.
11, 1565. Mendoza Grajales, _Relacion de la jornada de P^o Menendez_,
1565.

[888] Letter of Menendez to the King, Oct. 15, 1565; Mendoza Grajales,
_Relacion_ in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_ (edited by Pacheco,
etc.), iii. 441-479.

[889] Mendoza Grajales, _Relacion_.

[890] Jacques de Sorie, in 1555, at Havana, after pledging his word
to spare the lives of the Spaniards who surrendered, put them and
his Portuguese prisoners to death; negroes he hung up and shot while
still alive (_Relacion de Diego de Mazauegos, MS._; Letter of Bishop
Sarmiento in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, v. 555). Priests,
especially those of religious Orders, met no mercy at the hands of the
French cruisers at this period, the most atrocious case being that of
the Portuguese Jesuit Father Ignatius Azevedo, captured by the French
on his way to Brazil with thirty-nine missionary companions, all of
whom were put to death, in 1570. In all my reading, I find no case
where the French in Spanish waters then gave quarter to Spaniards,
except in hope of large ransom. Two of the vessels found at Caroline
were Spanish, loaded with sugar and hides, captured near Yaguana by the
French, who threw all the crew overboard; and Gourgues, on reaching
Florida, had two barks, evidently captured from the Spaniards, as to
the fate of whose occupants his eulogists observe a discreet silence.

[891] This is the Spanish account of Solis de Meras. Lemoyne, who
escaped from Caroline, gives an account based on the statement of a
Dieppe sailor who made his way to the Indians, and though taken by the
Spaniards, fell at last into French hands. Challeux, the carpenter of
Caroline, and another account derived from Christophe le Breton, one of
those spared by Menendez, maintain that Menendez promised La Caille,
under oath and in writing to spare their lives if they surrendered.
This seems utterly improbable; for Menendez from first to last held to
his original declaration, “_el que fuere herege morira_.” Lemoyne is so
incorrect as to make this last slaughter take place at Caroline.

[892] Menendez to the King,—writing from Matanzas, Dec. 5, 1565; and
again from Havana, Dec. 12, 1565. Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 91.

[893] Juan de la Vandera, _Memoir_,—in English in _Historical
Magazine_, 1860, pp. 230-232, with notes by J. G. Shea, from the
original in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, iv. 560-566, and in
Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion_. There is also a version in B. F.
French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_ (1875), p.
289.

[894] Letter of Menendez, October 15, 1566, in Alcazar, _Chrono.
historia de la Compañía de Jesus en la provincia de Toledo_ (Madrid,
1710), vol. ii. dec. iii. año vi. cap. iii., translated by Dr. D. G.
Brinton in the _Historical Magazine_, 1861, p. 292.

[895] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 133.

[896] _La Reprise de la Floride_, etc. Garibay says briefly that they
went to Florida and destroyed and carried off the artillery of San
Mateo, and then menaced Havana (_Sucesos de la Isla de Santo Domingo_).

[897] _Parecer que da á S. M. la Audiencia de Nueva España_, Jan. 19,
1569. The fort at San Mateo was not immediately restored; a new fort,
San Pedro, was established at Tacatacuru (_Coleccion de documentos
inéditos_, xii. 307-308). Stephen de las Alas in 1570 withdrew the
garrisons, except fifty men in each fort,—a step which led to official
investigation (Ibid., xii. 309, etc.).

[898] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 137-146. For the Jesuit mission
in Florida, see Alegambe, _Mortes illustres_, pp. 44, etc.; Tanner,
_Societas militans_, pp. 447-451; Letter of Rogel, Dec. 9, 1570, in the
_Chrono. historia de la Compañia de Jesus en la Provincia de Toledo_,
by Alcazar (Madrid, 1710), ii. 145, translated by Dr. D. G. Brinton in
the _Historical Magazine_, 1861, p. 327, and chap. v. of his _Floridian
Peninsula_; Letter of Rogel, Dec. 2, 1569, MS.; one of Dec. 11, 1569,
in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xii. 301; one of Quiros and
Segura from Axacan, Sept. 12, 1570; Sacchini, _Historia Societatis
Jesu_, part iii., pp. 86, etc.

[Dr. Shea, in 1846, published a paper in the _United States Catholic
Magazine_, v. 604 (translated into German in _Die Katolische Kirche
in den V. S. von Nordamerika_, Regensburg, 1864, pp. 202-209), on the
Segura mission; and another in 1859 in the _Historical Magazine_,
iii. 268, on the Spanish in the Chesapeake from 1566 to 1573; and
his account of a temporary Spanish settlement on the Rappahannock in
1570 is given in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_, or the “Log Chapel on
the Rappahannock” in the _Catholic World_, March, 1875. Cf. present
_History_, Vol. III. p. 167, and a paper on the “Early Indian History
of the Susquehanna,” by A. L. Guss, in the _Historical Register; Notes
and Queries relating to the Interior of Pennsylvania_, 1883, p. 115 _et
seq._ De Witt Clinton, in a Memoir on the Antiquities of the Western
Parts of New York, published at Albany in 1820, expressed an opinion
that traces of Spanish penetration as far as Onondaga County, N. Y.,
were discoverable; but he omitted this statement in his second edition.
Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,718.—ED.]

[899] This officer, Fairbanks, in his misunderstanding of Spanish and
Spanish authorities, transforms into Marquis of Menendez!

[900] Barcia, _Ensayo cronológico_, pp. 146-151.

[901] _Historia general de las Indias_ (ed. 1601), dec. i. lib. ix.
cap. 10-12, p. 303 (313).

[902] _Historia general_ (1535), part i. lib. xix. cap. 15, p. clxii.

[903] [The Peter-Martyr map (1511) represents a land called Bimini
(“illa de Beimeni”—see _ante_ p. 110) in the relative position of
Florida. The fountain of perpetual youth, the search for which was
a part of the motive of many of these early expeditions, was often
supposed to exist in Bimini; but official documents make no allusion
to the idle story. Dr. D. G. Brinton (_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 99)
has collected the varying statements as to the position of this
fountain.—ED.]

[904] Oviedo, Madrid (1850), lib. xvi. cap. 11, vol. i. p. 482.

[905] _Primera y segunda parte de la historia general de las Indias_
(1553), cap. 45, folio xxiii.

[906] _Dos libros de cosmografia_ (Milan, 1556), p. 192.

[907] Bernal Diaz, _Historic verdadera_ (1632).

[908] _Cabeça de Vaca_, Washington, 1851. [It is also sketched _ante_,
p. 218.—ED.]

[909] _De insulis nuper inventis_ (Cologne, 1574), p. 349.

[910] _Ensayo cronológico para la historia general de la Florida,
por Don Gabriel de Cardenas y Cano_ [anagram for Don Andres Gonzales
Barcia], Madrid, 1723. [He includes under the word “Florida” the
adjacent islands as well as the main. Joseph de Salazars’ _Crísis del
ensayo cronológico_ (1725) is merely a literary review of Barcia’s
rhetorical defects. Cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 51.—ED.]

[911] Barcia, in the _Introduccion a el Ensayo cronológico_, pp.
26, 27, discusses the date of Ponce de Leon’s discovery. He refutes
Remesal, Ayeta, and Moreri, who gave 1510, and adopts the date 1512 as
given by the “safest historians,” declaring that Ponce de Leon went to
Spain in 1513. The date 1512 was adopted by Hakluyt, George Bancroft,
and Irving; but after Peschel in his _Geschichte des Zeitalters der
Entdeckungen_ called attention to the fact that Easter Sunday in 1512
did not fall on March 27, the date given by Herrera, without mentioning
the year, but that it did fall on that day in 1513, Kohl (_Discovery of
Maine_, p. 240), George Bancroft, in later editions, and others adopted
1513, without any positive evidence. But 1512 is nevertheless clung to
by Gravier in his “Route du Mississippi” (_Congrès des Américanistes_,
1878, i. 238), by Shipp in his _De Soto and Florida_, and by H. H.
Bancroft in his _Central America_ (vol. i. p. 128). Mr. Deane, in a
note to Hakluyt’s use of 1512 in the _Westerne Planting_ (p. 230),
says the mistake probably occurred “by not noting the variation which
prevailed in the mode of reckoning time.” The documents cited in
chapter iv. settle the point. The _Capitulacion_ under which Ponce de
Leon sailed, was issued at Burgos, Feb. 23, 1512. He could not possibly
by March 27 have returned to Porto Rico, equipped a vessel, and reached
Florida. The letters of the King to Ceron and Diaz, in August and
December 1512, show that Ponce de Leon, after returning to Porto Rico,
was prevented from sailing, and was otherwise employed. The letter
written by the King to the authorities in Española, July 4, 1513, shows
that he had received from them information that Ponce de Leon had
sailed in that year.

[912] _Coleccion_ (_Viages minores_), iii. 50-53.

[913] _Historia verdadera_ (1632), cap. vi. p. 4, _verso_.

[914] Duro, _Colon y Pinzon_, p. 268.

[915] Oviedo (ed. Amador de los Rios), lib. xxi. cap. 7, vol. ii.
p. 139; Herrera, _Historia general_, dec. ii. p. 63; Navarrete,
_Coleccion_, iii. 53; Barcia, _Ensayo cronológico_, p. 3; Peter Martyr,
dec. iv. cap. 1; Torquemada, i. 350; Gomara, folio 9; Icazbalceta,
_Coleccion_, i. 338.

[916] _Real cédula dando facultád á Francisco de Garay para poblar in
provincia de Amichel en la costa firme_, Burgos, 1521.

[917] _Coleccion_, iii. 147-153.

[918] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, ii. 558-567.

[919] _Decades_, dec. v. cap. 1.

[920] In his _Historia_.

[921] _Historia_, dec. ii. lib. x, cap. 18.

[922] [Cf. the bibliography of these letters in chap. vi. The notes in
Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_ are a good guide to the study of the
various Indian tribes of the peninsula at this time.—ED.]

[923] [Cf. chap. vi. of the present volume.—ED.]

[924] Vol. xxvi. pp. 77-135.

[925] Epis. June 20, 1524, in _Opus epistolarum_, pp. 471-476.

[926] _Historia_, lib. xxxiii. cap. 2, p. 263.

[927] _Historia_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. 5. Cf. also Barcia, _Ensayo
cronológico_, p. 8, and Galvano (Hakluyt Society’s ed.), pp. 133, 153.

[928] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, x. 40-47; and the “testimonio
de la capitulacion” in vol. xiv. pp. 503-516.

[929] Vol. xxxiv. pp. 563-567; xxxv. 547-562.

[930] Vol. iii. p. 69. His conjectures and those of modern writers
(Stevens, _Notes_, p. 48), accordingly require no examination. As
the documents of the first voyage name both 33° 30´ and 35° as the
landfall, conjecture is idle.

[931] Dec. ii. lib. xi. cap. 6. This statement is adopted by many
writers since.

[932] Pedro M. Marquez to the King, Dec. 12, 1586.

[933] Gomara, _Historia_, cap. xlii.; Herrera, _Historia_, dec. iii.
lib. v. cap. 5.

[934] Vol. ii. lib. xxi. cap. 8 and 9.

[935] Ecija, _Relacion del viage_ (June-September, 1609).

[936] Vol. iii. pp. 72-73. Recent American writers have taken another
view. Cf. Brevoort, _Verrazano_, p. 70; Murphy, _Verrazzano_, p. 123.

[937] _Historia_, lib. xxxvii. cap. 1-4, in vol. iii. pp. 624-633.

[938] _Documentos inéditos_, iii. 347.

[939] Galvano (Hakluyt Society’s ed., p. 144) gives the current account
of his day.

[940] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 28. The _capitulacion_ is given in the
_Documentos inéditos_, xxii. 74.

[941] [Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 239; Sabin, vol. iii. no.
9,767. There is a copy in the Lenox Library. Cf. the _Relacion_ as
given in the _Documentos inéditos_, vol. xiv. pp. 265-279, and the
“Capitulacion que se tomó con Panfilo de Narvaez” in vol. xxii. p.
224. There is some diversity of opinion as to the trustworthiness
of this narrative; cf. Helps, _Spanish Conquest_, iv. 397, and
Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 17. “Cabeça has left an artless
account of his recollections of the journey; but his memory sometimes
called up incidents out of their place, so that his narrative is
confused.”—BANCROFT: _History of the United States_, revised edition,
vol. i. p. 31.—ED.]

[942] The _Comentarios_ added to this edition were by Pero Hernandez,
and relate to Cabeza de Vaca’s career in South America.

[943] [There are copies of this edition in the Carter-Brown
(_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 197) and Harvard College libraries; cf.
Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,768. Copies were sold in the Murphy (no. 441),
Brinley (no. 4,360 at $34), and Beckford (_Catalogue_, vol. iii. no.
183) sales. Rich (no. 28) priced a copy in 1832 at £4 4_s._ Leclerc
(no. 2,487) in 1878 prices a copy at 1,500 francs; and sales have been
reported at £21, £25, £39 10_s._, and £42.—ED.]

[944] [Vol. i. no. 6. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 893; Field, _Indian
Bibliography_, no. 79.—ED.]

[945] [_Nova typis transacta navigatio Novi Orbis_, 1621. Ardoino’s
_Exámen apologético_ was first published separately in 1736
(_Carter-Brown_, iii. 545).—ED.]

[946] Vol. iii. pp. 310-330.

[947] Following the 1555 edition, and published in his _Voyages_, at
Paris.

[948] Vol. iv. pp. 1499-1556.

[949] [_Menzies Catalogue_, no. 315; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos.
227-229.—ED.]

[950] [Cf. Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 364.,—ED.]

[951] Printed by Munsell at Albany, at the charge of the late Henry
C. Murphy. [Dr. Shea added to it a memoir of Mr. Smith, and Mr. T. W.
Field a memoir of Cabeza de Vaca.—Ed.]

[952] [The writing of his narrative, not during but after the
completion of his journey, does not conduce to making the statements
of the wanderer very explicit, and different interpretations of his
itinerary can easily be made. In 1851 Mr. Smith made him cross the
Mississippi within the southern boundary of Tennessee, and so to pass
along the Arkansas and Canadian rivers to New Mexico, crossing the Rio
Grande in the neighborhood of thirty-two degrees. In his second edition
he tracks the traveller nearer the Gulf of Mexico, and makes him cross
the Rio Grande near the mouth of the Conchos River in Texas, which he
follows to the great mountain chain, and then crosses it. Mr. Bartlett,
the editor of the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (see vol. i. p. 188), who
has himself tracked both routes, is not able to decide between them.
Davis, in his _Conquest of New Mexico_, also follows Cabeza de Vaca’s
route. H. H. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, i. 63) finds no ground
for the northern route, and gives (p. 67) a map of what he supposes to
be the route. There is also a map in Paul Chaix’ _Bassin du Mississipi
au seizième siècle_. Cf. also L. Bradford Prince’s _New Mexico_ (1883),
p. 89.—ED.] The buffalo and mesquite afford a tangible means of fixing
the limits of his route.

[953] Including the petition of Narvaez to the King and the royal
memoranda from the originals at Seville (p. 207), the instructions to
the factor (p. 211), the instructions to Cabeza de Vaca (p. 218), and
the summons to be made by Narvaez (p. 215). Cf. French’s _Historical
Collections of Louisiana_, second series, ii. 153; _Historical
Magazine_, April, 1862, and January and August, 1867.

[954] Smith’s _Cabeça de Vaca_, p. 100; Torquemada (_Monarquia
Indiana_, 1723, iii. 437-447) gives Lives of these friars. Barcia says
Xuarez was made a bishop; but Cabeza de Vaca never calls him bishop,
but simply commissary, and the portrait at Vera Cruz has no episcopal
emblems. Torquemada in his sketch of Xuarez makes no allusion to his
being made a bishop. and the name is not found in any list of bishops.
We owe to Mr. Smith another contribution to the history of this region
and this time, in a _Coleccion de varios documentos para la historia
de la Florida y tierras adyacentes_,—only vol. i. of the contemplated
work appearing at Madrid in 1857. It contained thirty-three important
papers from 1516 to 1569, and five from 1618 to 1794; they are for the
most part from the Simancas Archives. This volume has a portrait of
Ferdinand V., which is reproduced _ante_, p. 85. Various manuscripts of
Mr. Smith are now in the cabinet of the New York Historical Society.

[955] Oviedo’s account is translated in the _Historical Magazine_,
xii. 141, 204, 267, 347. [H. H. Bancroft (_No. Mexican States_, i.
62) says that the collation of this account in Oviedo (vol. iii. pp.
582-618) with the other is very imperfectly done by Smith. He refers
also to careful notes on it given by Davis in his _Spanish Conquest
of New Mexico_, pp. 20-108. Bancroft (pp. 62, 63) gives various other
references to accounts, at second hand, of this expedition. Cf. also
L. P. Fisher’s paper in the _Overland Monthly_, x. 514. Galvano’s
summarized account will be found in the Hakluyt Society’s edition, p.
170.—ED.]

[956] Bancroft, _United States_, i. 27.

[957] _Cabeça de Vaca_, p. 58; cf. Fairbanks’s _Florida_, chap. ii.

[958] _Cabeça de Vaca_, pp. 20, 204.

[959] [Tampa is the point selected by H. H. Bancroft (_No. Mexican
States_, i. 60); cf. Brinton’s note on the varying names of Tampa
(_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 113).—ED.]

[960] B. Smith’s _De Soto_, pp. 47, 234.

[961] _Nouvelle France_, iii. 473.

[962] Barcia, p. 308. The Magdalena may be the Apalachicola, on
which in the last century Spanish maps laid down Echete; cf. Leroz,
_Geographia de la America_ (1758).

[963] The manuscript is in the Hydrographic Bureau at Madrid. The
Lisbon Academy printed it in their (1844) edition of the Elvas
narrative. Cf. Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 266-272; _Historical Magazine_, v.
42; _Documentos inéditos_, xxii. 534. [It is dated April 20, 1537. In
the following August Cabeza de Vaca reached Spain, to find that Soto
had already secured the government of Florida; and was thence turned to
seek the government of La Plata. It was probably before the tidings of
Narvaez’ expedition reached Spain that Soto wrote the letter regarding
a grant he wished in Peru, which country he had left on the outbreak
of the civil broils. This letter was communicated to the _Historical
Magazine_ (July, 1858, vol. ii. pp. 193-223) by Buckingham Smith, with
a fac-simile of the signature, given on an earlier page (_ante_, p.
253).—ED.]

[964] [Rich in 1832 (no. 34) cited a copy at £31 10_s._, which at
that time he believed to be unique, and the identical one referred
to by Pinelo as being in the library of the Duque de Sessa. There is
a copy in the Grenville Collection, British Museum, and another is
in the Lenox Library (B. Smith’s _Letter of De Soto_, p. 66). It was
reprinted at Lisbon in 1844 by the Royal Academy at Lisbon (Murphy,
no. 1,004; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 596). Sparks says of it: “There
is much show of exactness in regard to dates; but the account was
evidently drawn up for the most part from memory, being vague in its
descriptions and indefinite as to localities, distances, and other
points.” Field says it ranks second only to the Relation of Cabeza de
Vaca as an early authority on the Indians of this region. There was
a French edition by Citri de la Guette in 1685, which is supposed to
have afforded a text for the English translation of 1686 entitled _A
Relation of the Conquest of Florida by the Spaniards_ (see Field’s
_Indian Bibliography_, nos. 325, 340). These editions are in Harvard
College Library. Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, vi. 488, 491, 492; Stevens,
_Historical Collections_, i. 844; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no.
1,274; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 1,324, 1,329; Arana, _Bibliografía
de obras anónimas_ (Santiago de Chile, 1882), no. 200. The Gentleman of
Elvas is supposed by some to be Alvaro Fernandez; but it is a matter
of much doubt (cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 20). There is a
Dutch version in Gottfried and Vander Aa’s _Zee-und Landreizen_ (1727),
vol. vii. (Carter-Brown, iii. 117).—ED.]

[965] [Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 86; Murphy, no. 1,118. Rich (no. 110)
priced it in 1832 at £2 2_s._—ED.]

[966] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,338.

[967] [It is also in Vander Aa’s _Versameling_ (Leyden, 1706). The
_Relaçam_ of the Gentleman of Elvas has, with the text of Garcilasso
de la Vega and other of the accredited narratives of that day,
contributed to the fiction which, being published under the sober title
of _Histoire naturelle et morale des Iles Antilles_ (Rotterdam, 1658),
passed for a long time as unimpeached history. The names of César de
Rochefort and Louis de Poincy are connected with it as successive
signers of the introductory matter. There were other editions of it in
1665, 1667, and 1681, with a title-edition in 1716. An English version,
entitled _History of the Caribby Islands_, was printed in London in
1666. Cf. Duyckinck, _Cyclopædia of American Literature_, supplement,
p. 12; Leclerc, nos. 1,332-1,335, 2,134-2,137.—ED.]

[968] [A copy of the original Spanish manuscript is in the Lenox
Library.—ED.]

[969] _Recueil des pièces sur la Floride._

[970] In the volume already cited, including Hakluyt’s version of the
Elvas narrative. It is abridged in French’s _Historical Collections of
Louisiana_, apparently from the same source.

[971] Pages 47-64. Irving describes it as “the confused statement of an
illiterate soldier.” Cf. _Documentos inéditos_, iii. 414.

[972] [Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 42; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,815;
Leclerc, no. 881, at 350 francs; Field, _Indian Bibliography_ no. 587;
Brinley, no. 4,353. Rich (no. 102) priced it in 1832 at £2 2_s._—ED.]

[973] [Brinton (_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 23) thinks Garcilasso had
never seen the Elvas narrative; but Sparks (_Marquette_, in _American
Biography_, vol. x.) intimates that it was Garcilasso’s only written
source.—ED.]

[974] [Theodore Irving, _The Conquest of Florida by Hernando de
Soto_, New York, 1851. The first edition appeared in 1835, and there
were editions printed in London in 1835 and 1850. The book is a
clever popularizing of the original sources, with main dependence
on Garcilasso (cf. Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 765), whom its
author believes he can better trust, especially as regards the purposes
of De Soto, wherein he differs most from the Gentleman of Elvas.
Irving’s championship of the Inca has not been unchallenged; cf. Rye’s
Introduction to the Hakluyt Society’s volume. The Inca’s account is
more than twice as long as that of the Gentleman of Elvas, while
Biedma’s is very brief,—a dozen pages or so. Davis (_Conquest of New
Mexico_, p. 25) is in error in saying that Garcilasso accompanied De
Soto.—ED.]

[975] [There was an amended edition published by Barcia at Madrid in
1723 (Carter-Brown, iii. 328; Leclerc, no. 882, at 25 francs); again
in 1803; and a French version by Pierre Richelet, _Histoire de la
conquête de la Floride_, was published in 1670, 1709, 1711, 1731,
1735, and 1737 (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,050; vol. iii. nos. 132,
470; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 965). A German translation by H. L.
Meier, _Geschichte der Eroberung von Florida_, was printed at Zelle
in 1753 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 997) with many notes, and again
at Nordhausen in 1785. The only English version is that embodied in
Bernard Shipp’s _History of Hernando de Soto and Florida_ (p. 229,
etc.),—a stout octavo, published in Philadelphia in 1881. Shipp uses,
not the original, but Richelet’s version, the Lisle edition of 1711,
and prints it with very few notes. His book covers the expeditions to
North America between 1512 and 1568, taking Florida in its continental
sense; but as De Soto is his main hero, he follows him through his
Peruvian career. Shipp’s method is to give large extracts from the most
accessible early writers, with linking abstracts, making his book one
mainly of compilation.—ED.]

[976] _Letter of Hernando de Soto, and Memoir of Hernando de Escalante
Fontaneda._ [The transcript of the Fontaneda Memoir is marked by Muñoz
“as a very good account, although it is by a man who did not understand
the art of writing, and therefore many sentences are incomplete. On
the margin of the original [at Simancas] are points made by the hand
of Herrera, who doubtless drew on this for that part [of his _Historia
general_] about the River Jordan which he says was sought by Ponce de
Leon.” This memoir on Florida and its natives was written in Spain
about 1575. It is also given in English in French’s _Historical
Collection of Louisiana_ (1875), p. 235, from the French of Ternaux;
cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 26. The Editor appends various
notes and a comparative statement of the authorities relative to the
landing of De Soto and his subsequent movements, and adds a list of the
original authorities on De Soto’s expedition and a map of a part of the
Floridian peninsula. The authorities are also reviewed by Rye in the
Introduction to the Hakluyt Society’s volume. Smith also printed the
will of De Soto in the _Hist. Mag._ (May, 1861), v. 134.—ED.]

[977] [A memorial of Alonzo Vasquez (1560), asking for privileges
in Florida, and giving evidences of his services under De Soto, is
translated in the _Historical Magazine_ (September, 1860), iv. 257.—ED.]

[978] [Buckingham Smith has considered the question of De Soto’s
landing in a paper, “Espiritu Santo,” appended to his _Letter of De
Soto_ (Washington, 1854), p. 51.—ED.]

[979] [Colonel Jones epitomizes the march through Georgia in chap. ii.
of his _History of Georgia_ (Boston, 1883). In the _Annual Report_ of
the Smithsonian Institution, 1881, p. 619, he figures and describes two
silver crosses which were taken in 1832 from an Indian mound in Murray
County, Georgia, at a spot where he believed De Soto to have encamped
(June, 1540), and which he inclines to associate with that explorer.
Stevens (_History of Georgia_, i. 26) thinks but little positive
knowledge can be made out regarding De Soto’s route.—ED.]

[980] [Pages 25-41. Pickett in 1849 printed the first chapter of his
proposed work in a tract called, _Invasion of the Territory of Alabama
by One Thousand Spaniards under Ferdinand de Soto in 1540_ (Montgomery,
1849). Pickett says he got confirmatory information respecting the
route from Indian traditions among the Creeks.—ED.]

[981] “We are satisfied that the Mauvila, the scene of Soto’s bloody
fight, was upon the north bank of the Alabama, at a place now called
Choctaw Bluff, in the County of Clarke, about twenty-five miles above
the confluence of the Alabama and Tombigbee” (Pickett, i. 27). The name
of this town is written “Mauilla” by the Gentleman of Elvas, “Mavilla”
by Biedma, but “Mabile” by Ranjel. The _u_ and _v_ were interchangeable
letters in Spanish printing, and readily changed to _b_. (Irving,
second edition, p. 261).

[982] Bancroft, _United States_, i. 51; Pickett, Alabama, vol. i.;
Martin’s _Louisiana_, i. 12; Nuttall’s _Travels into Arkansas_ (1819),
p. 248; Fairbanks’s _History of Florida_, chap. v.; Ellicott’s
_Journal_, p. 125; Belknap, _American Biography_, i. 192. [Whether this
passage of the Mississippi makes De Soto its discoverer, or whether
Cabeza de Vaca’s account of his wandering is to be interpreted as
bringing him, first of Europeans, to its banks, when on the 30th of
October, 1528, he crossed one of its mouths, is a question in dispute,
even if we do not accept the view that Alonzo de Pineda found its mouth
in 1519 and called it Rio del Espiritu Santo (Navarrete, iii. 64). The
arguments pro and con are examined by Rye in the Hakluyt Society’s
volume. Cf., besides the authorities above named, French’s _Historical
Collections of Louisiana_; Sparks’s _Marquette_; Gayarré’s _Louisiana_;
Theodore Irving’s _Conquest of Florida_; Gravier’s _La Salle_, chap.
i., and his “Route du Mississipi” in _Congrès des Américanistes_
(1877), vol. i.; De Bow’s _Commercial Review_, 1849 and 1850; _Southern
Literary Messenger_, December, 1848; _North American Review_, July,
1847.—ED.]

[983] Jaramillo, in Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 160.

[984] [See chap. vii. on “Early Explorations of New Mexico.”—ED.]

[985] _Pioneers of France in the New World_; cf. Gaffarel, _La Floride
Française_, p. 341.

[986] There is a French version in Ternaux’ _Recueil de la Floride_,
and an English one in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana
and Florida_ (1875), ii. 190. The original is somewhat diffuse, but is
minute upon interesting points.

[987] Cf. Sparks, _Ribault_, p. 155; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, p.
20. Fairbanks in his _History of St. Augustine_ tells the story, mainly
from the Spanish side.

[988] Edited by Charles Deane for the Maine Historical Society, pp. 20,
195, 213.

[989] _Life of Ribault_, p. 147.

[990] [This original English edition (a tract of 42 pages) is extremely
scarce. There is a copy in the British Museum, from which Rich had
transcripts made, one of which is now in Harvard College Library,
and another is in the Carter-Brown Collection (cf. Rich, 1832, no.
40; Carter-Brown, i. 244). The text, as in the _Divers Voyages_, is
reprinted in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_
(1875), p. 159. Ribault supposed that in determining to cross the
ocean in a direct westerly course, he was the first to make such an
attempt, not knowing that Verrazano had already done so. Cf. Brevoort,
_Verrazano_, p. 110; Hakluyt, _Divers Voyages_, edition by J. W. Jones,
p. 95. See also Vol. III. p. 172.—ED.]

[991] [This is the rarest of Hakluyt’s publications, the only copy
known in America being in the Lenox Library (Sabin, vol. x. no.
39,236)—ED.]

[992] [Brinton, _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 39. The original French text
was reprinted in Paris in 1853 in the _Bibliothèque Elzévirienne;_ and
this edition is worth about 30 francs (Field, _Indian Bibliography_,
no. 97; Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,235). The edition of 1586 was priced
by Rich in 1832 at £5 5_s._, and has been sold of late years for
$250, £63, and 1,500 francs. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,662; Sabin, vol. x.
no. 39,234; Carter-Brown, i. 366; Court, nos. 27, 28; Murphy, no.
1,442; Brinley, vol. iii. no. 4,357; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, p.
24. Gaffarel in his _La Florida Française_ (p. 347) gives the first
letter entire, and parts of the second and third, following the 1586
edition.—ED.]

