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Title: The captivity, sufferings, and escape of James Scurry - Who was detained a prisoner during ten years, in the - dominions of Hyder Ali and Tippoo Saib
Author: Scurry, James
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The captivity, sufferings, and escape of James Scurry - Who was detained a prisoner during ten years, in the - dominions of Hyder Ali and Tippoo Saib" ***
THE CAPTIVITY, SUFFERINGS, AND ESCAPE, OF JAMES SCURRY
------------------------------------------------------------------------
[Illustration: JAMES SCURRY.]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE
CAPTIVITY,
SUFFERINGS, AND ESCAPE,
OF
JAMES SCURRY,
WHO WAS
DETAINED A PRISONER DURING TEN YEARS,
IN THE DOMINIONS OF
HYDER ALI AND TIPPOO SAIB.
Written by Himself.
“No flowery words adorn this artless tale,
Here simple truth alone is to be found.”
_LONDON_:
HENRY FISHER, 38, NEWGATE-STREET.
1824.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PREFACE.
[Illustration]
Hyder Ali Cawn, and his son Tippoo Saib, have long been distinguished,
and not less detested, throughout every part of the civilized world, for
the cruelties which they practised on their prisoners of war, during
their dominion in India. Of their unexampled barbarities, many accounts
have been published in England; and the enormities which these
narratives record would have staggered credulity itself, had not the few
mutilated wretches who have escaped their tyranny, furnished evidence by
their appearance, that a faithful detail of facts could leave but little
room for exaggeration.
In addition to those tales of horror which have been submitted to the
public eye, there are others, equally affecting, on which no written
register has ever conferred its honours. These, while the unhappy
victims whose sufferings they record were alive, obtained for a season a
local circulation; but no sooner had they found a refuge in the grave,
than these tales began to fade in the recollection of tradition, and
gradually to retire into oblivion, where they also have found repose. To
some few a more protracted existence has been allotted. One of these has
just fallen into the publisher’s hands; and he conceives he shall
promote the cause of humanity by giving publicity to the unvarnished
narrative. It was written by JAMES SCURRY, lately deceased, who actually
endured the cruelties which he describes.
In some prefatory papers connected with the history of his sufferings,
Mr. SCURRY observes, that the following account was partly written
during his passage from India to this country, and partly after his
return to the arms of an affectionate mother, who had long thought him
dead. He also states, that his narrative might be considerably enlarged,
were he to delineate the various scenes he has been called to witness;
but having some doubts as to the exact period of their occurrence, and
the circumstances connected with them, he has omitted the relation
altogether, that nothing might furnish an occasion to impeach his
veracity. Respecting the geography and natural history of the country in
which he was detained a prisoner, he adds, that he had no opportunity of
making sufficient observations; and to give an accurate account of the
manners and customs of the inhabitants, would require talents to which
he lays no claim, and a period of time that would include nearly the
life of man. In apologizing for any inaccuracies or inelegancies that
may appear in his language, the author justly observes, that from about
the age of fifteen to twenty-five, being detained a prisoner, he was cut
off from all means of improvement; and having but little hope of ever
revisiting his native land, he had no inducement to make the attempt, if
the means had been placed within his reach. Indeed, such was the
malignant vigilance with which all the prisoners were watched, that had
he been detected in committing any thing to writing, the discovery would
most probably have cost him his life.
For the particulars which follow, respecting the narrator’s early life
and family connexions, the publisher is indebted to his widow and son,
who reside in London. From the same source he has also obtained those
concluding branches of Mr. SCURRY’s history, which trace him from his
return to England to his death, which took place in 1822.
JAMES SCURRY, the author and subject of the following memoir, was born
in Devonshire, of which county his more immediate ancestors were
natives. His father in early life entered into the marine service, in
which situation he spent nearly all his days. During his career, he was
engaged in many arduous enterprises, and was always noted for his
valour. He was at the battle of Bunker’s Hill, in America, where he was
exposed to unexampled danger. On one occasion, being sent out on a
foraging party with seventeen others, they were attacked by about four
hundred Americans. A dreadful conflict ensued, in which sixteen of their
little party fell. Only he and another survived, and they were taken
prisoners. On being liberated, he again returned to the service, and, in
consequence of his heroism, was promoted to the office of
paymaster-sergeant. Towards the close of life he became an inmate of
Greenwich Hospital, where he died, leaving a widow and two children, one
of whom was the subject of this narrative, and whose awful captivity
being known, is supposed to have shortened his days. The other, a
daughter, was married to a Mr. Dannan, then in the excise, but since a
port-gauger at Exeter, with whom the hardy veteran’s widow died, about
thirteen years since.
It appears that at a very early period JAMES SCURRY went to sea. His
widow and son think he could not have been much above seven years old,
when he entered on his first voyage. He was a considerable time on the
coast of America, and in the West Indies; was employed to carry powder
during the time of action; and he amused the sailors with playing the
fife when they were disengaged. How, or in what manner, he obtained a
knowledge of reading and writing, they do not know, nor are they
particularly acquainted with the transactions of his early days. Having
given this brief introductory statement, the Editor now proceeds to the
author’s own affecting narrative.
*⁎* In several places throughout the following pages, where the word
“Patam” occurs, it is used for Seringapatam.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CONTENTS.
CHAP. I.....PAGE 13.
Sails in the Hannibal—Visits St. Helena—Returns to England
with the East India Fleet—Revisits St. Helena—Cruise off
the Cape of Good Hope—Much alarmed—Take two Prizes—
Ordered to India with Despatches—Violent Storm—Captured
by the French—Treated with Inhumanity—Actions between
the English and French Fleets—Attempts an Escape—
Perilous Situation—Pursued—Retaken—Threatened with
Death—Gagged—Kept in Irons—Landed at Cudalore—Given up
to Hyder Ali.
CHAP. II.....PAGE 48.
Marched to Chillembroom—Famine in the Place—Punishment of
some who attempted to escape—Imprisoned—Put in Irons—
Provisions scanty and bad—Conducted to Bangalore—
General Treatment—Starvation—Inhuman Conduct—Comic
Accident—Prisoners divided into three Parties—Sorrow
at Separation—Sent to Burrampour—Imprisoned and in
Irons—Nearly starved—Sent again to Bangalore—Marched
to Seringapatam—Heads shaved—Treacherous European—
Compelled to submit to the Mohammedan Rite—Afflictive
Situation—Ablution—Death of Hyder Ali.
CHAP. III.....PAGE 69.
Accession of Tippoo Saib—Compelled to learn Military
Exercise—Without Food two Days—Cruel Treatment for
Complaining—Ears bored, and marked as Slaves—Peace
concluded—Left unclaimed by the British—Fate of some
English Officers—Defeat and Capture of Colonel Bailey.
CHAP. IV.....PAGE 93.
Behaviour of Tippoo towards his Prisoners—Conduct, Defeat,
Treatment, and Death of General Matthews—Fate of the
Malabar Christians—Execution of English Prisoners—
Exhibitions at Seringapatam—Offenders devoured by Wild
Beasts—Modes of Punishment—Despotic Cruelty—Human Ears
and Noses exhibited in the Public Market—Author and
Companions compelled to take Wives—Mode of Procedure—
Marriage Ceremony—Visits Hyder Ali’s Tomb—Situation
described.
CHAP. V.....PAGE 125.
Description of Seringapatam—Ferocious Games—Observations on
Lions and Tigers—Sent to Mysore—Tyranny of Tippoo—War
with the Nizam—Author put in Irons—Misery of his
Condition—Fate of some Bramins—Author separated from
some Companions in Misfortune—Marched to Chitteldroog—
Disturbed by Snakes—Expedient to procure Money—Anecdote
of a Fanatical Native—Visited by Apes—Singular Snake—
Forlorn Condition.
CHAP. VI.....PAGE 168.
War renewed with the English—Bangalore taken from Tippoo—
Author and Companions entertain some Hopes of Escaping—
Seem zealous for Tippoo—Obtain Confidence—Trusted with
Arms—Gain Military Employment—Storm a Fort—Meditate an
Escape—Make an Effort—Compelled to Return—Take their
Final Departure—Progress of their Journey—Accidents—
Enter some Mahratta Forts—Alarm—Danger—Seasonable
Relief—Reach a Hospital, under the Care of an English
Doctor—Kindly received—Visit the Mahratta Camp—
Hospitable Treatment—March with the Army—Military
Progress—Extraordinary Death of a Sepoy—Repair to
Madras—Sail for England, and arrive in safety.
CHAP. VII.....PAGE 218.
State of Seringapatam prior to the Siege—Fortifications—
Natural Advantages—Military Force—Besieged and Captured
by the British—Death of Tippoo—General Carnage—Riches
found in the City—Many of Tippoo’s Jewels yet concealed—
Progressive State of the Arts in his Dominions.
SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER....PAGE 250.
Repairs from the Downs to London—Receives all his Arrears of
Pay—Indiscreet Expenditure—Personal Appearance and
Manners—Visits his Friends—Affecting Interview—Mental
Improvement—Superintends a Grocery Concern in Plymouth—
Marries—Commences Business for himself—Forms other
Engagements—Wreck of the Dutton East Indiaman—Employed
as a Diver on the occasion—Repairs to Wales—Sails in a
Privateer—Revisits Wales—Dangerous Passage—Returns
to Plymouth—Manages some Mines—Illness and Death—
Conclusion.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAP. I.
_Sails in the Hannibal—Visits St. Helena—Returns to England
with the East India Fleet—Revisits St. Helena—Cruise off
the Cape of Good Hope—Much alarmed—Take two Prizes—
Ordered to India with Despatches—Violent Storm—Captured
by the French—Treated with Inhumanity—Actions between
the English and French Fleets—Attempts an Escape—
Perilous Situation—Pursued—Retaken—Threatened with
Death—Gagged—Kept in Irons—Landed at Cudalore—Given up
to Hyder Ali._
In the year 1780, when a boy about 14 years of age, being a native of
Devonshire, I sailed from Plymouth Sound in his Majesty’s ship Hannibal,
of 50 guns, commanded by Alexander Christie, as convoy to the
outward-bound East India fleet; and, on our arrival in a certain
latitude, our orders were to separate; the fleet steering for their
different destinations, and the Hannibal for St. Helena, at which port
we were to wait, to convoy back the homeward-bound East India ships. In
this island we lay about three months, during which period we were
joined by his Majesty’s ship Prothée (formerly French) of 64 guns, which
ship was also to accompany the homeward-bound fleet. After an anxious
expectation of many weeks, their arrival was announced by signals from
the hill, stating their number to be fourteen sail; comprising eleven
Indiamen, and three sail of the line. This was a great satisfaction to
us, as we well knew we should shortly proceed for England. The next
morning they came to an anchor in St. Helena Bay, when we found them to
be a very valuable fleet, under the command of Commodore Gardiner, of
the Belleisle 64; the other two ships of the line were, the Asia of 64,
and the Rippon of 60 guns. Some days elapsed in preparations for our
return to England, such as watering, &c. &c. when our Commodore’s signal
was hoisted for weighing, which duty was executed with cheerfulness and
alacrity, and particularly so by the crews of the Belleisle, Asia, and
Rippon, which had been in India a long time, and consequently they were
very intent on seeing Old England once again.
Our voyage was pleasant, until we arrived in the chops of the channel,
where our Commodore received intelligence that a very strong French
fleet were cruising for the purpose of intercepting us. On obtaining
this news, we bore away for the west of Ireland, and fortunately escaped
them. Our fleet came to an anchor in Creak-haven, whence our commodore
sent off his despatches for Government; and after lying here about ten
days, we received orders to unmoor and steer for England, where we all
safely arrived, after a very pleasant passage, without sustaining any
damage. The Indiamen left the Downs for the Thames, and the men-of-war
for their different ports, as per orders. Our ship steered for
Portsmouth, from whence, after two months’ refitting, we were ordered to
convoy the outward-bound fleet to the same latitude, and then proceed to
St. Helena as before, there to wait the arrival of the homeward-bound
fleet, in order to take them under our protection as soon as they
arrived. We had a tolerable passage out, and left the Indiamen in the
same latitude as on the previous voyage, shaping our course for the
island, where we safely came to an anchor.
The fleets from India were not expected for some time; and after
inspecting our rigging, taking in water, &c. our captain, to fill up the
intermediate space, resolved to cruise off the Cape of Good Hope for a
few weeks. We had not been but a very few hours in sight of the Table
Land, before our man at the mast-head descried a fleet consisting of
eight sail, apparently large ships, right in our wake; this was a cause
of some little alarm, particularly as we had a large reef of rocks
ahead, which we could not weather. We were assured of their being
enemies, and supposed them to be ships of the line, standing towards us
with all the sail they could crowd. We were close hauled, and, as I
observed before, could not weather the reef of rocks ahead. What could
be done, my good reader, in this crisis? Our captain consulted his
officers, and the result was, to tack and stand toward them; in fact, we
had no other alternative, for we were upon a lee-shore, and the extreme
point of the rocks was bearing upon our weather bow.
Our crew were called aft, and informed of the situation of the ship; but
it is a well-known truth, that whatever the danger may be, English
seamen are always ready, yes, and proud, to run any risk, or face any
kind of danger, for good officers; to say nothing of their innate
courage, of which they have given proofs to the world. About we went, in
order to run the gauntlet, as it is commonly phrased, for we were
convinced to a man they were all ships of war. As we were now head to
head, we neared each other very fast, and in the course of an hour or
two, to our no small surprise, we perceived them tack, and stand from
us; this was by no means an unpleasant sight, but the cause of a rapid
transition in our view; for, prior to this, we were thinking that many
(if we should have the good fortune ultimately to escape) must have
fallen; but now, the prevailing idea was, prizes and prize-money. At
this time our ship sailed remarkably well; consequently, we neared them
fast, and soon made them out to be six stout merchantmen, under convoy
of two frigates, which we were positive were no match for us, having as
brave a crew as ever went to sea. The two frigates hove their
main-top-sails to the mast, in order to receive us between them, which
corresponded with our intentions. We were now within gunshot, with a
large French ensign and pennant flying, and our lower deck ports close.
Had we continued this a while, the two frigates must have been ours; but
our captain ordered our lower-deck ports to be hauled up, the French
ensign and pennant to be struck, and the English hoisted, which was done
in an instant; but no sooner done, than the French frigate Bellona was
under a press of sail. This frigate could, without much difficulty, have
been taken by us; she had money to a very large amount on board, for the
troops at the Mauritius; it was the same frigate that did so much
mischief to our trade in the East Indies, afterwards; but profit and
honour are often at variance. The other we captured, together with a
valuable merchantman richly laden; they were all bound to the Mauritius,
or Isle de France. This frigate struck immediately on the first shot
being fired, but, to the disgrace of the French captain, he ordered his
weather landyards to be cut away, when all her masts went overboard. She
had nine chests of money, with other valuables, among which was a handle
of a sword valued at £5000, designed as a present from the king of
France to his black majesty Hyder Ali Cawn: these treasures we took on
board our own ship.
With our two prizes we bore away, and arrived safely with them at St.
Helena, where we learnt that a sanguinary affair had taken place at St.
Jago, between Commodore Johnson and Count de Suffrein; each chief had
the command of five sail of the line, but the latter had the advantage
in point of heavy ships. Commodore Johnson, not looking for an attack
from any quarter, did not, perhaps, take that precaution he otherwise
would have taken; two or three of his best ships being inside of several
of the Indiamen. In this situation, the French Admiral came upon him
unexpectedly, and made a desperate effort to destroy the fleet. The
effect of this affair was, the capture of one of our Indiamen, (which
was afterwards recaptured,) and the dismasting of the French ship
Hannibal of 80 guns. It was very strongly reported at the time, that if
one of our captains had done his duty, she must have been taken. After
this sharp and well-contested conflict on both sides, the French steered
direct for the East Indies, and the commodore took another route. On
leaving St. Jago, he directed his course to the Cape of Good Hope, where
he gained intelligence of a valuable fleet of Dutch East Indiamen,
homeward-bound, lying in Soldanah Bay: thither he repaired, and was not
long in taking and destroying the whole. Shortly after this, he arrived
at St. Helena with five valuable prizes; several of our ships had also
arrived, and we only waited for one more, which was hourly expected, to
weigh for England; but, to our no small surprise and mortification, we
were very unexpectedly and precipitately ordered off to the East Indies
with despatches to Admiral Hughes, and to reinforce his fleet.
The beginning of December, 1781, we got under weigh, and sailed, with as
favourable a breeze as ever blew from the heavens for the space of a
month, when we were overtaken by a gale, which nearly terminated our
voyage and existence together: the heaviest sea I ever saw, struck us on
our beam; the long-boat in the waist, and our barge on the booms, were
stove to pieces; two feet of water at the same time were rolling on our
lower deck, so that both officers and men were seized with
consternation. But not to dwell on a subject, which many must have
experienced whose business leads them to sea, I shall pass it by,
observing, that Providence, whom both the winds and the seas obey, was
better to us than our fears; the storm ceased, the waves subsided, and
we proceeded on our voyage.
According to our calculations, we were within five days’ sail of Madras,
when we discovered a large fleet of ships, which, by signal, we soon
found to be enemies. We ran for it, they chasing us with their fleetest
vessels; but by trimming, wetting our sails, and favoured by the
approach of night, we fortunately got clear of them. This, however, was
of short duration, for on the second morning, by supposed bad
management, we found ourselves so enveloped as to preclude the
possibility of an escape; particularly so, as Le Heros, the French
admiral’s ship, about two leagues on our lee quarter, brought the breeze
with her, while we lay becalmed; and when sufficiently near us, she
opened her fire, and continued it until the shot of two more
line-of-battle ships, one on our weather quarter, and the other on our
bow, began to tell: resistance was now useless, and our captain very
prudently struck his colours. The enemy instantly hoisted out his boats,
boarded us, and separated our crew amongst his fleet. I do not know how
far it was countenanced by their officers, but although taken in a
man-of-war, many of us suffered by theft, which I presume was never
tolerated by our officers to their ships of war.
About three months prior to this, the crews of the two prizes we took,
which I before mentioned, amounted to more than our crew; and I can
positively aver, they were treated with every indulgence: when on board
our ship, I felt for their distressed situation, and every day gave one
or another of them my allowance of wine, or what else I could spare of
my provisions; but I am sorry to say, we met with very different
treatment from them in return. If they are on a par with English seamen
in point of personal courage, which I very much doubt, sure I am that
they are not in point of humanity.
A circumstance, however, occurred, very much in my favour, which
exempted me from the common lot of my fellow prisoners. A captain of the
engineers, whose name was Byrus, particularly noticed me, and through
his influence I had permission to sleep on the poop, which is no small
privilege in that climate, while our seamen were every night counted
down into the hold. We were on board their ships during two severe
conflicts with our own fleet, commanded by Admiral Hughes. At those
times we were all sent into the hold, but we should not have remained on
deck, I presume, had we our choice. Many of us losing our clothes when
taken, nothing remained to fill up the crevices of the cables on which
our men slept; and I think, that stones would have been preferable to
such a bed. From the commencement of each engagement, in some ships, the
prisoners were not thought of till twenty-four hours after the
termination of the affair; and all this time they were without water. In
this situation were many, and the reader may easily judge of our
condition; the hatches down, the natural heat of the climate, the
darkness and contractedness of the place, together with the smoke of the
lower-deck guns descending through the gratings in columns, nearly
suffocated several; and such was their extreme thirst, that several made
use of their own water! But in this case the remedy was worse than the
disease, for instead of allaying thirst, it excited it more strongly.
The second action was stubborn and bloody; the two fleets fought nearly
the whole day; and in this affair they were well matched, the French
having twelve sail of the line, and the English eleven; though in the
former they had twelve, and we only nine. Night, together with shoal
water, put an end to this sanguinary contest; and the fleets being near
the island of Ceylon, parted as by mutual consent, and came to an
anchor; perhaps apprehensive of greater danger from rocks, &c. &c. The
next morning presented both fleets to view,—about four miles and a half
distant from each other; here, no doubt, the minds of all in both fleets
were more or less occupied, from admirals to the cabin-boys: here were
complicated scenes of distress; masts, yards, carriages, bodies, or
trunks of bodies rather, floating in every direction! Our fleet appeared
to have had the worst of this severe conflict; two of our line-of-battle
ships were nearly dismasted, and one was aground: the French suffered
materially in men and rigging, but not in their lower masts. Eight days
elapsed in repairing their damages; at the expiration of which time, the
enemy was ready, and getting under weigh, stood out, and then tacked,
and stood in, offering our fleet battle; but Admiral Hughes, from his
recent losses and crippled state, was too wise to accept any overture of
the kind; and very prudently lay close, until he had put his ships[1] in
the best condition he could. The place where this sanguinary battle
terminated was Battecalo, but the seamen named it Bloody Bay, which
perhaps it will long retain: its distance from Trincomalee, the
principal sea-port in the island of Ceylon, is about sixty miles.
After this affair, the French fleet steered for Tranquebar, a Danish
settlement on the coast of Coromandel. Here Captain Byrus solicited the
French admiral for leave to go on shore on his parole, being sorely
afflicted with the stone and gravel: he included me in this request, but
it was not granted; nor was his own, till after several applications,
and a rapid increase of his disorder shamed them at a refusal. He was
lowered down the ship’s side while I stood on the gunwale; the tears
trickled down his manly face, though he strove to hide them, and his
eyes spoke parental affection: for my own part, I was truly sorrowful,
and felt, and still feel, all that an affectionate son ought to feel for
a worthy parent.