[993] Cf. Stevens _Bibliotheca historica_ (1870,) p. 224; Brinton,
_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 32.

[994] _Brevis narratio eorum quæ in Florida Americæ provīcia Gallis
acciderunt, secunda in illam Navigatione, duce Renato de Laudoñiere
classis Præfecto: anno MDLXIIII. Quæ est secunda pars Americæ.
Additæ figuræ et Incolarum eicones ibidem ad vivū expressæ, brevis
etiam declaratio religionis, rituum, vivendique ratione ipsorum.
Auctore Iacobo Le Moyne, cui cognomen de Morgues, Laudoñierum in ea
Navigatione Sequnto._ [There was a second edition of the Latin (1609)
and two editions in German (1591 and 1603), with the same plates. Cf.
Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 399, 414; Court, no. 243; Brinley, vol. iii,
no. 4,359. The original Latin of 1591 is also found separately, with
its own pagination, and is usually in this condition priced at about
100 francs. It is supposed to have preceded the issue as a part of De
Bry (Dufossé, 1878, nos. 3,691, 3,692).

The engravings were reproduced in heliotypes; and with the text
translated by Frederick B. Perkins, it was published in Boston in 1875
as the _Narrative of Le Moyne, an Artist who accompanied the French
Expedition to Florida under Laudonnière_, 1564. These engravings
have been in part reproduced several times since their issue, as in
the _Magazin pittoresque_, in _L’univers pittoresque_, in Pickett’s
_Alabama_, etc.—ED.]

[995] Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,631-32; Carter-Brown, i. 262.

[996] [Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,634; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 263. An
English translation, following the Lyons text, was issued in London
in 1566 as _A True and Perfect Description of the Last Voyage of
Ribaut_, of which only two copies are reported by Sabin,—one in the
Carter-Brown Library (vol. i. no. 264), and the other in the British
Museum. This same Lyons text was included in Ternaux’ _Reçueil de
pièces sur la Floride_ and in Gaffarel’s _La Floride Française_, p. 457
(cf. also pp. 337-339), and it is in part given in Cimber and Danjon’s
_Archives curieuses de l’histoire de France_ (Paris, 1835), vi. 200.
The original Dieppe text was reprinted at Rouen in 1872 for the Société
Rouennaise de Bibliophiles, and edited by Gravier under the title:
_Deuxième voyage du Dieppois Jean Ribaut à la Floride en 1565, précédé
d’une notice historique et bibliographique_. Cf. Brinton, _Floridian
Peninsula_, p. 30.—ED.]

[997] [O’Callaghan, no. 463; Rich (1832), no. 60. There was an edition
at Cologne in 1612 (Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,300; Carter-Brown, ii.
123). Sparks (_Life of Ribault_, p. 152) reports a _De navigatione
Gallorum in terram Floridam_ in connection with an Antwerp (1568)
edition of Levinus Apollonius. It also appears in the same connection
in the joint German edition of Benzoni, Peter Martyr, and Levinus
printed at Basle in 1582 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 344). It may have
been merely a translation of Challeux or Ribault (Brinton, _Floridian
Peninsula_, p. 36)—ED.].

[998] Murphy, nos. 564, 2,853.

[999] Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,630; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 330;
Dufossé, no. 4,211.

[1000] This petition is known as the _Epistola supplicatoria_, and is
embodied in the original text in Chauveton’s French edition of Benzoni.
It is also given in Cimber and Danjon’s _Archives curieuses_, vi.
232, and in Gaffarel’s _Floride Française_, p. 477; and in Latin in
De Bry, parts ii. and vi. (cf. Sparks’s _Ribault_, appendix). [There
are other contemporary accounts or illustrations in the “Lettres et
papiers d’état du Sieur de Forquevaulx,” for the most part unprinted,
and preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, which were used
by Du Prat in his _Histoire d’Élisabeth de Valois_ (1859), and some of
which are printed in Gaffarel, p. 409. The nearly contemporary accounts
of Popellinière in his _Trois mondes_ (1582) and in the _Histoire
universelle_ of De Thou, represent the French current belief. The
volume of Ternaux’ _Voyages_ known as _Recueil de pièces sur la Floride
inédites_, contains, among eleven documents, one called _Coppie d’une
lettre venant de la Floride, ... ensemble le plan et portraict du fort
que les François y ont faict_ (1564), which is reprinted in Gaffarel
and in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_, vol.
iii. This tract, with a plan of the fort on the sixth leaf, _recto_,
was originally printed at Paris in 1565 (Carter-Brown, i. 256). None
of the reprints give the engravings. It was seemingly written in the
summer of 1564, and is the earliest account which was printed.—ED.]

[1001] _Ensayo cronológico._

[1002] [Parkman, however, inclines to believe that Barcia’s acceptance
is a kind of admission of its “broad basis of truth.”—ED.]

[1003] Page 340. Cf. _Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi_, iv. 72.

[1004] [They are: _a._ Preserved in the Château de Vayres, belonging to
M. de Bony, which is presumably that given as belonging to the Gourgues
family, of which a copy, owned by Bancroft, was used by Parkman. It was
printed at Mont-de-Marsan, 1851, 63 pages.

_b._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 1,886. Printed by
Ternaux-Compans in his _Recueil_, etc., p. 301, and by Gaffarel, p.
483, collated with the other manuscripts and translated into English in
French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_, ii. 267.
This copy bears the name of Robert Prévost; but whether as author or
copyist is not clear, says Parkman (p. 142).

_c._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 2,145. Printed at Bordeaux in
1867 by Ph. Tamizey de Larroque, with preface and notes, and giving
also the text marked _e_ below.

_d._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 3,384. Printed by Taschereau in
the _Revue rétrospective_ (1835), ii. 321.

_e._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 6,124. See _c_ above.

The account in the _Histoire notable_ is called an abridgment by
Sparks, and of this abridgment there is a Latin version in De Bry, part
ii.,—_De quarta Gallorum in Floridam navigatione sub Gourguesio_. See
other abridgments in Popellinière, _Histoire des trois mondes_ (1582),
Lescarbot, and Charlevoix.]

[1005] _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 35.

[1006] Such as Wytfliet’s _Histoire des Indes_; D’Aubigné’s _Histoire
universelle_ (1626); De Laet’s _Novus orbis_, book iv.; Lescarbot’s
_Nouvelle France_; Champlain’s _Voyages_; Brantôme’s _Grands capitaines
François_ (also in his _Œuvres_). Faillon (_Colonie Française_, i. 543)
bases his account on Lescarbot.

[1007] Cf. Shea’s edition with notes, where (vol. i. p. 71) Charlevoix
characterizes the contemporary sources; and he points out how the Abbé
du Fresnoy, in his _Méthode pour étudier la géographie_, falls into
some errors.

[1008] _American Biography_, vol. vii. (new series).

[1009] Boston, 1865. Mr. Parkman had already printed parts of this in
the _Atlantic Monthly_, xii. 225, 536, and xiv. 530.

[1010] Paris, 1875. He gives (p. 517) a succinct chronology of events.

[1011] Cf., for instance, Bancroft’s _United States_, chap. ii.; Gay’s
_Popular History of the United States_, chap. viii.; Warburton’s
_Conquest of Canada_, app. xvi.; Conway Robinson’s _Discoveries in
the West_, ii. chap. xvii. _et seq._; Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_;
Fairbanks’s _Florida_; Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_,—among American
writers; and among the French,—Guérin, _Les navigateurs Français_
(1846); Ferland, _Canada_; Martin, _Histoire de France_; Haag, _La
France protestante_; Poussielgue, “Quatre mois en Floride,” in _Le tour
du monde_, 1869-1870; and the Lives of Coligny by Tessier, Besant, and
Laborde. There are other references in Gaffarel, p. 344.

There is a curious article, “Dominique de Gourgues, the Avenger of the
Huguenots in Florida, a Catholic,” in the _Catholic World_, xxi. 701.

[1012] _The Acts of the Apostles_, xxviii. 2-6.

[1013] [See Chapter I.—ED.]

[1014] Llorente adds that he had a personal acquaintance with a branch
of the family at Calahorra, his own birthplace, and that the first of
the family went to Spain, under Ferdinand III., to fight against the
Moors of Andalusia. He also traces a connection between this soldier
and Las Cases, the chamberlain of Napoleon, one of his councillors
and companions at St. Helena, through a Charles Las Casas, one of the
Spanish seigneurs who accompanied Blanche of Castile when she went to
France, in 1200, to espouse Louis VIII.

[1015] There is a variance in the dates assigned by historians for
the visits of both Las Casas and his father to the Indians. Irving,
following Navarrete, says that Antoine returned to Seville in 1498,
having become rich (_Columbus_ iii. 415). He also says that Llorente
is incorrect in asserting that Bartholomew in his twenty-fourth year
accompanied Columbus in his third voyage, in 1498, returning with
him in 1500, as the young man was then at his studies at Salamanca.
Irving says Bartholomew first went to Hispaniola with Ovando in 1502,
at the age of about twenty-eight. I have allowed the dates to stand
in the text as given by Llorente, assigning the earlier year for the
first voyage of Las Casas to the New World as best according with the
references in writings by his own pen to the period of his acquaintance
with the scenes which he describes.

[1016] The administration of affairs in the Western colonies of Spain
was committed by Ferdinand, in 1511, to a body composed chiefly of
clergy and jurists, called “The Council for the Indies.” Its powers
originally conferred by Ferdinand were afterward greatly enlarged by
Charles V. These powers were full and supreme, and any information,
petition, appeal, or matter of business concerning the Indies, though
it had been first brought before the monarch, was referred by him for
adjudication to the Council. This body had an almost absolute sway
alike in matters civil and ecclesiastical, with supreme authority
over all appointments and all concerns of government and trade. It
was therefore in the power of the Council to overrule or qualify in
many ways the will or purpose or measures of the sovereigns, which
were really in favor of right or justice or humane proceedings in the
affairs of the colonies. For it naturally came about that some of its
members were personally and selfishly interested in the abuses and
iniquities which it was their rightful function and their duty to
withstand. At the head of the Council was a dignitary whose well-known
character and qualities were utterly unfavorable for the rightful
discharge of his high trust. This was Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca,
successively Bishop of Badajoz, Valencia, and Burgos, and constituted
“Patriarch of the Indies.” He had full control of colonial affairs for
thirty years, till near his death in 1547. He bore the repute among
his associates of extreme worldliness and ambition, with none of the
graces and virtues becoming the priestly office, the duties of which
engaged but little of his time or regard. It is evident also that he
was of an unscrupulous and malignant disposition. He was inimical to
Columbus and Cortés from the start. He tried to hinder, and succeeded
in delaying and embarrassing, the second westward voyage of the great
admiral. (Irving’s _Columbus_, iii.; Appendix XXXIV.) He was a bitter
opponent of Las Casas, even resorting to taunting insults of the
apostle, and either openly or crookedly thwarting him in every stage
and effort of his patient importunities to secure the intervention of
the sovereigns in the protection of the natives. The explanation of
this enmity is found in the fact that Fonseca himself was the owner of
a _repartimiento_ in Hispaniola, with a large number of native slaves.

[1017] There is an extended Note on Las Casas in Appendix XXVIII. of
Irving’s _Columbus_. That author most effectively vindicates Las Casas
from having first advised and been instrumental in the introduction of
African slavery in the New World, giving the dates and the advisers and
agents connected with that wrong previous to any word on the subject
from Las Casas. The devoted missionary had been brought to acquiesce
in the measure on the plausible plea stated in the text, acting from
the purest spirit of benevolence, though under an erroneous judgment.
Cardinal Ximenes had from the first opposed the project.

[1018] As will appear farther on in these pages, Las Casas stands
justly chargeable with enormous exaggerations of the number or
estimate of the victims of Spanish cruelty. But I have not met with
a single case in any contemporary writer, nor in the challengers and
opponents of his pleadings at the Court of Spain, in which his hideous
portrayal of the forms and methods of that cruelty, its dreadful and
revolting tortures and mutilations, have been brought under question.
Mr. Prescott’s fascinating volumes have been often and sometimes very
sharply censured, because in the glow of romance, chivalric daring,
and heroic adventure in which he sets the achievements of the Spanish
“Conquerors” of the New World he would seem to be somewhat lenient to
their barbarities. In the second of his admirable works he refers as
follows to this stricture upon him: “To American and English readers,
acknowledging so different a moral standard from that of the sixteenth
century, I may possibly be thought too indulgent to the errors of the
Conquerors;” and he urges that while he has “not hesitated to expose
in their strongest colors the excesses of the Conquerors, I have given
them the benefit of such mitigating reflections as might be suggested
by the circumstances and the period in which they lived” (Preface to
the _Conquest of Mexico_).

It is true that scattered over all the ably-wrought pages of Mr.
Prescott’s volumes are expressions of the sternest judgment and the
most indignant condemnation passed upon the most signal enormities of
these incarnate spoilers, who made a sport of their barbarity. But
those who have most severely censured the author upon the matter now
in view have done so under the conviction that cruelty unprovoked and
unrelieved was so awfully dark and prevailing a feature in every stage
and incident of the Spanish advance in America, that no glamour of
adventure or chivalric deeds can in the least lighten or redeem it. The
underlying ground of variance is in the objection to the use of the
terms “Conquest” and “Conquerors,” as burdened with the relation of
such a pitiful struggle between the overmastering power of the invaders
and the abject helplessness of their victims.

As I am writing this note, my eye falls upon the following extract
from a private letter written in 1847 by that eminent and highly
revered divine, Dr. Orville Dewey, and just now put into print: “I
have been reading Prescott’s _Peru_. What a fine accomplishment there
is about it! And yet there is something wanting to me in the moral
nerve. History should teach men how to estimate characters; it should
be a teacher of morals; and I think it should make us _shudder_ at the
names of Cortez and Pizarro. But Prescott does not; he seems to have a
kind of sympathy with these inhuman and perfidious adventurers, as if
they were his heroes. It is too bad to talk of them as the soldiers of
Christ; if it were said of the Devil, they would have better fitted the
character” (_Autobiography and Letters of Orville Dewey, D.D._ p. 190).

[1019] Juan Ginez de Sepulveda, distinguished both as a theologian
and an historian, was born near Cordova in 1490, and died in 1573.
He was of a noble but impoverished family. He availed himself of his
opportunities for obtaining the best education of his time in the
universities of Spain and Italy, and acquired an eminent reputation
as a scholar and a disputant,—not, however, for any elevation of
principles or nobleness of thought. In 1536 he was appointed by Charles
V. his historiographer, and put in charge of his son Philip. Living
at Court, he had the repute of being crooked and unscrupulous, his
influence not being given on the side of rectitude and progressive
views. His writings concerning men and public affairs give evidence of
the faults imputed to him. He was vehement, intolerant, and dogmatic.
He justified the most extreme absolutism in the exercise of the royal
prerogative, and the lawfulness and even the expediency of aggressive
wars simply for the glory of the State. Melchior Cano and Antonio
Ramirez, as well as Las Casas, entered into antagonism and controversy
with his avowed principles. One of his works, entitled _Democrates
Secundus, seu de justis belli causis_, may be pronounced almost brutal
in the license which it allowed in the stratagems and vengefulness
of warfare. It was condemned by the universities of Alcala and
Salamanca. He was a voluminous author of works of history, philosophy,
and theology, and was admitted to be a fine and able writer. Erasmus
pronounced him the Spanish Livy. The disputation between him and Las
Casas took place before Charles in 1550. The monarch was very much
under his influence, and seems to some extent to have sided with him
in some of his views and principles. Sepulveda was one of the very few
persons whom the monarch admitted to interviews and intimacy in his
retirement to the Monastery at Yuste.

It was this formidable opponent—a personal enemy also in jealousy and
malignity—whom Las Casas confronted with such boldness and earnestness
of protest before the Court and Council. It was evidently the aim of
Sepulveda to involve the advocate of the Indians in some disloyal or
heretical questioning of the prerogatives of monarch or pope. It seemed
at one time as if the noble pleader for equity and humanity would come
under the clutch of the Holy Office, then exercising its new-born
vigor upon all who could be brought under inquisition for constructive
or latent heretical proclivities. For Las Casas, though true to his
priestly vows, made frequent and bold utterances of what certainly, in
his time, were advanced views and principles.

[1020] Juan Antonio Llorente, eminent as a writer and historian, both
in Spanish and French, was born near Calahorra, Aragon, in 1756,
and died at Madrid in 1823. He received the tonsure when fourteen
years of age, and was ordained priest at Saragossa in 1779. He was
of a vigorous, inquisitive, and liberal spirit, giving free range to
his mind, and turning his wide study and deep investigations to the
account of his enlargement and emancipation from the limitations of
his age and associates. He tells us that in 1784 he had abandoned
all ultramontane doctrines, and all the ingenuities and perplexities
of scholasticism. His liberalism ran into rationalism. His secret or
more or less avowed alienation from the prejudices and obligations of
the priestly order, while it by no means made his position a singular
or even an embarrassing one under the influences and surroundings
of his time, does at least leave us perplexed to account for the
confidence with which functions and high ecclesiastical trusts were
committed to and exercised by him. He was even made Secretary-General
of the Inquisition, and was thus put in charge of the enormous mass
of records, with all their dark secrets, belonging to its whole
history and processes. This charge he retained for a time after the
Inquisition was abolished in 1809. It was thus by a singular felicity
of opportunity that those terrible archives should have been in the
care, and subject to the free and intelligent use, of a man best
qualified of all others to tell the world their contents, and afterward
prompted and at liberty to do so from subsequent changes in his own
opinions and relations. To this the world is indebted for a _History
of the Inquisition_, the fidelity and sufficiency of which satisfy all
candid judgments. He was restive in spirit, provoked strong opposition,
and was thus finally deprived of his office. After performing a
variety of services not clerical, and moving from place to place, he
went to Paris, where, in 1817-1818, he courageously published the
above-mentioned _History_. He was interdicted the exercise of clerical
functions. In 1822, the same year in which he published his Biography
and French translation of the principal works of Las Casas, he
published also his _Political Portraits of the Popes_. For this he was
ordered to quit Paris,—a deep disappointment to him, causing chagrin
and heavy depression. He found refuge in Madrid, where he died in the
following year.

[1021] Mr. Ticknor, however, says that these two treatises “are not
absolutely proved” to be by Las Casas.—_History of Spanish Literature_,
i. 566.

[1022] _Conquest of Mexico_, i. 80, _n._ Of his _Short Account of the
Destruction of the Indies_, this historian says: “However good the
motives of its author, we may regret that the book was ever written....
The author lent a willing ear to every tale of violence and rapine, and
magnified the amount to a degree which borders on the ridiculous. The
wild extravagance of his numerical estimates is of itself sufficient
to shake confidence in the accuracy of his statements generally. Yet
the naked truth was too startling in itself to demand the aid of
exaggeration.” The historian truly says of himself, in his Preface to
the work quoted: “I have not hesitated to expose in their strongest
colors the excesses of the conquerors.”

[1023] Llorente, i. 365, 386.

[1024] [Helps (_Spanish Conquest_) says: “Las Casas may be thoroughly
trusted whenever he is speaking of things of which he had competent
knowledge.” Ticknor (_Spanish literature_, ii. 31) calls him “a
prejudiced witness, but on a point of fact within his own knowledge
one to be believed.” H. H. Bancroft (_Early American Chroniclers_,
p. 20; also _Central America_, i. 274, 309; ii. 337) speaks of the
exaggeration which the zeal of Las Casas leads him into; but with due
abatement therefor, he considers him “a keen and valuable observer,
guided by practical sagacity, and endowed with a certain genius.”—ED.]

[1025] Sabin’s _Works of Las Casas_, and his _Dictionary_, iii.
388-402, and x. 88-91; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_; _Carter-Brown
Catalogue_; Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, pp. 18-24; the _Huth
Catalogue_; Brunet’s Manuel, etc.

[1026] [Field says it was written in 1540, and submitted to the Emperor
in MS.; but in the shape in which it was printed it seems to have been
written in 1541-1542. Cf. Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 860, 870;
Sabin, _Works of Las Casas_, no. 1; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 164;
Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 38; and _Catalogue_, p. 62. The
work has nineteen sections on as many provinces, ending with a summary
for the year 1546. This separate tract was reprinted in the original
Spanish in London, in 1812, and again in Philadelphia, in 1821, for
the Mexican market, with an introductory essay on Las Casas. Stevens,
_Bibliotheca historica_, 1105; cf. also _Coleccion de documentos
inéditos_ (_España_), vol. vii.

The _Cancionero spiritual_, printed at Mexico in 1546, is not assigned
to _Bartholomew_ Las Casas in Ticknor’s _Spanish Literature_, iii. 44,
but it is in Gayangos and Vedia’s Spanish translation of Ticknor. Cf.
also Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,122; Harrisse, _Bib. Am. Vet., Additions_,
No. 159.—ED.]

[1027] [Field does not give it a date; but Sabin says it was written in
1552. Cf. Field, nos. 860, 870, _note_; Sabin, no. 2; Carter-Brown, i.
165; _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 62.—ED.]

[1028] [Field says it was written “soon after” no. 1; Sabin places it
in 1543. Cf. Field, no. 862, 870, _note_; Carter-Brown, i. 166; Sabin,
3; Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 595; _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 62.—ED.]

[1029] [Sabin says it was written in America in 1546-1547. Field, nos.
863, 870, _note_; Carter-Brown, i. 167; Sabin, no. 6.—ED.]

[1030] [There seems, according to Field (nos. 864, 865), to have been
two distinct editions in 1552, as he deduces from his own copy and from
a different one belonging to Mr. Brevoort, there being thirty-three
variations in the two. Quaritch has noted (no. 11,855, priced at £6
6_s._) a copy likewise in Gothic letter, but with different woodcut
initials, which he places about 1570. Cf. Field, p. 217; Carter-Brown,
i. 168; Sabin, no. 8; _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 62.

The initial work of Sepulveda, _Democrates Secundus_, defending the
rights of the Crown over the natives, was not published, though he
printed his _Apologia pro libro de justis belli causis_, Rome, 1550
(two copies of which are known), of which there was a later edition in
1602; and some of his views may be found in it. Cf. Ticknor, _Spanish
Literature_, ii. 37; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 24, and _Bib.
Amer. Vet._, no. 303; and the general histories of Bancroft, Helps, and
Prescott. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 173, shows a MS. copy of
Sepulveda’s book. It is also in Sepulveda’s _Opera_, Cologne, 1602, p.
423; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 15.—ED.]

[1031] [Sabin dates it in 1543. Cf. Field, nos. 866, 870, _note_;
Sabin, no. 4; Carter-Brown, i. 170.—ED.]

[1032] [Sabin says it was written in Spain in 1548 Cf. Field, nos. 867,
870, _note_; Sabin, no. 7; Carter-Brown, i. 171.—ED.]

[1033] [Field, nos. 868, 870, _note_; Sabin, no. 9; Carter-Brown, i.
169.—ED.]

[1034] [This is the longest and one of the rarest of the series. Sabin
says it was written about 1543. There were two editions of the same
date, having respectively 80 and 84 leaves; but it is uncertain which
is the earlier, though Field supposes the fewer pages to indicate the
first. Field, nos. 869, 870, _note_; Sabin, no. 5; Carter Brown, i.
172.—ED.]

[1035] [It is only of late years that the entire series has been
described. De Bure gives only five of the tracts; Dibdin enumerates
but seven; and Llorente in his edition omits three, as was done in the
edition of 1646. Rich in 1832 priced a set at £12 12_s._ A full set is
now worth from $100 to $150; but Leclerc (nos. 327, 2,556) has recently
priced a set of seven at 700 francs, and a full set at 1,000 francs. An
English dealer has lately held one at £42. Quaritch has held four parts
at £10, and a complete set at £40. Single tracts are usually priced
at from £1 to £5. Recent sales have been shown in the Sunderland (no.
2,459, 9 parts); Field (no. 1,267); Cooke (vol. iii. no. 369, 7 parts);
Stevens, _Hist. Coll._ (no. 311, 8 parts); Pinart (no. 536); and Murphy
(no. 487) catalogues. The set in the Carter-Brown Library belonged
to Ternaux; that belonging to Mr. Brevoort came from the Maximillian
Library. The Lenox Library and Mr. Barlow’s Collection have sets. There
are also sets in the Grenville and Huth collections.

The 1646 reprint, above referred to, has sometimes a collective title,
_Las Obras_, etc., but most copies, like the Harvard College copy, lack
it. As the titles of the separate tracts (printed in this edition in
Roman) retained the original 1552 dates, this reprint is often called a
spurious edition. It is usually priced at from $15 to $30. Cf. Sabin,
no. 13; Field, p. 216; Quaritch, no. 11,856; Carter-Brown, i. 173; ii.
584; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 312; Cooke, iii. 370.

Some of the Tracts are included in the _Obras escogidas de filósofos_,
etc. Madrid, 1873.—ED.]

[1036] [Field, no. 870, and _note_; Sabin, no. 11; the Carter-Brown
Collection lacks it. It was reprinted at Tübingen, and again at Jena,
in 1678. It has never been reprinted in Spain, says Stevens (_Bibl.
Hist._, no. 1,096).—ED.]

[1037] [“Not absolutely proved to be his,” says Ticknor (_Spanish
Literature_, ii. 37).—ED.]

[1038] [There were a hundred copies of these printed. They are:—

1. _Memorial de Don Diego Colon sobre la conversion de las gentes de
las Yndias._ With an Epistle to Dr. Reinhold Pauli. It is Diego Colon’s
favorable comment on Las Casas’s scheme of civilizing the Indians,
written at King Charles’s request. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 881.

2. _Carta_, dated 1520, and addressed to the Chancellor of Charles, in
which Las Casas urges his scheme of colonization of the Indians. Mr.
Stevens dedicates it to Arthur Helps in a letter. Cf. Stevens, _Hist.
Coll._, i. 882; the manuscript is described in his _Bibl. Geog._, no.
598.

3. _Paresçer o determinaciō de los señores theologos de Salamanca_,
dated July 1, 1541. This is the response of the Faculty of Salamanca
to the question put to them by Charles V., if the baptized natives
could be made slaves. Mr. Stevens dedicates the tract to Sir Thomas
Phillipps. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 883.

4. _Carta de Hernando Cortés._ Mr. Stevens, in his Dedication to
Leopold von Ranke, supposes this to have been written in 1541-1542. It
is Cortes’ reply to the Emperor’s request for his opinions regarding
_Encomiendas_, etc., in Mexico. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 884.

5. _Carta de Las Casas_, dated Oct. 22, 1545, with an abstract in
English in the Dedication to Colonel Peter Force. It is addressed to
the Audiencia in Honduras, and sets forth the wrongs of the natives.
Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 885. The manuscript is now in the Huth
Collection, _Catalogue_, v. 1,681.

6. _Carta de Las Casas_ to the Dominican Fathers of Guatemala,
protesting against the sale of the reversion of the _Encomiendas_. Mr.
Stevens supposes this to have been written in 1554, in his Dedication
to Sir Frederick Madden. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 886. A set of
these tracts is worth about $25. The set in the Cooke Sale (vol. iii.
no. 375) is now in Harvard College Library; another set is shown in
the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 488, and there is one in the Boston Public
Library.—ED.]

[1039] Field, p. 219.

[1040] Vol. i. p. 160.

[1041] [Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, says volumes i. and
ii. are in the Academy; but volume iii. is in the Royal Library. Cf.,
however, the “Advertencia preliminar” of the Madrid (1875) edition of
the _Historia_ on this point, as well as regards the various copies of
the manuscript existing in Madrid.—ED.]

[1042] [Such is Quintana’s statement; but Helps failed to verify it,
and says he could only fix the dates 1552, 1560, 1561 as those of any
part of the writing. _Life of Las Casas_, p. 175.—ED.]

[1043] [I trace no copy earlier than one Rich had made. Prescott had
one, which was probably burned in Boston (1872). Helps used another.
There are other copies in the Library of Congress, in the Lenox
Library, and in H. H. Bancroft’s Collection.—ED.]

[1044] [Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 119, says the purpose of the
Academy at one time was to annotate the manuscript, so as to show Las
Casas in a new light, using contemporary writers.—ED.]

[1045] [It is worth from $30 to $40. It is called _Historia de las
Indias, ahora por primera vez dada á luz por el Marqués de la Fuensanta
del Valle y José Sancho Rayon_. It contains, beginning in vol. v. at
p. 237, the _Apologética historia_ which Las Casas had written to
defend the Indians against aspersions upon their lives and character.
This latter work was not included in another edition of the _Historia_
printed at Mexico in two volumes in 1877-1878. Cf. Vigel, _Biblioteca
Mexicana_. Parts of the _Apologética_ are given in Kingsborough’s
_Mexico_, vol. viii. Cf. on the _Historia_, Irving’s _Columbus_, App.;
Helps’s _Spanish Conquest_ (Am. ed.), i. 23, and _Life of Las Casas_,
p. 175; Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 39; Humboldt’s _Cosmos_
(Eng. tr.), ii. 679; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 309;
Prescott’s _Mexico_, i. 378; Quintana’s _Vidas_, iii. 507.—ED.]

[1046] [Llorente’s version is not always strictly faithful, being
in parts condensed and paraphrastic. Cf. Field, no. 889; Ticknor,
_Spanish Literature_, ii. 38, and _Catalogue_, p. 62; Sabin, nos. 14,
50; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 309. This edition, besides a
life of Las Casas, contains a necrology of the Conquerors, and other
annotations by the editor.—ED.]