I informed my reader, in a preceding page, that I had permission,
through this gentleman’s influence, to sleep on the poop. I could swim
very well, but the ship lay at least two miles from the shore, and I
knew I had a heavy surf to contend with, should I reach it; these were
weighty considerations, but I was resolved to try it, and thought it
prudent to inform two of our officers, a Mr. Western, who was taken in
the Chaser, and another young gentleman, whose name was Covey. They both
dissuaded me from any attempt of the kind: but my affection for Captain
Byrus, to whom I was conscious, could he have seen me, it would have
been a balm in his afflictions,—together with an idea of liberty,—
induced me to form a resolution, which is not easily shaken.
Accordingly, when night came, I laid myself down on the hencoop as
usual, waiting an opportunity of stealing down to the mizzen-chains. In
order to accomplish this preparatory step, I conceived it essentially
necessary to watch very minutely the quarter-master and sentinel, who
were pacing it slowly on the starboard side. It was done; I found myself
in the mizzen-chains, the spot I had been some time watching to gain,
but no sooner was it gained, than fear seized me; the darkness of the
night, the appearance of the sea, which was very rough, and the distance
I had to swim, staggered my resolutions, and I cowardly sneaked back
again to my coop with as much caution as I had descended to the chains.
Here I lay an hour, revolving what was to be done; hope and fear swayed
alternately; I knew the danger was great, and now for the first time the
sharks, which infest the whole coast, came into my mind. No language can
describe my sensations at this crisis; I had used the most solemn
asseverations that I would go that night; and, thought I, what will
those young gentlemen think, should they see me in the morning? This,
with the hope of seeing him, whom of all men, next to my father, I most
revered, got the better of my fears, and resolution once more resumed
her seat. I cautiously gained the mizzen-chains again, and determinately
lowered myself into the water by the main sheet. As soon as I was fairly
in, I swam under her stern, and instantly dived, going under as far as I
could, in order to elude the vigilance of the watch on the poop: the
darkness of the night favoured me much, for when I came up, I could
scarcely see the ship; and in this case I was well assured they could
not see me. I had nothing about me but a silk handkerchief with two
rupees, all my treasure, tied up in the corner; this article was very
injurious to me, for as I had a side wind to cope with, it would
frequently blow over my face, and cause me to turn my back to the sea
till I got it righted again; nor could I by any means untie it, though I
often tried. Under those circumstances, I stretched toward the shore;
there was a Moor ship about half the distance, which vessel I reached
within, I suppose, ten or twelve fathoms, and here I had hopes of
resting; but here all my exertions proved fruitless, owing to the
handkerchief about my neck. I conclude I must have been under her
counter for at least ten minutes; and when I could gain a yard or two
the handkerchief would be blown over my face: here I nearly exhausted my
strength, without gaining my point, and I was under the necessity of
relinquishing the hopes I had entertained of resting, turning my back to
the wind, and treading water in order to recruit my strength.
I was soon astern of this ship, and knew not what to do; in fact, I
could do but one thing, and that was, to go the way the wind and tide
drove me; I knew there were many vessels inside the French fleet, and as
I considered myself in the direction of them, I was not without hope.
Twenty minutes, or thereabout, brought me alongside of a large ship; I
swam astern of her, keeping as near as I could, where, to my no small
consolation, I found a boat: I got hold of the gunwale, and, after
resting myself some time, made a sufficient effort to see a man in her
stern-sheet, asleep: I called, he awoke, and with the utmost humanity
hauled me into the boat; Here, thank kind Providence, I found a
resting-place; and after a while I proposed to this merciful man (for
such I found him) to go on board; he immediately hauled the boat under
the ship’s stern, and with his assistance I got up the ladder, walked to
the waist, and sat down on the booms; but I very shortly was saluted
with a volley of oaths from the mate, who was apprised of an English boy
being in the ship. I was not sixteen years old at this time, but it
would avail nothing with this monster in human shape: my naked
condition, a dark night, a rough sea, and a coast infested with
ferocious sharks, made no impression on this brute, for I cannot give
him the appellation of man. I solicited, I entreated, to stay a few
minutes longer; but it was unavailable, for he swore if I did not
instantly leave the ship he would throw me overboard! This roused me to
a state of desperation; I called him a monster, ran to the gangway, and
sprang into the sea. Judge of this wretch, reader, when I inform you he
threatened to throw a six-pound shot at me when in the water! I fear the
poor merciful man in the boat was punished for his kindness to me; but
surely “there is another and a better world!”
Once more I had to contend with the watery element; it still remained
dark, and blew fresh. I had taken the precaution of untying my
handkerchief in the boat, and tying it round my waist. The ship I had
just left was a small Danish East Indiaman, and I knew, by her
situation, that there was another about three quarters of a mile in her
wake; this thought animated and gave me hopes. I had no great cause for
exertion, the wind and tide being both in my favour. The day was now
breaking, and seeing the ship, I swam alongside of her. The men were
beginning to wash decks, and on perceiving me they threw out a rope,
which I laid hold of; they hauled me about a yard from the water, but
not possessing strength enough, I was under the necessity of letting go;
they immediately made a running bowline knot, and threw it to me; this I
got under my arms, when they drew me, to my great joy, on board. Here I
was treated with the utmost tenderness and humanity; but my comforts
were transient. After being refreshed with the best they had, I was put
into the carpenter’s cot: my recent exertions soon helped me to sleep;
but a few minutes after I was awoke, and informed that a French barge
was making direct for the ship I was then in, and I soon saw she was
from the ship that I swam from, Le Flemand of 50 guns; this to me was
alarming indeed. I was hurried down the fore-hold by these humane Danes,
and stowed away between the cable and the deck, and I thought all was
well, for their search would have been in vain; but the mate betrayed me
to the French lieutenant, who desired him to produce me; he learnt where
I was, and ordering me on deck, I was obliged to obey. The Danes, I
remember, pitied me very much, and inveighed severely against the mate.
I was taken to the quarter-deck, and by the French officer ordered into
the boat: I had on then a jacket and trowsers, and was stripping myself,
to restore them to the merciful man from whom I had them, but the poor
fellow refused them, and the tears gushed from his eyes at the time:
here the sweet milk of humanity was visible indeed! I was now
peremptorily ordered into the boat, and I have every reason to believe
that the crew, had they not been awed by the officer, would have put an
end to my existence before I reached the ship; and when we came
alongside, I never saw a vessel manned to give another three cheers more
numerous; they shouting and exulting as if they had taken a first-rate.
I could not at this time assign any reason for their extravagant
conduct; but in the course of the next day I understood, that it was
firmly, though erroneously believed, throughout the ship, that I had
taken a bundle of letters from the English officers on board, to Captain
Byrus on shore I was handed on the quarter-deck, and surrounded by
numbers; the captain, who was at breakfast, being apprised of my
arrival, came up: his countenance was at all times terrific, but now
particularly so. After some conversation with his officers, I was
ordered on the forecastle; when there, I was informed by a Welshman, who
belonged to the ship, that I was to be hung at the yard-arm, if I did
not immediately confess. Every means of intimidation was made use of;
and when they found it ineffectual, I was ordered to the galley, where
both my legs were put in irons, my arms tied behind me, and an iron bolt
was forced into my mouth in such a savage manner, that the blood ran
from both corners. In this situation I remained about three hours, when
they took the gag from my mouth, and untied my arms. Both legs, however,
still remained in irons, and in this condition I was kept by these
_humane_ Frenchmen, with an allowance of rice and water once in twelve
hours, and that after their blacks were served, for they had in each
ship from forty to fifty to do their dirty and heavy work, until we were
all landed at Cuddalore.
But notwithstanding the treatment I received, they were incessantly
soliciting me to enter into their service. I was, and ever shall be, at
a loss to know, what kind of an acquisition I should have been to them;
but so it was: they used every means to induce me; officers would come,
day after day, I supposed sent by the captain, with promises and fine
words; but it was useless.
One day I was taken out of irons, and conveyed to the captain’s cabin;
here the Welshman was, who had been sent for by the captain as an
interpreter; the captain appeared all affability, and the Welshman was
desired to ask me, how I dared swim from his ship? I told him I should
dare do it again, if I had an opportunity, and a prospect of success; at
this he paused, and looked at me with mild attention; the Welshman was
now desired to resume the subject of entering into the French service,
with great promises from the captain himself, if I would consent; and to
enforce this argument, a Dutch cap full of dollars stood by him: I
requested him to tell the captain that I should never think of any thing
of the kind, and begged to be troubled no more on that subject. This
closed the conversation, and he with indignation ordered me to my former
situation, during which period not an Englishman was permitted to come
near me. At length we were all, to the number of 500, taken in the
different ships by their fleet, landed, as before observed, at
Cuddalore, after being on board their ships six months.
The air and soil were witness to our joy at meeting; but alas! how
transient! Our troubles, which we now supposed were drawing to a close,
were just commencing! We were shortly escorted and sent to
Chillembroom,[2] one of Hyder Ali’s strong forts. Here a dreadful famine
raged; and our provisions consisted of bad rice and carrion beef; this,
with the saltpetre ground on which we lay, was the cause of the loss of
numbers of our men. I have seen many stout fellows taken one hour, and
dead the next. Their disorder was the cramp, and, when seized, their
distortions were such, that they scarcely retained the shape of human
beings.—What cause induced the French admiral to deliver us up to this
unprincipled barbarian, we never could discover. We were equally at a
loss to conceive, why we were abandoned by the English, when they might
have demanded us. I can only attribute it to the deplorable state of
British affairs in India during this period.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAP. II.
_Marched to Chillembroom—Famine in the Place—Punishment of
some who attempted to escape—Imprisoned—Put in Irons—
Provisions scanty and bad—Conducted to Bangalore—
General Treatment—Starvation—Inhuman Conduct—Comic
Accident—Prisoners divided into three Parties—Sorrow
at Separation—Sent to Burrampour—Imprisoned and in
Irons—Nearly starved—Sent again to Bangalore—Marched
to Seringapatam—Heads shaved—Treacherous European—
Compelled to submit to the Mohammedan Rite—Afflictive
Situation—Ablution—Death of Hyder Ali._
We were here about two months, when a circumstance took place, which we
then considered very fortunate, but soon to our sorrow found it the
reverse. Nineteen of our men, with Lieutenant Wilson of the Yarmouth,
effected their escape; they had a few blankets among them, of which they
made ropes; and by this means, availing themselves of a dark night,
descended to the ditch over a stupendous stone wall; but they knew
nothing of the country, or which way to steer. Nineteen of them were the
next day brought in with their arms pinioned; and the other, our
boatswain’s mate, was drowned in attempting to cross a river. Lieutenant
Wilson was stripped, and flogged with tamarind twigs very severely, when
they plastered his back over with sugar, and exposed him to the sun, by
way of finishing the punishment due to his crime; the men were put in
irons. In consequence of this affair, in a day or two after, we were
marched to a strong prison, and the whole of us put in heavy leg-irons,
with a scanty miserable allowance; and the guards were doubled. In this
situation we remained two months, when an order came from Hyder Ali to
march us from thence to Bangalore; in consequence of which, our irons
being knocked off, we were coupled two and two in hand-irons. This being
done, we were marched out of the fort, not knowing our destination. In
this case there was no distinction, except that the officers were kept
separate; for all were linked, both officers and men. We had the painful
sight of seeing them pass us in irons; a state of degradation which
affected many of us, and myself for one. Our first lieutenant and the
lieutenant of marines, named Carthew, were brothers; these worthy men
were coupled together in a double sense, viz. fraternal affection, and
strong bolts of iron. They were, however, released from bondage in the
year 1784, and are, I believe, both still living, one an admiral, and
the other a clergyman.
We soon understood that our destination was Bangalore; our march
commenced, and a severe one it was: several had no shoes, which was no
small misfortune; many being coupled together whose tempers were by no
means congenial, was another source of evil, and particularly so after a
heavy day’s march. It frequently happened that we were kept, though I
believe, not designedly, without food for many hours after reaching the
ground on which we were to sleep; and wo to the poor weary wretch who
should attempt to sit down to rest himself, for in this case he would be
sure to have the application of the but-end of a musket between his
shoulders: in short, no butcher ever drove oxen with more cruelty than
we were driven. In order to prevent a surprise, we were taken by the
most unfrequented ways; and one day, in a most dreadful abyss on the
margin of the road, we heard the noise, as we supposed, of a
rattlesnake, which alarmed us all; but if it was such, it must have been
of an enormous size, otherwise it could not have made the noise it did.
A curious circumstance took place at one of our halting spots, which
were mostly under trees, and which, though alarming at the time, was
very laughable afterwards. Two of our men, about one o’clock in the
morning, were preparing their rice coffee, in order to be ready for the
morning’s march; when taking their cudgeree-pot off the fire, it broke,
and scalded one of them, who gave a terrible roar, which was mistaken
for a tiger’s by those near him, who were not half awake. This induced
them to bawl out,—a tiger! a tiger! which was quickly communicated to
the whole, as they were successively roused from their sleep. Our
officers, being near us, took the alarm also; and such a scene of
confusion ensued, as would require an abler pen than mine to describe.
All were intent on personal safety, but all were not of one mind; hence,
one hauled this way, and another that, till twenty or thirty pairs came
in contact; numbers fell on each other, while some endeavoured to haul
their weaker partners up into trees. The guards were running about like
madmen, not knowing the cause of this hurly-burly; and I am persuaded to
this day, had we not been ironed, the guards would never have entered
our thoughts, and many would have been miles distant in a very short
time. Several had the marks of this dragging business, on their wrists,
for months afterwards. Smith, our corporal of marines, being the only
man out of irons, and who could talk Moorish well, was sent for by the
chief of the guard, who, I believe, was as much frightened as ourselves;
but when he understood the cause of all this confusion, he was highly
pleased, for he was apprehensive of something worse. Many of the guards
were at a considerable distance at this time; but the panic gradually
subsiding, the tom-toms were sounded, the horns were blown, the guards
collected, and we composed ourselves to sleep, wondering at what had
happened.
At the expiration of twenty-one days, under many distressing
circumstances, we reached Bangalore. Here we were halted, and after
three days, the Mohammedan and Brachmin grandees came from the fort, and
separated us into three parties. The division I was in was sent to
Burrampour, three days’ march from Bangalore. I do not recollect ever
seeing a day of more sorrow. On parting, the tears flowed copiously from
many, and grief was portrayed in almost every countenance. When we
reached the place of our destination, prior to entering the prison, our
hand-irons were knocked off, and leg-irons substituted. They gave us
rice for the first eight or ten days, when they changed it to ragee, the
flour of which is nearly as black as coal. This, no doubt, occasioned
the death of numbers of our poor fellows, who died in excruciating
agonies, which I think would not have been the case, had they had
medical assistance; but they might as well have asked for mountains of
gold, as any thing of this nature.
Here we remained three months, at the expiration of which time, being
all ordered out to muster, the youngest were selected from the rest, to
the number of fifteen, myself one; our irons were knocked off, and we
were put for that night in the prison, as usual. This was mysterious to
us; we knew not what to make of it. The next morning, we, the fifteen
boys selected, were sent off to Bangalore, where we were told we should
be taken good care of. We sorrowfully parted from our companions, and,
after three days’ march, arrived at the spot. Here we met with more
English youths, who had been taken, in like manner, from other prisons,
and sent hither also. We were exceedingly glad to see each other, and,
of course, mutual inquiries took place as to the cause of our being thus
collected; but we were all equally ignorant, and a kind of gloomy
pleasure was the result. We now mustered fifty-two boys, the oldest
seventeen, and the youngest (a Mr. Randal Cadman, whom I shall have to
mention again) twelve. The first of their operations was, searching us
for knives, scissars, &c. and such as they found, they very
goodnaturedly took from us; they then sent us several legs of mutton,
with cudgeree pots, water, salt, &c. but carefully prevented our having
any thing to cut it with. Nine of us formed a mess, and boiled one of
the legs, which was our portion; but when ready, we were at a sad loss
how to divide it, having been deprived of every instrument necessary for
that purpose. After a hungry debate, one, more sagacious than the rest,
procured a tile, with which instrument, and our exertions in tearing, we
reduced it with much difficulty into three parts; we then formed
ourselves into three parties, three in each, and, as we had made three
joints of it, each party took one; and after taking it in our hands, and
tearing as much as our mouths would contain, we passed it to another,
till our turns came again. This was a necessary invention, which the
rest were forced to adopt;—could you, my good reader, have done better?
Three days having expired, we were sent for by the killadare, or
governor, who, after viewing us with apparent goodnature, gave us some
fruit; which kindness we could not account for, all was mystery still,
though we were repeatedly told that we were high in the estimation of
Hyder, and considered as his children. On this piece of information,
some were thoughtful, and some thoughtless. After a few days had
elapsed, we were marched off to Seringapatam, Hyder’s capital; but our
marches were easy, and our food was abundant. On the ninth day after we
left Bangalore, we reached the capital, where we were seated between two
gates for nearly three hours, and gazed at by innumerable multitudes,
who were passing and repassing through the place, and who had never
beheld such a sight before. From thence we were ordered to a tabla, or
square, where they continued their kindness to us; but we were all this
time quite ignorant of their base intentions. One month passed over our
heads very comfortably, when the guards being increased, we were ordered
out to muster. Near us stood a number of hodgams, (barbers,) who had
orders to shave our heads. This we positively refused, and they did not
use force, as this was only preparatory to something of greater moment.
In the midst of these mysterious kindnesses, an European made his
appearance, clad, in the Mohammedan dress, with a large red turban, and
a formidable pair of mustaches. This man saluted us in a very
gentlemanly manner, but we looked on him with suspicion and surprise. He
gave us to understand, that he was sent directly from the killadare, to
use his influence with us in having our heads shaved, &c.; he also more
than intimated, that if we persisted in a refusal, they would take such
steps as would be very disagreeable to us, which no doubt was true
enough. He appeared to be our friend, and sincerely advised us quietly
to submit; which we did. This being done, they left us to ourselves
another week, when, one morning, the same barbers came, with twelve of
the most robust men I ever saw; these were some of Hyder’s _getiees_,
all from Madagascar, kept by him for feats of strength and agility,
which I shall, in the sequel, attempt to describe. Their appearance told
us plainly that something was going on, although we could not form any
opinion of the object which they had in view; but the arrival of
Dempster, the name of the European before alluded to, once more
unravelled the mystery. He addressed us in the most endearing, though
hypocritical, language, and gave us to understand, that we were to be
circumcised, and made Mohammedans of, by the express order of Hyder. We
were thunderstruck; but what could be done? He saw our agitation, and
playing off his persuasive artillery, his artifice and address had more
influence with us than the guards; in short, they forced each of us to
take a quantity of majum,[3] a drug well calculated to stupify the
senses and deaden pain; but it had little effect this latter way.
A mat, and a kind of sheet, being provided for each of us, we were
ordered to arrange ourselves in two rows, and then lie down on our mats.
This being done, the guards, barbers, and those twelve men
before-mentioned, came among us, and seizing the youngest, Randal
Cadman, a midshipman, they placed him on a cudgeree pot, when four of
those stout men held his legs and arms, while the barber performed his
office. In this manner they went through the operation, and in two hours
the _pious_ work was finished, and we were laid on our separate mats;
where, with the effects of the majum, some were laughing, and others
crying; which, together with the pain, rendered our condition truly
curious and ludicrous. In the evening they placed several sentinels over
us, not for the purpose of guarding us from an escape, this being
impossible, for more reasons than one; but to protect us from the
bandicuts, a species of the rat kind, as large as young sucking pigs,
which they much resembled, and which were very numerous there. We were
soon convinced that this was an act of mercy on their parts, as those
creatures (lying in our blood as we were) might have done us
considerable mischief. In this state we remained two months, when, with
the exception of two,[4] we all got well.
During our illness, or rather soreness, the clothes we had were taken
from us, and coarse habits given us; but we were not, even yet,
completely Mohammedanized, and therefore more evils were at hand. Four
large coppers were brought into the square, accompanied by facquars or
priests, worstards or schoolmasters, and a religious train,—to
consummate the business, and make us genuine children of the Prophet.
Each copper would, at least, contain one hogshead and a half of water,
which was made unusually warm. The reason assigned for this, was, as we
understood afterwards, that we had eaten a great quantity of pork in our
time, and consequently were very unclean. Here was no small diversion
for idle spectators, to see us jump out of the coppers half scalded; the
facquars, in the midst of their prayers, suspending their ceremonies,
and joining the guards in running after and bringing us back; for, by
the time two were taken, they would be in pursuit of two more, who had
made their escape from this terrific ordeal. In this we found some
advantage; for during our short absence the water naturally cooled, so
that we could at length stay in it until the prayers were finished by
the priests. This continued three days successively, in conjunction with
the confused prayers of the facquars, the threats of the guards, and our
own apprehensions at this mode of scalding. These preparations and
performances being ended, we were hailed as the children of the Prophet,
and the favourites of the Nabob.
Now, exclusively of our mental feelings, we had every good in abundance;
and thus they continued to treat us for three months; but, alas! our
troubles had only just begun. About this time, 1783-4, Hyder Ali Cawn
died. The more immediate cause of his death was an ulcerated back; and
reports were then circulated in the capital, that towards the close of
his life, when the ulcer was rapidly spreading, he, by advice, ordered
several criminals at different times to be killed, in order to apply
their livers to his sore. It is, however, but just to state, that for
this I have no other authority than hearsay, though I have no reason to
doubt that it might be truth.
We were now formed into a company, but having Dempster for our
commander, was no small mortification to us; knowing him to be a base
wretch, and a deserter from the Bengal Artillery. Dempster was a man of
considerable abilities, and, as we soon learnt, had been a chaplain to
one of the regiments at Gibraltar. This man, with a native named Abdel
Gunney, both formerly officers in the Company’s service, was at the
bottom of all the cruel treatment we received for the period of a year
afterwards. We were now, every morning and evening, paraded before the
palace in full Mohammedan dress; and this scoundrel would very
frequently march us up and down before the English officers’ prisons,
and particularly before that of the brave but unfortunate Colonel
Bailey, of whose end I shall have to speak very shortly.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAP. III.
_Accession of Tippoo Saib—Compelled to learn Military
Exercise—Without Food two Days—Cruel Treatment for
complaining—Ears bored, and marked as Slaves—Peace
concluded—Left unclaimed by the British—Fate of some
English Officers—Defeat and Capture of Colonel Bailey._
About this time, Tippoo Saib, who had succeeded his father, Hyder
Ali,[5] sent an order to the killadare of Seringapatam to incorporate us
in his four battalions of slaves—which was accordingly done; but we had
no doubt it was so done through the malicious insinuations of Dempster,
whom, after we knew, we treated with the most sovereign contempt. Here
each individual was supplied with a stick of about four feet and a half
long, as a substitute for a firelock; and our pay being shortened, we
led wretched lives indeed; fabrications being circulated, and groundless
complaints made against us, merely from a malignant antipathy. We did
not at this time know much of the language; and when questioned relative
to these complaints, many got severe beatings;[6] for our silence was
generally construed into guilt.
Once we were kept without food for two days; and conscious we had done
nothing to deserve it, we sallied forth to the durbar, (a seat of
justice so called,) in order to exhibit a complaint of our grievances to
the killadare; but Abdel Gunney, to whom I have adverted, learning our
intentions, was before us, and intimated to the killadare to take care
of his person, for that we were coming in a body, and he knew not for
what purpose. This alarmed the governor; and we no sooner arrived, than
we were surrounded by a battalion of Sepoys, and our interpreter, Clark,
a lieutenant in the Company’s service, who had begun to speak, was
knocked down, and beaten in a most shocking manner. While he lay on the
ground, they put him in heavy irons, and took him away, nor do I
recollect ever seeing him afterwards. All this time we were secured by
the Sepoys, who had orders to prime and load, and to fix their bayonets;
and all this against fifty-two defenceless boys. Judge of our situation,
my good reader, at this crisis! We were seized, and each of us was bound
with two new ropes, confining our hands behind us; and, to make us
secure, a strong man enclosed our arms, and with his knee almost
dislocated our shoulders: many of us had the marks in our arms for some
years after. This done, we were wheeled to the right, then to the left,
by the myre, or adjutant, in broken English, who would frequently, in
the most contemptuous manner, cry out, “General Mathews,”—“Colonel
Bailey,”—“Captain Rumney,” and repeat the names of many officers they
then had in their custody, of whom I shall very soon give the reader an
accurate account.
We were hauled in this degrading manner, until I and several more
fainted; when I came to myself, we were all seated on the ground. I was
bound between two lads, both midshipmen of the Hannibal, who told me,
when I fell they fell, with most of the rest; those who did not,
informed us, that so many falling, they were ordered to sit down. The
skin of our breasts was like a drum head, and I am conscious to this
day, if it had not been for the humanity of the durga, an officer equal
to a sergeant, in slackening the ropes about twelve o’clock at night,
very few would have survived till morning. This was done on his part at
a great risk: may God reward him for it!
The next day we were ordered to be untied, one by one, and our heads to
be again shaved, which was performed; our ears also were bored, and a
slave’s mark was put in each of them. This being done, we were
prohibited from speaking to each other in English, under pain of severe
punishment. We were then marched, or led crawling, rather, to our
square, where they gave those who could immediately make use of it, some
food. Here we met every day, more or less, with severe treatment, until
the year 1784, when a peace was concluded between the East India Company
and Tippoo. This was a woful and heart-rending peace for us; but prior
to my saying any thing on that head, I shall introduce the condition and
fate of many of our brave officers; together with the fate of the
unfortunate brachmins, as it fell immediately under my notice. And
first, of Colonel Bailey, who was in leg-irons, with Captain Rumney, and
Lieutenants Fraser and Sampson. The three latter had their throats cut
at Mysore. Colonel Bailey appeared much emaciated; I rather think grief
was the cause of destroying his constitution; for when he was insulted
by Dempster, who took a pride in marching us before him, we could
frequently see the tears trickle down his manly face. He was alone,
after the captain and lieutenants were taken from him; but not long, for
he was removed also, and we supposed very secretly, for we never could
learn what became of him; and whether he died by poison, or a natural
death, we could not positively ascertain; but we could easily believe
the former. It may not be amiss here to say something relative to his
defeat. The circumstances which led to this melancholy catastrophe are
well known, therefore I shall only describe the manner, partly from the
Encyclopædia, and partly from information I received at Patam, from
several who survived that dreadful day.
In order to do this, it may be necessary to inform the reader, that
Hyder Ali, after suddenly seizing the passes, which might have been
secured, poured through them an army of 100,000 men, among whom was a
large body of European troops under French officers, and commanded by
Colonel Laly, a man of great bravery and experience in war. Alarm being
given on the 24th of June, 1780, that Hyder’s horse were only nine miles
distant from Madras, the inhabitants instantly deserted their houses,
and fled into the fort, while the unresisted barbarian burnt the
villages, reduced the inferior forts, and prepared to lay siege to the
capital. It being now absolutely necessary to make some resistance,
measures were taken for assembling the troops; in doing which, an
express was sent to Colonel Bailey, at Gumuapenda, about twenty-eight
miles from Madras, to proceed from thence directly to Conjeveram with
the corps under his command, where the main body was to meet him; but
when the main body was under marching orders, the 1st regiment of
cavalry positively refused to move without money; and, as they persisted
in their refusal, they were made prisoners, and sent to Madras. The main
body, then consisting of 1500 Europeans and 4200 Sepoys, under Sir
Hector Monroe, with the train of artillery, proceeded towards
Conjeveram; and such were the fatigues of the march, that 200 men
belonging to the 73d regiment, were left lying on the road. On their
arrival, they found the town in flames, great bodies of the enemy’s
cavalry advancing on both flanks, and no appearance of Colonel Bailey’s
detachment; the march of this body having been impeded by a small river,
swelled by a sudden fall of rain. On this occasion, the officer who
records this disaster, makes the following observation: “In this
incident we have a remarkable proof and example of the danger of
procrastination, and on what minute circumstances, and sudden springs of
the mind, the fortune and general issue of the war may depend. Had the
colonel passed over Trepuscore without halting, as some advised, and
encamped on the south instead of the north bank, the disaster that soon
followed would have been prevented, and an order of affairs, wholly
different from what took place, would have succeeded.”
Hyder Ali having now raised the siege of Arcot, in which he had been
employed, marched towards Conjeveram, in the vicinity of which he
encamped, and in a few days offered battle. On the 6th of September, he
detached his son, Tippoo Saib, with the flower of his army, to cut off
the detachment under Colonel Bailey, who was now at Pernambaukham, a
small village, distant from the main body about fifteen miles; he
himself remaining near Conjeveram, to watch the motions of Sir Hector
Monroe. The detachment of Tippoo consisted of 30,000 horse, 8000 foot,
and 12 pieces of cannon: notwithstanding this superiority of numbers,
they were bravely repulsed by Colonel Bailey’s handful of troops, and a
junction was effected with a detachment under Colonel Fletcher, sent by
Sir Hector Monroe, on first hearing the noise of the engagement. This
junction was effected on the 9th of September, and the next morning
orders were given for the whole army to march, Colonel Fletcher’s
detachment being dispersed in different parts of the line. From the
moment they began to march, the enemy played off their rockets, which,
however, did little execution: but about ten at night, several guns
began to open on the rear of the English; Colonel Bailey, therefore,
after some manœuvres, caused his troops to form a line, while the enemy
cannonaded them incessantly with great execution. On this, Colonel
Bailey detached Captain Rumney with five companies of grenadier Sepoys,
to storm their guns; which service they would undoubtedly have
accomplished, had not their march been interrupted by a torrent of
water, which at that time happened not to be fordable. Captain Rumney,
therefore, returned about half-past eleven, when the guns of the enemy
were heard drawing off towards the English front, and a general alarm
was perceived throughout their camp, owing, as was supposed, to their
having received intelligence of the party that had been sent to storm
their guns; for, from their noisy confusion, and irregular firing, says
my author, one would imagine that a detachment of our men was among them
with fixed bayonets. At that critical moment, had a party of grenadiers
been sent against them, they might, without difficulty, have routed the
whole of Tippoo’s army. Having, about ten o’clock in the evening,
advanced about five hundred yards into an avenue, Colonel Bailey
remained there in perfect silence till the morning. Colonel Fletcher
being asked why Colonel Bailey halted? modestly replied, that Colonel B.
was an officer of established reputation, and, no doubt, had reasons for
his conduct. It cannot, however, be concealed, that this halt afforded
an opportunity for Tippoo to draw off his cannon to a strong post, by
which the English were obliged to pass; and, at the same time, of
informing Hyder of their situation, and suggesting to him the expediency
of advancing, for the improvement of so favourable a conjuncture.
On the 10th day of September, at five o’clock in the morning, our little
body marched off by the right in subdivisions, having their baggage on
the left; and not many minutes after, six guns opened on their rear; on
which the line halted. A few minutes after, large bodies of the enemy’s
cavalry appeared on their flanks; and at the moment the pagoda of
Conjeveram appeared in view, and our men had begun to indulge hopes of a
respite from toils and dangers, a rocket boy was taken prisoner, who
informed them that Hyder’s whole army was marching to the assistance of
his son Tippoo. Four guns now opened on the left with great effect; and
so hot was the fire they sustained, and so heavy the loss, that Colonel
Bailey ordered the line to quit the avenue, and present a front to the
enemy; and at the same time detached Captain Rumney with ten companies,
to storm the enemy’s guns. Within a few minutes after this party had
left the line, Tippoo’s guns were silenced. Captain R.’s little
detachment immediately took possession of four cannon, and completely
routed the party that was attached to them. Captain Rumney, overcome
with fatigue, ordered Captain Goudie, the next in command, to lead the
party, and take possession of more of their guns; but in a few moments,
as they were advancing, a cry was heard among the Sepoys, of, Gora!
Gora!—Horse! Horse! The camp followers, whose numbers were nearly five
to one of the troops, were driven on part of our line by the numerous
and surrounding forces of Hyder Ali, who being informed of the situation
of Colonel Bailey, had left his camp without striking his tents, with a
view of concealing his march from General Monroe. A great confusion
among the troops was the unavoidable consequence of this unexpected
onset. The Europeans were suddenly left on the field alone, and at that
critical moment a part of Hyder’s advanced guard pressed on with great
celerity between our line and Captain Rumney’s party. The commanding
officer, therefore, apprehensive of being cut off from our little army,
judged it most prudent to retreat. Colonel Bailey, when he was informed
that an immense body of horse and foot was advancing towards him, and
that this was supposed to be Hyder’s main army, said, “Very well, we
shall be prepared to meet them.”
Hyder’s whole force now appeared incontestably in view; and this
barbarian chief, who, as was observed of the Roman general by Pyrrhus,
“had nothing barbarous in his discipline,” after dividing his guns
agreeably to a preconcerted plan, opened from sixty to seventy pieces of
cannon, with innumerable rockets. His numerous cavalry, supported by his
infantry, driven on by threats, and encouraged by promises, and led on
by his most distinguished officers, bore down upon our little army,
without making the least impression; our men, both Europeans and Sepoys,
repeatedly presenting and recovering their arms, as if they had been
manœuvring on a parade. The enemy was repulsed at every attack; numbers
of their best cavalry were killed, and many more were wounded; even
their infantry were forced to give way; and Hyder would have ordered a
retreat, had it not been for the advice of General Laly, who informed
him it was too late, as General Monroe was most probably advancing from
Conjeveram; for which reason, nothing remained but to break the
detachment by their artillery and cavalry. Tippoo Saib had by this time
collected his party together, and renewed the cannonade; so that at the
same time the English were under the necessity of sustaining an attack
from both father and son. Two of their tumbrils were blown up by Hyder’s
guns, and a large opening was made in both their lines; they had no
other ammunition than grape; their guns ceased firing; and in this
dreadful situation, under a terrible fire, not only of guns but rockets,
losing great numbers of men and officers, they remained from half-past
seven till nine o’clock, when Hyder Ali, perceiving that the guns were
quite silenced, came with his whole army round their right flank; the
cavalry charged them in distinct columns; and, in the intervals, the
infantry poured in volleys with dreadful effect.
Myar Saib, Tippoo’s brother, with the Mogul and Sanoor cavalry, made the
first impression; these were followed by the elephants and the Mysorean
cavalry, which completed the overthrow of the detachment. Colonel
Bailey, though grievously wounded, rallied the Europeans, and once more
formed them into a square, and, with this handful of men, he gained an
eminence, where, without ammunition, and most of his people being
wounded, he resisted and repulsed fifteen separate attacks; but fresh
bodies of cavalry continually pouring in, they were broken, without
giving way.
Captain Lucas’s battalion of Sepoys, at the time when our men moved up
to a rising ground, was stationed to the right of the European
grenadiers; but that corps seeing the Europeans in motion, and perhaps
understanding that motion for a retreat, broke in the utmost confusion.
The Europeans, however, bravely maintained their reputation for intrepid
valour, and remained in this extremity of distress steady and undaunted,
though surrounded by the French troops, and Hyder’s cavalry, to the
number of 40,000. They even expressed a desire, though their number did
not exceed 400, of being led on to charge a battalion of Topasses,
(natives, so called from their wearing hats,) who lay about thirty yards
distant, and kept up an incessant fire with great effect. Many attempts
were made by the enemy’s cavalry to break this body of men; but, by
their steady conduct and courage, they were repulsed; until Colonel
Bailey, finding that there was now no prospect of being relieved by
General Monroe, held out a flag of truce to one of the chiefs of Hyder’s
army: but this was treated with contempt, and the chief endeavoured at
the same time to cut off the Colonel. The reason that the enemy assigned
for this, was, that the Sepoys had fired after the signal was hoisted. A
few minutes afterwards, the men had orders to lay down their arms, with
intimations that quarter would be given: this order was scarcely
complied with, when the enemy rushed in upon them with the most savage
brutality, sparing no age or condition in life, and, but for the humane
interposition of Laly and Pencron, who implored and insisted with the
conquerors, to shew mercy, the gallant remains of our little army must
have fallen a sacrifice to that savage thirst for blood with which Hyder
disgraced his victory. In this unfortunate action, near 700 Europeans
were killed on the spot. The loss on Hyder’s part was so great, that he
industriously concealed it, being enraged to think that the conquest of
so inconsiderable a body should cost him so many of his bravest troops.
He seemed, ever after, to consider the English with an extreme degree of
terror; insomuch, that notwithstanding his pretended exultation on
account of the present victory, he no sooner heard of Sir H. Monro
marching to attack him, than he left his camp in the utmost confusion,
abandoning great part of his tents and baggage, as well as a vast number
of the wounded.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAP. IV.
_Behaviour of Tippoo towards his Prisoners—Conduct, Defeat,
Treatment, and Death of General Matthews—Fate of the
Malabar Christians—Execution of English Prisoners—
Exhibitions at Seringapatam—Offenders devoured by Wild
Beasts—Modes of Punishment—Despotic Cruelty—Human Ears
and Noses exhibited in the Public Market—Author and
Companions compelled to take Wives—Mode of Procedure—
Marriage Ceremony—Visits Hyder Ali’s Tomb—Situation
described._
In a narrative of the sufferings of the English who survived that fatal
day, published by an officer of Colonel Bailey’s detachment, we find it
related, that Hyder Ali, seated on a throne or chair in his tent,
enjoyed the sight of the heads of the slain, as well as of the
prisoners. Colonel Bailey, who was himself dangerously wounded, was
brought into his camp on a cannon, and with several of his officers, in
the same situation, laid at the tyrant’s feet, on the ground, in the
open air. In this condition, they saw many of the heads of their
countrymen presented to the conqueror;—some of them by English officers,
who were compelled to perform that horrid task! In a little time,
however, Hyder ordered no more heads to be brought to him while the
English officers were present.
A tent was then fixed up for the unfortunate gentlemen, but without
straw or any thing to lie on, though many of them were dangerously
wounded; and as the tent would contain no more than ten, the remainder
were obliged to lie in the open air. When the prisoners were removed
from place to place, they were wantonly insulted, and even beaten, by
those who had the care of them. I have heard a long catalogue of
sufferings, which I could easily believe to be but too true. There were
numbers of strange cures related by this gentleman, from whom I received
the account, which the reader may see recorded, if so disposed, by a
reference to the “Encyclopædia.” I was conversant with several while at
Patam, who were first circumcised, and, finally, put to death in
Bednore. In the narrations of this officer, what I particularly noticed,
was, an account of the brave Colonel Fletcher,—the tenderness and
humanity of the elephants,—and the almost unprecedented valour of a
battalion of cook-boys, who acted as such to the Europeans. The brave
Colonel Fletcher slew several with his own hand before he fell.
As the elephants would not, with all the exertions of their keepers,
tread upon the wounded and slain, these, after the carnage was over,
were thrown into a hole in one promiscuous heap. From this heap, a
corporal, whose name was Sinclair, of the 73d regiment, who was
dreadfully wounded, contrived to crawl: he afterwards recovered, was
Mohammedanized, and was with us at Seringapatam. The battalion of
cook-boys above mentioned, fell, with few exceptions, three deep, as was
their position when standing. These brave fellows ought to have been
noticed, as well as the European prisoners, for they suffered much more;
I have often been an eye-witness to the cruelties with which they were
treated at Seringapatam; but they still continued true and loyal to the
English.
Colonel Bailey’s detachment consisted of about 4700 men, of whom about
700 survived, and many of those severely wounded. None of them were
released; some of them died, and others were put to death; and only one,
whose name was Mackenzie, made his escape from Chitteldroog after I did.
Thus much for the brave but unfortunate Colonel Bailey.
The next whose fate I shall endeavour to describe, is General Matthews,
who, with many of his officers and men, arrived prisoners at
Seringapatam (about the time of Colonel Bailey’s exit) from Bednore, or
Hyder Niger. They had surrendered by capitulation, but it was first
violated on the part of the general, relative to the treasures; this,
together with another circumstance which I shall presently state, was
the cause of his miserable end, together with that of many of his
officers.
Onore, or Ananpour, a fort about two days’ march from Bednore, had been
stormed by part of his army, and all the inhabitants wantonly and
inhumanly put to death, and their bodies thrown into several tanks in
the fort: this was fresh in Tippoo’s memory. The cause of this cruelty
was, that two flags of truce had been sent, and both detained. How far
such conduct for such a crime could be justifiable, on the part of the
English, I leave to those of superior judgment. This was told me by
several, to whom I had, at times, opportunity of speaking; and had he
taken Hyat Saib’s advice, (the killadare of Hyder Niger,) and who gave
him no great trouble in the conquest of the place, he would have done
well; but it appears, from many circumstances, that it was to be so. It
was intended that he should die by poison,[7] administered in milk; but
as it did not operate, in their view, sufficiently expeditious, his
guards closed his existence with the buts of their firelocks. Perhaps
Tippoo, as a Mohammedan, considered this as a just retaliation for the
butchery at the before mentioned place. Several of his fife and drum
boys were Mohammedanized, and placed in the seraglio for the purpose of
castration; but this operation never took place: and many of his
principal officers left him for Bombay, prior to his being captured.
Such was the end of this ambitious and ill-fated general. But before I
close, it may be necessary to state the following circumstance, which I
conceive will corroborate what I have before observed relative to the
cause of his melancholy end.
George Bush, of the Yarmouth, country ship, which was captured by La
Fin, French frigate of 40 guns, and James Forsythe, who were separated
from us some years after, but who finally made their escape, and joined
us in the Mahratta camp, were, with many more, sent direct to Hyder
Niger. In the course of their journey thither, they halted at Ananpour;
and being excessively thirsty, they were instantly led to one of the
wells, which, I am sorry to observe, the English had filled up some
years before with their slain. One James Duffee was then with the above,
and had been one of the storming party in this inhuman business; and
such was the indignation of the residents on this spot, that, had they
not been prevented by the guards, they would have sacrificed those
innocent men to their fury, from a remembrance of what had taken place.
I mention this circumstance, because I have seen an attempt to justify
this branch of the general’s conduct.