[1047] [This earliest version is a tract of 70 leaves, printed probably
at Brussels, and called _Seer cort Verhael vande destructie van
d’Indien_. Cf. Sabin, no. 23; Carter-Brown, i. 320; Stevens, _Bibl.
Hist._, no. 1,097. The whole series is reviewed in Tiele’s _Mémoire
bibliographique_ (who gives twenty-one editions) and in Sabin’s _Works
of Las Casas_ (taken from his _Dictionary_); and many of them are noted
in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ and in Muller’s _Books on America_,
1872 and 1877. This 1578 edition was reissued in 1579 with a new title,
_Spieghel der Spaenscher Tirannije_, which in some form continued
to be the title of subsequent editions, which were issued in 1596,
1607, 1609, 1610, 1612 (two), 1620 (two), 1621, 1627 (?), 1634, 1638,
1663, 1664, etc. Several of these editions give De Bry’s engravings,
sometimes in reverse. A popular chap-book, printed about 1730, is made
up from Las Casas and other sources.—ED.]

[1048] [This included the first, second, and sixth of the tracts of
1552. In 1582 there was a new edition of the _Tyrannies_, etc., printed
at Paris; but some copies seem to have had a changed title, _Histoire
admirable des horribles insolences_, etc. It was again reissued with
the original title at Rouen in 1630. Cf. Field, 873, 874; Sabin,
nos. 41, 42, 43, 45; Rich (1832); Stevens, _Bibl. Hist._, no. 1,098;
Leclerc, nos. 334, 2,558; Carter-Brown, i. 329, 345, 347; O’Callaghan,
no. 1,336; a London catalogue (A. R. Smith, 1874) notes an edition of
the _Histoire admirable des horribles Insolences, Cruautez et tyrraines
exercées par les Espagnols_, etc., Lyons, 1594.—ED.]

[1049] [It is a tract of sixty-four leaves in Gothic letter, and is
very rare, prices being quoted at £20 and more. Cf. Sabin, no. 61;
Carter-Brown, i. 351; Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, 596, _Huth Catalogue_, i.
271. Cf. William Lightfoote’s _Complaints of England_, London, 1587,
for English opinion at this time on the Spanish excesses (Sabin, vol.
x. no. 41,050), and the _Foreign Quarterly Review_ (1841), ii. 102.—ED.]

[1050] [Field, p. 877; Carter-Brown, ii. 804; Sabin, no. 60. The first
tract is translated in Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_, iv. 1,569.—ED.]

[1051] [Some copies read, _Account of the First Voyages_, etc. Cf.
Field, no. 880; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,556; Sabin, no. 63;
Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 603; and _Prince Library Catalogue_, p.
34. Another English edition, London, 1689, is called _Popery truly
display’d in its Bloody Colours_. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,374;
Sabin, no. 62. Another London book of 1740, _Old England for Ever_, is
often called a Las Casas, but it is not his. Field, no. 888.—ED.]

[1052] [Sabin, no. 51; Carter-Brown, i. 510; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._,
i. 319. It has no place. Muller calls a _Warhafftiger Bericht_ of
1599, with no place, the earliest German edition, with De Bry’s,
engravings,—which were also in the Oppenheim edition of 1613,
_Warhafftiger und gründlicher Bericht_, etc. Cf. Sabin, no. 54;
Carter-Brown, ii. 146. A similar title belongs to a Frankfort edition
of 1597 (based on the Antwerp French edition of 1579), which is
noted in Sabin, no. 52, and in _Bib. Grenvilliana_, ii. 828, and was
accompanied by a volume of plates (Sabin, no,. 53).

There seem to be two varieties of the German edition of 1665,
_Umbständige warhafftige Beschreibung der Indianischen Ländern_. Cf.
Carter-Brown, ii. 957; Sabin, no. 55; Field, no. 882. Sabin (no. 56)
also notes a 1790 and other editions.—ED.]

[1053] [It followed the French edition of 1579, and was reissued at
Oppenheim in 1614. Cf. Field, p. 871; Carter-Brown, i. 453, 524; ii.
164; Sabin, nos. 57, 58.

The Heidelberg edition of 1664, _Regionum Indicarum per Hispanos olim
devastatarum descriptio_, omits the sixteen pages of preliminary matter
of the early editions; and the plates, judging from the Harvard College
and other copies, show wear. Sabin, no. 59; Carter-Brown, ii. 944.—ED.]

[1054] [As in the _Istoria ò brevissima relatione_, Venice, 1626, 1630,
and 1643, a version of the first tract of 1552, made by Castellani.
It was later included in Marmocchi’s _Raccolta di viaggi_. Cf. Sabin,
nos. 16, 17, 18; Carter-Brown, ii. 311, 360, 514; Leclerc, no. 331;
Field, no. 885; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 315; _Bibl. Hist._, no.
1,100. The sixth tract was translated as _Il supplice schiavo Indiano_,
and published at Venice in 1635, 1636, and 1657. Cf. Carter-Brown, ii.
434, 816; Field, no. 886; Sabin, nos. 20, 21. It was reissued in 1640
as _La libertà pretesa_. Sabin, no. 19; Field, no. 887; Carter-Brown,
ii. 473. The eighth and ninth tracts appeared as _Conquista dell’Indie
occidentali_, Venice, 1645. Cf. Field, no. 884; Sabin, no. 22;
Carter-Brown, ii. 566.—ED.]

[1055] In Harvard College Library, with also the _Ordenanzas reales del
Conseio de las Indias_, of the same date.

[1056] There are convenient explanations and references respecting
the functions of the Casa de la Contratacion, the Council of the
Indies, the Process of the Audiencia, and the duties of an Alcalde, in
Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i. pp. 270, 280, 282, 297, 330.

[1057] See chap. iii. p. 203, _ante_.

[1058] At Medellin, in Estremadura, in 1485.

[1059] They are given in Pacheco’s _Coleccion_, xii. 225, Prescott’s
_Mexico_, app. i., and elsewhere. Cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 55.

[1060] There is much conflict of testimony on the respective share
of Cortés and Velasquez in equipping the expedition. H. H. Bancroft
(_Mexico_, i. 57) collates the authorities.

[1061] Prescott makes Cortés sail clandestinely; Bancroft makes his
departure a hurried but open one; and this is Helps’s view of the
authorities.

[1062] The authorities are not in unison about all these figures. Cf.
H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 70.

[1063] See the long note comparing some of these accounts in H. H.
Bancroft’s _Mexico_, i. 102, etc.

[1064] Marina did more. She impressed Cortés, who found her otherwise
convenient for a few years; and after she had borne him children,
married her to one of his captains. What purports to be a likeness of
her is given in Cabajal’s _México_, ii. 64.

[1065] Prescott (_Mexico_, revised edition, i. 345) points out how this
site was abandoned later for one farther south, where the town was
called Vera Cruz Vieja; and again, early in the seventeenth century,
the name and town were transferred to another point still farther
south,—Nueva Vera Cruz. These changes have caused some confusion in
the maps of Lorenzana and others. Cf. the maps in Prescott and H. H.
Bancroft.

[1066] There is some discrepancy in the authorities here as regards
the openness or stealth of the act of destroying the fleet. See the
authorities collated in Prescott, _Mexico_, new edition, i. 369, 370.

[1067] The estimates of numbers in all the operations throughout the
Conquest differ widely, sometimes very widely, according to different
authorities. The student will find much of the collation of these
opposing statements done for him in the notes of Prescott and Bancroft.

[1068] Fac-simile of an engraving on copper in the edition of Solis
printed at Venice in 1715, p. 29. It is inscribed: “Cavato da vn
originale fatto iñazi chei si portassi alla Conqvista del Messico.”

[1069] Fac-simile of the copper plate in the Venice edition of Solis
_Conquista_ (1715) inscribed “Cavato dall’originale venvto dal Messico
al Ser^{mo} G. D. di Toscana.”

[1070] H. H. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 378) and Prescott (new edition vol.
ii., p. 231) collate the authorities.

[1071] There are a variety of views as to the force Cortés now
commanded; cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 424.

[1072] Prescott (_Mexico_, new ed., ii. 309) collates the diverse
accounts.

[1073] It must be mentioned that the Spaniards have been accused
of murdering Montezuma. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 464) collates the
different views of the authorities. Cortes sent the body out of the
fort. Indignities were offered it; but some of the imperial party got
possession of it, and buried it with such honor as the times permitted.

[1074] There are difficulties about the exact date; cf. H. H. Bancroft,
_Mexico_, i. 472.

[1075] Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 488) collates the various authorities; so
does Prescott (_Mexico_, new ed., ii. 364) of the losses of this famous
_triste Noche_.

[1076] The figures usually given are enormous, and often greatly vary
with the different authorities. In this as in other cases where numbers
are mentioned, Prescott and Bancroft collate the several reckonings
which have been recorded.

[1077] Their chief was Juan Florin, who has been identified by some
with Verrazano.

[1078] H. H. Bancroft (_Central Mexico_, i. 626) collates as usual the
various estimates of Alvarado’s force.

[1079] There is some doubt whether the alleged plot was not, after all,
a fiction to cover the getting rid of burdensome personages. H. H.
Bancroft (_Central America_, i. 555) collates the various views, but it
does not seem that any unassailable conclusion can be reached.

[1080] Part of a view of Acapulco as given in Montanus and Ogilby,
p. 261, showing the topography, but representing the later fort and
buildings. The same picture, on a larger scale, was published by Vander
Aa at Amsterdam. A plan of the harbor is given in Bancroft’s _Mexico_,
iii. 25. The place had no considerable importance as a Spanish
settlement till 1550 (Ibid., ii. 420). Cf. the view in Gay’s _Popular
History of the United States_, ii. 586.

[1081] The remains of Cortés have rested uneasily. They were buried
at Seville; but in 1562 his son removed them to New Spain and placed
them in a monastery at Tezcuco. In 1629 they were carried with pomp
to Mexico to the church of St. Francis; and again, in 1794, they were
transferred to the Hospital of Jesus (Prescott, _Mexico_, iii. 465),
where a monument with a bust was placed over them. In 1823, when a
patriotic zeal was turned into the wildness of a mob, the tomb was
threatened, and some soberer citizens secretly removed the monument
and sent it (and later the remains) clandestinely to his descendant,
the Duke of Monteleone, in Palermo, where they are supposed now to
be, if the story of this secret shipment is true (Prescott, _Mexico_,
iii. 335; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, pp. 219, 220; Bancroft,
_Mexico_, iii. 479, 480). Testimony regarding the earlier interment
and exhumation is given in the _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_
(_España_), xxii. 563. Cf. B. Murphy on “The Tomb of Cortés” in the
_Catholic World_, xxxiii. 24.

For an account of the family and descendants of Cortés, see Bancroft,
ii. 480; Prescott, iii. 336. The latter traces what little is known of
the later life of Marina (vol. iii. p. 279).

[1082] Those pertaining to Cortés in vols. i.-iv. of the _Documentos
inéditos_ (_España_) had already appeared. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, pp. 213-215, enumerates the manuscripts which had been collected
by Prescott. Clavigero had given accounts of the collections in the
Vatican, at Vienna, and of those of Boturini, etc.

[1083] Sabin, vol. xx. no. 34,153. In the Introduction to both volumes
Icazbalceta discusses learnedly the authorship of the various papers,
and makes note of considerable bibliographical detail. The edition was
three hundred copies, with twelve on large paper.

[1084] Vol. i. 281; see also _ante_, p. 215.

[1085] Vol. i. 368. This plan is given on an earlier page. Cf.
Bancroft, _Early American Chroniclers_, p. 15.

[1086] See chap. v. p. 343.

[1087] _Mexico_, ii. 96. A part of it was printed in the _Documentos
inéditos_ as “Ritos antiquos... de las Indias.” Cf. Kingsborough, vol.
ix.

[1088] _Mexico_, i. 405.

[1089] Prescott, _Mexico_, ii. 147.

[1090] Sabin, vol. ix. nos. 34,154-34,156; Quaritch, _Ramirez
Collection_ (1880), no. 89, priced it at £40.

[1091] This institution is clearly defined by Helps, iii. 141. Cf.
Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 250.

[1092] Prescott, _Mexico_, ii. 272; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 373;
_Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,092; _Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, no. 770.
The book has a portrait of Alvarado, and is enriched with notes by
Ramirez. The manuscript of the charges against Alvarado was discovered
in 1846 among some supposed waste-papers in the Mexican Archives which
the licentiate, Ignacio Rayon, was then examining (Bancroft, _Central
America_, ii. 104).

[1093] _Mexico_, ii. 9. Bancroft says he uses a copy made from one
which escaped the fire that destroyed so much in 1692, and which
belonged to the Maximilian Collection. Quaritch offered, a few years
since, as from the Ramirez Collection, for £175, the Acts of the
Municipality of Mexico, 1524-1564, in six manuscript volumes. Bancroft
(_Mexico_, iii. 508, etc.), enumerates the sources of a later period.

[1094] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. xxxiv.

[1095] There appeared in 1882, in two volumes, in the _Biblioteca de
los Americanistas_, a _Historia de Guatemala ó recordación Florida
escrita el siglo XVII por el Capitán D. Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y
Guzman ... publica por primera vez con notas é ilustraciones D. Justo
Zaragoza_.

[1096] Quaritch in his _Catalogue_, no. 321, _sub_ 11,807, shows a
collection of forty-seven for _£_50, apparently the Ramirez Collection.
Cf. Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,567, etc.

[1097] _Mexico_, vol. i. p. viii.

[1098] Indeed, the footnotes of Prescott are meagre by comparison.
The enumeration of the manuscript sources on the Conquest given in
Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 420, shows what provision of this sort
was most to be depended on thirty years ago. There is a set of nine
folios in Harvard College Library, gathered by Lord Kingsborough,
called _Documentos para el historia de México y Peru_. It includes
some manuscripts; but they are all largely, perhaps wholly, of a later
period than the Conquest.

[1099] Quaritch, who in his _Catalogue_ of 1870 (no. 259, _sub_ 376)
advertised for £105 the original manuscripts of three at least of these
councils (1555, 1565, 1585), intimates that they never were returned
into the Ecclesiastical Archives after Lorenzana had used them in
preparing an edition of the Proceedings of these Councils which he
published in 1769 and 1770,—_Concilios provinciales de México_,—though
in the third, and perhaps in the first, he had translated apparently
his text from the Latin published versions. Bancroft describes these
manuscripts in his _Mexico_, ii. 685. The Acts of the First Council had
been printed (1556) before Lorenzana; but the book was suppressed, and
the Acts of the Third Council had been printed in 1622 in Mexico, and
in 1725 at Paris. The Acts of the Third also appeared in 1859 at Mexico
with other documents. The readiest source for the English reader of the
history of the measures for the conversion of the Indians and for the
relation of the Church to the civil authorities in New Spain are sundry
chapters (viii., xix., etc.) in Bancroft’s _Central America_, and
others (ix., xix., xxxi., xxxii.) in his _Mexico_. (Cf. references in
Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 209.) The leading Spanish authorities
are Torobio Motolinia, Mendieta, and Torquemada, all characterized
elsewhere. Alonso Fernandez’ _Historia eclesiástica de nuestros
tiempos_ (Toledo, 1611) is full in elucidation of the lives of the
friars and of their study of the native tongues. (Cf. Rich, 1832, £2
2_s._; Quaritch, 1870, £5; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 190.) Gil Gonzales
Davila’s _Teatro eclesiástico de la primitiva Iglesia de las Indias_
(Madrid, 1649-1655) is more important and rarer (Quaritch, 1870, £8
8_s._; Rosenthal, Munich, 1884, for 150 marks; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii.
189). Of Las Casas and his efforts, see the preceding chapter in the
present volume.

The Orders of friars are made the subject of special treatment in
Bancroft’s _Mexico_. The Franciscans were the earliest to arrive,
coming, in response to the wish of Cortés, in 1524. There are
various histories of their labors,—Francisco Gonzaga’s _De origine
seraphicæ religionis Franciscanæ_, Rome, 1587 (Carter-Brown, i. 372);
sections of Torquemada and the fourth part of Vetancour’s _Teatro
Mexicano_, Mexico, 1697-1698; Francisco Vasquez’ _Chronica ... de
Guatemala_, 1714; Espinosa’s _Chronica apostolica_, 1746 (Sabin, vi.
239; Carter-Brown, iii. 827), etc. Of the Dominicans we have Antonio
de Remesal’s _Historia de la S. Vincent de Chyapa_, Madrid, 1619
(Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 339, 736), and Davilla Padilla’s
_Santiago de México_, mentioned in the text. Of the Augustinian friars
there is Juan de Grijalva’s _Cronica_, Mexico, 1624. Of the books on
the Jesuits who came late (1571, etc.), there is a note in Bancroft’s
_Mexico_, iii. 447, showing as of chief importance Francisco de
Florencia’s _Compañia de Jesus_ (Mexico, 1694), while the subject was
taken up under the same title by Francisco Javier Alegre, who told the
story of their missions from 1566 in Florida to 1765. The manuscript of
this work was not printed till Bustamante edited it in 1841.

The legend or belief in our Lady of Guadalupe gives a picturesque and
significant coloring to the history of missions in Mexico, since from
the day of her apparition the native worship, it is said, steadily
declined. It is briefly thus: In 1531 a native who had received a
baptismal name of Juan Diego, passing a hill neighboring to the city of
Mexico, was confronted by a radiant being who announced herself as the
Virgin Mary, and who said that she wished a church to be built on the
spot. The native’s story, as he told it to the Bishop, was discredited,
until some persons sent to follow the Indian saw him disappear
unaccountably from sight.

It was now thought that witchcraft more than a heavenly interposition
was the cause, until, again confronting the apparition, Diego was
bidden to take some roses which the Lady had handled and carry them in
his mantle to the Bishop, who would recognize them as a sign. When the
garment was unrolled, the figure of the Virgin was found painted in its
folds, and the sign was accepted. A shrine was soon erected, as the
Lady had wished; and here the holy effigy was sacredly guarded, until
it found a resting-place in what is thought to be the richest church
in Mexico, erected between 1695 and 1709; and there it still is. It
has been at times subjected to some ecclesiastical scrutiny, and there
have been some sceptics and cavillers. Cf. Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii.
407, and authorities there cited. Lorenzana in his _Cartas pastorales_
(1770) has given a minute account of the painting (Carter-Brown, vol.
iii. no. 1,749; Sabin, vol, xii. no. 56,199; and the _Coleccion de
obras pertenecientes a la milagrosa aparicion de Nuestra Señora de
Guadalupe_).

[1100] Carter-Brown, i. 496; Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 723. There is a
copy in Harvard College Library. There were later editions at Brussels
in 1625 (Carter-Brown, ii. 300; Stevens, _Historical Collection_, i.
177), and again at Valladolid in 1634 as _Varia historia de la Nueva
España y Florida, segunda impresion_ (Carter-Brown, ii. 412).

[1101] We read in the 1596 edition (p. 670) that one Juan Pablos was
the first printer in Mexico, who printed, as early as 1535, a religious
manual of Saint John Climachus. The book, however, is not now known
(Sabin, vi. 229), and there is no indisputable evidence of its former
existence; though a similar story is told by Alonzo Fernandez in his
_Historia eclesiástica_ (Toledo, 1611), and by Gil Gonzales Davila in
his _Teatro eclesiástico_ (Madrid, 1649),—who gives, however, the date
as 1532. The _Teatro_ is of further interest for the map of the diocese
of Michoacan and for the arms of the different dioceses. It is in two
volumes, and is worth from thirty to forty dollars.

The subject of early printing in Mexico has been investigated by
Icazbalceta in the _Diccionario universal de historia y de geografia_,
v. 961 (published in Mexico in 1854), where he gives a list of Mexican
imprints prior to 1600 (Carter-Brown, i. 129, 130). A similar list is
given in connection with an examination of the subject by Harrisse
in his _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 232. Mr. John Russell Bartlett gives
another list (1540 to 1600) in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 131,
and offers other essays on the subject in the _Historical Magazine_,
November, 1858, and February, 1865, and again in the new edition of
Thomas’s _History of Printing_ (Worcester, 1875), i. 365, appendix.

The earliest remaining example of the first Mexican press which we have
is a fragmentary copy of the _Manual de adultos_ of Cristóbal Cabrera,
which was originally discovered in the Library of Toledo, whence it
disappeared, to be again discovered by Gayangos on a London bookstall
in 1870. It is supposed to have consisted of thirty-eight leaves,
and the printed date of Dec. 13, 1540, is given on one of the leaves
which remain (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 232; _Additions_, no. 123, with
fac-similes, of which a part is given in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_,
i. 131). Harrisse, perhaps, is in error, as Quaritch affirms (_Ramirez
Collection_, 1880, no. 339), in assigning the same date, 1540, to
an edition of the _Doctrina Christiana_ found by him at Toledo; and
there seem to have been one or two other books issued by Cromberger
(_Catalogue Andrade_, nos. 2,366, 2,367, 2,369, 2,477) before we come
to an acknowledged edition of the _Doctrina Cristiana_—which for a
long time was held to be the earliest Mexican imprint—with the date
of 1544. It is a small volume of sixty pages, “impressa en México,
en casa de Juan Cromberger” (Rich, 1832, no. 14; Sabin, vol. iv, no.
16,777; Carter-Brown, i. 134, with fac-similes of title; _Bookworm_,
1867, p. 114; Quaritch, no. 321, _sub_ 12,551). Of the same date is
Dionisio Richel’s _Compendio breve que tracta a’ la manera de como se
hā de hazer las processiones_, also printed, as the earlier one was, by
command of Bishop Zumarraga, this time with a distinct date,—“Año de M.
D. _xliiij_.” A copy which belonged to the Emperor Maximilian was sold
in the Andrade sale (no. 2,667), and again in the Brinley sale (no.
5,317). Quaritch priced Ramirez’ copy in 1880 at £52.

The lists above referred to show eight separate issues of the Mexican
press before 1545. Icazbalceta puts, under 1548, the _Doctrina en
Mexicano_ as the earliest instance known of a book printed in the
native tongue. Up to 1563, with the exception of a few vocabularies
and grammars of the languages of the country, of the less than forty
books which are known to us, nearly all are of a theological or
devotional character. In that year (1663) Vasco de Puga’s Collection of
Laws—_Provisiones, cédulas, instrucciones de su Majestad_—was printed
(Quaritch, _Ramirez Collection_, 1880, no. 236, £30). Falkenstein in
his _Geschichte der Buchdruckerkunst_ (Leipsic, 1840) has alleged,
following Pinelo and others, that a Collection of Laws—_Ordinationes
legumque collectiones_—was printed in 1649; but the existence of such
a book is denied. Cf. Thomas, _History of Printing_, i. 372; Harrisse,
_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 288.

[1102] Quaritch, _Ramirez Collection_ (1880), no. 28, £15; Sabin, vol.
1. no. 3,349; Carter-Brown, iii. 893; Rich, _Bibl. Nova Amer._ (1835),
p. 95; Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_, no. 126; Leclerc, no. 50,—400
francs; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 79.

[1103] Navarrete first printed it in his _Coleccion_, i. 421; it was
included also in Vedia’s _Historiadores primitivos de Indias_ (Madrid,
1852); and Gayangos, in his _Cartas de Hernan Cortés_ (Paris, 1866)
does not hesitate to let it stand for the first letter, while he also
annotates it. It is likewise printed in the _Biblioteca de autores
Españoles_, vol. xxii., and by Alaman in his _Disertaciones sobre la
historia de la República Mejicana_, vol. i., appendix, with a sketch
of the expedition. Cf. Prescott’s _Mexico_, i. 360, iii. 428; H. H.
Bancroft’s _Mexico_, i. 169.

[1104] Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 170. It is supposed that still a third
letter went at the same time, which is now known to us. Three letters
of this time were found in 1866 among some old account-books in a
library sold in Austria. Two of them proved to be written in Spain upon
the news of Cortés’ discoveries, while one was written by a companion
of Cortés shortly after the landing on the Mexican coast, but is not
seemingly an original, for it is written in German, and the heading
runs: _Newzeit wie unnsers aller-gnadigistn hern des Romischn und
hyspaenischn Koningsleut Ain Costliche Newe Lanndschafft habn gefundn_,
and bears date June 28, 1519. There are some contradictions in it to
the received accounts; but these are less important than the mistake
of a modern French translator, who was not aware of the application
of the name of Yucatan, at that time, to a long extent of coast,
and who supposed the letters referred to Grijalva’s expedition. The
original text, with a modern German and French version, appears in a
small edition (thirty copies) which Frederic Muller, of Amsterdam,
printed from the original manuscript (cf. his _Books on America_,
1872, no. 1,144; 1877, no. 2,296, priced at 120 florins) under the
title of _Trois lettres sur la découverte de Yucatan_, Amsterdam, 1871
(Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 66; Muller, _Books on America_, 1877, no.
2,296; C. H. Berendt in _American Bibliopolist_, July and August, 1872;
Murphy, no. 2,795).

One of the news-sheets of the time, circulated in Europe, is preserved
in the Royal Library at Berlin. A photo-lithographic fac-simile was
published (one hundred copies) at Berlin in 1873. It is called:
_Newe Zeittung. von dem lande. das die Sponier funden haben ym 1521.
iare genant Iucatan_. It is a small quarto in gothic type, of four
unnumbered leaves, with a woodcut. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 70, with
fac-simile of title; Carter-Brown, i. 69; Muller (1877), no. 3,593;
Sobolewski, no. 4,153.

[1105] Prescott used a copy taken from Muñoz’ transcript.

[1106] Cf. Prescott, _Mexico_, i. 262; Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 72.

[1107] Cf. Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_ (1870), p. 103; _Historical
Collections_, i. 342; and the section on “Early Descriptions of
America” in the present work.

[1108] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 179.

[1109] Sabin, vi. 126; Carter-Brown, i. 63.

[1110] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 105.

[1111] _Mexico_, i. 547.

[1112] Cf. Harrisse _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 118; Carter-Brown, i. 71;
Brunet, ii. 310; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,933; Folsom, introduction to
his edition. The Lenox and Barlow libraries have most, if not all, of
the various early editions of the Cortés letters.

[1113] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,934; Carter-Brown, i. 73; Brunet, ii.
311; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 84; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 120;
Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; Ternaux, no. 27.

[1114] Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 81; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 118, 125;
Brunet, ii. 312; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166; Huth, i. 353;
C. Fiske Harris, _Catalogue_, no. 896; _Cooke Catalogue_, vol. iii.
no. 623; Sunderland, vol. ii. no. 3,479; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,947;
Panzer, vii. 466; Menzel, _Bibl. Hist._, part i. p. 269; Ternaux, p.
32; Heber, vol. vi. no. 2,415 and ix. 910; Murphy Catalogue, no. 676;
Stevens, _American Bibliographer_, p. 85. The book, when it contains
the large folding plan of Mexico and the map of the Gulf of Mexico, is
worth about $100. The plan and map are missing from the copy in the
Boston Public Library. [D. 3101., 56, no. 1].

[1115] Cf. Brunet, ii. 312, and _Supplément_, col. 320; Carter-Brown,
i. 82, which shows a map with inscriptions in Italian; _Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 129; Pinart, no. 262; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,951; Panzer,
vol. viii. no. 1,248; Court, nos. 90, 91; Heber, vol. vi. no. 1,002,
and x. 848; Walckenaer, no. 4,187. There are copies with another
colophon (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 130), connecting two printers with
it,—Lexona and Sabio. F. S. Ellis, London, 1884 (no. 60), priced a copy
at £52 10_s_., and Dufossé (no. 14,184) at 200 francs.

[1116] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,950, and xiii. 56,052; _Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 119; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166.

[1117] It is very rare, but Tross, of Paris, had a copy in his hands in
1866.

[1118] Annexed herewith in fac-simile.

[1119] Cf. Arana, _Bibliografía de obras anónimas_ (1882) no. 244.

[1120] Cf. the notice of Cortés in R. C. Sands’s _Writings_, vol. i.

[1121] The original edition of Lorenzana is usually priced at $10 to
$20. Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. nos. 16,938, 16,939, and vol. x. p. 462; H.
H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 378 (with a sketch of Lorenzana); Brunet,
_Supplément_, i. 321; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,750; Leclerc, no.
155; Sobolewski, no. 3,767; F. S. Ellis (1884), £2 2_s._

[1122] Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,942. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 549),
speaking of Gayangos’ edition, says: “Although a few of Lorenzana’s
blunders find correction, others are committed; and the notes of
the archbishop are adopted without credit and without the necessary
amendment of date, etc.,—which often makes them absurd.”

[1123] The book is variously priced from $20 to $60. Cf. _Bibl.
Amer. Vet._, no. 168; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 100; _Biblioteca
Grenvilliana_, p. 167; Leclerc, no. 152; Sunderland, no. 3,480; Pinart,
no. 261; O’Callaghan, no. 683; Sabin, vol. iv. nos. 16,947-16,949.
There were also Latin versions in the _Novus orbis_ of Grynæus, 1555
and 1616.

[1124] The only copy known is noted in Tross’s _Catalogue_, 1866, no.
2,881. It is in Roman letter, sixteen leaves.

[1125] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,953.

[1126] Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 297; Ternaux, p. 57; Trömel, p. 14;
Brunet, ii. 312; Stevens, _Nuggets_, i. 188; O’Callaghan, no. 989;
Sobolewski, no. 3,766; J. J. Cooke, iii. 624 (copy now in Harvard
College Library). It is usually priced at £2 or £3. Dufossé (1884, no.
14,185) held a copy at 100 francs.

[1127] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,958.

[1128] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,959.

[1129] Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 113.

[1130] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,962.

[1131] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,964.

[1132] Cf. on the second letter, Prescott, _Mexico_, Kirk’s ed., ii.
425.

[1133] Cf. Rich, (1832) no. 5,—£10 10_s._; Stevens, _American
Bibliographer_, p. 84; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166; Panzer, vii.
122; Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; Ternaux, no. 26; Brunet, ii. 311;
_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 121; Carter-Brown, i. 74; Sabin, vol. iv. no.
16,935.