Now followed the fate of the poor Malabar Christians, of which I shall
ever consider myself the innocent cause, in reading what was written by
General Matthews, as stated in the preceding note. Their country was
invested by Tippoo’s army, and they were driven, men, women, and
children, to the number of 30,000, to Seringapatam, where all who were
fit to carry arms were circumcised, and formed into four battalions. The
sufferings of these poor creatures were most excruciating: one
circumstance, which came under my immediate notice, I will attempt to
describe. When recovered, they were armed and drilled, and ordered to
Mysore, nine miles from the capital, but for what purpose we never could
learn. Their daughters were many of them beautiful girls, and Tippoo was
determined to have them for his seraglio; but this they refused; and
Mysore was invested by his orders, and the four battalions were disarmed
and brought prisoners to Seringapatam. This being done, the officers
tied their hands behind them. The chumbars, or sandal-makers, were then
sent for, and their noses, ears, and upper lips, were cut off; they were
then mounted on asses, their faces towards the tail, and led through
Patam, with a wretch before them proclaiming their crime. One fell from
his beast, and expired on the spot through loss of blood. Such a mangled
and bloody scene excited the compassion of numbers, and our hearts were
ready to burst at the inhuman sight. It was reported that Tippoo
relented in this case, and I rather think it true, as he never gave any
further orders respecting their women. The twenty-six that survived were
sent to his different arsenals, where, after the lapse of a few years, I
saw several of them lingering out a most miserable existence.[8] Some
time after our initiation, (about nine months,) many of the mechanics
were brought from their different prisons to Patam, and sent to his
arsenal, to their different employments; about eighty was their number;
they had a tolerable allowance, but were all circumcised. One, whose
name was William Williams, effected his escape, but was taken, and
treated as the above, with the exception of losing only one ear, with
his nose; which was executed before us, as a terror, no doubt, to
prevent our attempting any thing in the same manner. Most of those
unfortunate men were put to death; nine of them, including two
carpenter’s mates, belonging to the Hannibal, Archy Douglas, and another
whose name I have forgotten, were hung on one tree, because one of the
party, named Flood, a serjeant-major in the Company’s service, to pass
away a tedious hour, had been taking a sketch of the surrounding
scenery; this was the crime for which they all suffered death!
The deserters had no lenity shewn them; most of them suffered also, and
among them was Dempster, whom I have named before, who was piked to
death in his hut; which we were very happy to hear, as this wretch had
been the cause of much cruelty towards us. Randal Cadman, who survived
those evils, (through illness,) although in the midst of them, escaped
on the night our troops, under Lord Cornwallis, defeated and followed
Tippoo’s army over the river into Sarragangam; we were then at some
distance from the capital, but saw him when we afterwards joined his
lordship. He was then all but dead; he survived, however, and from him
we had this information. He also informed us, that prior to his
lordship’s arrival, the principal street in Seringapatam, on each side,
was ornamented with paintings, such as, elephants whirling Europeans in
the air,—tigers seizing whole battalions of English Sepoys,—five or six
English officers supplicating for mercy at the feet of one of his
troopers,—and companies flying frightened at the charge of ten or twenty
of his horse: with a variety of other worse than silly representations.
But when his lordship had taken Bangalore, and was on his way to the
capital, Tippoo thought it prudent to order these daubings to be
cancelled.—But to return to the years 1783 and 1784.
Shortly after the arrival of General Matthews, Tippoo, thinking his mode
of punishment towards those poor creatures who happened to fall under
his displeasure not severe or terrific enough, ordered nine large tiger
cages to be made, and placed opposite his kerconah, or treasury. They
were arranged there according to his order, and soon tenanted, each with
a large tiger. After the death of Colonel Bailey, we were paraded before
these ferocious animals, and had an opportunity of seeing them fed once
or twice a day; one of the nine was as black as a coal, the only one I
ever saw of that colour. They were all taken in the Curakee jungles,
which abound with elephants, tigers, wild boars, panthers, tiger-cats,
leopards, &c. and lie about twenty miles from Patam, and about ten from
Mysore. Those tigers, above stated, were designed for the punishment of
high crimes and misdemeanours: three of his principal officers, namely,
his head inchewalla, or general postmaster, his buxey, or paymaster
general, and another, were severally thrown to the tigers, and devoured
in an instant, all but their heads; for which purpose the tigers were
always kept hungry! These all suffered within the short space of four
months.
Confinement, however, soon proved destructive to the animals themselves,
as scarcely one of them survived above eleven months. At this period,
there was a regular import of wild beasts at least twice a week, taken
from the jungles by himself, on his hunting excursions; to which
exercise, at one time, he appeared very partial. 1000 horse, 500
pulligars, or pikemen, with some foot, formed his hunting party. His
tiger-cats, or leopards, would always accompany him, and with these he
used to course, as our gentlemen do with hounds. The elephants were
caught in pits; and the tigers and other wild beasts in cages, by
fastening, at the other end of the cage, a young pig, a lamb, &c. The
wild elephants, though he had numbers that were domesticated, and
tigers, were designed for his games, which I shall presently attempt to
describe; but I will first mention the manner in which he punished
criminals. Amongst numerous other instruments, he had a wooden horse, of
a full size, resembling those adopted for his cavalry, curiously and
infernally contrived, on the saddle of which were nine rows of sharp
spikes, about three quarters of an inch long. The machine was moved by
springs; and as soon as the culprit mounted, the horse, by some
mechanism, would rear on his hind legs, and then, falling with a jerk on
his fore feet, the spikes would enter the posteriors of the rider. The
time of riding was proportioned to the crime; though it was said, that
one of his horsemen rode this machine with such dexterity as to avoid
the spikes,—in consequence of which he was pardoned. I have oft-times
seen the horse, with its furniture, &c. but never saw a culprit on his
back, though I was at Seringapatam at the time that several were
punished that way. It was removed when Lord Cornwallis took possession
of Bangalore.
But his most common mode of punishment was, that of drawing to death by
the elephant’s feet; the manner of which was as follows: the poor
wretches (for several were drawn at one time) first had their arms tied
behind them, above the elbows, and then a rope put about the small of
their legs, which was fastened to the elephant’s foot. This being done,
the criminals stood with their backs towards the elephant’s posteriors,
waiting sometimes an hour for an order for their execution. The distance
they stood from the beast was about six yards, and the first step the
elephant took would throw the poor unfortunates on their faces; thus
they would be dragged over rough and smooth ground till dead, and with
no faces left. There was a singular circumstance respecting one of his
elephants, called Immaumbucies, which, when young, and about the size of
a buffalo, came into Seringapatam with a herd of those animals. It was
the largest he had, and measured fifteen feet in height. He was much
caressed, and appeared sensible of every kind action; in fact, he was
more sagacious than any of his fellows, and wonderfully docile. This
incident transpired about fifty or sixty years prior to Hyder Ali’s
usurpation, when Seringapatam was in the possession of the Mysorean
chief, as sole monarch of the whole country.
Some error, of no great import, was discovered in the accounts of
fifteen fine young Bramins, who were in one of his offices as clerks;
for which they lost the fore-finger and thumb of their right hands, all
except one, who was left-handed, and he had his left finger and thumb
cut off: but the sufferings of the Bramins in general were indescribably
cruel. Poor inoffensive men! Were they accused of being rich, it was
enough; and no small pains were taken to procure their accusation,
Tippoo’s emissaries and spies being in every corner of his kingdom. Once
informed against, all pleas were useless, and they were instantly
dragged to Seringapatam. On their arrival, they were sent for by the
paymaster-general, who would address them mildly, stating, that he had
received information they were worth a certain sum of money, which he
named, and that he wanted so much for his master’s services. If the
proposal was acceded to, all was well, and perhaps the Bramin would be
put in a more lucrative situation; but a denial, or a supposed
prevarication, was sure to be accompanied with the most exquisite
tortures. In this process, the first mode was, piqueting for a given
number of hours; then, if this was found of no avail, the addition of
scourging; if this also proved ineffectual, needles, fixed in corks,
were incessantly applied to their bodies, while still under the scourge.
This mode of punishment continued several days; and if all this could
not make them confess where their supposed riches were, they would be
then led to the large pagoda yard, and there put into cages of iron, on
half a pound of rice, and a certain quantity of salt, per day, but not a
drop of water, or any thing but those two articles. In this situation I
have seen them, with their souls looking through their eyes, and God
knows my feelings at the time; but a look of pity at them from us would
have been construed into guilt. They would thus linger a few days, and
expire in agonies.
The situation of the oppressors and the oppressed, in pecuniary matters,
is, I believe, widely different now. It is generally believed in India,
that the Bramins are very tenacious of their money; which may be the
case, and I give it credit; but I am strongly of opinion, that numbers
of these inoffensive people suffered as above described, having no
property whatever; a strong information against them being a just ground
with Tippoo for all these cruelties.
About this period, in the year 1785, he seemed more bent on barbarities,
than at any other time that I was in his country. It was not
unfrequently that two or three hundred noses and ears would be exhibited
in the public market, but to whom they belonged we could not learn. We
must, however, leave these tragic scenes awhile, and turn to something
less horrible.
We were one day strangely informed, that each of us, who was of proper
age, was to have a wife; for this piece of news we were extremely sorry,
but there was no possibility of our preventing their designs. There
were, at this time, a number of young girls, who had been driven with
their relations out of the Carnatic, when Hyder infested that country,
which he almost over-ran, as already stated. Some of these poor
creatures were allotted for us; and one morning, we were ordered to fall
into rank and file, when those girls were placed one behind each of us,
while we stood gazing at one another, wondering what they were about to
do. At last, the durga gave the word, “To the right about face;” with
the addition (in the Moorish language) of “take what is before you.”
This, when understood, some did, and some did not; but the refractory
were soon obliged to comply. Thus they fed their vanity, by making our
first interview as ludicrous as possible, each being by this means
supplied with a piece of furniture, for which, however valuable in
general, we had neither want nor inclination. When this ceremony was
completed, we were ordered back to our square, and on our return with
our young black doxies, we had the bazaar, or public market, to pass,
where the crowd was so difficult to penetrate, as to separate us. This
laid the foundation for some serious disputes afterwards, many insisting
that the women they had, when they arrived at the square, were not the
same they had at first. This scene was truly comic, for the girls, when
we understood them, which was many months afterwards, had the same views
that we had; and were frequently engaged with their tongues, on this
score, long before we could understand the cause of their disputes. Our
enemies seemed to enjoy this in a manner that would have done honour to
a British theatre. Two months passed on, when the priest came to
consummate our nuptials; and the conclusion of the ceremony was as
curious as the beginning. The bride and her consort were led to an
eminence, with flowers round their necks, and seated; after which, their
thumbs were tied together, when the priest muttered something which we
could not comprehend, and we were married. They, however, gave us to
understand, that we were subject to pay eighty rupees to the cadi, in
case we divorced our wives, very few of whom exceeded eleven years of
age.[9] The one who fell to my lot was a native of Arcot, and had been
driven with thousands more when Hyder and Tippoo spread destruction
almost throughout the Company’s territories. She was an affectionate
creature, by whom I had two children; one died, and the other I left in
the arms of its distracted mother. But I shall wave this subject for the
present, and resume it again, if possible, towards the close.
About four months prior to the ratification of peace with the Company
and Tippoo, our circumstances were bettered, and we had liberty to walk
where we thought proper in the fort, and sometimes permission to go to
Sanagangam, about two miles from the fort, where Hyder Ali lies buried,
in a garden called Col-bog, or the Red Garden. We were taken to this
spot, with many more good mussulmen, to pray for the soul of the
deceased, when we had an opportunity of viewing his mosque. It is
situate in the centre of the garden, and in the centre of the mosque is
the tomb of this hero. It is a magnificent square building, with four
doors, east, west, north, and south; and is ascended by steps, on the
top of which, you immediately see, through the doors, his tomb, which,
when I saw it, was covered with black velvet, and a steel ball was
suspended over it, larger than a 42 lb. shot, of an amazing brightness.
Here are always a number of faquirs (priests) of the highest order, to
perform religious ceremonies, and keep the place inviolate.
There is another garden worth notice, called Derea, Dowlah-bog, or, the
Rich Garden of the Sea; this is a most charming spot, nearly surrounded
by a lofty wall, at the foot of which runs the river. Here was a great
variety of fruits of the most exquisite flavour, lofty trees of a
sublime appearance, together with a representation of the defeat of the
brave but unfortunate Colonel Bailey: peace to his manes! Outside of
this delectable spot, and near the walls, is a vast tank, in which
numbers of large fish were kept (consecrated, I suppose, for they were
never disturbed) by the highest order of the faquirs, who had their
dwellings on the margin of the tank. But when the English took
possession, no doubt these fine fish were appropriated to some other
use. The Bramins had a spot also, directly under the fort walls,
containing a great number of very fine fish, which were daily fed by
them; but doubtless they also have long since been destroyed by some of
John Bull’s sons.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAP. V.
_Description of Seringapatam—Ferocious Games—Observations on
Lions and Tigers—Sent to Mysore—Tyranny of Tippoo—War
with the Nizam—Author put in Irons—Misery of his
Condition—Fate of some Bramins—Author separated from
some Companions in Misfortune—Marched to Chitteldroog—
Disturbed by Snakes—Expedient to procure Money—Anecdote
of a Fanatical Native—Visited by Apes—Singular Snake—
Forlorn Condition._
A brief description of Seringapatam and its environs may not be amiss
here. This capital of Mysore, (though Mysore itself, distant nine miles,
was, prior to Hyder’s usurpation, the seat of government,) is an island
in the midst of a continent, charmingly situated, and surrounded by the
Cavery river; distant from Madras 296 miles. It is about four miles in
length, and about one mile and a half in breadth across the middle,
where the ground is highest, whence it gradually narrows, and falls
toward the extremities.[10] At the west end there is a fort of very
considerable strength, about three miles in circumference, mounting at
least 190 pieces of cannon, including what were on the cavalices. Its
appearance, at about three miles’ distance, was calculated to strike
every beholder, being distinguished by magnificent buildings and ancient
pagodas,[11] contrasted with the more lofty and splendid monuments,[12]
lately erected in honour of the Mohammedan faith.
At the east end of the island is the pettah, or suburb, called
Sanagangam, which was finished while we were there; it was beautifully
laid out, about half a mile square, divided into regular streets, all
very wide, and shaded on each side with trees, surrounded by a strong
mud wall. It was designed for merchants and troops, and possessed all
the beauty and elegance of a country retirement, and was dignified by
the mausoleum of Hyder. They were about erecting a new and magnificent
palace in the year 1787, the last time I ever saw it but one, which will
be noticed hereafter. We were all mustered before Hyder, in his palace,
once, but not seeing much of the interior, I am not competent to give an
accurate description. It is a very extensive building, flat-roofed, with
two wings, one of which is his seraglio, and the other his treasury. The
front of the palace was an extensive open place, supported by strong
pillars, where the killadare and his retinue sat to administer justice;
the palace door being about four yards behind them. Four beautiful
Arabian mares, two elephants, and two palanquins, were always in waiting
when Tippoo was in his capital; but he approved of the latter mode of
conveyance most: I never saw him on horseback, and only once on an
elephant. In his person he was majestic, about five feet nine inches and
a half in height, with large eyes, an aquiline nose, and remarkably
broad shoulders; his complexion was about two shades lighter than quite
black. In short, he must have been a very powerful man, though in my
opinion, contrary perhaps to most, not possessing any great portion of
personal courage. I have never seen but one striking likeness of him
since I have been in England.
I was an eye-witness twice to his games, once before the peace of 1784,
and once after: the former will, I doubt not, be long remembered by our
gallant Sir David Baird, and many more of our officers, who were then
Tippoo’s prisoners, and in irons. The circumstance I allude to will be
presently mentioned, after I have endeavoured to describe his
performances. These games were something after the manner of the Pythian
or Olympic, and continued ten days without intermission. After the usual
preparations were arranged, which consisted of a strong rope network,
attached to stanchions fixed in the ground, forming a semicircle in
front of his palace, different descriptions of beasts were brought in,
viz. elephants, tigers,[13] buffaloes, and rams; then followed his
getiees, men who, being trained from their infancy to fighting, were
wonderfully active and strong; these were seated in different groups,
having come from different schools. The games commenced with the rams,
perhaps thirty or forty pair each day; their mode of fighting is well
known, and therefore needs no description: they would fight ferociously,
but were seldom suffered to be completely conquered. This being over,
the getiees would be sent for, who always approached with their masters
at their head, and after prostration, and making their grand salams,
touching the ground each time, they would be paired, one school against
another. They had on their right hands the woodguamootie, or four steel
talons, which were fixed to each back joint of their fingers, and had a
terrific appearance when their fists were closed. Their heads were close
shaved, their bodies oiled, and they wore only a pair of short drawers.
On being matched, and the signal given from Tippoo, they begin the
combat, always by throwing the flowers, which they wear round their
necks, in each other’s faces; watching an opportunity of striking with
the right hand, on which they wore this mischievous weapon, which never
failed lacerating the flesh, and drawing blood most copiously. Some
pairs would close instantly, and no matter which was under, for the
gripe was the whole; they were in general taught to suit their holds to
their opponent’s body, with every part of which, as far as concerned
them, they were well acquainted. If one got a hold against which his
antagonist could not guard, he would be the conqueror; they would
frequently break each other’s legs and arms; and if any way tardy,
Tippoo had means of infusing spirit into them, for there were always two
stout fellows behind each, with instruments in their hands that would
soon put them to work. They were obliged to fight as long as Tippoo
pleased, unless completely crippled; and if they behaved well, they were
generally rewarded with a turban and shawl, the quality being according
to their merit.
There were, at this time, two men of prodigious size and strength; one,
who was called the nabob’s getiee, from Madagascar, challenged the
other, whose name was Yankertramen, from Tanjour, to fight with
creeses.[14] This being made known to Tippoo, he ordered the latter into
his presence, and asked him if he would fight his getiee with a creese.
He immediately answered in the affirmative, prostrating himself at the
same time; when ordered to rise, he humbly solicited that Tippoo would
take care of his family, should he fall: in which he being satisfied,
creeses were brought, and one was delivered to each; this attracted the
utmost attention of, I suppose, not less than 20,000 spectators. All
eyes were bent upon these two powerful men. They stood fronting each
other for the space of ten minutes; the nabob’s getiee looked terrible
at any time, but more particularly so now. He was not so stout as his
opponent, but he was daring, and appeared sure of conquest. Tippoo
watched them narrowly, to ascertain if any symptoms of fear were shewn,
or if either of them would decline the combat; but finding them both
staunch, his heart, perhaps for the first time, relented, and he
graciously ordered both of them presents, and to withdraw, and be
friendly with each other.
Outside the semicircle, there would every day appear a man on lofty
stilts, with one of the Company’s uniforms on; at one time he would seem
to take snuff, at another tobacco; then he would affect to be
intoxicated; in short, it was intended as a burlesque on the English,
and to make them appear as ridiculous as possible in the view of the
numerous spectators.
This being over, the tigers and buffaloes would be introduced, the
former in large boxes, as they were caught in the jungles.[15] The
largest had generally chains round their loins. I have seen one of these
last-mentioned tigers defeat nine buffaloes, each of which would have
been an overmatch for the fiercest bull I ever saw in Europe. He was
chained at the time, though he had full scope to reach his antagonist.
Many of the smaller ones were let loose singly on the pulligars, or
pikemen. One of these fierce creatures, although he had twenty or more
pikes in him at once, broke them, and sprung over their heads, killing
one man, and wounding two others. It appeared singularly strange to us,
that this tiger and another, which made their escape out of the ring by
surprising efforts, should both of them make direct for the prison in
which our officers were confined. The brave Captain Baird,[16] now Sir
David Baird, was there at the time, with many more of our unfortunate
officers, who, no doubt, if living, will remember this circumstance.
Towards the close of the evening, would follow eight or ten pair of
these getiees, either of whom, had they one of their own holds of our
first-rate pugilist, would soon make him cry for mercy. In the evening
the elephants would be ordered in, when there would be lying on the
ground, a dozen or more supposed dead tigers.[17] The business of these
elephants was to trample on them, which the keepers could not compel
many to do, though they inflicted severe punishment on the refractory.
The stoutest elephant always appeared to me to be very uneasy at the
sight of a tiger! These games were concluded every night with fireworks,
some of which were superlatively grand and curious, exciting at once our
astonishment and admiration.
At length, the fatal 1784 arrived; and now we had the painful knowledge,
that our destiny was irremediable! A peace was concluded with Tippoo by
the East India Company, and we had the mortification of seeing numbers
of our officers and men marched out of the fort for Madras, while we
were cut off from every hope of ever reaching our country or our
friends. The humane reader will be able to appreciate and judge of our
feelings under those trying circumstances. For my own part, it preyed
upon my mind for three months, to such a degree as to reduce me much;
and I can positively say, I never went to sleep till nature was
completely worn out and exhausted with grief and tears!
One morning, we were all sent for in a great hurry, and seated on the
ground in front of the palace. An hour elapsed, during which period hope
and fear alternately succeeded. A few were quite sanguine that we were
going to be released. Vain imagination! We were escorted under a strong
guard to Mysore, nine miles from the capital, where we were separated,
and sent to different prisons. The spot I was in, was the fatal place
where Captain Rumney, and Lieutenants Fraser and Sampson, had their
throats cut;[18] and, about this period, Lieutenants Rutledge and
Spediman were Mohammedanized. The latter cut his own throat between the
Mysore gates; and the former, an amiable character, after surviving him
about three years, being suspected of correspondence with the English,
was sent to Nairandroog, or rock of death, perhaps as unwholesome a spot
as any in Asia. If this did not answer the end intended, that of putting
a period to his existence, it is highly probable that poison, or the
but-ends of muskets, did. This Nairandroog was the place to which the
afflicted Hindoos were sent by hundreds.
Whether we were ever demanded by the English, or not, we could not
ascertain, seeing nothing of the kind in any public paper, after we made
our escape; but we supposed we were, and assigned that as the cause of
our being sent to Mysore in such haste.
At this period, also, Tippoo laid siege to Mangalore, which was bravely
defended by Major Campbell, a king’s officer. Tippoo did not carry it,
for the French troops withdrew on hearing of the peace; but he hung the
killadare, or governor, who had surrendered the fort to the English.
This cruelty caused a remonstrance on the part of Mohammed Ali, the
killadare’s son, who had served with his father faithfully, and then
commanded six battalions of tolerably well-disciplined troops, clothed
in the manner of our Sepoys. His observations were received by Tippoo
with great indignation, and he ordered him to be beaten with a shoe or a
sandal, which is the greatest insult that can be given to a Mohammedan.
When this was communicated to the six battalions that he commanded, they
flew to arms, to resent the treatment of their chief; but, alas! they
were surrounded and disarmed, and nearly 2000 of these poor fellows had
their noses and ears cut off, and were then sent to hard labour; and in
order to degrade them more, they were dubbed with the epithet
“commutie,” or scavenger battalions. Their unfortunate commander was
sent to Seringapatam a prisoner, where he died of grief.
The English commissioners who were here at this time, John Huddlestone
and —— Sadler, Esqrs. who are now living, and two of the Directors of
the East India Company, must well remember this circumstance; yes, and
other circumstances, of a more important nature, namely, the causes
which induced them, knowingly, to abandon a number of fine youths,
including many officers, with several choice mechanics, altogether not
less than 100 British subjects, for reasons peculiar to themselves, to
the most merciless tyrant that ever disgraced authority. I will not add
what was told us by many who went with them in their palanquins from
Seringapatam, from the impression, that it _might_ not be strictly true;
but this I can affirm, that we were not noticed; and the above-named
gentlemen, while the prisoners lived, were followed by the curses of
all. The few that did survive were about nineteen.
Our lives were now at stake; we expected every hour to be our last by
poison, and coppers for that purpose were ready; but after keeping us in
the most alarming suspense for several hours, exposed to the scorching
heat of the sun, we were remanded to our prison.
Tippoo’s force at this time was equal to any, single-handed, in India;
but the Company not pressing their demands, or from some other cause,
for which we could not account, our lives were spared. At the expiration
of six months, we were again joined, and marched back to the capital,
where we were put in a square by ourselves, wondering what they were
going to do with us next; our guards, however treated us civilly, which
we looked on as a good omen. A month elapsed, when we were again
incorporated in his four slave battalions, and promoted to habildars,
equal to a sergeant; each of us having a silver plate, value two rupees,
to hang upon his breast. We were now once more separated; myself and
about twenty others were removed into four of his Christian battalions,
which I have before mentioned, and sent to Chindroypatam, a town situate
about four days’ march from his capital, the rest remaining where they
were.
Tippoo wished now to strengthen himself by an alliance with Nizam Ali
Cawn; in consequence of which, he sent his vackeil, or ambassador, to
demand his daughter in marriage to Abdel Killick, his eldest son. His
presents were not accepted, and his request was denied; in consequence
of which, an army was assembled of 100,000 men: they encamped near the
capital ten days, then struck their tents, and marched direct to the
Mogul’s territories, in order to chastise him for this insult. Our lads,
who were left in the before mentioned battalions, were taken by Tippoo
to this campaign. His marches were rapid, and he soon reached Idonia, a
strong fortress belonging to Nizam, to which he immediately laid siege;
and, after losing a great number of men, he got possession of the place.
One thing looked well in his character during this siege; opium and
bang, which are both much used by the Asiatics, and particularly in
their armies, he ordered to be collected, wherever found, and burnt in
the most conspicuous places in his camp. A few days after he had made
himself master of Idonia, he intercepted a letter from the Mahrattas, (a
designed thing on their parts,) stating, that they were in full march to
join the Nizam: this intelligence caused him to decamp with the greatest
precipitancy; and his retrograde movements were so rapid, both by night
and by day, scarcely halting four hours at a time, that numbers died of
fatigue. During the siege, two of our youths made their escape by
swimming across the river Tongabadra; the result was, the rest were
directly put in irons, and sent off to Patam. In their route to this
place, they were halted at Chindroypatam, the place in which we then
were; and on seeing their condition, and hearing the cause, it gave us
no small uneasiness, for we well knew we should partake of their fate.
The next morning they proceeded to Patam, and, three weeks afterwards,
we also were marched thither.
On our arrival, we joined them, and remained three months in a state of
starvation. One of our lads, James Fletcher, died, merely from want of
food. Nor was it in our power to relieve him, however we might wish to
do so; as we had not enough, even of the worst kind, to suffice nature;
and we every hour expected death in one shape or other. While we were in
this wretched state, brooding over our misfortunes, calculating on the
worst, which we had every reason to do, who should make his appearance,
one morning, but the myre, the same who had bound us so unmercifully
some years before! He was by no means a pleasing object to us, for we
well guessed he came on no friendly errand. Having morosely ordered us
to pack up what we had, the guards, which were doubled, hurried us away
to the square in front of the palace. Here, being ordered to sit down,
the guards surrounding us, we remained four hours, under a scorching
sun, nor could we procure a drop of water, or stir one step from the
spot. Here was a scene indeed! our women in tatters, our children naked,
and ourselves nearly in the same state, without food, or any means of
procuring it; the women weeping aloud, the infants crying for
nourishment, and ourselves expecting to be massacred. Whilst under these
trying circumstances, four men approached us: on their appearance,
something like a glimmering of hope seemed to shed a faint ray; but,
alas!
“How oft a day, that fair and mild appears,
Grows dim by fate, and mars the toil of years.”
It was over! They approached us, but with baskets laden with irons,
instead of food. This was no time for appetite. Had loaves and fishes
been spread before us, disappointed hope would have destroyed nature’s
cravings. Oh! if Hogarth had been present at this crisis, what a fine
subject for his pencil! Exclusive of the women and children, whose cries
now became loud and strong, we were ourselves differently agitated; some
wringing their hands, others casting a piteous look toward heaven, and
not a few looking at our persecutors (who were now exulting) with a
manly defiance. After being ironed two and two, to which we were well
accustomed, we were marched out of the fort, to the distance of a mile.
Several poor Bramins were with us in heavy leg-irons, and in that
condition forced to walk, or stride rather, as fast as their unfeeling
guards could make them go. Our situation was bad enough, but theirs was
still worse; we were certain their fate was sealed, but there was still
room for a little hope on our parts. Here we were halted for the night,
as motley a group of miserables as ever met together. In the evening
they gave us a small portion of rice, and the next morning early we were
on our march; but for what place we knew not. The Bramins continued with
us—for we were halted when they were behind—for about six miles, when
their guards took another road, and, no doubt, they were soon murdered.
About an hour after this, we were halted at a spot where three roads
met, and divided into three parties; when the division was complete, the
parties were driven one on each of those roads, and such was the haste
of the guards, that we were at some little distance before we knew we
were to be separated. Here we waved a final adieu to each other in this
world, as the sequel will shew.
The next day, the party I was in learned that our destination was for
Chitteldroog, about sixteen days’ march distance; and our poor wives and
children following us, made the march more than wretched. We had every
day given us our poor pittance of rice, with chiliq[19] and salt. The
result of our journey was our grand subject; our wives were assiduous
and indefatigable in their endeavours, which was no small consolation to
us under the most dreary prospects; and such was their affection, that I
am inclined to think some of them would have braved death in our stead.
Every evening, when we came to a halting place, we were lodged in one of
the Hindoo pagodas; and in one of these a circumstance occurred which
may be worth relating.
On one occasion, being asleep in a closely confined hole, we were
greatly alarmed, about two o’clock in the morning, by two large snakes
crawling over us.[20] It is impossible for me to attempt a description
of our sensations, particularly in the dark, and so crowded as we were.
I conceive our noise, aggravated by our fears, was the cause of those
creatures retiring; perhaps frightened as much as we were, as they
troubled us no more. We represented this affair to the priests of the
pagoda in the morning, who gave us a curious interpretation. When they
understood the story, they smiled at our foolish fears, and added, that
it was the most fortunate event that could have happened to us, and we
might consider it as a happy omen. I leave the reader to judge the
construction we put on their observations.
Three days after this curious visit, we arrived at Chitteldroog, a place
situated on seven hills, and which might very easily be made
impregnable. Many poor unfortunate wretches were put to death in this
fortress, and several paid the debt of nature in the same prison to
which we were sent. One week passed, when the smiths came and knocked
off our irons; something was also added to our allowance: what a
contrast in our minds, now, and fourteen days since! Here we were again
distributed in four battalions, of the same description as we had joined
five years before in Patam.
Of the other two parties, one was sent to Hyder Niger, and the other
marched back to the capital. One only survived at the latter place, viz.
Randal Cadman, whom I have before mentioned, and from whom we had the
information of the fate of the rest. Two made their escape from Niger,
of whom I have also spoken; and who met us at the Mahratta camp, with
two females belonging to their party, who gave them to understand,
amidst sighs and tears, that, shortly after they were gone, the rest had
their throats cut! that they had lost their husbands, and found means to
escape. They were in a wretched condition, but were seasonably and amply
relieved by these humane men.
The confidence of the natives here, in our medical abilities, led
several of us to take an advantage of their credulity, necessity being
the prompter, for we were often in a state of starvation. One
circumstance, among many, may suffice. The punishment, in India, of
cutting off the nose and ears, is common, but they have a method of
substituting a piece of their forehead for another nose: this operation
is painful indeed! But to my subject: John Levesley, who had been taken
in the same ship with myself, and who was a presumed doctor, undertook,
for six rupees, to put a nose on a poor wretch’s face, who had lost his
own fourteen years before. The ignorant man, believing in the abilities
of this surgeon, consented to undergo the most painful operation, that
he might accomplish the business. Accordingly, to work Levesley went.
His first performance was, cutting a piece sufficiently large from the
shoulder, and forming it in the shape he wanted it; this done, he
immediately scarified the remains of the old nose, and sewed the part of
the shoulder on. It remained for three weeks with every appearance of
doing well; but, unfortunately, the stitches decayed, and the artificial
nose fell off. The poor man, as his only alternative, demanded his six
rupees; but he might as well have asked for Tippoo’s turban jewel.
Here three tedious years rolled over our heads, during which period we
learned, that, previous to Hyder’s usurpation, this place was held by a
rajah or prince, happy in his subjects, having a district to himself, as
we were informed by some intelligent Hindoos; but in process of time,
Hyder got possession of this strong fortress. In consequence of this
revolution, a certain man of the cast of Bramins, whose covering I have
often seen, lay in one spot fourteen years: he uttered scarcely any
thing but imprecations against Hyder and his son Tippoo. The situation
he was in was so low, that it appeared to me strange how he escaped
destruction by inundations in the monsoon seasons. We were for three
years in the pettah, or suburbs; but all of a sudden, our habitation,
with the walls in which we were immured, being destroyed, we were
removed into the lower fort, during which time, about nine months, we
all saw this strange character, or the spot where he lay, rather;
hearing him speak frequently, and once or twice seeing his hands. We
often spoke to him, and sometimes he would reply, but at times he would
not. When he did speak, he would either use abusive language towards
Hyder, or ask for patamy.[21] We were informed that he had a guard over
him six months prior to our arrival, in order to detect the imposition;
but his supposed madness saved him, for the Mohammedans have a great
respect for all of this description. Many strange stories were told
about this singular person. All I shall add, is, that we were many
months near him, both by night and day, he still continuing the same
language, and lying in the same spot. We often laughed at the strange
stories relative to this man; but, from auricular and ocular
demonstration, we could not avoid believing some of them.
This place abounds with apes of the largest stature I ever saw, the
ourang-outang excepted, and the natives do not injure, but rather
indulge them. This made them bold, which was by no means an addition to
our comfort; for we found it absolutely necessary to act on the
defensive; one of our meals out of two being generally taken from us by
these depredators; and such was their temerity, that a stout stick would
scarcely alarm them. In short, we were forced to oppose cunning to
cunning; they to steal our rooties, (cakes baked on a flat earthen pan,)
and we to hinder them. They might frequently be seen in multitudes on
their inaccessible hills, parading in squadrons; and various reports
were handed to us relative to these creatures, but I pass them by as
such. A brief description of one more curious animal, and I will resume
my narrative.
We killed a snake at this place, not exceeding two feet in length; out
of the middle of its belly grew an arm, similar to a human arm, from the
elbow downwards; the whole of which was formed with the most exquisite
delicacy. The joints, the nails, and every part belonging to it,
equalled, if not exceeded, any thing I ever saw, in point of formation.
I have often regretted I did not bring its skin home, as I had it in my
possession; but at that time there was very little prospect of my
bringing home my own. Numbers of the natives who saw this reptile,
considered it as something ominous.
Often have I paraded in the most disconsolate manner, in the silence of
those delicious nights peculiar to that country, and which are not to be
described by the most masterly pencil; when the moon appears in the
midst of the firmament with her beams gradually dispersed, surrounded by
a soft curtain of clouds. But, alas! they were no beauties to me; the
ever-prevailing impression still corroding my mind, with my heart ready
to burst at the thought of being for ever cut off from all that were
near and dear to me. I had no prospect, not the most distant hope, of
ever seeing again my country, parents, friends, or one who was equally
the object of my tenderest solicitude. I have digressed thus, in stating
the ideas that continually preyed on my heart, because they were really
grievous to me.
The melancholy hours we passed here would take a more able pen than mine
to describe; in fact, I do not think any could do it justice. I have
observed before, that we were all young, yet none of us dared sing “Rule
Britannia,” or even hum it with impunity. We prohibited it between
ourselves, under the impression of bitterness, and the idea of every
hope being marred of ever seeing our country or friends again.
The taunts and insolence of the guards were no small addition to our
misery. We had the feelings of Englishmen, and we suffered from their
insults more severely than from their punishments. We could not forbear
uttering the most bitter invectives against them, although at the
expense of our lives, had we been heard; but we were almost unmindful of
their hate. Barbarity and cruelty were all we did, or could expect, from
a tyrant; therefore we were almost callous to his power to injure us. We
remembered our own native soil, where the freedom of the subject is
co-equal with that of his sovereign, and despised those wretches, who so
far swerved from the dictates of every honourable and manly principle,
as to treat us with such baseness.
When we could meet together, which at this period was very dangerous,
our conversation was very scanty, having no subject but our misfortunes
to discuss. Hence a question would be, after perhaps a long silence,
started by one of the party, Do you think we shall ever see our parents
or country more? This never failed to draw tears from some eyes, and
sighs from others’ bosoms; and here we could not refrain from inveighing
bitterly against the government. But, alas! of what use! Our hopes were
cut off, and we were secure. Patience, and an affiance in the Almighty,
were our only consolation.
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CHAP. VI.
_War renewed with the English—Bangalore taken from Tippoo.—
Author and Companions entertain some Hopes of Escaping—
Seem zealous for Tippoo—Obtain Confidence—Trusted with
Arms—Gain Military Employment—Storm a Fort—Meditate an
Escape—Make an Effort—Compelled to Return—Take their
Final Departure—Progress of their Journey—Accidents—
Enter some Mahratta Forts—Alarm—Danger—Seasonable
Relief—Reach a Hospital, under the Care of an English
Doctor—Kindly received—Visit the Mahratta Camp—
Hospitable Treatment—March with the Army—Military
Progress—Extraordinary Death of a Sepoy—Repair to
Madras—Sail for England, and arrive in Safety._
Nearly four tedious years had rolled away, during which we had scarcely
heard of war; at length, Bangalore was taken by Lord Cornwallis: this
was news indeed! but we were forced to dissemble, and affect to be very
sorrowful. How necessary to act the hypocrite in some cases! We soon
learned also—for they were kinder to us now, through fear—that the
Mahrattas were making (to us glorious) inroads into Tippoo’s country,
which afforded us some hopes of one day having an opportunity of making
our escape. The Mahrattas, our allies, had, in the course of a few
months, taken and destroyed two-thirds of the district of Chitteldroog;
when Dowlah Saib, then killadare, or governor, not so unfriendly to the
English as many others in his situation, collected together a force of
about 3500, inclusive of the four battalions in which we were. With
these he frequently made excursions, in order to retake from our allies
what they had taken from him; and in these excursions we were always
excepted.
We now more than ever put our mental powers to work, to effect our
escape; the plan we adopted, was, apparently to be more zealous than
ever we had been, in Tippoo’s service. When we supposed this was
sufficiently noticed, we went to the commandant, who had the sole
direction of the four battalions. We could now all talk the language
fluently, and we appointed Mr. Drake, midshipman of the Hannibal, to
negociate this, to us, important business, in which he acted the
hypocrite admirably, and to our entire satisfaction. On our arrival
before him, after paying our most reverential Mohammedan obedience, we
humbly asked him the reason that we were not taken with our battalions?
He frankly answered us, for he was by no means a cruel Moor, that he was
apprehensive we should leave him. Here he was perfectly right; but
duplicity was our only alternative. We therefore began to work upon his
credulity, giving him to understand, that we had been a long time in the
service, and had long eaten the sultan’s salt, (a common expression
among the Moors;) that many of us had children, and that we were become
as themselves; that we did not consider ourselves deficient in personal
courage, and wished for an opportunity of shewing it. Our reasons had
the desired effect: he placed confidence in our observations, good man;
and the next day each was ordered a musket, bayonet, and twenty rounds
of ammunition, &c.
We were not long unemployed, for our killadare receiving advice that
Tilligore, a mud fort of some little strength, had been taken, not by
the Mahrattas, but by a banditti of Canaries, he ordered his forces to
be in readiness to march the next morning against them. We were taken
with our battalions, and two days brought us near its walls, a distance
of sixty miles. Here we halted for the night, and the next morning our
commander, the killadare himself, sent a summons to the fort to
surrender; but their answer being of a spirited nature, we were ordered
to advance, and such was their tenderness towards us, that we were
selected, and placed in front, like a forlorn hope; with this exception,
that a forlorn hope is generally composed of volunteers, but we had no
choice.
The fort was surrounded by a formidable thicket, which is always the
case in the interior, where wild beasts abound; which we breached with
our bayonets, throwing it in different directions. While doing this, we
were assailed by stones, some of them a pound weight, from slings; one
of our number, which was twelve altogether, was knocked down by a stone,
and lost an eye. On entering the thicket, three more fell; two were
killed, and one was wounded by a ball through his shoulder. The blacks
now came to our assistance on the glacis; but here we had no chance of
doing any execution, unless we could pass a shot through their
loop-holes while they were in the act of firing. Scaling ladders were at
length brought, and the poor wretches who had to erect them were scalded
in a dreadful manner, by the besieged pouring on them boiling oil mixed
with cowdung. However, one ladder was erected, on which about thirty
mounted, when they threw a large log over the wall, which struck the
ladder about the middle, and broke it; they all fell; and several with
their swords through the bodies of their companions. Two small
field-pieces were now brought out, served by Frenchmen, and by
cannonading for about three hours, a breach in the wall was made, and
deemed practicable; but the ladder was found considerably too short.
Here numbers fell; and had they stood to it, they would have repulsed
3500 with about 90 men: but their ammunition failing, they grew timid,
and ran from the breach, which they had defended awhile with bravery.
In short, the fort was stormed, the males were put to the sword, with
the exception of a few, whom I am proud to say we were instrumental in
saving, and who called upon all the deities they ever worshipped, to
bless and preserve us. Mr. Wentworth Augustus Lesage, a midshipman of
the Hannibal, was shot through the heart. He was the next man to me; we
were like brothers, so firm a friendship existed between us, and were
never apart more than necessary. As he was falling, I caught him in my
arms, and at the same instant a black from the fort was deliberately
levelling his musket at me. I fortunately observed him, laid the body of
my unfortunate friend down, took up my musket, and, although it was
unloaded, presented it at the deliberate villain; at which he was
alarmed, and ran from his situation. Thus, by a sudden presence of mind,
I saved my life. Lesage was one of the finest, and perhaps strongest,
young men in India, both in body and mind, and was lamented by all who
knew him, both black and white. He had made such rapid proficiency in a
knowledge of their manners and customs, that, had he lived, he would
have been an honour to his country, and a rival to Sir William Jones in
Asiatic literature. They wished us to leave him where he fell; but
myself and Mr. Drake, whom I have already mentioned, got a camel, (a
blanket made of camel’s hair,) tied the four corners together, put a
pole through it, and in this way carried him to a paddy, or rice field,
where, with our hands and bayonets together, we secured him as well as
we could under ground; but doubtless the jackals, which were remarkably
numerous, soon had him up again. This being done, the night advanced
apace; and when the butchery was over, which is more or less the
consequence of storming, every thing that was inflammable was set on
fire.
We now considered it a fair opportunity of pushing off; but the tears
and forcible entreaties of two of our party, who were wounded, prevented
us for this time. Poor fellows! they knew what their fate would be, had
we left them; besides, they belonged to five of us, who had bound
ourselves many years before never to forsake each other. In short, we
returned to Chitteldroog, after losing about 200 men; and knowing we had
not behaved amiss, expected soon another opportunity, but this did not
offer for three months afterwards.
In the intermediate period, our good commandant, in a fit of madness,
from taking too much opium, cut his throat, and thus saved himself from
reprehension respecting us. Three months elapsed, when one night we were
assembled for an excursion.[22] About half-past ten, we marched from the
fort, and at day break encamped ten miles distant from Chitteldroog,
where we lay inactive for several days. Here they kept a jealous eye
over us, particularly by night, so that it was next to impossible to
effect any thing; knowing this, we were determined to try the day for
the attempt. Noon was agreed on as the most proper time. The five[23] of
us who had long bound ourselves to each other for this purpose,
accordingly stole out of the camp, singly, in different directions, and
met at the distance of a mile, as by agreement; immediately pushing for
a jungle, or wood, which lay about six miles distant, which, if we could
reach, would crush the alarming fears we were under from the pursuit of
their cavalry. We had no arms at this time, but a carbine, which Mr.