[1134] Priced by F. S. Ellis (1884) at £18 18_s._

[1135] Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 83; Ternaux, no. 33; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._,
no. 126; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 167; Brunet, ii. 312; Sabin,
vol. iv. no. 16,948; Stevens, _American Bibliographer_, p. 87. There is
a copy of the 1524 edition in the Boston Public Library. [D. 3101. 56,
no. 2].

[1136] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,936; Carter-Brown, i. 85; Brunet, ii.
311; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 135; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166.

[1137] The only copy known is that in the Carter-Brown Library
(_Catalogue_, no. 88). Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,937; _Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 138; Stevens, _American Bibliographer_, p. 85; Brunet,
ii. 312; Panzer, x. 28; Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; _Bibliotheca
Grenvilliana_, p. 166; Ternaux, no. 34.

[1138] Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,940.

[1139] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,941; Carter-Brown, i. 84; Court, no.
89; Prescott, _Mexico_, iii. 248.

[1140] A letter about the Olid rebellion is lost; Helps, iii. 37.

[1141] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,943.

[1142] Cf. H. Vattemare in _Revue contemporaine_, 1870, vii. 532.

[1143] Prescott’s _Mexico_, iii. 266. Cf. references on this expedition
to Honduras in H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 537, 567, 582;
ii. 144; and his _Native Races_, iv. 79. This Honduras expedition is
also the subject of one of Ixtlilxochitl’s _Relaciones_, printed in
Kingsborough’s ninth volume.

[1144] _Cartas al Emperador_ (Sept. 11, 1526, Oct. 10, 1530), in
_Documentos inéditos_ (_España_), i. 14, 31, and in Kingsborough’s
_Mexico_, vol. viii.; _Memorial al Emperador_ (1539) in _Documentos
inéditos_, iv. 201. Cf. also Purchas, v. 858, and Ramusio, iii. 187.
His _Última y sentidisima carta_, Feb. 3, 1544, is given in _Documentos
inéditos_, i. 41, and in Prescott’s _Mexico_, Kirk’s ed., iii. 460.
Other letters of Cortés are in the Pacheco _Coleccion_ and in that of
Icazbalceta. The twelfth volume of the _Biblioteca histórica de la
Iberia_ (Mexico, 1871), with the special title of _Escritos sueltos de
Cortés_, gives nearly fifty documents. Icazbalceta, in the introduction
of vol. i. p. xxxvii. of his _Coleccion_, gives a list of the _escritos
sueltos_ of Cortés in connection with a full bibliography of the series
of _Cartas_, with corrections, derived largely from Harrisse, in vol.
ii. p. lxiii.

[1145] _Mexico_, i. 549, 696. “Ever ready with a lie when it suited his
purpose; but he was far too wise a man needlessly to waste so useful an
agent.”—_Early American Chroniclers_, p. 16.

[1146] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._) gives numerous references on
Cortés. It is somewhat singular that there is no mention of him in the
_Novus orbis_ of 1532, and none in De Bry. Mr. Brevoort prepared the
article on Cortés in Sabin’s _Dictionary_.

[1147] Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 30; Prescott’s _Mexico_, i.
474, and _Peru_, ii. 304, 457; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i.
314, his _Mexico_, and his _Early American Chroniclers_, p. 21.

[1148] There are curious stories about this book, in which there
is not entire accord with one another. The fact seems to be that
Bustamante got hold of the manuscript, and supposed it an original work
of Chimalpain, and announced it for publication in a Spanish dress,
as translated from the Nahuatl, under the title of _Historia de las
conquistas de Hernando Cortés_, under which name it appeared in two
volumes in Mexico in 1826 (_Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 207). Bandelier
and others referring to it have supposed it to be what the title
represented (_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, new series, i. 84; cf. _Bibl.
Amer. Vet._, p. 204); but it is printed in Spanish nevertheless, and is
nothing more than a translation of Gomara. Bustamante in his preface
does not satisfy the reader’s curiosity, and this Mexican editor’s
conduct in the matter has been the subject of apology and suspicion.
Cf. Quaritch’s _Catalogues_, nos. 11,807, 12,043, 17,632; H. H.
Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 315; Sabin, vii. no. 27,753. Quaritch
adds that Bustamante’s text seems rather like a modern improvement of
Gomara than a retranslation, and that a manuscript apparently different
and called Chimalpain’s history was sold in the Abbé Fischer’s sale in
1869.

[1149] It is a small folio, and has become extremely rare, owing,
perhaps, in part to the attempted suppression of it. Quaritch in 1883
priced a copy at £75. It should have two maps, one of the Indies, the
other of the Old World (Ternaux, no. 61; Carter-Brown, nos. 177, 178;
Sunderland, vol. iii. no. 7,575; _Library of an Elizabethan Admiral_,
1883, no. 338; Leclerc, no. 2,779; Rich (1832), no. 23, £10 10_s._;
Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,724; Murphy, no. 1,062).

[1150] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 179, 180; Sabin, vol. vii. no.
27,725; Leclerc, 800 francs. Mr. J. C. Brevoort has a copy. Sabin (no.
27,726) notes a _Conquista de México_ (Madrid, 1553) which he has not
seen, but describes it at second hand as having the royal arms where
the Medina edition has the arms of Cortés, and intimates that this last
may have been the cause of the alleged suppression.

[1151] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 187, 188, with a fac-simile of the
title of the former; and on p. 169 is noted another Saragossa edition
of 1555. Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 27,727, 27,728.

[1152] _Historia de México_, Juan Steelsio, and again Juan Bellero
(with his map); _La historia general de las Indias_, Steelsio. These
are in Harvard College Library. Sabin (vol. vii. nos. 27,729-27,732)
notes of these Antwerp editions,—_Historia general_, Nucio, Steelsio,
and Bellero; _Historia de México_, Bellero, Lacio, Steelsio; and
_Conquista de México_, Nucio. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (nos.
189-193) shows the _Historia de México_ with the Steelsio and Bellero
imprints, and copies of the _Historia general_ with the imprints of
Bellero and Martin Nucio. Quaritch prices the Bellero _México_ at £5
5_s._ Rich priced it in 1832 at £3 3_s._ There is a Steelsio México in
the Boston Public Library. Cf. _Huth Catalogue_, ii. 605; Murphy, nos.
1,057-1,059; Court, nos. 146, etc. Of the later Spanish texts, that in
Barcia’s _Historiadores primitivos_ (1748-1749) is mutilated; the best
is that in the _Biblioteca de autores Españoles_, published at Madrid
in 1852.

[1153] Such, at least, is the condition of the copy in Harvard College
Library; while the two titles are attached to different copies in the
_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. nos. 199, 210. The _México_ is also
in the Boston Athenæum. Cf. _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 989. Sabin
(vol. vii. nos. 27,734-27,735) says the 1555 title is a cancelled one.
Mr. Brevoort possesses a _Historia generale delle Indie occidentali_
(Rome, 1556), which he calls a translation of part i. Cf. Sabin, vol.
vii. no. 27,736; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 200. F. S. Ellis (1884, no.
111) prices a copy at £2 2_s._ Sabin (no. 27,737) also notes a Gomara,
as published in 1557 at Venice, as the second part of a history, of
which Cieza de Leon’s was the first part.

[1154] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 232, 233, 250, 306, 541; Sabin,
vol. vii. nos. 27,739-27,745. The _Historia general_ was published in
Venice in 1565 as the second part of a _Historie dell’Indie_, of which
Cieza de Leon’s _Historie del Peru_ was the first part, and Gomara’s
_Conquista di Messico_ (1566) was the third. This Italian translation
was made by Lucio Mauro. The three parts are in Harvard College Library
and in the Boston Public Library (Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,738).

[1155] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 273, 274, 314, 324, 334, 357, 371,
375; Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 27,746-27,750; Murphy, nos. 1,059, 1,061;
O’Callaghan, no. 990. F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 108) prices the 1569
edition at £10 10_s._ The 1578 and 1558 editions are in Harvard College
Library,—the latter is called _Voyages et conquestes du Capitaine
Ferdinand Courtois_. Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,955. Harrisse says that
Oviedo, as well as Gomara, was used in this production. There were
later French texts in 1604, 1605, and 1606. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii.
nos. 34, 46; Rich (1832), no. 104; Sabin (vol. vii. no. 27,749) also
says of the 1606 edition that pp. 67-198 are additional to the 1578
edition.

[1156] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 323; Menzies, no. 814; Crowninshield,
no. 285; Rich (1832), no. 58; Brinley, no. 5,309; Murphy, no. 1,060.
There are copies of this and of the 1596 reprint in Harvard College
Library; and of the 1578 edition in the Massachusetts Historical
Society’s Library and in Mr. Deane’s Collection; cf. Vol. III. pp. 27,
204. An abridgment of Gomara had already been given in 1555 by Eden in
his _Decades_, and in 1577 in Eden’s _History of Travayle_; and his
account was later followed by Hakluyt.

[1157] The bibliography of Gomara in Sabin (vol. vii. p. 395) was
compiled by Mr. Brevoort. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i. p. 169)
gives a list of editions; cf. Leclerc, no. 243, etc.

[1158] Bancroft (_Mexico_, ii. 339) gives references for tracing the
Conquerors and their descendants.

[1159] _Mexico_, ii. 146; cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Early Chroniclers_, p.
14.

[1160] Ibid., ii. 459.

[1161] Ibid., i. 473.

[1162] Bancroft speaks of the account’s “exceeding completeness, its
many new facts, and varied version” (_Mexico_, i. 697).

[1163] Scherzer (in his edition of Ximenes’ _Las historias del origen
de los Indios de esta provincia de Guatemala_, 1857) says that the text
as published is very incorrect, and adds that the original manuscript
is in the city library at Guatemala. Brasseur says he has seen it
there. It is said to have a memorandum to show that it was finished
in 1605 at Guatemala. We have no certain knowledge of Diaz’ death to
confirm the impression that he could have lived to the improbable
age which this implies. (Cf. _Magazine of American History_, i. 129,
328-329.) There are two editions of it, in different type, which
have the seal of authenticity. One was dated in 1632; the other,
known as the second edition, is without date, and has an additional
chapter (numbered wrongly ccxxii.) concerning the portents among the
Mexicans which preceded the coming of the Spaniards. It is explained
that this was omitted in the first edition as not falling within the
personal observation of Diaz. (Cf. Sabin, vol. vi. nos. 19,978, 19,979;
Carter-Brown, ii. 387; Murphy, no. 790; Court, nos. 106, 107; Leclerc,
no. 1,115. Rich priced it in his day at $10; it now usually brings
about $30.) There are later editions of the Spanish text,—one issued at
Mexico in 1794-1795, in four small volumes (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,980;
Leclerc, no. 1,117, 40 francs); a second, Paris, 1837 (Sabin, vol. vi.
no. 19,981); and another, published in 1854, in two quarto volumes,
with annotations from the Cortés letters, etc. It is also contained in
Vedia’s edition of the _Historiadores primitivos_, vol. ii. There are
three German editions, one published at Hamburg in 1848, with a preface
by Karl Ritter, and others bearing date at Bonn, 1838 and 1843 (Sabin,
vi. no. 19,986-19,987). There are two English versions,—one by Maurice
Keating, published at London in 1800 (with a large map of the Lake of
Mexico), which was reprinted at Salem, Mass., in 1803 (Sabin, vol. vi.
nos. 19,984-19,985). Mr. Deane points out how Keating, without any
explanation, transfers from chap. xviii. and other parts of the text
sundry passages to a preface. A second English translation,—_Memoirs
of Diaz_,—by John Ingram Lockhart, was published in London in 1844
(Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,983), and is also included in Kerr’s _Voyages_,
vols. iii. and iv. Munsell issued an abridged English translation by
Arthur Prynne at Albany in 1839 (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,982). The best
annotated of the modern issues is a French translation by D. Jourdanet,
_Histoire véridique de la conquête de la Nouvelle Espagne_, Paris,
1876. In the following year a second edition was issued, accompanied
by a study on the human sacrifices of the Aztecs, and enriched with
notes, a bibliography, and a chapter from Sahagun on the vices of
the Mexicans. It also contained a modern map of Mexico, showing the
marches of Cortés; the map of the valley, indicating the contraction
of the lake (the same as used by Jourdanet in other works), and a
reproduction of a map of the lake illustrating the operations of
Cortés, which follows a map given in the Mexican edition of Clavigero.
A list of the _Conquistadores_ gives three hundred and seventy-seven
names, which are distinguished apart as constituting the followers of
Cortés, Camargo, Salcedo, Garay, Narvaez, and Ponçe de Leon. This list
is borrowed from the _Diccionario universal de historia y de geografia,
... especialmente sobre la república Mexicana_, 1853-1856. (Cf.
_Norton’s Literary Gazette_, Jan. 15, 1835, and _Revue des questions
historiques_, xxiii. 249.) This _Diccionario_ was published at Mexico,
in 1853-1856, in ten volumes, based on a similar work printed in Spain,
but augmented in respect to Mexican matters by various creditable
collaborators, while vols. viii., ix., and x. are entirely given to
Mexico, and more particularly edited by Manuel Orozco y Berra. The
work is worth about 400 francs. The _Cartas de Indias_ (Madrid, 1877)
contained a few unpublished letters of Bernal Diaz.

[1164] Sahagun’s study of the Aztec tongue was a productive
one. Biondelli published at Milan in 1858, from a manuscript by
Sahagun, an _Evangelarium epistolarium et lectionarium Aztecum sive
Mexicanum, ex antiquo codice Mexicano nuper reperto_; and Quaritch
in 1880 (_Catalogue_, p. 46, no. 261, etc.) advertised various
other manuscripts of his _Sermones in Mexicano_, etc. Jourdanet in
his edition (p. x.) translates the opinion of Sahagun given by his
contemporary and fellow-Franciscan, Fray Geronimo Mendieta, in his
_Historia eclesiastica Indiana_ (Mexico, 1860) p. 633. There is a
likeness of Sahagun in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s _Mexico_,
published at Mexico in 1846, vol. iii.

[1165] A part of the original manuscript of Sahagun was exhibited, says
Brinton (_Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 27), at the Congrès des
Américanistes at Madrid in 1881.

[1166] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,348. Stevens (_Historical
Collections_, vol. i., no. 1,573) mentions a copy of this edition,
which has notes and collations with the original manuscript made by Don
J. F. Ramirez. Cf. _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 316.

[1167] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 208.

[1168] The book was called: _La aparicion de N^{tra}. Señora de
Guadalupe de México, comprobada con la refutation del argumento
negativo que presenta Muñoz, fundandose en el testimonio del P. Fr.
Bernardino Sahagun; ó sea: Historia original de este escritor, que
altera la publicada en 1829 en el equivocado concepto de ser la unica y
original de dicho autor. Publícala, precediendo una disertacion sobre
la aparicion guadalupana, y con notas sobre la conquista de México_.
Cf. _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 46.

[1169] _Spanish Conquest_, ii. 346.

[1170] _Magazine of American History_ (November, 1881) p. 378. Cf.
other estimates in H. H. Bancroft’s _Mexico_, i. 493, 696; _Native
Races_, iii. 231-236; _Early Chroniclers_, pp. 19, 20. Bernal Diaz and
Sahagun are contrasted by Jourdanet in the introduction to his edition
of the latter. Cf. also Jourdanet’s edition of Bernal Diaz and the
article on Sahagun by Ferdinand Denis in the _Revue des Deux Mondes_.

[1171] Prescott’s _Mexico_, Kirk’s ed. ii. 38.

[1172] Prescott, _Mexico_, iii. 214.

[1173] Mr. Brevoort reviewed this edition in the _Magazine of American
History_.

[1174] Vols. x. and xvi. In one of these is the _Chronica
Compendiosissima_ of Amandus (Antwerp, 1534), which contains the
letters of Peter of Ghent, or De Mura,—_Recueil des pièces relatives à
la Conquête du Mexique_, pp. 193-203. Cf. Sabin, vol. i. no. 994.

[1175] Vol. xi. Zurita is also given in Spanish in the _Coleccion de
documentos inéditos_, vol. ii. (1865), but less perfectly than in
Ternaux. The document was written about 1560.

[1176] Vols. viii., xii., xiii.

[1177] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 1540-1541.

[1178] Ibid., no. 767.

[1179] Ibid., no. 766; Sabin, vol. ix. p. 168. Cf. Brinton, _Aboriginal
American Authors_, p. 15.

[1180] Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. i. pp. 163, 174, 206, 207; vol. iii. p.
105; and H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, vol. i. pp. 339, 697; vol. ii. p.
24; Kingsborough, vol. ix.

[1181] Brinton, _Aboriginal American Literature_, p. 24.

[1182] Icazbalceta, in his _Apuntes para un Catálogo de Escritores en
lenguas indigenas de America_ (Mexico, 1866), gives a summary of the
native literature preserved to us. Cf. Brinton’s _Aboriginal American
Authors_, p. 14, etc., on natives who acquired reputation as writers of
Spanish.

[1183] Vol. i. p. lxxiv; and on p. lxxviii he gives accounts of various
manuscripts, chiefly copies, owned by himself. He also traces the rise
of his interest in American studies, while official position in later
years gave him unusual facilities for research. His conclusions and
arguments are often questioned by careful students. Cf. Bandelier, in
_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1880, p. 93.

[1184] In the introduction to this volume Brasseur reviews the native
writers on the Conquest. Bancroft (_Mexico_, vol. i. p. 493, vol. ii.
p. 488) thinks he hardly does Cortés justice, and is prone to accept
without discrimination the native accounts, to the discredit of those
of the conquerors. Brasseur gives abundant references; and since the
publication of the _Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, we have a compact
enumeration of his own library.

[1185] He enumerates a few of the treasures, vol. i. p. lxxvi.

[1186] The list is not found in all copies. _Murphy Catalogue_, p. 300.
F. S. Ellis (London, 1884) prices a copy at £2 2_s._

[1187] Born at Puebla 1710; died 1780.

[1188] Published in three volumes in Mexico in 1836. Edited by C. F.
Ortega. Cf. Prescott, _Mexico_, book i. chap. i. Veytia also edited
from Boturini’s collection, and published with notes at Mexico in
1826, _Tezcuco en los ultimos tiempos de sus antiguos reyes_ (_Murphy
Catalogue_, no. 428).

[1189] _Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 26, where are notices of other
manuscripts on Tlaxcalan history.

[1190] Cf. _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_ (1845), vol. ii. p. 129, etc.

[1191] Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. ii. p. 286; Bancroft, _Mexico_, vol. i.
p. 200.

[1192] _Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, no. 237.

[1193] Brinton’s _Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 26. Mr. A. F.
Bandelier is said to be preparing an edition of it.

[1194] Cf. _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, 1844-1849. Ternaux’s
translation is much questioned. Cf. also Kingsborough, vol. ix., and
the _Biblioteca Mexicana_ of Vigel, with notes by Orozco y Berra.

[1195] _Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 28.

[1196] Bancroft, _Central America_, vol. i. p. 686. Bandelier has given
a partial list of the authorities on the conquest of Guatemala in
the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1880; and Bancroft (_Central
America_, vol. i. p. 703, vol. ii. p. 736) characterizes the principal
sources. Helps (end of book xv. of his _Spanish Conquest_) complained
of the difficulty in getting information of the Guatemala affairs; but
Bancroft makes use of all the varied published collections of documents
on Spanish-American history, which contain so much on Guatemala; and
to his hands, fortunately, came also all the papers of the late E. G.
Squier. A _Coleccion de Documentos Antiguos de Guatemala_, published in
1857, has been mentioned elsewhere, as well as the _Proceso_ against
Alvarado, so rich in helpful material. The general historians must all
be put under requisition in studying this theme,—Oviedo, Gomara, Diaz,
Las Casas, Ixtlilxochitl, and Herrera, not to name others. Antonio
de Remesal’s is the oldest of the special works, and was written on
the spot. His _Historia de Chyapa_ is a Dominican’s view; and being
a partisan, he needs more or less to be confirmed. A Franciscan
friar, Francisco Vasquez, published a _Chronica de la Provincia del
Santissimo Nombre de Jesus de Guatemala_ in 1714, a promised second
volume never appearing. He magnified the petty doings of his brother
friars; but enough of historical interest crept into his book, together
with citations from records no longer existing, to make it valuable.
He tilts against Remesal, while he constantly uses his book; and the
antagonism of the Franciscans and Dominicans misguides him sometimes,
when borrowing from his rival. He lauds the conquerors, and he suffers
the charges of cruelty to be made out but in a few cases (Bancroft,
_Central America_, vol. ii. pp. 142, 736). The _Historia de Guatemala_
of Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman is quoted by Bancroft from
a manuscript copy (_Central America_, vol. ii. p. 736), but it has
since been printed in Madrid in 1882-1883, in two volumes, with
annotations by Justo Zaragoza, as one of the series _Biblioteca de los
Americanistes_. Bancroft thinks he has many errors and that he is far
from trustworthy, wherever his partiality for the conquerors is brought
into play. The chief modern historian of Guatemala is Domingo Juarros,
who was born in that city in 1752, and died in 1820. His _Compendio de
la historia de la Ciudad de Guatemala_ was published there, the first
volume in 1808 and the second in 1818; and both were republished in
1857. It was published in English in London in 1823, with omissions
and inaccuracies,—according to Bancroft. The story of the Conquest is
told in the second volume. Except so far as he followed Fuentes, in his
partiality for the conquerors, Juarros’ treatment of his subject is
fair; and his industry and facilities make him learned in its details.
Bancroft (_Central America_, vol. ii. pp. 142, 737) remarks on his
omission to mention the letters of Alvarado, and doubts, accordingly,
if Juarros could have known of them.

Of the despatches which Alvarado sent to Cortés, we know only two.
Bandelier (_American Antiquarian Society’s Proceedings_, October,
1880) says that Squier had copies of them all; but Bancroft (_Central
America_, vol. i. p. 666), who says he has all of Squier’s papers,
makes no mention of any beyond the two,—of April 11 and July 28,
1524,—which are in print in connection with Cortés’ fourth letter, in
Ramusio’s version, except such as are of late date (1534-1541), of
which he has copies, as his list shows (Cf. also Ternaux, vol. x.,
and Barcia, vol. i. p. 157). Ternaux is said to have translated from
Ramusio. Oviedo uses them largely, word for word. Herrera is supposed
to have used a manuscript History of the Conquest of Guatemala by
Gonzalo de Alvarado.

[1197] Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. ii. p. 165.

[1198] A copy is in the Force Collection, Library of Congress, and
another in Mr. Bancroft’s, from whose _Mexico_, vol. i. p. 461, we
gather some of these statements.

[1199] Cf. Backer, _Bibliothèque des écrivains de la Compagnie de
Jésus_; Markham’s introduction to his edition of Acosta in the Hakluyt
Society’s publications.

[1200] The original edition of the _De natura_ is scarce. Rich priced
it at £1 1_s._ fifty years ago; Leclerc, no. 2,639, at 150 francs
(cf. also Carter-Brown, i. 379; Sabin, i. 111,—for a full account
of successive editions; Sunderland, i. 23). It was reprinted at
Salamanca in 1595, and at Cologne in 1596. The latter edition can
usually be bought for $3 or $4. Cf. Field, no. 9; Stevens, _Bibliotheca
Historica_, no. 9; Murphy, no. 11, etc.

[1201] Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10_s._; ordinary copies are now
worth about £2 or £3, but fine copies in superior binding have reached
£12 12_s._ (Cf. Leclerc, no. 5—200 francs; Sunderland, i. 24; J. A.
Allen, _Bibliography of Cetacea_, p. 24,—where this and other early
books on America are recorded with the utmost care.) Other Spanish
editions are Helmstadt, 1590 (Bartlett); Seville, 1591 (Brunet,
Backer); Barcelona, 1591 (Carter-Brown, i. 478; Leclerc, no. 7);
Madrid, 1608 (Carter-Brown, ii, 61; Leclerc, no. 8) and 1610 (Sabin);
Lyons, 1670; and Madrid, 1792, called the best edition, with a notice
of Acosta.

The French editions followed rapidly: Paris, by R. Regnault, 1597
(Brunet, Markham); 1598 (Leclerc, no. 10—100 francs; Dufossé, 125
francs, 140 francs, 160 francs); 1600 (Leclerc, no. 11; Bishop Huet’s
copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris has notes which are printed
by Camus in his book on De Bry); 1606 (Leclerc, nos. 12, 13); 1616
(Carter-Brown, ii. 177; Leclerc, no. 2,639—50 francs); 1617 (Leclerc,
no. 14); 1619 (Sabin); 1621 (Rich). An Italian version, made by
Gallucci, was printed at Venice in 1596 (Leclerc, no. 15).

There were more liberties taken with it in German. It was called
_Geographische und historische Beschreibung der America_, when printed
at Cologne in 1598, with thirty maps, as detailed in the _Carter-Brown
Catalogue_, i. 520. Antonio (_Biblioteca Hispana Nova_) gives the date
1599. At Cologne again in 1600 it is called _New Welt_ (Carter-Brown,
i. 548), and at Wesel, in 1605, _America oder West India_, which is
partly the same as the preceding (Carter-Brown, ii. 31). Antonio gives
an edition in 1617.

The Dutch translation, following the 1591 Seville edition, was made
by Linschoten, and printed at Haarlem in 1598 (Leclerc, no. 16); and
again, with woodcuts, in 1624 (Carter-Brown, ii. 287; Murphy, no. 9).
It is also in Vander Aa’s collection, 1727. It was from the Dutch
version that it was turned (by Gothard Arthus for De Bry in his _Great
Voyages_, part ix.) into German, in 1601; and into Latin, in 1602 and
1603.

The first English translation did not appear till 1604, at London,
as _The naturall and morall historie of the East und West Indies.
Intreating of the remarkable things of Heaven, of the Elements,
Mettalls, Plants, and Beasts which are proper to that Country; Together
with the Manners, Ceremonies, Lawes, Governements, and Warres of the
Indians. Written in Spanish by Ioseph Acosta, and translated into
English by E[dward] G[rimston]._ Rich priced it fifty years ago at
£1 16s.; it is usually priced now at from four to eight guineas (cf.
Carter-Brown, ii. 21; Field, no. 8; Menzies, no. 4; Murphy, no. 8). It
was reprinted, with corrections of the version, and edited by C. R.
Markham for the Hakluyt Society in 1880.

[1202] This is extremely rare. Quaritch, who said in 1879 that only
three copies had turned up in London in thirty years, prices an
imperfect copy at £5. (_Catalogue_, no. 326 _sub._ no. 17,635.)

It is worth while to note how events in the New World, during the early
part of the sixteenth century, were considered in their relation to
European history. Cf. for instance, Ulloa’s _Vita dell’imperator Carlo
V._ (Rome, 1562), and such chronicles as the _Anales de Aragon_, first
and second parts. Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._ and _Additions_), and
the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i.) will lead the student to this
examination, in their enumeration of books only incidentally connected
with America. To take but a few as representative:

Maffeius, _Commentariorum urbanorum libri_, Basle, 1530, with its
chapter on “loca nuper reperta.” (Harrisse, _Additions_, no. 93;
edition of 1544, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._ no. 257, and _Additions_, no. 146.
Fabricius cites an edition as early as 1526.)

Laurentius Frisius, _Der Cartha Marina_, Strasburg, 1530. (Harrisse,
_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 151; _Addition_s, no. 90.)

Gemma Phrysius, _De Principiis Astronomiæ et Cosmographicæ_, with its
cap. xxix., “De insulis nuper inventis.” (Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet.,
Additions_, no. 92.) There are later editions in 1544 (_Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 252), 1548; also Paris, in French, 1557, etc.

Sebastian Franck, _Weltbuch_, Tübingen, 1533-1534, in which popular
book of its day a separate chapter is given to America. The book in
this first edition is rare, and is sometimes dated 1533, and again
1534. (Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 174, 197; Sabin, vi.
570; Carter-Brown, i. 111; Muller, 1877, no. 1,151; H. H. Bancroft,
_Mexico_, i. 250.) There was another edition in 1542 (_Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 238; Stevens, _Bbliotheca Historica_, no. 738), and later in
Dutch and German, in 1558, 1567, 1595, etc. (Leclerc, nos. 212, 217,
etc.).

George Rithaymer, _De orbis terrarum_, Nuremberg, 1538, with its “De
terris et insulis nuper repertis” (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no.
119).

Achilles P. Gassarum, _Historiarum et chronicarum mundi epitomes
libellus_, Venice, 1538, with its “insulæ in oceano antiquioribus
ignotæ.”

Ocampo, _Chronica general de España_, 1543, who, in mentioning the
discovery of the New World, forgets to name Columbus (_Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 242; Sabin, vol. xiii.).

Guillaume Postel, _De orbis terræ concordia_, Basle, about 1544 (_Bibl.
Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 145).

John Dryander, _Cosmographiæ introductio_, 1544 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet.,
Additions_, no. 147).

Biondo, _De ventis et navigatione_, Venice, 1546, with cap. xxv. on the
New World (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 274).

Professor J. R. Seeley, in his _Expansion of England_ (p. 78), has
pointed out how events in the New World did not begin to react upon
European politics, till the attacks of Drake and the English upon the
Spanish West Indies instigated the Spanish Armada, and made territorial
aggrandizement in the New World as much a force in the conduct of
politics in Europe as the Reformation had been. The power of the
great religious revolution gradually declined before the increasing
commercial interests arising out of trade with the New World.

[1203] Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 667. He died in 1604.

[1204] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,812. Icazbalceta showed Torquemada’s
debt to Mendieta by collations. (Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 668.) No
author later than Torquemada cites it. Barcia was not able to find
it, and it was considered as hopelessly lost. In 1860 its editor was
informed that the manuscript had been found among the papers left by D.
Bartolomé José Gallardo. Later it was purchased by D. José M. Andrade,
and given to Icazbalceta, at whose expense it has been published
(_Boston Public Library Catalogue_).