Drake carried behind him, covered by his black camel. We were now
pushing on rapidly, when, to our great consternation, we saw a company
of armed men coming the same road we were going. They could not but see
us; we instantly separated, and, providentially for us, a tremendous
shower of rain came on at the moment, which well covered our retreat
back to the camp. We learned, in the evening, that a company of sixty
men were the day before sent on a reconnoitring expedition: this was the
party; and we were not a little rejoiced at our narrow escape.
About eight o’clock in the evening, an order was issued to strike our
tents, and from the hurry and bustle that prevailed, we concluded that
an enemy, or friend to us rather, was near. Immediately, the line took
arms, and was on its march for Chitteldroog. The sky darkened, and an
approach of rain was near, the effects of which they were intent upon
guarding against: this was our time. We belonged to different companies,
but the heavy rain did away with all restrictions. We joined, and pushed
through several battalions which were on our left, in order to gain a
jungle, which was at no great distance. It was now very dark; we entered
the jungle, and slackened our pace. Being in the rear, I thought I could
discern something behind me, when, halting and turning round, I
distinguished a person following us; I asked in Moorish, “Who is that?”
“Richardson,” was the answer. This poor fellow, who was suspicious of
our design, had narrowly watched our motions: we were glad to find it
was he, and asked him what was his motive for this conduct? He replied,
“To go with you.” We gave him our hands, and desired him to come on,
which he did for a quarter of a mile, when he suddenly stopped, and wept
aloud. We asked him the cause of this behaviour, but received no answer
for some time, when we forced him to explain himself. The poor fellow,
then, in broken accents, told us he could not leave his children! He had
two; this wrung my heart, but it did not alter my resolutions! we gave
him all the encouragement we could, but all to no purpose, and he went
back with his heart ready to burst, but made his escape afterwards.
We soon, to our comfort, got out of the jungle; and it then appeared a
little lighter, but not a star was to be seen. Here we should have been
in an awful dilemma, had the winds been variable, as they are in the
western world; but the trade wind, so called, was very much in our
favour; in fact, it was our compass, for keeping it on our right cheek,
we knew we were steering due north, which was our proper course to a
place of safety.
Here a circumstance happened, which had every appearance of proving a
sad misfortune to one of our party. Those who are acquainted with the
interior of India, know what kind of thorns are there, as stiff as
nails, and as sharp as needles. One ran into Whitway’s foot, which
precluded him the possibility of walking. He sat down, and in a manly
tone requested we would make the best of our way, with a “God prosper
you, for I cannot move a step further.” This was a lamentable case, but
we were not disposed to leave him so: we had provided ourselves with
little useful articles for our design; we had in our butwaws,[24] flints
and steel, and one fortunately had some cotton; and, as necessity is the
mother of invention, we put our wits to work. One struck a light,
another rolled up a piece of the cotton, while the other two held a
camel over his head. Mr. Drake stood surgeon, and, with time and
difficulty, extracted the thorn, which was full an inch long. Thus
delivered, he joyfully rose, and away we pushed as cheerfully as
circumstances would admit. Our chief care now was, to preserve our arms
and ammunition in order: these were our secondary dependence; Providence
was our first. We knew not how soon we might want them, for it was
essentially necessary to be all eye and all ear.
We had not gone three miles farther, when we suddenly fell on a party of
armed men, whose numbers we knew not; they were busily employed in
preparing their rice and currie. They left all on our approach, and fled
one way; and ourselves, no less surprised, turned off another; our
business was not fighting, but flying. Shortly after this adventure, we
came to a thicket, which we considered a safe and convenient place to
take a little refreshment. We consumed what we had, with the exception
of a small quantity of raw rice, which we still held good. When the day
began to break, we found ourselves near a rising ground, which we lost
no time in ascending. Here we had a view of two villages, at the foot of
the hill, belonging to Tippoo, where we could discern the people
preparing their food, and at their different employments. We lay snug
the whole of the day, exposed to the scorching heat of the sun, and
torrents of rain, alternately. We could see Chitteldroog at a distance
of about twenty miles. Here more genuine sorrow oppressed me; and not
speaking to an affectionate woman, or even kissing a lovely child,
preyed on my spirits. Great Being! thou, and thou only, knowest what the
joyful, gloomy fluctuations of a mind under similar circumstances are! I
fain would have gone back, could I have done so with safety, yet that
was more dangerous than proceeding: but enough.
About five in the evening, we descended the hill, whilst yet good
day-light; and fortunately for us, since, having a thick jungle to pass,
an attempt to have done it in the dark would have proved fruitless. One
of the party, who carried our poor pittance of rice, unfortunately fell
into a deep pit, and it was with great difficulty we got him out again;
and had we not descended the hill when we did, the obstructions would
have been insurmountable after dark. Here some good being directed our
weary steps. After passing this difficulty,[25] we saw, by the little
light that yet remained, a man driving two or three buffaloes to a
ruined village. He saw us, and hastened his pace; but we neared him, and
desired him to stop: he was terrified, and made the more haste, until we
called out to him in the Tillingey language, which he understood, and
stopped immediately. From this poor fellow, for such he was, we gained
some information; and one branch appeared to us extremely gratifying,
viz. that there was a fort, not more than three miles distant, in the
possession of the Mahrattas. We requested him to shew us the road, which
he promised to do after he had secured his cattle; we desired him to
make haste, which he very reluctantly did. We took the old man with us;
and when we came to the fort, he begged we would suffer him to depart,—
adding, he should lose his life if he were discovered. This we could
easily believe; and after making him swear by his gods, that what he had
told us was strictly true, we rewarded him in the best manner we could,
and dismissed him.
We entered the fort, which we had no sooner done, than we were
surrounded by at least fifty armed men, with pikes, swords, and muskets.
A number of haughty questions were asked us; such as, Where we came
from? What we were? &c. &c. And as they spoke, they closed on us much;
when one roared out, in the Canary language, to seize and bind us: this
they supposed we did not understand. We instantly, for not a moment was
to be lost, charged the thickest of them, not with a design of injuring,
but to intimidate them; it had the desired effect, they fled in all
directions, the two sentinels at the gate only remaining. We addressed
them, saying, we had no intention of hurting any, and particularly those
who were the allies of the English; closing with a request that they
would shew us the way out of the fort. They were very surly, and one of
them asked us which way we came in? Thinking it would be time thrown
away to stand parleying with those wretches, we insisted upon one of
them (it was now about midnight) shewing us the way out of the fort; and
the man who asked us how we came in, prompted by fear, complied with our
demand. This place, we afterwards learned, had recently been taken
possession of by the Mahrattas, but Tippoo’s people were still in it,
who affected to be well disposed towards the former; but supposing it
would soon be in the hands of Tippoo again, would have treated us as
they said, but fear checked them. We were not a little joyful on this
occasion, and reflected severely on one of our party for advising us to
go into the fort. This proved a very fatiguing night’s march indeed. The
red heavy soil sticking to our sandals the thickness of an inch, the
heavy rains lately fallen, the darkness of the night, with scarcely any
rice left, were circumstances truly discouraging; but having no
alternative, we pushed on, one leading the van, who was relieved every
half hour, as nearly as we could guess, he having the most danger to
encounter. This plan was adopted in consequence of three tumbling into a
ditch together, during the first night’s march.
About day-break, we found ourselves near a tallow, or lake; here two of
our number alarmed the other three, by positively asserting they saw a
tiger on the other side of the water. This was very unseasonable, as we
were much exhausted from the efforts we had already made. I could see
nothing of the kind myself, though I rather think they did, as they were
positive afterwards. Here we laid ourselves down, and notwithstanding
our bodies made impressions of three or four inches in the mud, I do not
recollect I ever experienced such refreshing sleep. When we awoke, it
appeared, by the sun’s height, to be about nine o’clock; and after
refreshing ourselves with a few mouthfuls of rice, the last we had, and
some water, adjusting our priming, &c. we pursued our journey. About
eleven, we saw a fort at no great distance, which somewhat alarmed us;
but meeting a person who appeared very intelligent, we learned the state
of the country, and informed him of our affair on the preceding evening.
He gave us to understand, that he was a Mahratta himself, and that there
was no cause for fear now, as the fort was commanded by a Mahratta. With
this news, we cheerfully advanced under its walls; but, to our no small
surprise, found ourselves a second time surrounded! We remonstrated,
but, notwithstanding, were kept nearly two hours, during which time two
officers were sent from the fort to examine us; and, when they had done,
they returned to the killadare’s, to give him an account.
In this interval, we could not tell what to make of it, and particularly
as a few of the guards were gradually closing. We requested them to
stand at a less menacing distance; which they refused, and we insisted
on. Here was all but —— they threatened; we were resolute: they said
they would disarm us; we dared them to it; asking them, at the same
time, whether many of them had not fathers, mothers, brothers or
sisters, wives and children, to lament their loss? and did they suppose
we would submit with impunity? We were on the alert; our bayonets fixed,
and looking as fierce, perhaps, as Falstaff did when giving an account
to Prince Henry of the numbers he had slain. But, waving this, we
expected nothing for awhile but fighting for it. We had arranged our
plan of attack long before this, viz. in case any thing of this kind
should occur, to charge immediately after firing our pieces, with what
effect we could: and I humbly think that none of us would have been
taken alive, for we had well weighed the result in such a case; but,
thank God! we were speedily relieved from this untoward situation by the
arrival of the killadare himself, who, at our request, ordered the
guards to withdraw. He was very inquisitive; in fact, our appearance was
enough to excite curiosity; and as we were very hungry, we said we would
barter with him. He asked, how? We replied, if he would be pleased to
order us something to satisfy our craving appetites, we should then
cheerfully give him all the information in our power. He laughed
heartily, repeating several times, “What a curious barter!” He, however,
readily acceded to our request, ordering some rice, doll,[26] and
ghe,[27] which we soon converted into a good dish of cudgeree,[28] and
while preparing, one or the other was answering his questions, for we
could all talk Moorish, but learned it not from choice. In short, he
appeared pleased with our information, and grew kind; and we were no
less pleased with his bounty. He made us large offers to stay with him,
which we thankfully declined; and after gaining what information we
could relative to the Mahratta camp; where they were? whether any
English were with them? who had the command of them? &c. though, by the
bye, we had learned his name before; and our mentioning it, we
afterwards conjectured, induced him to treat us with kindness;[29] we
heartily thanked him for the refreshment we received, and he as heartily
wished us safe to the Mahratta camp: thus, with mutual good wishes, we
left him.
When we were about a mile distant, we looked back, and saw a man running
after us; we stopped, and waited his arrival: when he came up, he gave
us to understand, that the killadare had sent his salam, (compliments,)
to request a few cartridges. We would sooner have parted with our
clothes, such as they were, than our ammunition, for we knew not what
dangers we had still to encounter: however, we could not refuse without
ingratitude, and we agreed to send him five, one from each, with our
respects, &c.
Towards the evening, we came to a river, which, with much difficulty, we
forded; and, after gaining the opposite side, we began to think of our
night’s lodging, and of preparing the only meal of rice we had left from
the killadare’s bounty. Some little distance from the margin of the
river, we found a spot which suited our purpose; here we pitched, and
after preparing our food and sleeping soundly that night, we found
ourselves in the morning quite refreshed, and cheerfully pursued our
journey.
About twelve o’clock, we saw some men coming towards us; they did not
appear numerous, and we met them: they were eight pulligars, or pikemen,
belonging to a fort in the possession of our allies, which was distant a
coss, or three miles. We asked them who commanded the fort? They
answered, a Moor, and a cheerful good-natured man. This information was
received by us with much pleasure, and we immediately made for the fort,
without fear. On arriving at the gates, we inquired for Eusin Cawn, the
killadare, for we had learned his name from the pulligars; when we were
answered, that he was in the interior of the place, and that they would
send a messenger to him to announce our arrival. On the Moor’s return,
we were informed that the killadare wished to speak to one of us,
unarmed. We had confidence here, and deputed one of our party, disarmed,
to speak to the chief; and on his return, we found every thing to our
wishes, with the additional pleasure of hearing, that at the distance of
eighteen miles there was an English doctor, with a number of sick
Sepoys. This, to us, was news indeed! This killadare was just the man he
had been represented to us; open, generous, and facetious, he formed a
striking contrast to the generality of Asiatic Mohammedans, who are
empty, subtle, and cruel.
We were now led to a choltree,[30] where we were soon informed that the
killadare would pay us a visit. We received, prior to his making his
appearance, provisions of an excellent quality, and while in the act of
preparing it, he, with his guard, was approaching. On his arrival, we
made our salam, which he most cordially returned; then followed
interrogatories: our answers were extremely pleasing to him, and he
appeared highly gratified. He paid us many compliments on our courage in
effecting our escape, and closed by shrewdly observing, “I suppose you
will soon lose sight of the Prophet, now.” To this we made no reply, not
being willing to offend our benefactor. We gave him a hint that we were
hungry, which he quickly understood, and politely withdrew. Here we
staid one night, and fed on the best this good Mussulman could procure
for us; and as our fears and cares were in a great measure removed, we
enjoyed ourselves in a superlative degree.
In the morning, we waited on the killadare, to thank him for his kind
attention to us. He very warmly expressed himself our friend, and most
cordially invited us to tarry with him; adding, that every thing should
be done to make our stay comfortable: but to this we could not accede;
and after many jocose remarks on his part, and mutual good wishes on
both, we proceeded on our journey towards Hurryhur, a place of some
strength, situate on the margin of the Tonguibadra river. At noon we
came within sight of the fort, which we beheld with transports of joy.
We now concluded ourselves safe from the fangs of Tippoo, and fired a
_feu de joie_, in our own way, on the occasion. On our approaching the
gate, the first object that struck our attention was an English Sepoy
sentinel: he very properly asked us, where we came from? and what we
were? and when he received our answers, his heart participated in our
pleasure; for numbers of the Sepoys, taken by Hyder and Tippoo, had
suffered more cruel treatment than the Europeans, and with this they
were well acquainted. He kindly pointed out where the English doctor
resided, whose name he informed us was Little. We immediately went to
his abode, where we found another Sepoy sentinel. We asked him if Dr.
Little was within? He answered in the affirmative. We requested to see
him, and his servant made his appearance at the door. This man was an
English, or, which is all one, a Scotchman. His surprise was so great,
that we could not, for a while, get any words from him; and no wonder,
for he had never seen such a sight before. We were in Tippoo’s full
uniform, that is, all that was left of it; blue turbans on iron hoops,
tiger jackets, with a camel over our shoulders and tied round our loins,
mustaches nearly reaching our ears, two of us sorely wounded by falls,
and the whole, in pushing through thickets, completely scarified.
Finding this man to be the doctor’s servant, we requested to speak to
his master; who soon appeared. His surprise was not less than his
servant’s. He asked, who we were? where we came from? and several other
questions, almost in one breath. We informed him we had been taken in
the Hannibal, 50-gun ship, in the year 1782, by Count de Suffrein, and
delivered over to Hyder Ali; and that we had, after a variety of
hardships, providentially effected our escape. Here a pathetic scene
took place; the good doctor’s sensibility was touched, and the tears
trickled down his face as fast as they could flow. Recovering from his
emotions, he, in broken accents, requested us to walk in, when he kindly
desired us to sit down; but some minutes passed before any conversation
took place. Here we had many good things provided for us, and among them
some French brandy, of which we drank moderately, thankfully, and
cheerfully. The good man partook of our joy, and was very attentive to
every thing we said; in fact, he used every effort in his power to make
our stay comfortable.
Two months elapsed, while we were in this place, when it was announced
that the Mahratta army was within three days’ march of us; and as there
were three battalions of English Sepoys acting in conjunction with their
army, commanded by Major Little, our good friend, the doctor, thought
this a safe and favourable opportunity to send us to the camp. We
accordingly set out, in company with some Sepoys, who were recovered of
their wounds and disorders; mustering about fifty altogether, well armed
and accoutred, and, after three days’ march, we reached the camp.
Here we were treated like little kings; and Major Little, in company
with his officers, was pleased to say, we were an honour to our country.
This observation, from a gentleman of his known courage and ability, was
not a little in our favour; we were respected by all who knew our
circumstances. Here we ranged every day where we pleased, having nothing
to do, but to march with the camp, and strike and pitch our tent when we
came to the ground. The Mahratta army consisted of 40,000, and its
followers three times that number; their infantry was the most
contemptible I ever saw, but the cavalry was good, and has often proved
fatal to troops once broken. Here we had some painful opportunities of
seeing the Bramin women ascend the funeral pile with the dead bodies of
their husbands, apparently with as much composure as we would sit down
to our breakfast.
We were several months in this camp, during which time, the Mahratta
chief, in conjunction with our little detachment, took the important
post of Simoga, with several other places of some strength, and defeated
Riza Saib, and near 10,000 of the sultan’s cavalry. This success flushed
Purso Rhamboo to that degree, that he immediately pushed on for Hyder
Niger, or Bednore, (the fatal spot for General Matthews, which I have
already mentioned,) with an intention of laying siege to it. This was a
wonderful undertaking for a Mahratta army; but in those cases he placed
his confidence in our little detachment, who were always the van in all
danger.
In pursuing our march to the above place, we learned that a body of
Tippoo’s troops was strongly entrenched at the extremity of a thick
bamboo jungle, to dispute the passage. Our brave Major, with his three
battalions, and a weak company of European artillery, was ordered to
proceed through the jungles, to dislodge them. They consisted of 4000
men, and the road would admit of but four abreast. This service was
performed in a most gallant manner, but with heavy loss both of officers
and men. Nine pieces of cannon, with their tumbrils, &c. were brought
into the Mahratta camp, amidst the acclamations of thousands, who were
astonished at the bravery and rapidity of this affair.
Nothing now remained to prevent our reaching the Gauts, which is a range
of hills defended by numerous batteries, at the foot of which we
encamped, and the next day one of the battalions was sent to
reconnoitre; when they opened a fire from several spots at once, but
with little execution, being at too great a distance. Our loss was one
Sepoy, whose death was so singular that it deserves to be recorded. This
poor fellow was struck in the head by a spent shot, a six-pounder, which
lodged there. It was seen by me and thousands more before he was
interred; and although I have witnessed many strange wounds, this
appeared to me the most remarkable, the shot being half in and half out
of his temple.
While these preparations were going on, an express came from Lord
Cornwallis, who was about commencing the siege of the capital, to hasten
our march thither. No time was lost on the part of the Mahrattas; for
the next morning, Purso Rhamboo, the chief, ordered the tents to be
struck early, and by seven o’clock the whole camp was in motion. We were
much elated on this business, under an idea that we should be of great
service to his lordship, knowing every creek and crevice of Patam. The
first day we passed Ananpour, the spot where so much barbarity had been
practised by our troops, as before related; and twelve days brought us
within one day’s march of Tippoo’s retreat, and his lordship’s camp.
Here we applied to Major Little, to quit his camp for the grand army,
assigning as our reasons, the service we might be of, in case of Lord
Cornwallis’s storming Seringapatam. Major Little highly approved of our
plan, and as there was no necessity for an escort, we departed, and
reached his lordship’s camp that evening; but, to our no small
mortification, we found that a capitulation had taken place, and that
Tippoo’s two sons had been received by Lord Cornwallis the day before
our arrival.
The conditions acceded to, on the part of Tippoo, were: to lose half his
territories, which were to be given up to the allies, with a vast sum of
money to defray the expenses of the war; that all prisoners, from the
time of his father to the present period, were to be unconditionally
liberated;[31] and, lastly, that two of his sons were to be surrendered
as hostages,[32] for the due performance of this treaty.
After remaining some days in the camp, we understood that the two men,
whom I have before mentioned, were on the north side of Seringapatam,
with General Abercrombie, who commanded the Bombay army. We repaired
thither, and met them as brothers, supposed to be lost; and after a
mutual detail of our various trials, and the manner of making our
escapes, respectively, &c. &c. we parted, they for Bombay, and ourselves
for Madras.
Here were a number of half-starved Europeans, all deserters, who were
taken in the pittah or suburbs, when our troops followed Tippoo’s over
the Cavery.[33] These were all in irons, and what his lordship did with
them I know not; but suppose, as mercy was a leading feature in his
character, that he did not put them to death. We were now ordered to
Madras, having an escort of Sepoys for our safety; and his lordship
understanding our wishes were to go to England, very humanely gratified
them. With our escort, we quitted the camp at Seringapatam for Madras,
which place we reached in twenty-one days.
On the morning when we heard the surf, our joy was inexpressible, not
having seen the sea for ten years. A few days after our arrival, we
embarked as passengers on board of the Honourable Company’s ship Dutton,
East Indiaman; and after encountering some tremendous gales off the Cape
of Good Hope, which few ships escape in those latitudes, we, through
divine Providence, safely reached the Downs in 1793.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAP. VII.