[1205] Carter-Brown, ii. 176; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,536. Some
of the bibliographies give the date 1613, and the place Seville. Cf.
further on Torquemada, Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 786; _Early American
Chroniclers_, p. 23; Prescott, _Mexico_, i. 53.

[1206] Carter-Brown, iii. 339; Leclerc, no. 370; Field, no. 1,557;
Court, no. 354. It is in three volumes. Kingsborough in his eighth
volume gives some extracts from Torquemada.

[1207] Baptista published various devotional treatises in both Spanish
and Mexican, some of which, like his _Compassionario_ of 1599, are
extremely rare. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,306; Quaritch, _The Ramirez
Collection_, 1880, nos. 25, 26.

[1208] Again in four volumes, Mexico, 1870-1871. Cf. Bancroft,
_Mexico_, iii. 507.

[1209] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,300.

[1210] _Mexico_, i. 187.

[1211] _Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. no. 196.

[1212] Cf., for accounts and estimates, Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_,
vol. iii. no. 196; Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. iii. p. 208; Bancroft,
_Mexico_, vol. i. pp. 186, 697; _Early Chroniclers_, p. 22. Editions of
Solis became, in time, numerous in various languages. Most of them may
be found noted in the following list:—

_In Spanish._ Barcelona, 1691, accompanied by a Life of Solis, by Don
Juan de Goyeneche, Madrid, 1704, a good edition; Brussels, 1704, with
numerous plates; Madrid, 1732, two columns, without plates; Brussels,
1741, with Goyeneche’s Life; Madrid, 1748, said to have been corrected
by the author’s manuscript; Barcelona, 1756; Madrid, 1758; Madrid,
1763; Barcelona, 1771; Madrid, 1776; Madrid, 1780; Madrid, 1783-1784,—a
beautiful edition, called by Stirling “the triumph of the press of
Sancha” (cf. Ticknor Catalogue, p. 335; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no.
1,300); Barcelona, 1789; Madrid, 1791, 1798, 1819, 1822; Paris, 1827;
Madrid, 1828, 1829, 1838; Barcelona, 1840; Paris, 1858, with notes.
Sabin (vol. iv. nos. 16,944-16,945) gives abridged editions,—Barcelona,
1846, and Mexico, 1853. An edition, London, 1809, is “Corregida por
Augustin Luis Josse,” and is included in the _Biblioteca de autores
españoles_, in 1853.

_In French._ The earliest translation was made by Bon André de Citri
et de la Guette, and appeared with two different imprints in Paris
in 1691 in quarto (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. 1427-1428). Other editions
followed,—La Haye, 1692, in 12mo; Paris, 1704, with folding map and
engravings reduced from the Spanish editions; Paris, 1714, with plates;
Paris, 1730, 1759, 1774, 1777, 1844, etc.; and a new version by
Philippe de Toulza, with annotations, published in Paris in 1868.

_In Italian._ The early version was published at Florence in 1699, with
portraits of Solis, Cortés, and Montezuma (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no.
1,577). An edition at Venice in 1704 is without plates; but another, in
1715, is embellished. There was another at Venice in 1733.

_In Danish._ Copenhagen, 1747 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 859).

_In English._ Thomas Townsend’s English version was published in London
in 1724, and was reissued, revised by R. Hooke in 1753, both having
a portrait of Cortés, by Vertue, copied “after a head by Titian,”
with other folding plates based on those of the Spanish editions
(Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 350, 588; Field, _Indian Bibliography_,
nos. 1,464, 1,465). There were later editions in 1753.

It was when he was twenty-eight years old, that Prescott took his first
lesson in Spanish history in reading Solis, at Ticknor’s recommendation.

[1213] The story as the English had had it up to this time—except so
far as they learned it in translations of Solis—may be found in Burke’s
_European Settlements in America_, 1765, part i. pp. 1-166.

[1214] Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,518. It was written in Spanish, but
translated into Italian for publication. A Spanish version, _Historia
Antigua de Mégico_, made by Joaquin de Mora, was printed in London in
1826, and reprinted in Mexico in 1844 (Leclerc, nos. 1,103, 1,104,
2,712). A German translation, _Geschichte von Mexico_, was issued at
Leipsic in 1789-1790, with notes. This version is not made from the
original Italian, but from an English translation printed in London
in 1787 as _The History of Mexico_, translated by Charles Cullen. It
was reprinted in London in 1807, and in Philadelphia in 1817 (Field,
_Indian Bibliography_, p. 326).

[1215] _Early American Chronicles_, p. 24.

[1216] Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 697; also Prescott, _Mexico_, i. 53.

[1217] Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 700; Leclerc, no. 846.

[1218] _Bibliotheca Historica_, no. 377.

[1219] There is a portrait of Clavigero in Cumplido’s edition of
Prescott’s _Mexico_ (1846), vol. iii.

[1220] _Voyageurs_, iii. 422.

[1221] Mr. H. H. Bancroft (_Mexico_, vol. i, p. 7, _note_), however,
charges his predecessor with parading his acquisition of this then
unprinted material, and with neglecting the more trustworthy and
more accessible chroniclers. He also speaks (_Mexico_, i. 701) of an
amiable weakness in Prescott which sacrificed truth to effect, and to
a style which he calls “magnificent,” and to a “philosophic flow of
thought,”—the latter trait in Prescott being one of his weakest; nor is
his style what rhetoricians would call “magnificent.”

[1222] Mr. R. A. Wilson makes more of it than is warranted, in
affirming that “Prescott’s inability to make a personal research”
deprives us of the advantage of his integrity and personal character
(_New Conquest of Mexico_, p. 312).

[1223] Ticknor’s _Prescott_, quarto edition, pp. 167-172.

[1224] It was soon afterward reprinted in London and in Paris.

[1225] Cf. the collation of criticisms on the _Mexico_, given by
Allibone in his _Dictionary of Authors_, and by Poole in his _Index
to Periodical Literature_. Archbishop Spalding, in his _Miscellanea_,
chapters xiii. and xiv., gives the Catholic view of his labors; and
Ticknor, in his _Life of Prescott_, prints various letters from Hallam,
Sismondi, and others, giving their prompt expressions regarding the
book. In chapters xiii., xiv., and xv. of this book the reader may
trace Prescott through the progress of the work, not so satisfactorily
as one might wish however, for in his diaries and letters the historian
failed often to give the engaging qualities of his own character. It
is said that Carlyle, when applied to for letters of Prescott which
might be used by Ticknor in his Life of the historian, somewhat
rudely replied that he had never received any from Prescott worth
preserving. Prescott’s library is, unfortunately, scattered. He gave
some part of it to Harvard College, including such manuscripts as he
had used in his _Ferdinand and Isabella_; and some years after his
death a large part of it was sold at public auction. It was then found
that, with a freedom which caused some observation, the marks of his
ownership had been removed from his books. Many of his manuscripts
and his noctograph were then sold, perhaps through inadvertence, for
the family subsequently reclaimed what they could. The noctograph and
some of the manuscripts are now in the cabinet of the Massachusetts
Historical Society (cf. _Proceedings_, vol. xiii. p. 66), and other
manuscripts are in the Boston Public Library (_Bulletin of Boston
Public Library_, iv. 122). A long letter to Dr. George E. Ellis,
written in 1857, and describing his use of the noctograph, is in the
same volume (Proceedings, vol. xiii. p. 246). The estimate in which
Prescott was held by his associates of that Society may be seen in the
records of the meeting at which his death was commemorated, in 1859
(_Proceedings_, iv. 167, 266). There is a eulogy of Prescott by George
Bancroft in the _Historical Magazine_, iii. 69. Cf. references in
Poole’s _Index_, p. 1047.

[1226] Philadelphia and London, 1859.

[1227] This correspondence was civil, to say the least. Bancroft
(_Mexico_, i. 205), with a rudeness of his own, calls Wilson “a fool
and a knave.”

[1228] _American Ethnological Society Transactions_, vol. i.

[1229] Also in _Boston Daily Courier_, May 3, 1859. Cf. _Mass. Hist.
Soc. Proc._ v. 101; _Atlantic Monthly_, April and May, 1859, by John
Foster Kirk; Allibone’s _Dictionary_, vol. ii. p. 1669. L. A. Wilmer,
in his _Life of De Soto_ (1859) is another who accuses Prescott of
accepting exaggerated statements. Cf. J. D. Washburn on the failure of
Wilson’s arguments to convince, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October
21, 1879, p. 18.

[1230] Edition of 1874, ii. 110.

[1231] Page 147.

[1232] Born about 1817, and knighted in 1872.

[1233] _Indian Bibliography_, no. 682.

[1234] Cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 488.

[1235] Cf. _Revue des deux mondes_, 1845, vol. xi. p. 197. The book
was later translated into English. He also published in 1863 and in
1864 _Le Mexique ancien et moderne_, which was also given in an English
translation in London in 1864. Cf. _British Quarterly Review_, xl. 360.

[1236] Ruge, in his _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, tells
the story with the latest knowledge.

[1237] Both books command good prices, ranging from $25 to $50 each.

[1238] _Mexico_, i. 697; ii. 788,—where he speaks of N. de Zamacois’
_Historia de Méjico_, Barcelona, 1877-1880, in eleven volumes, as
“blundering;” and Mora’s _Méjico y sus Revoluciones_, Paris, 1836, in
three volumes, as “hasty.” Bancroft’s conclusion regarding what Mexico
itself has contributed to the history of the Conquest is “that no
complete account of real value has been written.” Andrés Cavo’s _Tres
siglos de México_ (Mexico, 1836-1838, in three volumes) is but scant
on the period of the Conquest (Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 508). It was
reprinted in 1852, with notes and additions by Bustamante, and as part
of the _Biblioteca Nacional y Extranjera_, and again at Jalapa in 1860.

[1239] Vol. ii. chaps. xxi. and xxx., p. 648.

[1240] _Mexico_, ii. 455-456.

[1241] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,350.

[1242] Rich, 1832, no. 422; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 650. It was
reprinted at Mérida in 1842, and again in 1867.

[1243] Leclerc, nos. 1,172, 2,289. _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October,
1880, p. 85, where will be found Bandelier’s partial bibliography of
Yucatan.

[1244] Cf. Field. 1605; _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1880,
p. 89. The book is not so rare as it is sometimes claimed; Quaritch
usually prices copies at from £2 to £5.

[1245] Field, p. 522.

[1246] The _Registro Yucateco_, a periodical devoted to local
historical study, and published in Mérida, only lived for two years,
1845-1846.

[1247] Cf. Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,834, and references. There is a copy
of Boturini Benaduci in Harvard College Library. A portrait of him is
given in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s _Mexico_, vol. iii.

[1248] It is rare. Quaritch in 1880 priced Ramirez’ copy at £12. It was
printed, “Mexici in Ædibus Authoris.”

[1249] Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide_, p. xiii.

[1250] It contained nearly fourteen hundred entries about Mexico, or
its press. Another collection, gathered by a gentleman attached to
Maximilian’s court, was sold in Paris in 1868; and still another,
partly the accumulation of Père Augustin Fischer, the confessor of
Maximilian, was dispersed in London in 1869 as a _Biblioteca Mejicana_.
Cf. Jackson’s _Bibliographies Géographiques_, p. 223.

[1251] Many of these afterwards appeared in B. Quaritch’s _Rough List_,
no. 46, 1880. The principal part of a sale which included the libraries
of Pinart and Brasseur de Bourbourg (January and February, 1884) also
pertained to Mexico and the Spanish possessions.

[1252] Cf. for instance his _Native Races_, iv. 565; _Central America_,
i. 195; _Mexico_, i. 694, ii. 487, 784; _Early Chroniclers_, p. 19,
etc. It is understood that his habit has been to employ readers to
excerpt and abstract from books, and make references. These slips are
put in paper bags according to topic. Such of these memoranda as are
not worked into the notes of the pertinent chapter are usually massed
in a concluding note.

[1253] The general bibliographies of American history are examined in
a separate section of the present work and elsewhere in the present
chapter something has been said of the bibliographical side of various
other phases of the Mexican theme. Mr. A. F. Bandelier has given a
partial bibliography of Yucatan and Central America, touching Mexico,
however, only incidentally, in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October,
1880. Harrisse, in his _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 212, has given a partial
list of the poems and plays founded upon the Conquest. Others will
be found in the _Chronological List of Historical Fiction_ published
by the Boston Public Library. Among the poems are Gabriel Lasso de
la Vega’s _Cortés Valeroso_, 1588, republished as _Mexicana_ in 1594
(Maisonneuve, no. 2,825—200 francs); Saavedra Guzman’s _El Peregrino
indiano_, Madrid, 1599 (Rich, 1832, no. 86, £4 4_s._); Balbuena’s _El
Bernardo_, a conglomerate heroic poem (Madrid, 1624), which gives one
book to the Conquest by Cortés (Leclerc, no. 48—100 francs); Boesnier’s
_Le Mexique Conquis_, Paris, 1752; Escoiquiz, _México Conquistada_,
1798; Roux de Rochelle, _Ferdinand Cortez_; P. du Roure, _La Conquête
du Mexique_.

Among the plays,—Dryden’s _Indian Emperor_ (Cortés and Montezuma);
Lope de Vega’s _Marquez del Valle_; Fernand de Zarate’s _Conquista de
México_; Canizares, _El Pleyto de Fernan Cortes_; F. del Rey, _Hernand
Cortez en Tabasco_; Piron, _Cortes_; Malcolm MacDonald, _Guatemozin_
(Philadelphia, 1878), etc.

[1254] Dr. Kohl’s studies on the course of geographical discovery
along the Pacific coast were never published. He printed an abstract
in the _United States Coast Survey Report_, 1855, pp. 374, 375. A
manuscript memoir by him on the subject is in the library of the
American Antiquarian Society (_Proceedings_, 23 Apr. 1872, pp. 7,
26) at Worcester. So great advances in this field have since been
made that it probably never will be printed. There is a chronological
statement of explorations up the Pacific coast in Duflot de Mofras’
_Exploration du territoire de l’Orégon_ (Paris, 1844), vol. i. chap.
iv.; but H. H. Bancroft’s _Pacific States_, particularly his _Northwest
Coast_, vol. i., embodies the fullest information on this subject. In
the enumeration of maps in the present paper, many omissions are made
purposely, and some doubtless from want of knowledge. It is intended
only to give a sufficient number to mark the varying progress of
geographical ideas.

[1255] See _ante_, pp. 106, 115.

[1256] Cf. maps _ante_, on pp. 108, 112, 114, 127.

[1257] This map is preserved in the Royal Library at Munich, and is
portrayed in Kunstmann’s _Atlas_, pl. iv., and in Stevens’s _Notes_,
pl. v. Cf. Kohl, _Discovery of Maine_ (for a part), no. 10; and
Harrisse’s _Cabots_, p. 167.

[1258] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 131.

[1259] A sketch of the map is given by Lelewel, pl. xlvi.

[1260] The _Novus Orbis_ (Paris) has sometimes another map; but
Harrisse says the Finæus one is the proper one. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._,
nos. 172, 173.

[1261] Vol. III. p. 11. This reduction, there made from Stevens’s
_Notes_, pl. iv., is copied on a reduced scale in Bancroft’s _Central
America_, vol. i. p. 149. Stevens also gives a fac-simile of the
original, and a greatly reduced reproduction is given in Daly’s _Early
Cartography_. Its names, as Harrisse has pointed out (_Cabots_, p.
182), are similar to the two Weimar charts of 1527 and 1529. The
bibliography of this Paris Grynæus is examined elsewhere.

[1262] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 127.

[1263] _Brit. Mus. Cat. of Maps_, 1844, p. 22.

[1264] Vol. for 1877, p. 359. Cf. the present History, Vol. I. p. 214;
IV. 81.

[1265] See Vol. III. p. 18.

[1266] _Epilogue_, p. 219.

[1267] This edition was in small octavo, with sixty maps, engraved on
metal, of which there are seven of interest to students of American
cartography. They are of South America (no. 54), New Spain (no. 55),
“Terra nova Bacalaos” or Florida to Labrador (no. 56), Cuba (no. 57),
and Hispaniola (no. 58). The copies in America which have fallen under
the Editor’s observation are those in the Library of Congress, in
the Astor and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the collections of Mr.
Barlow and Mr. Kalbfleisch in New York, and of Prof. Jules Marcou in
Cambridge. There was one in the Murphy Collection, no. 2,067. It is
worth from $15 to $25. Cf. on Gastaldi’s maps, Zurla’s _Marco Polo_
ii. 368; the _Notizie di Jacopo Gastaldi_, Torino, 1881; Castellani’s
_Catalogo delle più rare opere geografiche_, Rome, 1876, and other
references in Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1548; and
Vol. IV. p. 40 of the present History.

[1268] This edition is in small quarto and contains six American maps:

no. 1, “Orbis Descriptio;” no. 2, “Carta Marina;” no. 3, a reproduction
of the Zeni map; no. 4, “Schonlandia” (Greenland region, etc.); no.
5, South America; no. 6, New Spain; no. 7, “Tierra nueva,” or eastern
coast of North America; no. 8, Brazil; no. 9, Cuba; no. 10, Hispaniola.

These maps were repeated in the 1562, 1564, and 1574 editions of
Ptolemy. The copies in America of these editions known to the
Editor are in the following libraries: Library of Congress, 1561,
1562, 1574; Boston Public Library, 1561; Harvard College Library,
1562; Carter-Brown Library, 1561, 1562, 1564, 1574; Philadelphia
Library, 1574; Astor Library, 1574; S. L. M. Barlow’s, 1562, 1564;
James Carson Brevoort’s, 1562; J. Hammond Trumbull’s, 1561; Trinity
College (Hartford), 1574; C. C. Baldwin’s (Cleveland) 1561; Murphy
Catalogue, 1561, 1562, 1574,—the last two bought by President A. D.
White of Cornell University. These editions of Ptolemy’s _Geographica_
are described, and their American maps compared with the works of
other contemporary cartographers, in Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy’s
Geography_ (1884).

[1269] _Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870, pages
62; plates vi., vii., ix.

[1270] These and other maps of the Palazzo are noted in _Studi
biografici e bibliografici della società geografica italiana_, Rome,
1882, ii. 169, 172.

[1271] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 209; Leclerc, _Bibliotheca
Americana_, no. 240; _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 1,047. The map is very
rare. Henry Stevens published a fac-simile made by Harris. This and a
fac-simile of the title of the book are annexed. Cf. Orozco y Berra,
_Cartografia Mexicana_, 37.

[1272] Sabin, _Dictionary of books relating to America_, vii. 27,504;
Stevens, _Historical Collections_, i. 2,413 (books sold in London,
July, 1881). The Harvard College copy lacks the map. Mr. Brevoort’s
copy has the map, and that gentleman thinks it belongs to this edition
as well as to the other.

[1273] The Catalogue of the British Museum puts under 1562 a map by
Furlani called _Univerales Descrittione di tutta la Terra cognosciuta
da Paulo di Forlani_. A “carta nautica” of the same cartographer,
now in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, is figured in Santarem’s
_Atlas_. (Cf. _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, 1839; and
_Studi biografici e bibliografici_, ii. p. 142). Thomassy in his
_Papes géographes_, p. 118, mentions a Furlani (engraved) map of
1565, published at Venice, and says it closely resembles the Gastaldi
type. Another, of 1570, is contained in Lafreri’s _Tavole moderne di
geografia_, Rome and Venice, 1554-1572 (cf. Manno and Promis, _Notizie
di Gastaldi_, 1881, p. 19; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 237). Furlani, in
1574, as we shall see, had dissevered America and Asia. As to Diego
Hermano, cf. Willes’ _History of Trauvayle_ (London, 1577) fol. 232,
_verso_.

[1274] There are copies in the Library of Congress and in the
Carter-Brown Library. Dufossé recently priced it at 25 francs.

[1275] Morton’s _New English Canaan_, Adams’s edition, p. 126.

[1276] See _ante_, p. 104.

[1277] Magellan and his companions seem to have given the latter name,
according to Pigafetta, and Galvano and others soon adopted the name.
(Cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, vol. i. pp. 135, 136, 373; and the
present volume, _ante_, p. 196).

[1278] Brevoort (_Verrazano_, p. 80) suspects that the Vopellio map
of 1556 represents the geographical views of Cortés at this time.
Mr. Brevoort has a copy of this rare map. See _ante_, p. 436, for
fac-simile.

[1279] Cf. collation of references in Bancroft, _No. Mexican States_,
i. 18; _Northwest Coast_, i. 13.

[1280] Pacheco, _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xxiii. 366.

[1281] Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 258.

[1282] These are given in Navarrete, v. 442. Cf. other references in
Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 258, where his statements are at variance with
those in his _Central America_, i. 143.

[1283] _Documentos inéditos_, xiv. 65, where a report describes this
preliminary expedition.

[1284] In 1524 Francisco Cortés in his expedition to the Jalisco coast
heard from the natives of a wooden house stranded there many years
earlier, which may possibly refer to an early Portuguese voyage. H. H.
Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 15.

[1285] Prescott, _Ferdinand and Isabella_, ii. 180, and references.

[1286] Cf. Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. chap. iii., on
this voyage, with full references.

[1287] Cf. Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. chap. ii., with
references; p. 29, on Guzman’s expedition, and a map of it, p. 31.

[1288] The Rev. Edward E. Hale procured a copy of this when in Spain
in 1883, and from his copy the annexed woodcut is made. Cf. Gomara,
folio 117; Herrera, Decade viii. lib. viii. cap. ix. and x. Bancroft
(_Central America_, i. 150) writes without knowledge of this map.

[1289] The Spanish is printed in Navarrete, iv. 190.

[1290] This expedition of Cortés is not without difficulties in
reconciling authorities and tracing the fate of the colonists which
he sought to plant at Santa Cruz. Bancroft has examined the various
accounts (_North Mexican States_, i. 52, etc.).

[1291] Cortés had called California an island as early as 1524, in a
report to the Emperor, deducing his belief from native reports. De Laet
in 1633 mentions having seen early Spanish maps showing it of insular
shape.

[1292] Cf. Prescott’s _Mexico_, iii. 322; Bancroft’s _Mexico_, ii. 425;
_Central America_, i. 152, and _North Mexican States_, i. 79, with
references. The accounts are not wholly reconcilable. It would seem
probable that Ulloa’s own ship was never heard from. Ramusio gives a
full account (vol. iii. p. 340) by one of the companions of Ulloa, on
another ship.

[1293] At least so says Herrera (Stevens’s edition, vi. 305). Castañeda
defers the naming till Alarcon’s expedition. Cabrillo in 1542 used the
name as of well-known application. The origin of the name has been a
cause of dispute. Professor Jules Marcou is in error in stating that
the name was first applied by Bernal Diaz to a bay on the coast, and
so was made to include the whole region. He claims that it was simply
a designation used by Cortés to distinguish a land which we now know
to be the hottest in the two Americas,—Tierra California, derived from
“calida fornax,” fiery furnace. (Cf. _Annual Report of the Survey west
of the hundredth Parallel_, by George M. Wheeler, 1876, p. 386; and
_Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers_, U.S.A., 1878, appendix, also
printed separately as _Notes upon the First Discoveries of California
and the Origin of its Name_, by Jules Marcou, Washington, 1878.)
Bancroft (_California_, i. 65, 66) points out a variety of equivalent
derivations which have been suggested. The name was first traced in
1862, by Edward E. Hale, to a romance published, it is supposed, in
1510,—_Las Sergas de Esplandian_, by Garcia Ordoñez de Montalvo, which
might easily enough have been a popular book with the Spanish followers
of Cortés. There were later editions in 1519, 1521, 1525, and 1526. In
this romance Esplandian, emperor of the Greeks, the imaginary son of
the imaginary Amadis, defends Constantinople against the infidels of
the East. A pagan queen of Amazons brings an army of Amazons to the
succor of the infidels. This imaginary queen is named Calafia, and her
kingdom is called “California,”—a name possibly derived from “Calif,”
which, to the readers of such a book, would be associated with the
East. California in the romance is represented as an island rich with
gold and diamonds and pearls. The language of the writer is this:—

“Know that on the right hand of the Indies there is an island called
California, very close to the side of the Terrestrial Paradise; and it
was peopled by black women, without any man among them, for they lived
in the fashion of Amazons. They were of strong and hardy bodies, of
ardent courage and great force. Their island was the strongest in all
the world, with its steep cliffs and rocky shores. Their arms were all
of gold, and so was the harness of the wild beasts which they tamed to
ride; for in the whole island there was no metal but gold. They lived
in caves wrought out of the rock with much labor. They had many ships,
with which they sailed out to other countries to obtain booty.”

That this name, as an omen of wealth, struck the fancy of Cortés is
the theory of Dr. Hale, who adds “that as a western pioneer now gives
the name of ‘Eden’ to his new home, so Cortés called his new discovery
‘California.’” (Cf. Hale in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April 30, 1862;
in _Historical Magazine_, vi. 312, Oct. 1862; in _His Level Best_, p.
234; and in Atlantic Monthly, xiii. 265; J. Archibald in _Overland
Monthly_, ii. 437, Prof. J. D. Whitney in article “California” in
_Encyclopædia Britannica_.) Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, vol. i.
p. 82; and _California_, vol. i. p. 64) points out how the earliest use
of the name known to us was in Preciado’s narrative (Ramusio, vol. iii.
p. 343) of Ulloa’s voyage; and that there is no evidence of its use by
Cortés himself. It was applied then to the bay or its neighborhood,
which had been called Santa Cruz or La Paz.

[1294] Kohl, _Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 58.

[1295] Cf. _post_, chap. vii.

[1296] _Notes_, etc., p. 4.

[1297] We have Alarcon’s narrative in Ramusio, iii. 363; Herrera,
Dec. vi. p. 208; Hakluyt, iii. 425, 505; Ternaux-Compans’ _Voyages_,
etc., ix. 299. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 93) gives
various references. An intended second expedition under Alarcon, with a
co-operating fleet to follow the outer coast of the peninsula, failed
of execution. The instructions given in 1541 to Alarcon for his voyage
on the California coast, by order of Mendoza, are given in B. Smith’s
_Coleccion_, p. 1.

[1298] These are the ship’s figures; but it is thought their reckoning
was one or two degrees too high.

[1299] Attempts have been made. Cf. Bancroft, _California_, i. 70;
_Northwest Coast_, i. 38.

[1300] The source of our information for this voyage is a _Relacion_
(June 27, 1542, to April 14, 1543) printed in Pacheco’s _Coleccion
de documentos inéditos_, xiv. 165; and very little is added from
other sources, given in Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 133.
Buckingham Smith gave the _Relacion_ earlier in his _Coleccion de
varios Documentos para la historia de la Florida y Tierras adyacentes_
(Madrid, 1857, vol. i. p. 173). A translation is contained in Wheeler’s
_United States Geological Survey_, vol. vii., with notes, and an
earlier English version by Alexander S. Taylor was published in San
Francisco in 1853, as _The First Voyage to the Coast of California_.
Cf. also Bancroft’s _California_, i. 69; _Northwest Coast_, i. 137.
It is thought that Juan Paez was the author of the original, which is
preserved among the Simancas papers at Seville. Herrera seems to have
used it, omitting much and adding somewhat, thus making the narrative
which, till the original was printed, supplied the staple source to
most writers on the subject. In 1802 Navarrete summarized the story
from this _Relacion_ in vol. xv. of his _Documentos inéditos_. Bancroft
(vol. i. p. 81) cites numerous unimportant references.

[1301] _Nouvelle Espagne_ (i. 330), where, as well as in other of the
later writers, it is said the name “Anian” came from one of Cortereal’s
companions. But see H. H. Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 36,
55, 56, where he conjectures that the name is a confused reminiscence
at a later day of the name of _Anus_ Cortereal, mentioned by Hakluyt in
1582.

[1302] There was at one time a current belief in the story of a Dutch
vessel being driven through such a strait to the Pacific, passing the
great city of Quivira, which had been founded by the Aztecs after they
had been driven from Mexico by the Spaniards. Then there are similar
stories told by Menendez (1554) and associated with Urdaneta’s name
(cf. Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 51); and at a later day
other like stories often prevailed. The early maps place the “Regnum
Anian” and “Quivira” on our northwestern coast. Bancroft (_Northwest
Coast_, vol. i. pp. 45, 49) thinks Gomara responsible for transferring
Quivira from the plains to the coast. See Editorial Note at the end of
chap. vii.

It is sometimes said (see Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 55)
that the belief in the Straits of Anian sprang from a misinterpretation
of a passage in Marco Polo; but Bancroft (p. 53) cannot trace the name
back of 1574, as he finds it in one of the French (Antwerp) editions
of Ortelius of that year. Ortelius had used the name, however, in his
edition of 1570, but only as a copier, in this as in other respects,
of Mercator, in his great map of 1569, as Bancroft seems to suspect.
Porcacchi (1572), Furlani or Forlani (1574), and others put the name on
the Asian side of the strait, where it is probable that it originally
appeared. Bancroft (p. 81) is in error in saying that the name “Anian”
was “for the first time” applied to the north and south passage between
America and Asia, as distinct from the east and west passage across the
continent, in the “Mercator Atlas of 1595;” for such an application is
apparent in the map of Zalterius (1566), Mercator (1569), Porcacchi
(1572), Forlani (1574), Best’s Frobisher (1578),—not to name others.

[1303] Sketched in this History, Vol. IV. p. 46.

[1304] Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 193) places it about 1542.

[1305] It is described by Malte Brun in the _Bulletin de la Société
de Géographie_, 1876, p. 625; and an edition of a hundred copies of a
photographic reproduction, edited by Frédéric Spitzer, was issued in
Paris in 1875. There is a copy of the last in Harvard College Library.
A similar peninsula is shown in plate xiv. of the same atlas.

[1306] Repeated in 1545.

[1307] See Vol. IV. p. 41.

[1308] See _ante_, p. 177.