_State of Seringapatam prior to the Siege—Fortifications—
Natural Advantages—Military Force—Besieged and Captured
by the British—Death of Tippoo—General Carnage—Riches
found in the City—Many of Tippoo’s Jewels yet concealed—
Progressive State of the Arts in his Dominions._
The British troops entered the territories of Tippoo, from Yacotta, on
the 5th of March, and encamped before Seringapatam on the 5th of April;
and it may be considered as a fortunate circumstance, that the sultan
neither employed his whole force against us, nor thought of turning his
attention to the Bombay army. The numerous attendants of the Nizam’s
forces, as well as those of the European corps; the immense quantity of
public stores and provisions; the long train of ordnance; with about
40,000 Bengarries, formed altogether such a host, as not to admit being
covered by our army; so that if Tippoo had employed his powers with the
military skill which he was supposed to possess, he might, without
hazarding an engagement by desultory skirmishes, distant cannonades, and
other hostile movements, have so harassed our infantry, and weakened our
cavalry, that a great part of the baggage, stores, and ammunition, would
probably have fallen into his hands, and the army have been greatly
impeded in its march to the place of its destination. And, moreover, as
the rainy season was approaching, there is reason to believe, that had
the sultan employed his power with equal judgment and activity, the
immediate object of the campaign might have been defeated. It had,
indeed, been for some time reported, that Tippoo was become subject to
fits of mental derangement; and the whole of his conduct seems to
justify that opinion. He had dismissed from his councils all his
faithful friends, who had served him long, and had served him well, and
had called into his service, men of little experience or capacity, who
won his favour by flattering his caprices, and practising an unresisting
submission to his will. The former had always discouraged their master’s
disposition to connect himself with France, as pregnant with the
mischief it has since produced; while the latter promoted it, for no
other reason, but because it flattered his hopes of gratifying his
resentment against the British power in India. His treasures were
immense, and his army was not only numerous, but in a high state of
discipline and equipment. However, by not employing the one, and
misemploying the other, his fall was precipitated, and his country
conquered in a manner, and with a rapidity of good fortune, which
greatly exceeded the most sanguine expectations.
This powerful empire, which had been shaken and diminished by the
military skill and political sagacity of the Marquis Cornwallis, is now
razed, as it were, to its foundations, and the house of Hyder Ali
degraded from the usurped power which it had maintained during a period
of forty years. The importance of this event, to the power and commerce
of Great Britain in the East, is not within the reach of ordinary
calculation.
From every appearance of the improving state of Seringapatam, the
cultivation of the country, the number of its inhabitants, and the
advancing progress of its military establishment, that capital would, in
a short time, have been impregnable; and the power of Tippoo Saib would
have been at least equal to the combined strength of the European
settlements in India. The sultan certainly was not inactive; but his
activity was misguided, and became inadequate to its object. He
destroyed the villages, and laid waste the country in front of the army;
but not sufficiently spreading the tracks of devastation, his purpose
for distressing our army was defeated, as General Harris, by a slight
deviation from the common road, reached his destination at the time he
wished, and without any material interruption.
From the late plentiful rains, and the peculiar construction of the
tanks, which could not be entirely drained, there was no deficiency of
water; and though the usual attempts had been made to poison it, by
steeping in it the bruised branches of the milkhedge tree, no very
noxious effect was produced; for though no prohibition, or bodies of
guards, could prevent the men or cattle from slaking their thirst at
these tanks, very little inconvenience was felt; very few of the people
suffered any disorder whatever from the poisonous impregnation. The
sickness that at any time appeared among the troops, arose from the heat
of the sun, extreme fatigue, or irregular refreshment; and especially
among the common men, from an intemperate use of every species of
vegetable they could find, and particularly that of the sugarcane.
The action which Tippoo risked on the 27th of March, at Malwilly, with
the right wing of our army, was as ill conceived, as it was ill
conducted; because, having the choice of his ground, he ought either to
have received us with his whole force, or to have avoided every kind of
regular engagement. By turning to the left the second day after this
action, instead of crossing the river, as Tippoo appeared to have
expected, we gained a flourishing and highly cultivated country, which,
most fortunately, his destroying hand had not touched. After a march of
about fourteen miles, we reached the Cavery, without the least
molestation, and took possession of the large fort Soocilly, which was
full of cattle, grain, and forage; and commanded an excellent ford,
which the army, with all its equipment, passed in one day, without any
loss or interruption, even to the vicinity of his capital.
General Harris had the choice of his route, so that he was enabled to
sit down before it with all his resources for the siege undiminished.
The evil most to be dreaded on this service, and a tremendous evil it
is, was famine; and this the sultan had means of producing, if he had
been wise enough in employing them. The whole of our draft and carriage
bullocks, public and private, died, and rice had risen three rupees the
pound, the day the city was stormed. It was not till nine days after
that event, that the detachments, commanded by Read and Brown, could
arrive with supplies, notwithstanding all the cavalry, and a brigade of
native infantry, had been detached, under the command of General Floyd,
to favour their junction; so that if we had not succeeded in our
attempt, the consequence would have been fatal to the army; and that we
were not repulsed, was owing to the incomparable conduct and intrepidity
of the troops, as well as the judicious means employed to support and
protect their extraordinary efforts.
It is not necessary to enter into the detailed progress of the siege. It
may, however, be proper to remark, that notwithstanding the errors
committed by the sultan, in defence of the place, nothing less than the
vast combined army in our service, could have carried the enterprise
into effect. The extent of post we were obliged to occupy on both sides
of the river, required the whole force of the coast and Bombay armies;
besides the troops necessary to dislodge the numerous swarms of the
enemy. As the service was entrusted chiefly to European officers, who
were appointed to the various branches of it, not by selection, but in
regular succession, opportunities were given, as they were universally
employed, to display the skill and military superiority of the British
character.
The act of storming was a most animating and unrivalled picture of
valour. The columns of grenadiers dashed across the river at noon-day,
despising the difficulties of the passage, to mount the breach, which
could be practicable alone to their irresistible force and bravery. The
impetuous spirit which led them on in the face of a very heavy and
continued fire of cannon and musketry, the rapidity with which they
ascended the ladders, and the daring courage which drove the affrighted
enemy from their walls, soon combined to place the British colours on
them. The enfilading batteries of the Bombay advanced post were of
signal service, as they deterred numbers from disputing the breach, who
might otherwise have kept up a galling fire upon it. The hour of attack
was also fortunate, it being one at noon, when numbers of the besieged
had retired to take refreshment, though enough still remained to have
repelled less daring assailants. The sultan, who had hitherto commanded
his troops, was also engaged in another quarter; but on hearing the
alarm, he hastened back, when finding our grenadiers had entered the
breach, and seeing his people falling all around him, he made for a
sally-port, where, amidst a crowd of fugitives, he was overtaken and
slain.
Since our arrival in England, we have ofttimes heard him extolled for a
brave prince; but those who have thus stated, we presume, know little of
him. That he was a coward, we could easily demonstrate, and that he was
a tyrant, equal, if not superior, to a Domitian, a Caligula, a Nero, or
even Nabis the tyrant of Sparta, is a fact of which we had ocular
demonstration. For vigorously defending his country against any power on
earth, I give him credit, and for using every exertion in expelling all
its invaders; but this should have been done without those unheard-of
cruelties, which were interwoven in his very nature;—but he is gone, and
I proceed.
It is not yet known by whose hand the tyrant of the East was laid low;
and it is supposed, that the jewels which he always wore about his
person, and which became the property of some fortunate soldier, whoever
he might be, that was his conqueror, are too precious to be hastily
acknowledged.
The following particulars were related by Bejeb Saib, one of the sidars
who came with the hostage princes to Lord Cornwallis. “He constantly
wore a ruby ring, which was esteemed by him as the most valuable in his
treasury; his turban also was always adorned with a diamond of great
value; and a pearl rosary was continually ornamental of his person. The
pearls of which it consisted were of uncommon size and beauty; they had
been the collection of many years, and were the pride of his dress.
Whenever he could purchase a pearl of extraordinary size, he never
omitted the opportunity, making it supply, on his rosary, the place of
another inferior in form and beauty.” Neither of these precious articles
has appeared since the sultan’s death. His body was found late in the
evening, beneath a heap of others, mingled together in one promiscuous
slaughter; it had been shot in the temples, and was otherwise wounded,
as appeared, by a bayonet. After it had been properly identified, it was
delivered to the survivors of his family, and interred in the sepulchre
of his father, Hyder Ali, with the solemnities and ceremonials belonging
to his exalted rank and station.
It is not among the customs of European nations to war with the dead,
otherwise the remains of such a tyrant, whose peculiar aversion towards,
and inveterate cruelty exercised on, the English, whenever they were so
unfortunate as to become subject to his tyranny, might have been treated
with indignity. The rooted and barbarous antipathy which he manifested
against his prisoners in a former war, seems to have accompanied him to
the last.
About twenty unhappy stragglers from our army had fallen into his hands
in the course of our march, among whom was a little drummer-boy of the
Scotch brigade; all these he ordered to be put to death. Even his small
motley band of French auxiliaries, execrate his memory as a most cruel
tyrant, and represent, with bitter imprecations, the ignominy and
hardships to which he subjected them.
The carnage, on this occasion, is very much to be lamented, though it
was much less than might have been expected in a large city entered by
storm, and filled with people, whose opposition was continued from the
streets and from their houses. Here was a spot where no incentive was
wanting to gratify lust, rapine, and revenge! but it should be for ever
remembered, to the honour of the general officer who conducted the
assault, and to others who seconded his humane efforts, that the
effusion of blood was very soon restrained, and under circumstances of
provocation, which sufficiently proved, if proof were wanting, the
humanity of the British character; nor in the course of that plunder,
which the laws of war allow in certain cases, to the conquerors, was any
defenceless inhabitant killed, or any woman treated with wanton
brutality.
That the French republicans obtained the quarter which they so ill
deserved, must be imputed to accident, rather than any disposition in
their favour. This party had shut themselves up with the defenders of
the palace, till the first burst of violence had passed, and mixing with
them, partook of the mercy by which they were preserved. Their
appearance, in every respect, was extremely mean, though their
commander, for there was an elderly man among them who bore some sort of
commission, displayed somewhat of the military veteran in his aspect.
The two sons of Tippoo, who had been hostages at Madras, comported
themselves well, submitting with resignation to their fate. They were
ignorant of their father’s death until the body was found, it being
believed by them, as it was suspected by us, that he had made his
escape. Tippoo was so infatuated, as not to entertain an idea of the
catastrophe which befell him. He considered himself in a state of
perfect security in his capital, where he retained all his family and
treasures, instead of sending them off to remote strong-holds, where
they might at least have been safe from a victorious enemy. His
principal people, and all the inhabitants, possessed the same
confidence, so that no preparations had been made either for concealment
or flight. The plunder of the city was consequently very great; and many
of the soldiers, both native and European, possessed themselves of very
precious effects in gold and jewels. Considerable fortunes are also
supposed to have been made by persons of higher rank, by way of
purchase. The houses of the chief sidars, as well as of the merchants
and skioffs, were completely gutted; while the women, alarmed for their
personal safety, emptied their coffers, and brought forth whatever
jewels they possessed.
Fortunately, however, for the army in general, the palace was secured,
and all the riches it contained reserved for the army at large, as
captured property. They were immense, and consisted of jewels, gold and
silver, plate, rich stuffs, and various other articles of great price
and rarity. The quantity of money yet discovered, though great in
itself, is by no means what ought to have been expected from the known
extent of Tippoo’s revenue and expenditure. Many lacks of specie, it is
supposed, are not yet found, and it is equally probable that they will
never be discovered. This enormous mass of wealth appeared to be
arranged without taste or judgment. All the parts of this extensive
building, except the Zenana and the state durbar, were appropriated to
its reception. A succession of quadrangles, with their ranges of
storehouses and galleries, were filled with the articles which were the
least susceptible of injury. The jewels were kept in large dark rooms,
strongly secured behind one of the durbars, and were deposited in
coffers. In the same manner were preserved the gold and plate, both
solid and in filigree, of which last manufacture there was an almost
endless variety of most beautiful articles. The jewelry was set in gold,
in the form of bracelets, rings, necklaces, aigrettes, plumes, &c. &c.
An upper, and very long apartment, contained the silver plate, solid and
filigree, of all dimensions and fashions. In one of the galleries were
two elephants, of this metal; there were also many pieces of massive
silver plate, richly inlaid with gold and jewels. The greater part of
this treasure must have been the plunder of the unhappy Mysore families,
and of many other inferior rajahs, which Tippoo and his father had
amassed, after the extermination of their respective possessors. Two of
the most capital articles were, however, of his own purchase, and were
deposited in two small rooms on each side of the hall of audience. The
one was a throne, estimated at a lack of pagodas; and the other an
howdar, of equal value.[34] His repositories of curious and costly
fire-arms and swords were equally astonishing, and some of the latter
were most magnificently adorned with gold and jewels. The greater part
of these have been presents, and several of them were of English
manufacture. The palanquins of state were four; but those which were
presented to him by Lord Cornwallis for his two sons, appeared never to
have been unpacked. There were also several door-posts of ivory, of
exquisite workmanship.
To this succession of treasure, may be added, various extensive
workhouses, filled with the richest furniture and most costly carpets.
In short, there was every thing that power could command, or money could
purchase, in this stupendous collection. Telescopes of every size,
spectacles for every sight, with looking-glasses and pictures in
unbounded profusion; while, of china and glass ware, there was
sufficient to form a large mercantile magazine. But amidst the confusion
that appeared in the arrangement, there was an unexpected degree of
regularity; the whole being accurately registered, and every article
bearing its corresponding label. Tippoo, whose desire of hoarding was
insatiable, passed the greatest part of his leisure hours in reviewing
this various and splendid assemblage of his riches. Nor is this all:
Tippoo, with his tyrannic nature, blended the love of literature, and
was possessed of a very large and curious library. The volumes were kept
in chests, each having a separate wrapper, so that they were in
excellent preservation. Some of those that have been examined, were very
richly adorned, and beautifully illuminated, in the manner of the Roman
missals. This library, which contains many thousand volumes, will, it is
presumed, be presented by the army to the English nation; if so, it will
form the finest, most curious, and valuable collection of Oriental
learning and history, that has ever been introduced into Europe.
The collection of military stores rivalled the arsenal of Madras; the
cannon, mounted on the works, were very numerous; and the quantity of
ordnance and musket ammunition expended, must have been very great, from
the constant heavy fire which was maintained, and which, from the
variety of its bearings, could never be silenced. The gunpowder, to the
manufacture of which great attention appears to have been paid, was
better than ours; and some of their shot was thrown from their walls
considerably within our lines, which were at the distance of two miles.
All his brass six-pounders, which were fifty-one in number, were said to
be English; the others were in general cast in his own foundry, and
curiously ornamented. One brass forty-two-pounder, and one brass
six-inch howitzer, with a great number of his iron ordnance, were of
English manufacture: and it was said he did not succeed so well in
casting iron as brass ordnance. Tippoo had established powder mills on
the European construction; but as they were without the walls, and on
the side of our approaches, he had destroyed them. There was a paper
mill also within the fort, on a large scale. His stores of grain
surpassed all credibility. In the stables were found only a few fine
horses and brood mares, his cavalry being at that time in the field. The
body of the fort appeared as large as Tritchinopoly, but its defences
and outworks were vastly more extensive; and as the most laborious
additions were continually making to it, there is little doubt, when its
insular situation is considered, that it would, in a short time, have
been rendered impregnable. Its population was very great; and the
mosque, which was built while we were in Seringapatam in the years 1787
and 1788, was a magnificent structure. This edifice was ornamented by a
deserter from Bombay, whose name was Elliot. He was a man of
considerable talents, but I suppose he met his fate in the general
catastrophe. But, amidst all their splendour, neither the ancient Mysore
palace, nor the pagodas, are on a grand scale. The ruins of the Pettah,
or citadel, form a very striking spectacle; they occupy more ground than
the fort and black town of Madras, including the vacant space, and cover
the greatest part of the island. It was closely built, and in regular
streets, but nothing remains except the walls of the houses. It is,
however, a pleasing reflection, that its former inhabitants are
returning by degrees to rebuild their ruined dwellings; the deserted
villages will also be shortly reinhabited; and there is every reason to
believe, that notwithstanding its hostile invasions, Seringapatam will
soon be seen to flourish in a renewed state of cultivation.
One material mischief will not, however, be easily remedied; this is,
the draining off the water in the Moottertellua lake, which was kept up
by natural streams, and by means of sluices a large tract of country was
watered. It is about twelve miles from Seringapatam; and the army was
encamped near its bed. Its ordinary depth was about 40 feet, and Tippoo
had employed a number of men for several weeks, under his own
inspection, to make a breach in the mound, which is really tremendous,
being about 100 feet deep, and much more in width and thickness.
Of the two gardens, the Laul-bog and Dowlah-baugh, the former has been
already described; the latter, being close under the walls of the fort,
was not in our possession in the last war. It contains a large,
handsome, and ancient mansion, but has neither temple nor mausoleum; it
formed the headquarters of the commander-in-chief. On one of the
buildings was represented, but, as may be supposed, in a miserable style
of painting, the defeat of Colonel Bailey, which the painter exhibited
with every exaggeration that might flatter the vanity of the conqueror.
The Laul-baugh was employed as an hospital.
The houses of Patam are very spacious, and well constructed; but the
interior embellishments are without variety, yet as gaudy as splendid
colours can make them. The streets are like those of Tanjour, but
contain a larger proportion of houses of two stories. The situation of
the ancient capital of the Mysore dominions must have been originally
Chaser, on account of its strength, as the district is naturally barren.
It is indebted for its population and fertility to the most persevering
industry, in procuring the means of watering it. The water-courses from
the river, as well as the distant lakes and tanks, in all directions,
are stupendous works. The principal erections are finished with stone,
having bridges at convenient intervals.
The chief, Sirdar Kumeradeen Cawn, surrendered himself at our post on
the fourth day of the capture, as did Tippoo’s eldest legitimate son,
and Hyder Saib, his eldest illegitimate son, who commanded a separate
army. All the circar horses were shortly after delivered up; and there
has been selected a sufficient number of them to complete the king’s
regiment of dragoons, serving on the coast, as well as the Company’s
establishment of native cavalry. Upwards of 2000 of an inferior order
were transferred to the Nizam. The draft and carriage bullocks, with the
camels and elephants, surrendered at the same time, so that our army was
immediately furnished with every necessary equipment. To crown the
whole, the dispersed and affrighted natives gradually returned in great
numbers to their former situations.
As a proof of the mental derangement of the late sultan, which his
subjects in general confirm, he neglected for several months past the
war department of his affairs, and particularly that branch of it which
related to the maintenance of those animals which are so essentially
necessary to it. This was an object to which his father Hyder,
throughout his reign, and himself, till very recently, had paid the most
unremitted attention: but of late, his bullocks, his horses, and his
elephants, were almost starved; and the people who had the care of them
were in long arrears of pay. This too was at a time when he must have
expected to be attacked by us; for he actually invited an army of French
auxiliaries, who, being destitute of every kind of equipment, must
necessarily have been provided by himself with the means to render their
services effectual.
J. SCURRY.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER.
_Repairs from the Downs to London—Receives all his Arrears
of Pay—Indiscreet Expenditure—Personal Appearance and
Manners—Visits his Friends—Affecting Interview—Mental
Improvement—Superintends a Grocery Concern in Plymouth—
Marries—Commences Business for himself—Forms other
Engagements—Wreck of the Dutton East Indiaman—Employed
as a Diver on the occasion—Repairs to Wales—Sails in a
Privateer—Revisits Wales—Dangerous Passage—Returns
to Plymouth—Manages some Mines—Illness and Death—
Conclusion._
Thus far the narrative of this unfortunate adventurer has been written
by himself; and, with some trifling variations, the account has been
given in his own language, not only with respect to his personal
sufferings, and the fate of others, but as his details relate to the
capture and riches of Seringapatam. The remaining particulars have been
collected from the statements of his widow and son, and partially from
detached papers.
On landing at the Downs, Mr. Scurry and his companions repaired to
London, where the singularity of their dress, their manners, and their
colour, so far excited attention, that they were followed by troops of
boys, as objects of curiosity. On appealing to the proper authorities,
and giving proof of their identity, all arrears of pay, from the time of
their capture to their return, were instantly paid. Mr. Scurry also
obtained a pension of £7 per annum, which was continued for several
years. It was afterwards augmented to £18. which he retained through
life. Being thus amply supplied with cash, their prodigality increased
with their resources, and, like true British sailors, a considerable
portion was squandered away in thoughtless extravagance. On one
occasion, Mr. Scurry attended a sale, and laid out about forty pounds in
articles, of which he scarcely knew either the quantity, the use, or the
names. His lot was, however, packed up altogether, and forwarded to
Devonshire, to which place he also after some time repaired.
From his long confinement in India, and his involuntary conformity to
Asiatic manners, he had nearly forgotten the customs of his early years,
and the delicate refinements of his native land. To the wearing of
English clothes he felt the greatest aversion; nor could he even sit,
except according to the manner to which he had been so long accustomed.
Of a knife and fork he had almost lost the use, nor could he eat any
thing with comfort, only in the style to which stern necessity had
compelled him to submit. His language was broken and confused, having
lost nearly all its vernacular idiom. His body was disfigured with
scars; and his skin was likewise so deeply tinged with the heat of the
climate in which he had so long resided, and by the rays of the sun, to
which he had been so much exposed, that it was only a few shades removed
from black. It so nearly resembled the swarthy complexion of the
negroes, that he might have passed through Africa without being at all
noted for the singularity of his colour. These combined peculiarities
exposed him to several inconveniences, and brought upon him many an
eager gaze, and many a curious inquiry, and pointed observation.