[1309] This edition, issued at Basle, had twenty modern maps designed
by Münster, two of which have American interest:—

_a._ _Typus universalis_,—an elliptical map, showing America on the
left, but with a part of Mexico (Temistitan) carried to the right of
the map, with a strait—“per hoc fretū iter patet ad molucas”—separating
America from India superior on the northwest.

_b._ _Novæ insulæ_,—the map reproduced in Vol. IV. p. 41.

There are copies of this 1540 edition of Ptolemy in the Astor Library,
in the collections of Mr. Barlow, Mr. Deane, and President White of
Cornell, while one is noted in the Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,058, which
is now in the library of the American Geographical Society. This
edition was issued the next year with the date changed to 1541. Cf.
Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_. The same maps were also used in the
Basle edition of 1542, with borders surrounding them, some of which
were designs, perhaps, of Holbein. There are copies of this edition in
the Astor Library, and in the collections of Brevoort, Barlow, and J.
H. Trumbull, of Hartford. The _Murphy Catalogue_ shows another, no.
2,066.

[1310] The “Typus universalis” of this edition, much the same as in the
edition of 1540, was re-engraved for the Basle edition of 1552, with a
few changes of names: “Islandia,” for instance, which is on the isthmus
connecting “Bacalhos” with Norway, is left out, and so is “Thyle” on
Iceland, which is now called “Island.” This last engraving was repeated
in Münster’s _Cosmographia_ in 1554.

There are copies of the Ptolemy of 1545 in the libraries of Congress
and of Harvard College, and in the Carter-Brown Collection. One is also
owned by J. R. Webster, of East Milton, Mass., and another is shown in
the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,078.

Copies of the 1552 edition are in the libraries of Congress, of
New York State, and of Cornell University. The Sobolewski copy is
now in the collection of Prof. J. D. Whitney, Cambridge, Mass. Dr.
O’Callaghan’s copy was sold in New York, in December, 1882; the Murphy
copy is no. 2,065 of the _Murphy Catalogue_.

The maps were again reproduced in the Ptolemy of 1555.

[1311] _Ante_, p. 435.

[1312] Plates vi., vii., ix., as shown in the _Jahrbuch des Vereins für
Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870.

[1313] Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 137.

[1314] See _ante_, p. 436.

[1315] See _ante_, p. 228.

[1316] This map of Homem is given on another page. His delineation of
the gulf seems to be like Castillo’s, and is carried two degrees too
far north as in that draft; but Castillo’s names are wanting in Homem,
who lays down the peninsula better, following, as Kohl conjectures,
Ulloa’s charts. He marks the coast above 33° as unknown, showing that
he had no intelligence of Cabrillo’s voyage.

[1317] See _ante_, p. 438.

[1318] See _post_, p. 451.

[1319] See Vol. IV. p. 92. The 1568 map is a part of an _Atlante
maritimo_, of which a full-size colored fac-simile of the part
showing the Moluccas is given in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters
der Entdeckungen_. It is a parchment collection of twenty-seven maps
showing the Portuguese possessions in the two Indies. Cf. _Katalog der
Handschriften der Kais. Off. Bibl. zu Dresden_, 1882, vol. i. p. 369.

[1320] See Vol. IV. p. 369; and the note, _post_, p. 470.

[1321] See p. 452.

[1322] There is a full-size fac-simile in Jomard’s _Monuments de la
Géographie_, pl. xxi., but it omits the legends given in the tablets;
in Lelewel, vol. i. pl. v.; also cf. vol. i. p. xcviii, and vol.
ii. pp. 181, 225; and, much reduced from Jomard, in Daly’s _Early
Cartography_, p. 38.

[1323] Cf. Vol III. p. 34; Vol. IV. p. 372; and the note, _post_, p.
471.

[1324] See the map, _post_, p. 453.

[1325] There are copies of this first edition in the Harvard College,
Boston Public, Astor, and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the Brevoort
Collection. It should have thirty small copperplate maps, inserted
in the text. Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 292; Stevens,
_Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 648; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no.
1,866 (now Harvard College copy); Court, no. 284; Rich, _Catalogue_
(1832), nos. 51, 55, etc.

Two of its maps show America, but only one gives the western coast,
while both have the exaggerated continental Tierra del Fuego. The map
sketched in the text is given in fac-simile in Stevens’s _Notes_.
Both maps were repeated in the 1576 edition (Venice, with 1575 in the
colophon). This edition shows forty-seven maps; and pp. 157-184 (third
book) treat of America. Besides a map of the world it has a “carta da
navigar” (p. 198), maps of Cuba and other islands, and a plan of Mexico
and its lake. There are copies in the Boston Public and Harvard College
libraries, Mr. Deane’s Collection, etc. Cf. Stevens, _Historical
Collections_, vol. i. no. 82; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 309; Muller
(1872), no. 1,255.

Another edition was issued at Venice in 1590. Cf. _Boston Public
Library Catalogue_, no. 6271.14, Carter-Brown, i. 393; Murphy, no.
2,010. Later editions were issued at Venice in 1604 (forty-eight maps);
in 1605 (Carter-Brown, ii. 40); and in 1620 (Carter-Brown, ii. 241;
Cooke, no. 2,858, now in Harvard College Library), which was published
at Padua, and had maps of North America (p. 161), Spagnolla (p. 165),
Cuba (p. 172), Jamaica (p. 175), Moluccas (p. 189), and a mappemonde
(p. 193). The last edition we have noted was issued at Venice in 1686,
with the maps on separate leaves, and not in the text as previously.

[1326] Plate vi. He describes it in vol. i. p. ci, and ii. p. 114. He
says it was taken from Spain to Warsaw, and has disappeared.

[1327] It has two maps, varying somewhat, “Typus orbis terrarum” and
“Americæ sive novi orbis nuova descriptio,”—the work of Hugo Favolius.
Cf. Leclerc, no. 206; Muller (1877), no. 1,198. The text is in verse.

[1328] See p. 454.

[1329] Cf. the map, as given in Vol. III. p. 203. Bancroft (_Northwest
Coast_, vol. i. p. 58) epitomizes Gilbert’s arguments for a passage.
Willes gives reasons in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 24.

[1330] See fac-simile in Vol. III. p. 102.

[1331] Cf. the sketch of the California coast from this last in Vol.
III. p. 80.

The question of the harbor in which Drake refitted his ship for his
return voyage by Cape of Good Hope has been examined in another place
(Vol. III. pp. 74, 80). Since that volume was printed, H. H. Bancroft
has published vol. i. of his _History of California_; and after giving
a variety of references on Drake’s voyage (p. 82) he proceeds to
examine the question anew, expressing his own opinion decidedly against
San Francisco, and believing it can never be settled whether Bodega or
the harbor under Point Reyes (Drake’s Bay of the modern maps) was the
harbor; though on another page (p. 158) he thinks the spot was Drake’s
Bay, and in a volume previously issued (_Central America_, vol. ii. p.
419) he had given a decided opinion in favor of it. In his discussion
of the question, he claims that Dr. Hale and most other investigators
have not been aware that the harbor behind Point Reyes was discovered
in 1595 by Cermeñon (p. 96), and then named San Francisco; and that
it is this old San Francisco, visited by Viscaino in 1603, and sought
by Portolá in 1769, when this latter navigator stumbled on the
Golden Gate, which is the San Francisco of the old geographers and
cartographers, and not the magnificent harbor now known by that name
(p. 157). He adds that the tradition among the Spaniards of the coast
has been more in favor of Bodega than of Drake’s Bay; while the modern
San Francisco has never been thought of by them. Beyond emphasizing the
distinction between the old and new San Francisco, Mr. Bancroft has
brought no new influence upon the solution of the question. He makes a
point of a Pacific sea-manual of Admiral Cabrera Bueno, published at
Manilla in 1734 as _Navegacion Especulation_, being used to set this
point clear for the first time in English, when one of his assistants
wrote a paper in the _Overland Monthly_ in 1874. The book is not very
scarce; Quaritch advertised a copy in 1879 for £4. Bancroft (p. 106)
seems to use an edition of 1792, though he puts the 1734 edition in
his list of authorities. Various documents from the Spanish Archives
relating to Drake’s exploits in the Pacific have been published (since
Vol. III. was printed) in Peralta’s _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en
el siglo XVI_, Madrid, 1883, p. 569, etc.

[1332] See the sketch in Vol. IV. p. 98.

[1333] Cf. Sabin, vol. x. p. 75; Court, 185, 186; Carter-Brown, vol. i.
p. 292; Huth, iv. 1,169; Stevens’s _Historical Collections_, vol. i.
no. 135, and Vol. III. of the present History, p. 37, for other mention
of Popellinière’s _Les Trois Mondes_. The third world is the great
Antarctic continent so common in maps of this time.

[1334] Lok’s map from Hakluyt’s _Divers Voyages_ is given in fac-simile
in Vol. III. p. 40 and Vol. IV. p. 44. There is a sketch of it in
Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 151, and in his _Northwest
Coast_, vol. i. p. 65.

[1335] The question of Fusang, which Kohl believes to be Japan, is
discussed in Vol. I.

[1336] Peschel, _Geschichte der Erdkunde_, 1865, pp. 322, 395; J. C.
Brevoort in _Magazine of American History_, vol. i. p. 250; Burney,
_Voyages_, vol. i., and Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p.
139, where there are references and collections of authorities.

[1337] Gali’s letter is in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 526, copied from
Linschoten. Cf. inscription on the Molineaux map of 1600 in this
History, Vol. III. p. 80, and Bancroft, _California_, vol. i. p. 94.
The map which Gali is thought to have made is not now known (Kohl,
_Maps in Hakluyt_, 61). Bancroft says that Gali’s mention of Cape
Mendocino is the earliest, but it is not definitely known by whom that
prominent point was first named.

[1338] This map is sketched in Vol. III. p. 42.

[1339] It is claimed that Maldonado presented his memoir in 1609 to the
Council of the Indies, and asked for a reward for the discovery; and
there are two manuscripts purporting to be the original memoir. One,
of which trace is found in 1672, 1738, 1775, 1781 (copied by Muñoz),
and printed in 1788, was still existing, it is claimed, in 1789, and
was reviewed in 1790 by the French geographer Buache, who endeavored
to establish its authenticity; and it is translated, with maps, in
Barrow’s _Chronological History of Voyages_, etc. Another manuscript
was found in the Ambrosian library in 1811, and was published at Milan
as _Viaggio dal mare Atlantico al Pacifico_, translated from a Spanish
manuscript (Stevens, _Bibliotheca geographica_, no. 1,746), and again
in French at Plaisance in 1812. The editor was Charles Amoretti,
who added a discourse, expressing his belief in it, together with a
circumpolar map marking Maldonado’s track. (Harvard College Library,
no. 4331.2.) This book was reviewed by Barrow in the _Quarterly
Review_, October, 1816. Cf. Burney’s _Voyages_, vol. v. p.167. A
memoir by the Chevalier Lapie, with another map of the “Mer polaire,”
is printed in the _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, vol. xi. (1821).
Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 98) reproduces Lapie’s map. Navarrete
searched the Spanish Archives for confirmation of this memoir,—a search
not in vain, inasmuch as it led to the discovery of the documents
with which he illustrated the history of Columbus; and he also gave
his view of the question in vol. xv. of his _Coleccion de documentos
inéditos_ in the volume specially called _Examen historico-critico
de los Viages y Descubrimientos apócrifos del capitan Lorenzo Ferrer
Maldonado, de Juan de Fuca y del almirante Bartolomé de Fonte: memoria
comenzada por D. M. F. de Navarrete, y arreglada y concluida por D.
Eustaquio Fernandez de Navarrete_. Bancroft calls it an elaboration
of the voyage of the _Sutil y Méxicana_. (Cf. Arcana, _Bibliographia
de obras anonimas_, 1882, no. 408.) Goldson in his _Memoir on the
Straits of Anian_ places confidence in the Maldonado memoir. Cf.
Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 92), who recapitulates the
story and cites the examiners of it, _pro_ and _con_, and gives (p. 96)
Maldonado’s map of the strait.

[1340] Vol. iii. p. 849.

[1341] On Cavendish’s Pacific Explorations. See Vol. III., chap. ii.

[1342] Greenhow in his _Oregon_ contends for a certain basis of truth
in De Fuca’s story. Cf. Navarrete in the _Coleccion de documentos
inéditos_, vol. xv., and Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p.
146, and _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 71-80), who pronounces it pure
fiction, and in a long note gives the writers _pro_ and _con_.

[1343] In his _Speculum Orbis Terræ_. Cf. Muller, (1872), no. 1,437,
and Vol. IV. p. 97 of this History. This map of 1593 gives to the lake
which empties into the Arctic Ocean the name “Conibas,”—an application
of the name that Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 84) finds no
earlier instance of than that in Wytfliet in 1597.

[1344] _Mapoteca Colombiana_ of Uricoechea, nos. 16, 17, and 18.

[1345] Copy in Harvard College Library. Cf. _Mapoteca Colombiana_, no.
19.

[1346] The map of Plancius was first drafted—according to
Blundeville—in 1592, and is dated 1594 in the Dutch Linschoten of
1596, where it was republished. It was re-engraved, but not credited
to Plancius, in the Latin Linschoten of 1599. The English Linschoten
of 1598 has a map, re-engraved from Ortelius, which is given in the
Hakluyt of 1589.

[1347] _Mapoteca Colombiana_, nos. 20 and 21. Cf. this History, Vol.
IV. p. 99[internal link-vol 4].

[1348] Cf. nos. 2, 28, 29, 32, 34, 35. This 1597 edition of Ptolemy was
issued at Cologne, under the editing of Jean Antonio Magini, a Paduan,
born in 1556. (Cf. Lelewel, _Epilogue_, 219.) The maps showing America
are,—

No. 2. A folding map of the two spheres, drawn by Hieronymus Porro from
the map which Rumoldus Mercator based on his father’s work.

Nos. 28 and 32. Asia, showing the opposite American shores.

Nos. 34-35. America, of the Mercator type, but less accurate than
Ortelius. There are copies of this edition in the library of the
Massachusetts Historical Society, and in Mr. Brevoort’s collection.
(Walckenaer, no. 2,257; Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,259; Graesse, vol. v.
p. 502.)

This same edition is sometimes found with the imprint of Arnheim, and
copies of this are in the Library of Congress and in the Carter-Brown
Collection. (Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 514; Graesse, v. 502.)

An edition in Italian, 1598 (with 1597 in the colophon), embodying
the works of Magini and Porro, was published at Venice; and there are
copies of this in the Library of Congress and in the Philadelphia
Library; also in the collections of J. Carson Brevoort, President White
of Cornell University, and C. C. Baldwin, of Cleveland.

The text of Ruscelli, edited by Rosaccio, was printed at Venice in
1599, giving three maps of the world and nine special American maps.
There is a copy of this edition in the Carter-Brown Library, and one
was sold in the Murphy sale (no. 2,077). The Magini text was again
printed at Cologne in 1608, and of this there are copies in the Harvard
College and Carter-Brown libraries.

[1349] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 369.[internal link-vol 4]

[1350] This and the other maps were repeated in the six Dutch editions,
in the second and third French, and in the original Latin edition. The
third Dutch edition, in three parts, is the rarest of the editions in
that language; the first part being without date, while the second and
third are dated respectively 1604 and 1605. The fourth Dutch edition is
dated 1614, the fifth 1623 (a reprint of the 1614), the sixth 1644 (a
reprint of the 1623). Cf. Tiele, _Bibliographie sur les journaux des
navigateurs_, nos. 80, 82, 86, 88, 90; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 503,
vol. ii. no. 547; Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_, no. 1,148; Muller,
_Books on America_, 1872, nos. 2,185, 2,188, 2,190; and 1877, nos.
1,880, 1,882, 1,883, 1,884.

The English translation by Wolfe (1598) is mentioned in Vol. III. p.
206. It was so rare in 1832 that Rich priced it at £8 8_s._; and yet
Crowninshield bought his copy in 1844 at a Boston auction for $10.50.
The Roxburgh copy had brought £10 15_s._, and the Jadis copy the same.
Smith, the London dealer, in 1874 advertised one for £7 15_s._ 6_d._
The Menzies copy (no. 1,254) brought $104. There was a copy sold in the
Beckford sale, 1883, no. 1,813, and another in the Murphy sale, no.
1,498.

The first Latin edition, _Navigatio ac Itinerarium_, was printed in
1599, its first part being translated, with some omissions, from the
Dutch, and the description of America being omitted from the second
part. It was reissued with a new title in 1614,—an edition very rare;
but there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. Cf.
Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 542, vol. ii. no. 167; Leclerc, no. 360—150
francs; Murphy, no. 1,499; Tiele, no. 81; Muller, 1872, no. 2,196;
1877, nos. 1,890, 1,891; and Rosenthal (Munich, 1883)—100 marks.

The earliest French edition, _Histoire de la Navigation_, etc., bears
two different imprints of Amsterdam, 1610, though it is thought to
have been printed by De Bry at Frankfort. A second is dated Amsterdam,
1619 (part i. being after the French edition of 1610, and parts ii.
and iii. being translated from the Dutch). It has usually appended to
it a _Description de l’Amérique_ (Amsterdam, 1619), pp. 88 and map.
America is also described in the _Beschryvinge van verscheyde landen_
(Amsterdam, 1619), included in the Saegman Collection (Carter-Brown,
vol. ii. no. 1,024). A third French edition, “augmentée,” but a reprint
of the 1619 edition, appeared at Amsterdam in 1638. Cf. Carter-Brown,
vol. ii. nos. 104, 105, 214, 454; Leclerc, 362 (1610 edition)—130
francs; Trömel, no. 58; Tiele, nos. 83, 87, 89; Muller (1872), no.
2,193 (1877), nos. 1,887, 1,888, 1,889; Field, _Indian Bibliography_,
no. 941; Leclerc, no. 2,845 (1638 edition)—250 francs; Rich, 1832 (1638
edition), no. 219—£1 10_s._; Murphy, nos. 2,977, 2,978; Quaritch (1638
edition)—£8 10_s._

There are copies of the editions of 1596, 1598, and 1599 in Mr. Deane’s
collection. The Dutch editions are rarely in good condition; this is
said to be on account of the general use made of them as sea-manuals.
The Latin and German texts in De Bry are not much prized. (Camus, p.
189; Tiele, p. 90.) Sabin (_Dictionary_, vol. x. p. 375) gives the
bibliography of Linschoten. His life is portrayed in Van Kampen’s
_Levens van beroemde Nederlanders_, Haarlem, 1838-1840. He was with
Barentz on his first and second Arctic voyages. Cf. _Voyagie ofte
Schipvaert by Noorden_, 1601; again, 1624; Tiele, no. 155; Murphy, no.
1,497; Muller, 1872, no. 2,064, and 1877, no. 1,893. His voyages are
included in _Verscheyde Oost-Indische Voyagien_, Amsterdam, _circa_
1663.

[1351] Sabin, xii. 48,170.

[1352] Vol. III. p. 80.

[1353] This Herrera map was reproduced in the 1622 edition, and so late
as 1723 in Torquemada, with a few changes. The Herrera of 1601 has the
following American maps:—

Page 2. The two Americas.

Page 7. The West India Islands.

Page 21. The Audiencia of New Spain.

Page 33. The Audiencia of Guatemala.

Page 38. South America.

Page 47. Audiencia of Quito.

Page 63. The Chile coast.

Jefferys, in his _Northwest Passage_, gives a fac-simile of the
American hemisphere.

The Quadus map of 1600, showing the California peninsula, is sketched
in Vol. IV. p. 101.

The Japanese map, showing the west coast, which Kaempfer gave to Hans
Sloane, and which figures so much in the controversy of the last
century over the “mer de l’ouest,” is supposed to have been drawn
between 1580 and 1600.

[1354] Biscayer he is sometimes called.

[1355] Greenhow, _Oregon and California_, 89; Bancroft doubts
Viscaino’s presence (_North Mexican States_, i. 148).

[1356] Torquemada gives the chief information on this voyage. Bancroft
(_North Mexican States_, i. 151) cites other writers.

[1357] Our knowledge of this expedition comes largely from the account
of a Carmelite priest, Antonio de la Ascension, who accompanied it,
and whose report, presented in the Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid, is
printed in Pacheco’s _Coleccion de documentos_, viii. 539. Torquemada
used it, and so did Venegas in his _Noticia de la California_ (Madrid,
1757; English edition, London, 1759; French edition, Paris, 1767;
German, 1769). Cf. on Venegas, Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 1,172,
1,239, 1,601, 1,710; field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 1,599, 1,600;
Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 281. An abridged narrative from
Lorenzana is given in the _Boletin_ of the Mexican Geographical
Society, vol. v., 1857. Navarrete adds some other documents in his
_Coleccion_, xv. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, i. 154-155, and
_California_, i. 98) enumerates other sources; as does J. C. Brevoort
in the _Magazine of American History_, i. 124.

[1358] Bancroft does not believe that he went beyond the Oregon line
(42°), and considers his Cape Blanco to be the modern St. George
(_History of California_, i. 104; _Northwest Coast_, i. 84).

[1359] Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 3; _California_, ii. 97; _North Mexican
States_, i. 153. A sketch of Viscaino’s map from Cape Mendocino south
is given in this History, Vol. III. p. 75. The map was published,
as reduced from the thirty-six original sheets by Navarrete, in the
_Atlas para el viage de las goletas Sutil y Méxicana al reconocimiento
del Estrecho de Juan de Fuca_ (1802). Cf. Navarrete, xv.; Greenhow’s
_Northwest Coast_ (1840), p. 131; Burney’s _South Sea Voyages_ (1806),
vol. ii. (with the map); and Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 156;
_California_, i. 97, and _Northwest Coast_, i. 101, 146.

[1360] This is reproduced in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iv. 184, 185.

[1361] There is a draught of it in the Kohl Collection. Cf. _Catalogue
of Manuscript Maps in the British Museum_ (1844), i. 33.

[1362] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 101) refers to the suspicions of
Father Ascension in 1603, of Oñate in 1604, and of Nicolas de Cardona
in or about 1617, that California was an island; but there was on their
part no cartographical expression of the idea.

[1363] In Purchas’s _Pilgrims_, iii. 853, in 1625. This map is sketched
in Bancroft’s _North Mexican States_, i. 169.

[1364] This Spanish chart here referred to is not identified, though
Delisle credits it—according to Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 103)—to
Jannson’s _Monde Maritime_. If by this is meant Jannson’s _Orbis
Maritimus_, it was not till 1657 that Jannson added this volume to
his edition of the _Mercator-Hondius Atlas_. Carpenter’s _Geography_
(Oxford, 1625) repeats Purchas’s story, and many have followed it
since. In Heylin and Ogilby, the story goes that some people on the
coast in 1620 were carried in by the current, and found themselves in
the gulf. The Spanish chart may have been the source of the map in the
Amsterdam _Herrera_ of 1622.

[1365] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 104) sketches a similar map
which appeared in 1624 at Amsterdam in Inga’s _West Indische Spieghel_.
Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. 805; 1877, no. 1,561.

[1366] It was repeated in later editions. Bancroft uses no earlier
edition than that of 1633. The edition of 1625 did not contain the map
of 1630.

[1367] In 1636 a report was made by the Spanish on the probable
inter-oceanic communication by way of the Gulf of California. Cf.
_Documentos inéditos_, xv. 215; Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. 107.

[1368] Paris, 1637, five volumes, folio. Bancroft gives his map in his
_Northwest Coast_, i. 107.

[1369] Arthur Dobbs reprinted it in his _Countries adjoining to
Hudson’s Bay_, in 1744,—according to Bancroft.

[1370] He is particular to describe this ship as owned by Major
Gibbons, who was on board, and as commanded by one Shapley. Major
Edward Gibbons was a well-known merchant of Boston at this time,
and the story seems first to have attracted the notice of the local
antiquaries of that city, when Dr. Franklin brought it to the attention
of Thomas Prince; and upon Prince reporting to him evidence favorable
to the existence of such persons at that time, Franklin addressed a
letter to Dr. Pringle, in which he considers the story “an abridgment
and a translation, and bad in both respects;” and he adds, “If a
fiction, it is plainly not an English one; but it has none of the
features of fiction.” (Cf. Sabin’s _American Bibliopolist_, February,
1870, p. 65.) Dr. Snow examined it in his _History of Boston_ (p. 89),
and expressed his disbelief in it. Caleb Cushing in the _North American
Review_ (January, 1839) expressed the opinion that the account was
worthy of investigation; which induced Mr. James Savage to examine it
in detail, who in the same periodical (April, 1839, p. 559) set it at
rest by at least negative proof, as well as by establishing an _alibi_
for Gibbons at the date assigned. It may be remarked that among the
English there was no general belief in a practicable western passage at
this time, and the directors of the East India Company had given up the
hope of it after Baffin’s return in 1616.

[1371] It was very easy for the credulous to identify the Archipelago
of St. Lazarus with the Charlotte Islands. The map of Delisle and
Buache, published in Paris in 1752 in _Nouvelles Cartes des Découvertes
de l’Amiral de Fonte_, endeavors to reconcile the voyages of De Fuca
and De Fonte. The map is reproduced in Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_,
i. 128. Under 45° there are two straits entering a huge inland “mer de
l’ouest,” the southerly of which is supposed to be the one found by
Aguilar in 1603, and the northerly that of De Fuca in 1592. Under 60°
is the St. Lazarus Archipelago, and thridding the adjacent main are
the bays, straits, lakes, and rivers which connect the Pacific with
Hudson’s Bay. The next year (1753) Vaugondy, in some _Observations
critiques_, opposed Delisle’s theory; and the opposing memoirs were
printed in Spanish, with a refutation of Delisle by Buriel, in Venegas’
_California_, in 1757. Some years later the English geographer Jefferys
attacked the problem in maps appended to Dragg’s _Great Probability of
a Northwest Passage_, which was printed in London in 1768. Jefferys
made the connection with Baffin’s Bay, and bounded an island—in
which he revived the old Chinese legend by calling it Fusang—by De
Fuca’s Straits on the south and De Fonte’s Archipelago on the north.
Foster, in 1786, and Clavigero, in 1798, repudiated the story; but it
appealed sufficiently to Burney to induce him to include it in his
_Chronological History of Voyages to the South Seas_, vol. iii. (1813).
William Goldson, in his _Passage between the Atlantic and Pacific, in
two Memoirs on the Straits of Anian and the Discoveries of De Fonte_
(Portsmouth, England, 1793), supposed that De Fonte got into the Great
Slave Lake! Navarrete has examined the question in his _Documentos
inéditos_, xv., as he had done at less length in his _Sutil y Méxicana_
in 1802, expressing his disbelief; and so does Bancroft in his
_Northwest Coast_, i. 115, who cites additionally (p. 119) La Harpe,
_Abrégé des Voyages_ (1816), vol. xvi., and Lapie, _Nouvelles Annales
des Voyages_ (1821), vol. xi., as believing the story. A “Chart for the
better understanding of De Font’s letter” appeared in _An Account of a
Voyage for the Discovery of a Northwest Passage_, by Theodore Swaine
Drage (clerk of the “California”), London, 1749, vol. ii.

[1372] _Recueil de Voyages au Nord_, Amsterdam, 1732, vol. iv.; Coxe’s
_Discoveries of the Russians in the North Pacific_, 1803.

[1373] Sanson adopted it, and it is laid down in Van Loon’s _Zee Atlas_
of 1661, where, in the chart “Nova Granada en l’Eylandt California,”
it is marked as the thither shore of the Straits of Anian, and called
“Terra incognita,”—and Van Loon had the best reputation of the
hydrographers of his day. The map published by Thevenot in 1663 also
gives it.

Nicolas Sanson died in 1667, and two years later (1669), his son
Guillaume reissued his father’s map, still with the island and the
interjacent land, which in Blome’s map, published in his _Description_
(1670), and professedly following Sanson, is marked “Conibas.” Later,
in 1691, we have another Sanson map; but though the straits still
bound easterly the “Terre de Jesso,” they are without name, and open
easterly into a limitless “mer glaciale.” Hennepin at a later day put
a special draught of it in the margin of his large map (1697), where
it has something of continental proportions, stretching through forty
degrees of longitude, north of the thirty-eighth parallel; and from
Hennepin Campanius copied it (1702) in his _Nya Swerige_, p. 10, as
shown herewith (p. 464).

[Illustration: TERRE DE IESSO.]

It is also delineated in 1700 in the map of the Dutchman, Lugtenberg.
The idea was not totally given up till Cook’s map of his explorations
in 1777-1778 appeared, which was the first to give to the peninsula of
Alaska and the Aleutian islands a delineation of approximate accuracy;
and this was fifty years after Behring, in 1728, had mapped out the
Asiatic shore of this region.

[1374] _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1873. and _Memorial History
of Boston_, i. 59. Kohl’s Washington Collection has several draughts
from the charts at Munich. An earlier edition (1630) of the _Arcano del
Mare_ is sometimes mentioned.

[1375] See Vols. III. and IV., index; George Adlard’s _Amye Robsart
and Leicester_, 1870; _Warwickshire Historical Collections_; Dugdale’s
_Warwickshire_, p. 166.

[1376] Vol. i. lib. ii. p. 19. The other maps are numbered xxxi.,
xxxii., and xxxiii. A second edition, “Corretta e accresciuta secondo
l’originale des medesimo Duca, che si conserva nella libreria del
Convento de Firenze della Pace,” appeared at Florence in 1661.

[1377] Sanson put it in his atlas made in 1667; Delisle rejected it in
1714; Bowen adhered to it in 1747.

[1378] It is worth while to note Virginia Farrer’s map of Virginia,
given in Vol. III. p. 465, for the strange belief which with some
people prevailed in England in 1651, that the Pacific coast was at
the foot of the western slope of the Alleghanies,—a belief which was
represented in 1625 by Master Briggs in Purchas (vol. iii. p. 852),
where he speaks of the south sea “on the other side of the mountains
beyond our falls, which openeth a free and fair passage to China.”

[1379] “Autore, N. I. Piscator.”

[1380] Born 1600; died 1667.

[1381] 1669, and later editions. Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 115)
is led to believe that Heylin copied this map in 1701 from Hacke’s
_Collection of Voyages_ (1699), thirty years after he had published his
own map in 1669.

[1382] It is copied in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. 110.

[1383] It is also an island in Coronelli’s globe of 1683. Cf. Marcou’s
_Notes_, p. 5.

[1384] Marcou’s _Notes_, p. 5.

[1385] _New Voyage round the World._ The map is sketched in Bancroft’s
_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 195; cf. his _Northwest Coast_, vol.
i. pp. 112, 119, for other data.

[1386] It was re-engraved in Paris in 1754 by the geographer Buache,
and later in the margin of a map of North America published by Sayer
of London. It is given in fac-simile in Jules Marcou’s paper on the
first discoverers of California, appended to the _Annual Report of the
Chief of Engineers, U. S. A._, 1878, and is also sketched in Bancroft’s
_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 499. Cf. his _Northwest Coast_, vol.
i. pp. 113, 115, 120, where it is shown that Kino never convinced all
his companions that the accepted island was in fact a peninsula. One of
his associates, Luis Velarde (_Documentos para la historia de México_,
ser. iv. vol. i. p. 344), opposed his views. The view is advanced by E.
L. Berthoud in the _Kansas City Review_ (June, 1883), that a large area
between the head of the gulf and the ocean, now below the sea level,
was at one time covered with water, and that the island theory was
in some way connected with this condition, which is believed to have
continued as recently as the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

[1387] This map is reproduced in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i.
p. 114; as well as a map of Vander Aa (1707) on page 115.

[1388] _Recueil des Voyages au Nord_, vol. iii. p. 268.

[1389] Bancroft cites Travers Twiss (_Oregon Question_, 1846) as
quoting a map of Delisle in 1722, making it a peninsula.

[1390] Cf. Saint-Martin, _Histoire de la géographie_ p. 423.

[1391] _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 123.

[1392] Cf. something of the sort in Dobbs’s map of 1744, given in
Bancroft, _Northw. Coast_, i. 123.

[1393] Shelvocke says he accepted current views, unable to decide
himself.

[1394] Reproduced in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 123.

[1395] It is in the Kohl Collection, and is sketched in Bancroft’s
_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 463; _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp.
125, 126.

[1396] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 126, 129) thinks his
book more complete than any earlier one on the subject. As late as 1755
Hermann Moll, the English cartographer, kept the _island_ in his map.

[1397] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 127, 128) thinks that a
theory, started in 1751 by Captain Salvador, and reasserted in 1774 by
Captain Anza, that the Colorado sent off a branch which found its way
to the sea above the peninsula, was the last flicker of the belief in
the insularity of California.

[1398] Delisle was born in 1688 and died in 1747; Buache lived from
1700 to 1773. Other cartographical solutions of the same data are
found in William Doyle’s _Account of the British Dominions beyond
the Atlantic_ (London, 1770), and in the _Mémoires sur la situation
des pays septentrionaux_, by Samuel Éngel, published at Lausanne in
1765. Engel’s maps were repeated in a German translation of his book
published in 1772, and in his _Extraits raisonés des Voyages faits dans
les parties septentrionales de l’Asie et de l’Amérique_, also published
at Lausanne in 1779.

[1399] Buache’s “Mer de l’ouest” was re-engraved in J. B. Laborde’s
_Mer du Sud_ (Paris, 1791), as well as a map of Maldonado’s
explorations. Cf. Samuel Engel’s _Extraits raisonés des Voyages faits
dans les parties septentrionales_ (Lausanne, 1765 and 1779), and
Dobbs’s _Northwest Passage_ (1754).

[1400] Jefferys also published at this time (2d ed. in 1764) _Voyages
from Asia to America, for completing the discoveries of the Northwest
Coast, with summary of voyages of the Russians in the Frozen sea, tr.
from the high Dutch of S. Muller_ [should be G. F. Muller], _with
3 maps_: (1) _Part of Japanese map_ [this is sketched in Bancroft,
_Northwest Coast_, i. p. 130]. (2) _Delisle and Buache’s fictitious
map._ (3) _New Discoveries of Russians and French._

Muller’s book was also published in French at Amsterdam in 1766. Cf.
also William Coxe’s _Account of the Russian discoveries between Asia
and America_ (2d ed. rev.), _London_, 1780, and later editions in 1787
and 1803; also, see Robertson’s _America_, note 43.

[1401] Sketched in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, Vol. i. p. 131.

[1402] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 124) gives a Russian
map of 1741, which he says he copied from the original in the Russian
archives.

[1403] There is in the department of State at Washington a volume of
copies from manuscripts in the hydrographic office at Madrid, attested
by Navarrete, and probably procured by Greenhow at the time of the
Oregon question. It is called _Viages de los Españoles a la costa
norveste de la America en los años de 1774-1775-1779, 1788 y 1790_.
My attention was drawn to them by Theodore F. Dwight, Esq., of that
department.

[1404] The details of this and subsequent explorations are given with
references in Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 151 _et seq._
Such voyages will be only briefly indicated in the rest of the present
paper.

[1405] Malaspina with a Spanish Commission in 1791, and later Galiano
and Valdés, explored the coast, and their results were published in
1802. Cf. Navarrete, _Sutil y Mexicana_.

[1406] It is sketched by Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 135.

[1407] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 169) reproduces a part
of his map.

[1408] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 133) reproduces his map.

[1409] Bancroft (Ibid., i. 176) reproduces a part of his map.

[1410] Cf. _Memorial History of Boston_, vol. iv. p. 208; _Historical
Magazine_, vol. xviii. p. 155; _Harper’s Magazine_, December, 1882;
Bulfinch, _Oregon and El Dorado_, p. 3. The report on the claims of the
heirs of Kendrick and Gray, for allowance for the rights established by
them for the U. S. Government, is printed in the _Historical Magazine_,
September, 1870. A medal struck on occasion of this voyage is engraved
in Bulfinch. Cf. also _American Journal of Numismatics_, vi. 33, 63;
vii. 7; _Coin-Collectors Journal_, vi. 46; _Magazine of American
History_, v. 140. The fullest account yet given of this expedition is
in Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, i. 185 _et seq._ He had the help of a
journal kept on one of the ships.

[1411] Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, vol. i., must be consulted for
these later and for subsequent exploring and trading voyages.

[1412] _Relation de Castañeda_, in Ternaux-Compans, _Voyages_, etc.,
ix. i.

[1413] _Segunda relacion de Nuño de Guzman_, in Icazbalceta, _Coll. de
Docs._, ii. 303; _Quarta relacion_, in Ibid., p. 475; _García de Lopez’
Relacion_, in Pacheco’s _Coll. Doc. Inéd._, tom. xiv. pp. 455-460.

[1414] [See _ante_, p. 391.—ED.]

[1415] _Relacion de Cabeça de Vaca_, translated by Buckingham Smith
(chap. xxxi. p. 167).

[1416] [See _ante_, p. 243 in Dr. J. G. Shea’s chapter on “Ancient
Florida.”—ED.]

[1417] Ternaux-Compans, ix. 249.

[1418] _A relation of the Rev. Frier Marco de Nica touching his
discovery of the kingdom of Cevola or Cibola_ in Hakluyt’s _Voyages_,
etc., iii. 438 (edition of 1810).

[1419] Castañeda, _Relation_, p. 9.

[1420] [See _ante_, p. 431, “Discoveries on the Pacific Coast of North
America,” for the explorations up that coast by Cortés.—ED.]

[1421] Mr. A. F. Bandelier puts this place “in southern Arizona,
somewhat west from Tucson.” _Historical Introduction to Studies among
the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico_, p. 8.

[1422] This word was borrowed by the Spaniards from the native
languages, and applied by them to the Bison. [As early as 1542 Rotz
drew pictures of this animal on his maps.—ED.]

[1423] Castañeda, however, relates the circumstances of Stephen’s death
somewhat differently, stating that the negro and his party, on their
arrival at Cibola, were shut up in a house outside the city, while
for three days the chiefs continued to question him about the object
of his coming. When told that he was a messenger from two white men,
who had been sent by a powerful prince to instruct them in heavenly
things, they would not believe that a black man could possibly have
come from a land of white men, and they suspected him of being the spy
of some nation that wished to subjugate them. Moreover, the negro had
the assurance to demand from them their property and their women; upon
which they resolved to put him to death, without, however, harming any
of those with him, all of whom, with the exception of a few boys, were
sent back, to the number of sixty. (_Relation_, p. 12.) This latter
statement, as well as that in relation to the libidinous practices of
the negro, are confirmed by Coronado. _Relation_; Hakluyt’s _Collection
of Voyages (Principall Navigations)_, iii. 454.

[1424] Ternaux-Compans, ix. 283, 290.

[1425] Alarcon set sail on the 9th of May, 1540, and by penetrating to
the upper extremity of the Gulf of California, proved that California
was not an island, as had been supposed. He made two attempts to
ascend the Colorado in boats, and planted a cross at the highest point
he reached, burying at its foot a writing, which, as will be seen,
was subsequently found by Melchior Diaz. His report of this voyage,
containing valuable information in regard to the natives, can be found
in Hakluyt, _Voyages_, iii. 505 (ed. 1810); translated from Ramusio,
_Navigationi_, iii. 363 (ed. 1565). There is a French translation
in Ternaux-Compans, ix. 299. This information about California is
supplemented by the narrative of the voyage made two years later by
Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo along the Pacific shore of the peninsula,
and up the northwest coast probably as far as the southern border of
Oregon. It was printed in Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 173;
and subsequently in Pacheco’s _Documentos inéditos_, tom. xiv. p.
165. A translation by Mr. R. S. Evans, with valuable notes by Mr.
H. W. Henshaw, is given in vol. vii. (Archæology) of _United States
Geological Survey west of the one hundredth Meridian_. [See also the
present volume, p. 443.—ED.]

[1426] Extracts from a report sent back by Melchior Diaz while on this
journey are given in a letter from Mendoza to the Emperor Charles V.,
dated April 17, 1540, in Ternaux-Compans, ix. 290.

[1427] Chichiltic-calli, or Red House, is generally supposed to be
the ruined structure, called _Casa Grande_, in southern Arizona, near
Florence, a little south of the river Gila, and not far from the
Southern Pacific Railroad. But Mr. A. F. Bandelier, after a thorough
topographical exploration of the regions, is inclined to place it
considerably to the southeast of this point upon the river Arivaypa, in
the vicinity of Fort Grant. [This question is further examined in Vol.
I. of the present History.—ED.]

[1428] Jaramillo has given a very full itinerary of this march,
describing with great particularity the nature of the country and the
streams crossed (Ternaux-Compans, ix. 365-369). When the results of the
latest explorations of Mr. A. F. Bandelier in this region are published
by the Archæological Institute of America, there is good reason to hope
for an exact identification of most if not all these localities, which
at present is impossible. There can be little doubt, however, that the
Vermejo is the Colorado Chiquito.

[1429] In the _Proceedings_ of the American Antiquarian Society for
October, 1881, I have given in detail the reasons for identifying
Cibola with the region of the present Zuñi pueblos. Mr. Frank H.
Cushing has made the important discovery that this tribe has preserved
the tradition of the coming of Fray Marcos, and of the killing of the
negro Stephen, whom they call “the black Mexican,” at the ruined pueblo
called Quaquima. They claim also to have a tradition of the visit of
Coronado, and even of Cabeza de Vaca.

[1430] Coronado’s relation as given in English in Hakluyt, _Collection
of Voyages_, etc., iii. 453 (reprint, London, 1810).

[1431] Tusayan can be clearly identified as the site of the present
Moqui villages. Bandelier, _Historical Introduction_, p. 15.

[1432] It is plain that this river was the Colorado; the description of
the Grand Cañon cannot fail to be recognized. Bandelier, _Historical
Introduction_, p. 15. The name by which it was called was the Tizon,
the Spanish word for “fire-brand,” which the natives dwelling upon its
banks were reported to be in the habit of carrying upon their winter
journeyings. Castañeda, p. 50.

[1433] Castañeda, _Relation_, p. 48; Ibid., p. 46, “Middle of October.”

[1434] Davis (_Spanish Conquest_, p. 160) suggests that he should have
written “northwest.” The anonymous Relacion (Pacheco’s _Documentos
Inéditos_, tom. xiv. p. 321) states that he travelled “westward.”

[1435] [See _ante_, p. 443, in the section of “Discoveries on the
Pacific Coast.”—ED.]

[1436] The identity of Acuco with the modern pueblo of Acoma is
perfectly established. See the plates and description in Lieutenant
Abert’s report, _Senate Executive Documents, no. 41, 30th Congress, 1st
Session_, p. 470. Jaramillo is evidently wrong in naming this place
Tutahaco, p. 370. Hernando d’Alvarado in his Report calls it Coco.

[1437] Davis (_The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, p. 185, note)
places Tiguex on the banks of the Rio Puerco; and General Simpson
(_Coronado’s March_, p. 335), on the Rio Grande, below the Puerco. But
Mr. Bandelier (_Historical Introduction_, pp. 20-22), from documentary
evidence, places it higher up the Rio Grande, in the vicinity of
Bernalillo; corresponding perfectly with the “central point” which
Castañeda declared it to be (p. 182).

[1438] Alvarado’s report of this expedition can be found in Buckingham
Smith’s _Coleccion de documentos_, p. 65; Pacheco’s _Documentos
Inéditos_, tom. iii. p. 511. He says, “Partimos de Granada veinte y
nueve de Agosto de 40, la via de Coco.”

[1439] General J. H. Simpson, _Coronado’s March_, p. 335, has
identified Cicuyé with Old Pecos. Additional arguments in support of
this opinion may be found in Bandelier’s _Visit to the Aboriginal Ruins
in the Valley of Pecos_, p. 113.

[1440] The turquoise mines of Cerillos, in the Sandia Mountains, are
about twenty miles west of Pecos. Bandelier’s _Visit_, pp. 39, 115.

[1441] Bandelier (_Historical Introduction_, p. 22) places Tutahaco
in the vicinity of Isleta, on the Rio Grande, in opposition to
Davis’s opinion (_Spanish Conquest_, p. 180) that it was at Laguna.
Coronado subsequently sent an officer southward to explore the
country, who reached a place some eighty leagues distant, where the
river disappeared in the earth, and on his way discovered four other
villages. (Castañeda, p. 140.) These, Bandelier places near Socorro.
(_Ibid._, p. 24.) General Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 323, note)
discusses the question of the disappearance of the river.

[1442] Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 101) says the siege terminated at the
close of 1542; but it is clear, from the course of the narrative, that
it must have been early in 1541.

[1443] All the authorities agree in identifying Chia with the modern
pueblo of Cia, or Silla, and in placing Quirex in the Queres district
of Cochití, Santo Domingo, etc.

[1444] Letter of Coronado to the Emperor Charles the Fifth;
Ternaux-Compans, vol. ix. p. 356. Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 113) says
it was on May 5.

[1445] General J. H. Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 336) has given the
reasons for regarding this river as the Gallinas, which is a tributary
of the Pecos.

[1446] Jaramillo (_Relation_ p. 374) says that this was “much nearer
New Spain;” but Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 120) makes them to have
passed by this very village.

[1447] In his _Letter to Charles V._ (p. 358), Coronado states that
having marched forty-two days after parting from the main body of
his force, he arrived at Quivira in about sixty-seven days (p. 359).
This gives twenty-five days for accomplishing the distance to the
point of separation, instead of thirty-seven, as stated by Castañeda
(_Relation_, pp. 127, 134), who estimates that they had travelled two
hundred and fifty leagues from Tiguex, marching six or seven leagues a
day, as measured by counting their steps.

[1448] _Letter to Charles V._, p. 360. There is a great difference of
opinion as to the situation of Quivira. The earlier writers, Gallatin,
Squier, Kern, Abert, and even Davis, have fallen into the error of
fixing it at Gran Quivira, about one hundred miles directly south
of Santa Fé, where are to be seen the ruins of a Franciscan Mission
founded subsequently to 1629. See _Diary of an excursion to the ruins
of Abo, Quarra, and Gran Quivira, in New Mexico_, 1853, by Major J. H.
Carleton (Smithsonian Report, 1854, p. 296). General Simpson, however,
(_Coronado’s March_, p. 339) argues against this view, and maintains
that Coronado “reached the fortieth degree of latitude, or what is
now the boundary line between the States of Kansas and Nebraska, well
on toward the Missouri River.” Judge Savage believes that he crossed
the plains of Kansas and came out at a point much farther west, upon
the Platte River. _Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society_,
April, 1881, p. 240. Prince (_History of New Mexico_, p. 141) thinks
that “Coronado traversed parts of the Indian Territory and Kansas,
and finally stopped on the borders of the Missouri, somewhere between
Kansas City and Council Bluffs.” Judge Prince, who is President of
the Hist. Society of New Mexico, adds that it would be impossible
from what Castañeda tells us, to determine the position of Quivira
with certainty. Bandelier (_Historical Introduction_, p. 25) is not
satisfied that he reached as far northeast as General Simpson states,
and believes that he moved more in a circle.

[1449] Jaramillo (_Relation_, p. 377) says “it was about the middle of
August;” but according to Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 141), Coronado got
back to Tiguex in August.

[1450] Hemez evidently is the Jemez pueblos; and Yuque-Yunque has been
identified as the Tehua pueblos, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, etc.,
north of Santa Fé. Bandelier, _Historical Introduction_, p. 23.

[1451] General J. H. Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 339) has
identified Braba with the celebrated pueblo of Taos, where such a
stubborn resistance was made to the American arms in 1847. Of this,
Gregg, in his _Commerce of the Prairies_, had given a description
corresponding perfectly with that of Castañeda’s _Relation_, p. 139.

[1452] _Carta, April 23, 1584, Documentos inéditos_, tom. xv. p. 180;
Hakluyt, _Voyages_, etc. iii. 462 (edition of 1810).

[1453] _Coronado’s March_, p. 324.

[1454] [See _ante_, p. 397.—ED.]

[1455] [See _ante_, p. 290.—ED.]

[1456] [See _ante_, p. 397.—ED.]

[1457] [See Introduction, _ante_, p. vii. The latest volumes read
on the titlepage: _Coleccion de documentos inéditos relativos al
descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posesiones
españolas de América y Oceanía sacados de los Archivos del reino y muy
especialmente del de Indias. Competentemente autorizada._—ED.]

[1458] [See Introduction, _ante_, p. vi.—ED.]

[1459] [For bibliography of this _Relacion_ see _ante_, p. 286.—ED.]

[1460] [See _ante_, p. 287.—ED.]

[1461] Senate Executive Documents, No. 41, 30th Congress, 1st Session,
1848.

[1462] Senate Executive Documents, No. 64, 31st Congress, 1st Session,
1850.

[1463] Cf. also _Journal of the American Geographical Society_, vol. v.
p. 194, and _Geographical Magazine_ (1874), vol. i. p. 86.

[1464] This is his _North Mexican States_, vol. i. pp. 27, 71-76,
82-87, which is at present his chief treatment of the subject. He
touches it incidentally in his _Central America_, vol. i. p. 153;
_Mexico_, vol. ii. pp. 293, 465-470; _California_, vol. i. p. 8;
_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 44-46; but he promises more detailed
treatment in his volumes on _New Mexico and Arizona_, which are yet to
be published.

[1465] See _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1857, and October, 1878.

[1466] No attempt is made to establish a theory in another recent
compendium, Shipp’s _De Soto and Florida_ ch. vii.

[1467] [Cf. Markham’s _Royal Commentary of G. de la Vega_, vol. i.
chap. iv. Kohl says that the name “Peru” first occurs in Ribero’s
map (1529), and that his delineations of the coast of Peru were made
probably after Pizarro’s first reports.—ED.]

[1468] Nombre de Dios was abandoned on account of its unhealthy
situation, in the reign of Philip II., and Puerto Bello then became the
chief port on the Atlantic side.

[1469] [Authorities do not agree on the date of his birth, placing it
between the years 1470 and 1478. Prescott, i. 204. Harrisse, _Bibl.
Amer. Vet._, p. 317.—ED.]

[1470] [His followers probably numbered about a hundred. Herrera places
them as low as eighty; Father Naharro, at one hundred and twenty-nine.
Prescott, i. 211.—ED.]

[1471] Helps translates them:—

“My good Lord Governor, Have pity on our woes; For here remains the
butcher, To Panamá the salesman goes.”

Prescott (_Peru_, vol. i. p. 257) has thus rendered them into English:—

“Look out, Señor Governor, For the drover while he’s near; Since he
goes home to get the sheep For the butcher, who stays here.”

[1472] (_a_) Bartolomé Ruiz, of Moguer, the pilot.

(_b_) Pedro de Candia, a Greek, who had charge of Pizarro’s artillery,
consisting of two falconets; an able and experienced officer. After
the death of Pizarro he joined the younger Almagro, who, suspecting
him of treachery, ran him through at the battle of Chupas. He left a
half-caste son, who was at school at Cusco with Garcilasso de la Vega.

(_c_) Cristóval de Peralta, a native of Baeza, in Andalusia. He was one
of the first citizens of Lima when that city was founded,—in 1535.

(_d_) Alonzo Briceño, a native of Benavente. He was at the division of
Atahualpa’s ransom, and received the share of a cavalry captain.

(_e_) Nicolas de Ribera, the treasurer, was one of the first citizens
of Lima in 1535. He passed through all the stormy period of the civil
wars in Peru. He deserted from Gonzalo Pizarro to the side of the
president, Gasca, and was afterwards captain of the Guard of the Royal
Seal. He is said to have founded the port of San Gallan, the modern
Pisco. Ribera was born at Olvera, in Andalusia, of good family. He
eventually settled near Cusco, and died, leaving children to inherit
his estates.

(_f_) Juan de la Torre, a native of Benavente, in Old Castile. He was a
stanch adherent of Gonzalo Pizarro, and was at the battle of Anaquito,
where he showed ferocious enmity against the ill-fated viceroy, Blasco
Nuñez de Vela. He married a daughter of an Indian chief near Puerto
Viejo, and acquired great wealth. After the battle of Sacsahuana, in
1548, he was hanged by order of the president, Gasca. He was a citizen
of Arequipa, and left descendants there.

(_g_) Francisco de Cuellar, a native of Cuellar; but nothing more is
known of him.

(_h_) Alonzo de Molina, a native of Ubeda. He afterwards landed at
Tumbez, where it was arranged that he should remain until Pizarro’s
return; but he died in the interval.

(_i_) Domingo de Soria Luce, a native of the Basque Provinces, probably
of Guipuzcoa; but nothing more is known of him.

(_j_) Pedro Alcon. He afterwards landed on the coast of Peru, fell in
love with a Peruvian lady, and refused to come on board again. So the
pilot Ruiz was obliged to knock him down with an oar, and he was put in
irons on the lower deck. Nothing more is known of him.

(_k_) Garcia de Jerez (or Jaren). He appears to have made a statement
on the subject of the heroism of Pizarro and his companions, Aug. 3,
1529, at Panamá. _Documentos inéditos, tom._ xxvi. p. 260, quoted by
Helps, vol. iii. p. 446.

(_l_) Anton de Carrion. Nothing further is known of him.

(_m_) Martin de Paz. Nothing further is known of him.

(_n_) Diego de Truxillo (Alonzo, according to Zarate). He was
afterwards personally known to Garcilasso at Cusco. He appears to
have written an account of the discovery of Peru, which is still in
manuscript. _Antonio_, ii. 645; also, _Leon Pinelo_.

(_o_) Alonzo Ribera (or Geronimo) was settled at Lima, where he had
children.

(_p_) Francisco Rodriguez de Villa Fuerte was the first to cross the
line drawn by Pizarro. He was afterwards a citizen of Cusco, having
been present at the siege by the Ynca Manco, and at the battle of
Salinas. Garcilasso knew him, and once rode with him from Cusco to
Quispicanchi, when he recounted many reminiscences of his stirring
life. He was still living at Cusco in 1560, a rich and influential
citizen. [Mr. Markham has given the number as sixteen in his _Reports
on the Discovery of Peru_, p. 8, together with his reasons for it,
which do not commend themselves, however, to Kirk, the editor of
Prescott (_History of the Conquest of Peru_, edition of 1879, i. 303).
Helps dismisses the story of the line as the melodramatic effort of a
second-rate imagination. Cf. also Markham’s _Travels of Cieza de Leon_,
p. 419.—ED.]

[1473] See the section on “El Dorado,” _post_.

[1474] [Accounts of the space to be filled differ. Cf. Prescott’s
_Peru_, i. 422; Humboldt’s _Views of Nature_ (Bohn’s ed.), 410,
430.—ED.]

[1475] [Prescott (_History of the Conquest of Peru_, i. 453) enters
into an explanation of his conversion of the money of Ferdinand and
Isabella’s time into modern equivalents, and cites an essay on this
point by Clemencin in vol vi. of the Memoirs of the Royal Academy of
History at Madrid.—ED.]

[1476] [Atahualpa was hurriedly tried on the charge of assassinating
Huascar and conspiring against the Spaniards. Oviedo speaks of the
“villany” of the transaction. Cf. Prescott, _History of the Conquest of
Peru_, vol. i. p. 467. Pizarro’s secretary, Xeres, palliates the crime
as being committed upon “the greatest butcher that the world ever saw.”

Prescott (_Peru_, ii. 473, 480) prints several of the contemporary
accounts of the seizure and execution of Atahualpa. He says that
Garcilasso de la Vega “has indulged in the romantic strain to an
unpardonable extent in his account of the capture; ... yet his version
has something in it so pleasing to the imagination, that it has ever
found favor with the majority of readers. The English student might
have met with a sufficient corrective in the criticism of the sagacious
and sceptical Robertson.” There are the usual stories of a comet at the
time of the death of the Ynca. Cf. Humboldt, _Views of Nature_, pp.
421, 429.—ED.]

[1477] They are as follows:—

(_a_) Hernando de Soto, the explorer of Florida and discoverer of the
Mississippi.

(_b_) Francisco de Chaves, a native of Truxillo. He was murdered at
Lima, in 1541, in attempting to defend the staircase against the
assassins of Pizarro. Zarate says that when he died he was the most
important personage in Peru, next to Pizarro.

(_c_) Diego de Chaves, brother of Francisco, whose wife, Maria de
Escobar, introduced the cultivation of wheat into Peru.

(_d_) Francisco de Fuentes, in the list of those who shared the ransom.

(_e_) Pedro de Ayala. Diego de Mora, afterwards settled at Truxillo on
the coast of Peru. The president, Gasca made him a captain of cavalry,
and he was subsequently corregidor of Lima.

(_g_) Francisco Moscoso.

(_h_) Hernando de Haro, taken prisoner by the Ynca Titu Atauchi, but
treated kindly.

(_i_) Pedro de Mendoza, in the list of those who shared the ransom.

(_j_) Juan de Rada, a stanch follower of Almagro. He accompanied
his chief on his expedition to Chili, and avenged his death by the
assassination of Pizarro.

(_k_) Alonzo de Avila.

(_l_) Blas de Atienza was the second man who ever embarked on the
Pacific, when he served under Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa in 1513. He settled
at Truxillo; and his daughter Inez accompanied Pedro de Ursua in 1560
in his ill-fated expedition to discover El Dorado. His son Blas was a
friar, who published a book called _Relacion de los Religiosos_, at
Lima, in 1617.

[Cf. also note in Markham’s _Reports on the Discovery of Peru_, p.
104.—ED.]

[1478] There is no record, however, that a special designation for the
marquisate was ever granted to Pizarro. It is therefore an error to
call him Marquis of Atabillos, as he is sometimes designated. He signed
himself simply the Marquis Pizarro.

[1479] [A view of the house of Francisco Pizzaro, as it is now or was
recently existing, is shown in Hutchinson’s _Two Years in Peru_, vol,
i. p. 311.—ED.]

[1480] [See chap. v.—ED.]

[1481] For the writings of Cieza de Leon, see the “Critical Essay,”
_post_.

[1482] [See Vol. III. p. 66—ED.]

[1483] [A life of Santa Rosa, by Léonard de Hansen, was printed at
Rome in 1664. A Spanish translation, _La bienaventurada Rosa_, etc.,
by Father Iacinto de Parra, was published at Madrid in 1668. It is
enlarged upon the original from documents gathered to induce the Pope
to canonize her. De Parra, in his _Rosa Laureada_ (Madrid, 1670), gives
an account of the movement to effect her canonization; and an account
of the solemnities on the occasion of its consummation is printed
in the _Mercure de France_ (1671). A Spanish translation of Hansen,
by Antonio de Lorea, was issued at Madrid in 1671; and a Portuguese
version appeared at Lisbon in 1669 and 1674. Another Life, by Acuña,
bishop of Caracas, was printed at Rome in 1665. A metrical _Vida de
Santa Rosa_, by Oviedo y Herrera has the imprint of Madrid, 1711. (Cf.
Leclerc, 1705, 1754-56, 1784, 1812-1813.)—ED.]

[1484] [See Introduction (p. i) and p. 67.—ED.]

[1485] [Cf. the chapter on Cortés.—ED.]

[1486] [The bibliography of Oviedo is traced in a note following the
chapter on Las Casas. Prescott has measured him as an authority in his
_Peru_ (Kirk’s edition, vol. ii. p. 305). Helps speaks of his history
as a “mass of confusion and irrelevancy; but at the same time,” he
adds, “it is a most valuable mine of facts.” A paper, appended to
the combined edition of Peter Martyr and Oviedo published at Venice
in 1534, seems to have been enlarged upon a tract _La Conquista del
Peru_, published at Seville in 1534 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._ p. 199), and
is thought to bear some relation to the “Relatione d’un Capitano
Spagnuolo” given in Ramusio, vol. iii. (_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_,
vol. ii. p. 536; Sabin, xvi, no. 61,097).—ED.]

[1487] _Coleccion de viages y descubrimientos_, vol. iii. no. vii. p.
393.

[1488] [_Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrárias Davilla, and of the
Discovery of the South Sea and Coasts of Peru_, etc.—ED.]

[1489] [Oviedo traces Andagoya’s career in vol. iv. p. 126. Cf.
Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i. p. 503; Helps, vol. iii. p. 426;
and the notice in Pacheco, _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, vol.
xxxix. p. 552.—ED.]

[1490] [_Verdadera relacion de la Conquista del Peru._ There is a copy
in the Lenox Library. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 198.—ED.]

[1491] [There are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries.
Quaritch in 1873 priced it at £35; Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 277;
Ternaux, no. 54; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 146. It is sometimes bound
with Oviedo’s _Coronica_, and F. S. Ellis (1882, no. 221) prices the
combined edition at £105. The _Huth Catalogue_, vol. v. p. 1628, shows
an edition, _Conquista del Peru_, black-letter, without place or date,
which Harrisse thinks preceded this 1547 edition. The Huth copy is the
only one known.—ED.]

[1492] [This Italian version (Venetian dialect) was made by Domingo de
Gazlelu, and appeared at Venice; and a fac-simile of the title is given
here with showing the arms of the emperor. Rich (no. 11) in 1832 priced
it at £1 4_s._; Quaritch of late years has held it at £5 and £7; F. S.
Ellis (1884) at £12, 12_s._; and Leclerc (no. 2,998) at 750 francs.
There are copies in the Lenox, Harvard College, and Carter-Brown
(_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 116) libraries. It was reprinted at Milan the
same year in an inferior manner, and a copy of this edition is in the
British Museum. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 200, 201; _Bibliotheca
Grenvilliana_, p. 818; Huth, p. 1628; Court, no. 376. What is said to
be a translation of this Italian version into French, _L’histoire de
la terre neuve du Peru_, Paris, 1545, signed I. G. (Jacques Gohory),
purports to be an extract from Oviedo’s _Historia_, Cf. _Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 264; _Court Catalogue_, no. 175.—ED.]

[1493] [Vol. iii. p. 378.—ED.]

[1494] [_Voyages_, etc., vol. iv. This edition is worth about eight
francs. A German edition is recorded as made by Külb at Stuttgard in
1843.—ED.]

[1495] [Prescott says (_Peru_, vol. i. p. 385) “Allowing for the
partialities incident to a chief actor in the scenes he describes, no
authority can rank higher.”—ED.]

[1496] Chap. xv. lib. 43.

[1497] Paris, 1845, p. 180.

[1498] [Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 109, notes, but
not _de visu_, a plaquette enumerating the treasure sent to Spain by
Pizarro in 1534. F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 235) priced at £21 a second
copy of the tract mentioned by Harrisse (no. 108) as known only in a
copy in a private library in New York, entitled _Copey etlicher brieff
so auss Hispania Kummen seindt_, 1535, which purports to be translated
through the French from the Spanish. Ellis pronounces it a version
of Harrisse’s no. 109, the only copy known of which was, as he says,
lost in a binder’s shop. Cf. the _Libro ultimo de le Indie occidentale
intitulato nova Castiglia, e del Conquisto del Peru_, published at
Rome, May, 1535 (Sunderland, vol. i. no. 265). For the effect of
Peruvian gold on prices in Europe, see Brevoort’s _Verrazano_, p.
iii.—ED.]

[1499] [It would seem to have been used by Herrera. Navarrete
communicated a copy to Prescott, who characterizes it in his _Conquest
of Peru_, ii. 72.—ED.]

[1500] _Papeles Manuscripts Originales y Ineditos_, G. 127.

[1501] Lima, 1880.

[1502] [The author of the _Varones_ was a grandson of the daughter of
Francisco Pizarro (cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 465). H. H. Bancroft, _Central
America_, ii. 273.—ED.]

[1503] [It was published at Madrid in 1807, 1830, 1833, and at Paris in
1845.—ED.]

[1504] [Harrisse (_Bibl. Am. Vet._, 132) quotes from Asher’s Catalogue,
1865, a _Lettere di Pietro Arias_, 1525, without place, which he
supposes to refer to the first expedition of Almagro, Pizarro, and
Luque.—ED.]

[1505] [Cf. the notice of Herrera with references, given in the
Introduction.—ED.]

[1506] [Prescott, ii. 494.—ED.]

[1507] [There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, no.
207). Quaritch priced it in 1879 at £9.—ED.]

[1508] [There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Collection (no. 316); and
others were sold in the Brinley (no. 5,346) and Murphy (no. 2,808)
sales, as well as in the Sunderland (no. 13,521) and the Old Admiral’s
sales (no. 329) in England. Quaritch priced a copy at £16 10s. in
1883,—a rapid advance on earlier sales, but exceeded in 1884 by F. S.
Ellis (£21). Leclerc (giving the date 1557) priced it in 1878 at 400
francs (no. 1,862).—ED.]

[1509] [Zarate was early translated into other languages. An Italian
version appeared at Venice in 1563, translated by Alfonzo Ulloa
(Carter-Brown, i. 246; Leclerc, 1865—100 francs; Stevens—£3 3_s._).
Muller (_Books on America_ (1872), nos. 1,231, etc.) enumerates five
Dutch editions, the earliest edited by Willem Silvius, Antwerp, 1564
(the Carter-Brown copy is dated 1563, _Catalogue_, no. 245). In 1573 a
new title and preface were put to the sheets of this edition. In 1596,
1598, and 1623 there were editions at Amsterdam. There were French
versions published at Amsterdam in 1700, 1717, 1718, 1719, and at Paris
in 1706, 1716, 1742, 1752-54, 1830. An English translation, made by T.
Nicholas, was published at London in 1581 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. p.
285; Murphy, 2,213). Ellis priced a copy in 1884 at £28.—ED.]

[1510] [For a detailed bibliography of the manuscripts and editions
of Cieza de Leon, with various references, see the Editorial Note
following this chapter.—ED.]

[1511] [In his _Proceso de Pedro de Valdivia i otros documentos
inéditos concernientes a este conquistador, reunidos i anotados por
Diego Barros Arana_, Santiago de Chile (1873), 80 pp. 392.—ED.]

[1512] [The Philadelphia edition, 1879, vol. ii. p. 406.—ED.]

[1513] The historiographer Juan Bautista Muñoz intended to have written
an exhaustive history of America, but he only completed one volume.
He however made copies of documents from the Seville Archives in 1782
and 1783, which form one hundred and fifty volumes. They are now in
various libraries, but the greater part belongs to the Real Academia de
la historia de Madrid. [See the Introduction to the present volume, p.
iii.—ED.]

[1514] Prescott’s copy (in his Appendix, vol. ii. p. 471) unfortunately
contains various inaccuracies.

[1515] _Ubi supra._

[1516] [Helps speaks of these family papers as in the possession of the
Counts of Cancelada, and he used copies which were procured for him by
Gayangos. _Spanish Conquest_, New York edition, iv. 227.—ED.]

[1517] [Rich (no. 48) priced this edition in 1832 at £5 5_s._; Leclerc
(no. 1,733) in 1878 at 800 francs. The Council of the Indies is said to
have tried to check its circulation. A copy is in the Carter-Brown (i.
282) Collection; and another was sold in the Court sale recently (no.
128).—ED.]

[1518] [A view of what is called the house of Garcilasso de la Vega is
given in Squier’s Peru, _Land of the Incas_, p. 449.—ED.]

[1519] [A detailed bibliographical note of Garcilasso de la Vega’s
works on Peru is given in Note B, following the present chapter.—ED.]

[1520] [Prescott, who had copies of both manuscripts, speaks of the
opportunities which Montesinos enjoyed in his official visits to
Peru, of having access to repositories, and of making an inspection
of the country. He adds that a comparison of his narrative with
other contemporary accounts leads one sometimes to distrust him.
“His writings seem to me,” he says, “entitled to little praise,
either for the accuracy of their statements or the sagacity of their
reflections.”—ED.]

[1521] [Cf. Rich, no. 226 £2 10_s._; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,870;
Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 450; Dufossé, no. 11,818,—2,180 francs. A
second part was printed at Lima in 1653 by Cordova y Salinas, the same
who published a Life of Francisco Solano, the apostle of Peru, at Lima
in 1630, which appeared, augmented by Alonzo de Mendieta, at Madrid in
1643 (Leclerc, nos. 1,714. 1,731).—ED.]

[1522] Additional Manuscripts, 17, 585.

[1523] [These are dated 1561 and 1570. The originals are in
the Escurial; copies are at Simancas. A copy, made for Kingsborough,
became Prescott’s, who records his estimate of it (_Peru_, vol. i. p.
181). It is said that Herrera made use of Ondegardo’s manuscript.—ED.]

[1524] Quarto on parchment, B. 135.

[1525] Additional Manuscripts, 5,469.

[1526] [Cf. notes to chap. on Las Casas.—ED.]

[1527] [The first edition, of only fifteen cantos, was printed at
Madrid in 1569. This was enlarged with a second part when issued at
Antwerp in 1575; again at Madrid, in 1578; and at Lisbon, in 1581-88. A
third part was printed at Madrid in 1589, and at Antwerp in 1597; and
the three parts, with a general title, appeared at Madrid in 1590,—the
first complete edition as Ercilla wrote it. Two parts were again issued
at Antwerp in 1586; and other editions appeared at Barcelona in 1592,
and at Perpignan in 1596. A fourth and a fifth part were added by
Osorio after Ercilla’s death, and appeared at Salamanca, 1597, and at
Barcelona, 1598. There were later complete editions at Madrid, 1633,
1776, 1828; at Lyons, 1821; and at Paris, 1824 and 1840. Cf. Sabin,
vol. vi. no. 22,718; Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 465; Hallam,
_Literature of Europe_, ii. 284; Sismondi, _Literature of South of
Europe_, ii. 271.—ED.]

[1528] [“A military journal done into rhyme,” as Prescott calls
it,—_History of the Conquest of Peru_, ii. 108.—ED.]

[1529] [Published at Lima, 1596. Cf. Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii.
469; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,300; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 506.—ED.]

[1530] [This was reissued in 1616. Rich, no. 143—£1 4_s._—ED.]

[1531] [The _Descubrimiento i Conquista de Chile_ of Miguel Luis
Amunátegui, published at Santiago de Chile in 1862, was a work
presented to the University of Chili in 1861.—ED.]

[1532] Cf. Rich, no. 24; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 176; Murphy, no.
462; Sunderland, vol. iii. no. 7,575; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,044.

[1533] Cf. Rich, nos. 26, 27—£1 1_s._ and £1 10_s._; Sabin,
13,045-13,046; Cooke, no. 523; Carter-Brown vol. i. nos. 185, 186;
Court, no. 63; Ternaux, no. 66; Brinley, no. 5,345; Leclerc, no.
1,706,—200 francs; Quaritch, £5 and £10; F. S. Ellis (1884) £7 10_s._
The latest Spanish edition, _Crónica del Peru_, constitutes vol. xxvi.
of the _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_, published at Madrid in 1852.

[1534] Sabin, no. 13,047; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 198.

[1535] There are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown (vol. i. no. 208)
libraries. Cf. Sabin, nos. 13,048-13,049; Leclerc, no. 1,707; Tröwel,
no. 19.

[1536] There are copies in the Boston Public, Lenox, and Carter-Brown
(vol. i. nos. 231, 249, 254) libraries. A set is worth about $20.
(Sabin, nos. 13,050-13,052; Field, 314, 315; Rich, no. 39—10_s._;
Court, no. 64; Leclerc, no. 1,708; Sobolewski, 3,744; Dufossé, no.
8,978.) Some copies are dated 1564, and dates between 1560 and 1564 are
on the second and third volumes (Sabin, no. 13,053). These three parts
were again reprinted at Venice in 1576 (Sabin, no. 13,054; Leclerc, no.
1,709; Cooke, no. 524).

[1537] Cf. Leclerc, nos. 2,503, 2,672; _Coleccion de documentos
inéditos (España)_ vol. lxviii.

[1538] Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10_s._, and Leclerc in 1878 (no.
1,740) at 100 francs. There are copies in the Carter-Brown (vol. ii.
no. 96), Boston Public, and Harvard College libraries; and others were
sold in the Murphy (no. 2,589) and O’Callaghan (no. 963) collections.
Cf. Sunderland, vol. ii. no. 5,358; vol. v. no. 12,814; Ticknor,
_Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 146.

[1539] There are copies in the Boston Public, Harvard College, and
Carter-Brown (vol. ii. nos. 183, 197) libraries. Rich priced it in 1832
at £1 10_s._; Leclerc (no. 1,741) in 1878 at 100 francs. Cf. Murphy,
no. 2,590; Huth, vol. ii. p. 574.

[1540] Leclerc, no. 1,742; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 327-329; Field,
589.

[1541] Cf. Prescott’s _Peru_, vol. i. p. 294; Field, 592.

[1542] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 405; Leclerc, no. 1,745.

[1543] Ibid., vol. ii. nos. 700, 842; Leclerc, no. 1,744.

[1544] Ibid., vol. iii. no. 82.

[1545] Ibid., vol. iii. no. 205.

[1546] Ibid., vol. iii. no. 561; Field, no. 591.

[1547] Leclerc, no. 1,746; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 768.

[1548] Ibid., no. 1,747.

[1549] Cf. Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 188.

[1550] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 102; _Additions_, no. 65.

[1551] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 193; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 537;
_Bibliotheca Heberiana_, vol. i. no. 1,961.

[1552] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 195; _Libri Catalogue_ (reserved part),
no. 32. There is a copy in the Lenox Library.

[1553] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 196; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 537.

[1554] _Spanish Literature_, ii. 40.

[1555] Cf. Sabin, vol. xiii. no. 54,945.

[1556] Cf. Carter-Brown, i. nos. 111, 113; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos.
191, 206; Leclerc, nos. 2,839, at 1,200 francs.

[1557] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, nos. 124, 153, 157.

[1558] Leclerc, no. 1,689.

[1559] Cf. Rich, no. 44—£1 4s.; Carter-Brown, i. 268; Quaritch, £3 3s.;
Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 9,515; Sabin, vol. i. no. 1,761; Huth, i. 41;
Cohn (1884), no. 113, at 75 marks. The _Catalogue de M. A. Chaumette
des Fossé’s_, Paris, 1842, is mainly of books pertaining to Peru.

[1560] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 67.

[1561] Leclerc, no. 1,808.

[1562] Rich, no. 253—£3 3s.; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,971, 57,972;
Carter-Brown, ii. 592; Quaritch, £6 6_s._; Sunderland (1883), £5;
Rosenthal (1884), 60 marks.

[1563] Leclerc, no. 3,029.

[1564] Leclerc, no. 2,928.

[1565] _Boston Public Library Catalogue._

[1566] _Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 1,687.

[1567] Cf. Karl Klüpfel, in the _Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins
in Stuttgart_, no. xlvii. (1859); Karl Klunzinger, _Antheil der
Deutschen an der Entdeckung von Südamerika_, Stuttgart, 1857; and K.
von Klöoen’s “Die Welser in Augsburg als besitzer von Venezuela,” in
the _Berliner Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde_, v. 441.

[1568] Cf. Schomburgk’s _Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_, p. 17.
Raleigh’s enumeration of the various searches for Eldorado in this book
are annotated by Schomburgk.

[1569] An account of an earlier expedition by Federmann in this
region, _Indianische Historia_, recounting experiences in 1529-1531,
was printed in 1557 at Hagenaw. Ternaux, in the first volume of his
_Voyages_, etc. (Paris, 1837), gave a translation of it, with an
introduction. His route, as marked by Klunzinger in the book already
cited, is not agreed to by Dr. Moritz Weinhold, in _Uber Nicolaus
Federmann’s Reise in Venezuela_, 1529-1531, printed in the _Dritter
Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde zu Dresden, 1866, Anhang_, p.
93; also in 1868.

[1570] Fac-simile of engraving in Herrera, iii. 213.

[1571] He is sometimes called Uten, Utre, Urra, etc.

[1572] Introduction of his _Search for Eldorado_.

[1573] Manuscript copies of these parts are in the Lenox Library.

[1574] Cf. Markham’s introduction to this volume; H. H. Bancroft’s
_Central America_, ii. 61. _The Expedition of Orsua and the Crime of
Aguirre_, by Robert Southey, was published at London in 1821. This was
written for Southey’s _History of Brazil_, but was omitted as beyond
its scope, and first published in the _Edinburgh Annual Register_, vol.
iii. part 2, and then separately.

[1575] Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 471. There are copies in the
Boston Public, Harvard College, and Lenox libraries.

[1576] Printed at Amberes in 1688; Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no.
1,364. There are copies in Harvard College and Lenox libraries. Cf. H.
H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 62. The book is worth £5 to £10.
Only the _Parte primera_ was printed; it comes down to 1563.

[1577] There are copies in the Lenox and Harvard College libraries.

[1578] _Search for Eldorado_, p. xliii.

[1579] Schomburgk, in his _Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_ (p. lvi),
enumerates the various references to the Amazon story among the early
writers on South America. Cf. Van Heuvel, _Eldorado_, chaps. vii. and
viii. Acuña’s account in 1641 is translated in Markham’s _Expeditions
into the Valley of the Amazons_, sect. 71; and also p. 123, Note.

[1580] Vol. III. p. 117, etc. One of the latest accounts is contained
in P. G. L. Borde’s _Histoire de l’ile de la Trinidad sous le
gouvernement espagnol_, 1498, etc, (Paris, 1876-1883, vol. i.). Abraham
Kendall, who had been on the coast with Robert Dudley, and is the
maker of one of the portolanos in Dudley’s _Arcano del mare_, was with
Raleigh and of use to him. Kohl (Collection, no. 374) gives us from the
British Museum a map which he supposes to be Raleigh’s.

[1581] _Personal Narrative_, chap. 17.

[1582] _Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_, published by Hakluyt Society
(1848), p. li.

[1583] Schomburgk says that Levinus Hulsius availed himself of this
map in constructing his _Americæ pars Australis_, which accompanies
the _Vera Historia_ of Schmiedel, published at Nuremberg in 1599. Cf.
Uricoechea, _Mapoteca Colombiana_, p. 90, no. 5.

[1584] He was in the boundary expedition of Solano. Humboldt calls this
map the combination of two traced by Caulin in 1756.

[1585] This enumeration has by no means mentioned all the instances of
similar acceptance of the delusion.

[1586] Cf. his _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., p. 159; _Views of Nature_, p. 188.
He asks: “Can the little reed-covered lake of Amuca have given rise
to this myth?... It was besides an ancient custom of dogmatizing
geographers to make all considerable rivers originate in lakes.” Cf.
also Humboldt’s _Personal Narrative_ and Southey’s _History of Brazil_.

[1587] Markham’s _Valley of the Amazons_, p. xlv.

[1588] This book is rare. It was priced by Rich in 1832 (no. 234) at
£8 8_s._ The unsatisfactory French translation by De Gomberville was
printed at Paris in 1682. Dufossé recently priced this edition at 150
francs. The original Spanish is said to have been suppressed by Philip
IV. but such stories are attached too easily to books become rare.
There was a copy in the Cooke sale (1884, no. 10). The _Carter-Brown
Catalogue_ (vol. ii. no. 484) shows a copy.

[1589] It can be found in Stocklein’s _Reise Beschreibungen_, a
collection of Jesuit letters from all parts of the World. Markham’s
_Valley of the Amazons_, p. xxxiii.

[1590] On Faleiro’s contributions to the art of navigation, see
Humboldt’s _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 672.

[1591] [It will be remembered that the original Bull of 1493 fixed
the meridian 100 leagues (say 400 miles) west of the Azores or Cape
De Verde Islands, supposing them to lie north and south of each
other; whereas the limit in force after June 7, 1494, was 370 leagues
(say 1,080 miles) west of the Azores, since Portugal, complaining
of the first limit, had negotiated with Spain for a new limit, the
Pope assenting; and this final limit was confirmed by a convention
at Tordesillas at the date above given. Cf. Popellinière, _Les trois
mondes_, Paris, 1582; Baronius, _Annales_ (ed. by Brovius, Rome), vol.
xix.; Solorzano, _Politica Indiana_.—ED.]

[1592] [See note, Vol. II., p. 7.—ED.]

[1593] But the word _hamac_ is Haytian, not Brazilian. The hammock
itself had been noticed by Columbus. Peter Martyr describes it, and
Oviedo figures it in narrating the second voyage. [Cf. Schomburgk’s
_Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_, pp. 40, 65.—ED.]

[1594] [See p. 17 of Vol. II., for a contemporary drawing of a
canoe.—ED.]

[1595] Which they called _boi_, according to Pigafetta; but this name
has not been traced since his time. The Brazilian name of house was
_oca_. Of twelve “Brazilian” words given in Pigafetta, five found their
way into European languages. But, oddly enough, three of these were not
Brazilian, but were “ship-language,” and borrowed from the West Indies.
These are _cacich_ for “king,” _hamac_ for “bed,” _maiz_ for “millet;”
perhaps _canot_ is to be added. But _Setebos_, the name of their god or
devil, is Pigafetta’s own. Shakspeare was struck by it, and gives it to
Caliban’s divinity.

[1596] Jatropha manihot.

[1597] Sus dorso cistifero (Linnæus).

[1598] Anas rostro plano ad verticem dilatato (Linnæus).

[1599] O’Brien, the Irish giant, was eight feet four inches high. His
skeleton is in the College of Surgeons in London.

[1600] [Cf. note on the alleged height of the Patagonians in Thevet’s
_La France antarctique_, Gaffarel’s ed., p. 287. Schouten testifies to
finding bones in a grave ten feet and more of stature; and Pernetty’s
_Voyage aux Isles Malonines_ (Paris, 1770) gives the testimony of
an engraving to their large stature (Field, _Indian Bibliography_,
no. 1,200). There is a cut of two enormous Patagonians standing
beside a European in Don Casimiro de Ortega’s _Resumen histórico del
primer viage hecho al rededor del mundo, emprendido por Hernando de
Magallanes_ (Madrid, 1769). Statements of their unusual height have
been insisted upon even in our day by travellers. One of the most
trustworthy of recent explorers (1869-1870) of Patagonia, Lieutenant G.
C. Musters, says that the men average six feet, some reaching six feet
four inches; while the average of the women is five feet four.—ED.]

[1601] Herrera gives the observation in some detail; but M. Charton
says it was not visible there.

[1602] [See the section on “The Historical Chorography of South
America.”—ED.]

[1603] [For Gomez’ subsequent career see Dr. Shea’s chapter on “Ancient
Florida,” in Vol. II., and- chapter i. of Vol. IV.—ED.]

[1604] Juan de Barros.

[1605] Apium dulce.

[1606] See Cook’s _First Voyage_, i. 70, 74.

[1607] Pigafetta has preserved the vocabulary of ninety words which
in this way he made. The words, he says, are to be pronounced in the
throat. A few of the words are these: Ears, _sanc_; eyes, _ather_;
nose, _or_; breast, _othey_; eyelids, _sechechiel_; nostrils,
_oresche_; mouth, _piam_; a chief, _hez_.

[1608] This might have been inferred from Pigafetta’s map of the
strait, in which the western shore of Patagonia and Chili are well laid
in; but that inference seems to have escaped the globe-makers.

[1609] Most observers forget, however, when they look upon a map of
this ocean, that the name of an island or group upon the map may cover
a hundred, not to say a thousand, times as much space on the paper as
the island or group takes up on the surface of the world. Dr. Charles
Darwin calls attention to such forgetfulness, in the _Voyage of the
Beagle_.

[1610] The identification attempted on the map (taken from the Hakluyt
Society’s volume on Magellan) is one of many conjectures.

[1611] He died in 1534. A brother-in-law of Magellan, Duarte Barbosa,
who was killed at the same time with his chief, prepared a manuscript
in 1516, which was printed by Ramusio in Italian as _Sommario di
tutti li regni dell’Indie orientali_. This paper, describing from
such sources as were available the eastern regions, had not a little
influence on Magellan. The original Portuguese was printed by the
Lisbon Academy in their _Noticias Ultramarinhas_, in 1813.

[1612] _Bulletin de in Société de Géographie_, September, 1843.

[1613] Pigafetta himself mentions a manuscript, _Uno libro scripto de
tutti le cose passate de giorno in giorno nel viaggio_, written by his
own hand, and presented by him to Charles the Fifth. Harrisse thinks it
was written in French, and describes the manuscripts, _Bibl. Amer. Vet.
Add._, pp. xxx-xxxiii.

[1614] This petition is given in Stanley’s _Magellan_, and in
Harrisse’s _Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add._, p. xxviii.

[1615] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 134; Carter-Brown, no. 86; Brunet, iv.
650; Des Brosses, _Navigations aux terres Australes_, i. 121; Panzer,
viii. 217; Antonio, _Bibliotheca Hispana Nova_, ii. 376.

[1616] On the strength of _Livres Curieux_, p. 29.

[1617] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 192.

[1618] Ramusio included it in his _Viaggi_ in 1554, with annotations.

[1619] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 215; _Bibliotheca Hebernana_, ix. 3,129;
_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, no. 548; Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,753;
Libri, 1861, no. 288; Carter-Brown, i. 118; Court, no. 372. There is
also a copy in the Lenox Library. Wiley, of New York, priced a copy in
1883, at $145.

[1620] A French version of this text was issued at Paris in 1801; and
the Italian text was again printed in 1805. Pigafetta’s story is given
in English in Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, i. 188; in German in Sprengel’s
_Beyträgen_, and in Kries’s _Beschreibung von Magellan-Reise_, Gotha,
1801. Cf. a bibliography of the manuscript and printed editions of
Pigafetta in the _Studi biografici e bibliografici_, published by the
Società Geografica Italiana (2d ed., 1882), i. 262.

[1621] The date in Navarrete is October 5.

[1622] All three of these editions are in the Lenox Library, and the
first two are in the Carter-Brown. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._,
nos. 122, 123, 124. Leclerc priced the Cologne edition at 500 francs,
and the Rome (1523) at 350. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._ nos. 376, 377. Dufossé
(nos. 11,003, 12,348) puts the Cologne edition at 500 francs, and
again (no. 14,892) at 380. The _Court Catalogue_ (Paris, 1884) shows
the Cologne edition (no. 220) and the Rome (1524) edition (no. 221).
Brunet is in error in calling the Roman edition the earliest. A Cologne
copy in the Murphy sale (1884) brought $75; _Catalogue_, no. 2,519.
One in F. S. Ellis’s _Catalogue_ (1884), no. 188, is priced at £42.
Cf. Sabin, xi. 47,038-47,042; Carter-Brown, no. 75; Graesse, iv. 451;
Ternaux, no. 129. It was also inserted in Latin in the _Novus Orbis_ of
1537 (p. 585), and of 1555 (p. 524), and in Johannes Bœmus’s _Omnium
gentium mores_, etc., Antwerp, 1542; in Italian in Ramusio (i. 347);
in Spanish, in Navarrete (iv. 249, dated October 5, and not 24). The
narrative in Hulsius (no. xxvi.) is taken from Ortelius and Chauveton.
Cf. Panzer, vol. vi., no. 375; Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 1,868;
_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 454; Ternaux, nos. 29, 30; Graesse, iv.
451, 452; _Bibliotheca Heberiana_, i. 4,451; ii. 3,687; vi. 2,331; vii.
4,123; Leclerc, no. 69; _Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add._, no. 136.

[1623] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 229, where other missing accounts are
mentioned.

[1624] Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 229.

[1625] Cf. J. A. Schmeller’s _Über einige älten handscriftliche
Seekarten_, Munich, 1844, which is an extract from the _Abhandlungen
d. Baier. Akad. d. Wissensch._, iv. 1. It is announced (1884) that
Harrisse is preparing an annotated edition of the letter.

[1626] Cf. Reclus, _Ocean_, bk. i., chap. ix. and Chart.

[1627] Cf. _Bibl. Am. Vet._, nos. 80, 81, 132, 133, 161; Carter-Brown,
i. 212, 283, 336; ii. 221; Sabin, xii. p. 90; _Ticknor, Catalogue_, p.
226.

[1628] Among them may be mentioned, for instance, such books as
Argensola’s _Conquista de las islas Malucas_, Madrid, 1609, which a
hundred years later was made familiar to French and English readers
by editions at Amsterdam in 1707, and by being included in Stevens’s
_Collection of Voyages_ in 1708, while the German version appeared at
Frankfort in 1711 (cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 77; iii. 92, 104, 119, 147);
Gotard Arthus’s _India Orientalis_, Cologne, 1608; Farya y Sousa’s
_Asia Portuguesa_, Lisbon, 1666-1675. The final conquest of the
Philippines was not accomplished till 1564, when by order of Philip
II., Miguel Lopez de Legaspi led a fleet from Navidad in New Spain. For
this and the subsequent history of the island see Antonio de Morga’s
_Philippine Islands_ (Mexico, 1609) as translated and annotated for
the Hakluyt Society by H. E. J. Stanley, 1868. Cf. Pedro Chirino’s
_Relacion de las islas Filipinas_, Rome, 1604 (Rich, _Catalogue of
Books_ (1832), no. 99; Sabin, _Dictionary_, iv. 12,836).

[1629] Cf. also a notice by Navarrete in his _Op[usculo]s_, i. 143,
with (p. 203) an appendix of “Pruebas, ilustraciones y documentos.”

[1630] Sabin, iii. 9,208.

[1631] Wieser has also drawn attention in the _Mittheilungen des
Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung_, v. (heft iii.) to
“ein Bericht des Gasparo Contarini über die Heimkehr der Victoria von
der Magalhâes’schen Expedition,” with ample annotation.

* * * * * *

Transcriber’s note:

—Obvious errors were corrected.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. II (of 8) - Spanish Explorations and Settlements in America from the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century" ***

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