On leaving London, he travelled by coach to Exeter, to visit his
friends, but stopping at an inn on the road to dine, instead of
conforming to the customs of his fellow-travellers, he followed those
which he had been obliged to adopt in Asia, to the no small amusement of
his companions, and the equal astonishment of the people belonging to
the house. His bones, offal, and rejected food, without ceremony were
thrown on the floor, no regard being paid either to company or carpets;
and when admonished of the impropriety of his conduct, his inattention
to the hints which were given, and perseverance in domestic
irregularity, only served to confirm those who witnessed his
singularities, that he was either deranged, or some foreigner totally
unacquainted with the refinements of civilized life. A British sailor,
however, in any disguise, if flowing with money, can easily make his
peace with a waiter at an inn, and metamorphose a frowning aspect into a
smiling countenance.
On reaching Exeter, he learned that his mother, and sister Dannan with
her husband, were living at Porlock. Thither he repaired; and, that he
might reach this place in a style suited to his purse, he entered it in
a chaise drawn by four horses, and drove immediately to their door.
Surprised at this equipage, his sister first appeared, of whom, on
putting his head out of the window, he inquired if Mrs. Scurry lived
there, and was within? He was answered, that this was the place of her
abode, but that just then she was not within. He then requested that she
might be called, but could scarcely restrain his impatience during the
absence of the messenger. On his mother’s arrival, he inquired whether
she had not a son in India? She replied, that she once had a son there,
but not having heard from him for many years, she concluded he was dead.
This latter was a point which he seemed to doubt, but his mother was not
to be dissuaded from a belief which she had so long indulged.
While this conversation was carrying on, his sister, Mrs. Dannan, who
was listening with much attention, and viewing this stranger with
eagerness, imagined that she could discover, amidst the scars of
conflict, the effects of an equinoctial sun, and the furrows of
distress, some remnants of features that had once been familiar. Full of
this persuasion, she hailed him as her long-lost brother, nor did he
keep her in any tedious suspense. His mother, however, was not so easily
convinced. She had concluded that her son was dead, and the appearance
of this stranger was not calculated to remove the unfavourable
impression. But the chaise and four being dismissed, his mother’s
unbelief gave way, and mutual recognition and joy succeeded to the
astonishment that had been excited.
Having, during his long absence, and the scenes of distress through
which he was called to pass, lost nearly all his European acquirements,
Mr. Scurry turned his attention to learning for nearly two years,
improving himself in writing and arithmetic, under the tuition of his
brother-in-law at Porlock. During this period, he made such proficiency,
as qualified him to engage in mercantile employment, in such departments
as might probably present themselves.
On quitting his brother-in-law, he repaired to Plymouth, and entered
into an engagement with Mr. Andrew Kinsman, a wholesale grocer of that
place, and superintended his business. With this gentleman, and another
named Harvey, he continued from about 1795 until 1799. He then took a
house in Frankfort Place, and commenced business as a grocer for
himself. In the following year he married, since which time he has had
eight children, of whom one son and one daughter only survive.
It is somewhat remarkable, that while he was engaged with Mr. Kinsman,
the Dutton, in which he had returned from India some years before, was
wrecked near Plymouth garrison, and sunk. The hull, lying under water,
was purchased by Mr. Kinsman and a Mr. Andrew Snow; and as Mr. Scurry
was an excellent swimmer, and perhaps at that time the best diver in
England, he offered his services to assist them in endeavouring to
rescue all that they could find from the wreck, which lay about three
fathoms under water. After much hesitation, they consented that he
should make a trial. A day was accordingly appointed, when, amidst
numbers of spectators, he succeeded in hooking some pigs of ballast, and
part of her timbers, thus at once gratifying their eager curiosity, and
the anxious expectations of his employers. This attempt was made a few
months after she sunk. Finding, however, after several ineffectual
efforts, that nothing of considerable value was likely to be obtained,
the remains were sold, about two years afterwards, to a Mr. Joseph, a
rich Jew, for ten pounds. As soon as this transfer took place, Mr.
Scurry received a polite note from the new purchaser, requesting him to
try once more to rescue something from the sunken ship. With this
request he complied; but on his descent, he found that the Dutton was
now five fathoms beneath the surface of the water. In this attempt he
succeeded in bringing up some of her copper sheathing, and some timber;
but the former was so corroded, and the latter so much decayed, that no
encouragement was held out to perseverance. Her guns were by this time
sunk in the sand; and as nothing promised to reward their exertions, all
further efforts were abandoned.
Mr. Scurry continued his business as a grocer on his own account, from
1799 until 1804, when, on an application being made by Messrs. Fuge and
Langmead, spirit merchants, of Plymouth, to travel for their house, he
surrendered the management of his own concerns to his wife, still taking
orders for goods as he prosecuted his journeys. In this situation he
continued from 1804 to 1812, when, on discovering some irregularities,
he quitted their employment, and formed an engagement with a Mr. Slade,
of Plymouth, under whom he went to Swansea to manage a colliery. Shortly
afterwards, Mr. Slade having fitted out a privateer to cruise in the Bay
of Biscay, and knowing Mr. Scurry to be both expert and enterprising in
maritime affairs, he sent for him to go out as steward, and to keep a
watchful eye over the concerns of the vessel. Accordingly, in the year
1813, he repaired again to Plymouth, and sailed in the Cerberus
privateer, commanded by Captain Tregotheth. He continued in this vessel
about four months, during which time they took one prize, for his share
of which he received £18. Returning from their cruise, they put into
Fowey, in Cornwall, where he received a letter from Mr. Slade, stating
that his son, James Scurry, was then on the point of death, and having a
particular desire to see his father, requested his immediate attendance
for a day or two. In consequence of this letter, he hastened to
Plymouth, where he arrived on the 12th of April, 1813; and his son died
on the 24th. Scarcely had he left the vessel, before the captain,
without receiving any orders, again put to sea, and, on the day after he
left Fowey, the Cerberus was captured by a French privateer, and carried
to France.
In 1814, he again went to Swansea, under Mr. Slade, and on their voyage
from Ilfracombe to Wales the vessel was nearly lost. In the midst of
their distress, the captain grew dispirited, and the panic was
communicated to the passengers and the men. In this emergency, Mr.
Scurry’s native energies were all called into action, and such was the
confidence which his example and precepts inspired, that they were
roused from their lethargy, and, by unremitting exertions, succeeded in
reaching the port. Having, in the course of his journeys, discovered
some clay of a very superior quality, he visited Worcester, London, and
some other places, with a design to procure a market, but the supplies
of clay being more abundant than the demand for porcelain, his efforts
proved unsuccessful. Early in 1815, he again returned to Plymouth, and
once more engaged himself with Messrs. Langmeads, Mr. Fuge being now no
longer connected with the concern. Here he continued until the death of
Mr. John Langmead, when, being in want of a situation, he repaired to
London early in 1816, and engaged himself at a coal wharf, where he
continued about three years.
Having obtained some knowledge of mining, he was several times sent into
his native county by the adventurers, to inspect various works in which
they had become speculators. During these journeys he was occasionally
exposed to the inclemencies of winter, which in all probability sapped
the foundation of a strong constitution, that had so long sustained the
rigour of the torrid zone. In the autumn of 1822, being on a journey to
Devonshire, to superintend a mine in the neighbourhood of Buckfastleigh,
he took a severe cold, by which he was laid up at Exeter. This was
followed by an inflammation, and this was succeeded by a mortification,
of which he died, aged 57, at the house of his sister Dannan, whose
husband being a port-gauger of that city, had removed thither some years
before. He was buried at St. Thomas’s, near Exeter, December 14th, 1822.
In justice to the memory of Mr. Scurry, it ought to be stated, that for
a considerable time prior to his death, his mind had received serious
impressions, which his subsequent conduct proved to be both deep and
lasting. This circumstance gives an additional weight to the truth of
his narrative—a narrative that might be deemed incredible from the
miseries which it records, were it not supported by strong internal
evidence, and corroborated by numerous testimonies drawn from the same
unhappy source. To the eye of cool and dispassionate reflection, the
world presents a spectacle of devastation and horror. Innumerable
miseries arise from physical causes, and the present disordered state of
things; and these, unhappily, are at once augmented and eclipsed by
national hostilities, and the contentions of ambition for empire in
fields of blood.
War is a monster, of which the portrait cannot be drawn in miniature.
The shocks which the roaring of its cannon occasions in Europe, are felt
in the interior of India; and its visits to the kingdoms of Asia are
more terrible to the inhabitants than the irruptions of the lions and
tigers which roam through their forests, or couch in their jungles. Its
inhumanities and massacres extend from the cottage to the throne, and
involve in one common destruction the despot and the slave. Of the
desolations which it occasions, enough is known to excite the abhorrence
and execration of mankind; but that innumerable instances of its
barbarities lie concealed in impenetrable obscurity, we may reasonably
infer from the mournful cases that are accidentally brought to light.
The death of the victim seals up, in perpetual silence, the history of
his sufferings; and even those tales of horror that are rescued from
oblivion, can do little more than extort the sigh of commiseration, and
urge humanity to shed her tears. The biography of James Scurry is an
instance of this description. It merits preservation by its simplicity,
and cannot fail to recompense the reader by the interesting facts which
it records. It is one of those tales which presents its claims alike to
justice and compassion; and the writer of these paragraphs feels much
gratification in having made this effort to transmit the memorial of his
sufferings to posterity.
THE END
London:
H. FISHER, 38, NEWGATE-STREET.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Footnotes
Footnote 1:
There is something extraordinary, and which I never could hear
accounted for, in this engagement, viz. After the cannons’ roar
ceased, La Fin, French frigate of 40 guns, got alongside the Isis of
53 guns; where she remained entangled with our ship: the French
frigate considered herself taken, and her men were ready with their
bags to be prisoners; but so it was, after lying alongside an hour or
two, she was disentangled, and got back to her own fleet.
Footnote 2:
In this fort I have seen whole families, or their carcases rather,
lying in different spots; some eight, some ten, according to their
number. The few miserable survivors would plunge at one of our carrion
bones, though thrown into the middle of excrement.—May my eyes never
see the like again!
Footnote 3:
This opiate is made either into liquid or solid, with sugar, from the
boang tree, the produce of which they smoke with tobacco; it causes
the most astonishing sensations. In the course of a few years we were
in the habit of smoking it freely, to drown our troubles; and we well
knew its effects.
Footnote 4:
One, whose name was James Murrell, died; and the other, from the great
quantity of blood he lost, never had any colour in his face
afterwards; his name was Alsop.
Footnote 5:
Hyatt Saib was the rightful successor, but Tippoo proved the more
powerful. A curious and tragic circumstance took place on his first
visit to his father’s mausoleum: in his going through the Gangam gate,
a bullock’s head on one side, and a man’s head on the other, were
lopped off at one time. The real meaning of this ceremony we never
could learn.
Footnote 6:
A Mr. William Drake, midshipman of the Hannibal, for striking one of
the slaves that had struck him, was led to the front of one of the
battalions, and there had his hands and feet tied together; this done,
they forced his knees between his arms, and then pushed a pole under
his hams. In addition to this, three stout men flogged him as long as
they had strength. What must have been our feelings at this time? He
survived it; and we were surprised, for his body was as black as a
coal.
Footnote 7:
One Smith, a deserter from the Company’s service, was sent for one
morning, to read what was written on the bottoms of four pewter plates
or dishes; but not pleasing the killadare in deciphering the words, he
was sent away, and another, who could read better, ordered to be
brought to the durbar, or place of justice. I was selected; and
approaching with fear, I made my salam with as much reverence as I
could to one of the greatest men in his kingdom. He ordered the buxer,
or paymaster, to give me one of the dishes. It was very legible, and I
read it to his satisfaction, interpreted by a youth who was taken with
the general; the other three were put into my hands successively, and
I read them all. The purport was, that he knew he was poisoned, and by
order of Tippoo; that his time was short; that he must submit to his
fate; that he had borrowed 330,000 rupees from the Malabar Christians,
for the support of his army, since he left Bombay; closing with a
sincere request, that those who read what was written, (or engraven
rather, for it appeared to have been done with a fork or a nail,) and
should be so fortunate as to reach any of the presidencies, should
make it known to the governor and council, when they would be amply
rewarded.—When the passage relative to the money was first mentioned,
the killadare appeared quite sanguine, under an idea that it was
attainable; but when he understood the meaning of it, he, with the
most sovereign contempt, and in the most indignant manner, cried, “Ah!
Baunchut!” the meaning of which I cannot, with decency, explain; those
who know the Moorish language will understand it. One of the general’s
servants suffered with him. The other, George Madan, was with us some
years after; he was not removed till the general was taken away by
night: where he was buried, we never could learn, but, no doubt, in
some dirty hole.
Footnote 8:
No doubt, many of them survived the downfall of Tippoo, and I should
have been proud to hear that the Company had done something for those
brave unfortunate men, and particularly so, as all their miseries
originated from an English general.—The prison from whence the Malabar
Christians were brought to have their noses and ears cut off, for
refusing their daughters when Tippoo demanded them for his seraglio,
was a horrid dismal hole, which we named the Bull, as there was an
image considerably larger than life, of that animal, on the building,
which was originally designed for an Hindoo place of worship, but by
Tippoo converted into a dungeon. This prison we frequently passed, and
expected, sooner or later, to occupy some part of it. Very few who
were so unfortunate as to be confined here, escaped with less
punishment than the loss of their nose and ears. The chumbars, by whom
this operation was performed, are held in abhorrence by the
Mohammedans, and, on that account, they were consigned to this office;
and such was their brutality, that they frequently cut (or sawed,
rather) the upper lip off with the nose, leaving the poor unfortunate
wretch a pitiable object, to spin out a most miserable existence,
being always sent to Tippoo’s arsenals, to hard labour on a scanty
allowance.
Footnote 9:
Many of the Hindostan women come to maturity very early: they are
frequently mothers at twelve years old, nor is it an uncommon case to
find them pregnant much younger; but as they reach womanhood much
sooner than the females of Europe, so also they decline at a much
earlier period, and lose all their charms when a beauty of the western
world is in the zenith of her power. The bloom of youth vanishes soon
after twenty; and at thirty, age begins to make its visible ravages;
and the fresh, plump, and lively dame, degenerates into a flabby,
dull, and unpleasing matron.
Footnote 10:
On the margin of this river the Bramins burn their dead; it was
infested by numbers of alligators when I left it, though there were
none when I first went to it: they are not formidable, being
remarkably timid. I and others have frequently amused ourselves by
throwing stones at them.
Footnote 11:
Uncouth stupendous buildings, the grand residence of their Swarmy, or
deity.
Footnote 12:
These monuments were ornamented by an engraver and sculptor, whose
name was Elliott, an Englishman, and a deserter from Bombay; what
became of him I never heard, but suppose he shared the fate of the
rest.
Footnote 13:
In mentioning these beasts, I beg leave to make a few remarks on the
prevailing opinion respecting lions and tigers. In England we have
generally been taught to consider the lion as the king of the forest;
but to convince me of this, would be a difficult task, as I have
frequently been an eye-witness of the strength, fierceness, and
agility of the tiger; to which the lion, in these qualities, is much
inferior. Of these animals, my reader will be pleased not to draw any
conclusions from what he may have seen of exhibitions in Europe, as
they bear no more proportion to lions and tigers, in their natural
state, than a stout puppy does to a full-grown dog. In short, it is my
humble opinion, that the tigers of India are stronger, more active,
and much fiercer, than the lions of Africa, and in every respect their
superior, with the exception of generosity, of which quality the tiger
is quite destitute. It is this only that gives the lion the advantage.
Footnote 14:
A most destructive weapon, the length about sixteen inches, sharp and
taper at the extremity, but four inches diameter towards the handle.
Footnote 15:
There was a pole fixed in the centre of the circle, about sixty feet
high, near the top of which was a cap, whereon a man stood with a rope
suspended, for the purpose of pulling up the door of the cage. The
rope being fastened to it, another man would apply rockets through a
hole in the back of the cage, until the tiger was made to start. I
have seen them come out as black as a coal; one, which was
particularly noticed, made two desperate attempts to reach the man on
the pole, which he very nearly accomplished, to the great terror of
the man, and astonishment of all who beheld him.
Footnote 16:
We could well distinguish this brave officer by the long beard which
he wore; he was also pointed out to us by some person whom I cannot
now remember.
Footnote 17:
One of these creatures, after lying on the ground many hours, and
supposed dead, rose, on the touch of the elephant’s foot, and coped
with him, the elephant roaring dreadfully, till numbers of the pikemen
assailed him again, and put an end to his existence. After this
circumstance, their whiskers were always burnt, to ascertain if any
life remained.
Footnote 18:
The guards did not scruple to tell us this; but we had stronger
proofs. A few days prior to our being hurried off to Mysore, three
covered doolies passed us, and we heard voices, saying, “Good by, my
lads,”—“God bless you,”—“We know not where we are to be taken,” &c.
These were the three gentlemen, Captain Rumney, Lieutenant Fraser, and
Lieutenant Sampson, who were now conveyed to Mysore to be butchered. A
note, indicating their apprehensions, was found in a wall of our
prison, and their fatal place of confinement, by one Morton, a soldier
of the Company’s service. It was written small, but plain, with ink
that they must have made themselves, for it was very blue, and was
signed by all three. This was the wretched fate of those brave
officers! which it is painful for me to record.
Footnote 19:
The Cayenne pod.
Footnote 20:
Those who are acquainted with the Hindoo customs, know that they keep
snakes, consecrated, in their pagodas; in fact, I have seen them often
in other places; they are harmless, at least I never heard to the
contrary; but the Hindoos must have made them so.
Footnote 21:
A kind of grain, resembling a split pea. It was positively asserted by
many, that he made use of no kind of food; but this is false, as he
would frequently ask for the above grain. He was in the same spot when
we left the place; and what seemed most strange to us, was, his not
moving to obey nature’s calls. What became of him I know not, but
should be highly gratified to learn.
Footnote 22:
Late in the evening, the order came to prepare for marching. I had
then one child, sixteen months old, by one of the most affectionate of
women; she was always suspicious I should leave her, if opportunity
offered. She was certainly right in her conjectures; and my answers
were uniformly evasive to her questions on that score. The battalion
was under arms, while I was in my hut, looking at her and the child
alternately. Her soul was in her eyes; and surely never a woman looked
at a man with more eagerness and anxiety. I fain would have taken her
with me, and the child, who was then smiling in my face. I was eager
to give them a final embrace; but fearful of the consequences. O my
God! what were my sensations then! and even now, after a lapse of more
than thirty years! I am still sure a thousand will never obliterate
that moment. In the midst of these mutual distractions, I was
repeatedly called by my Moorish name, Shum Shu Cawn, to come and fall
in. At last, I resolutely tore myself from her and the child without
speaking a single word, and I never saw them more. Farewell! thou most
affectionate creature! and may the God of mercy and peace preserve
thee and thy infant!——[His surviving friends have observed, that Mr.
Scurry, on his return to England, repeatedly sent letters to India, in
the hope of their reaching his wife; and, in two or three instances,
when he found persons of his acquaintance going to those districts in
which she probably resided, he has requested them to use every effort
to find her out, and bring her to this country. At the same time he
was not without his fears, from the early age at which women die in
India, that she was no more. Still he had always sanguine hopes of
finding the child, whom he left smiling in its mother’s arms; but in
this his expectations were never realized.]
Footnote 23:
William Drake, midshipman of the Hannibal; dead—William Whitway,
midshipman of the Fortitude, J. Pudman; living—John Wood, of the
Chaser Sloop of War; living—John Jourdan, of the Hannibal; unknown—
James Scurry, of the Hannibal; the author.
Footnote 24:
A bag with four pockets.
Footnote 25:
While prosecuting this dangerous journey, the author, on a detached
paper, observes as follows: This day a circumstance took place, that
may be worth recording. In passing through one of the jungles, which
are very common in many parts of this country, we were all on the
alert, all eye, all ear, wild beasts of different descriptions
abounding in these recesses. We were not annoyed, however, by any of
them, but we were much alarmed by the sudden appearance of a
tremendous snake, which was, as nearly as we could judge, about eleven
or twelve feet in length. It passed near my path; and if I ever gave a
hearty spring, it was at that moment. It soon got into a hole, all but
about three feet of its tail, which we destroyed with the but-ends of
our firelocks.
Footnote 26:
A kind of split pea.
Footnote 27:
Buffaloes’ butter, which is always in a liquid state, owing to the
heat.
Footnote 28:
The three articles prepared together.
Footnote 29:
It was Purso Rhamboo, field-chief of the Mahrattas, to whose camp we
were directing our course. The moment they heard this, there was a
visible change in their conduct, for he was a mighty man amongst them!
Footnote 30:
A place set apart for the use of travellers.
Footnote 31:
There were very few surviving at this time; and although his
lordship’s humanity ought ever to be remembered in this case, yet we
well knew, or guessed, that he would never have any delivered to him.
Neither had he. There were none, who had been prisoners, that ever
reached the English, unless by making their escape; except two
officers, who were detained, contrary to the capitulation, at
Coimbatam. These were loaded with presents, and liberated, when the
capital was in danger, in order to pave the way for future overtures.—
They were fortunate indeed!
Footnote 32:
Abdul Kallick the eldest, and Masza ud Dieu the youngest; the former
very dark, the latter very fair and personable. The eldest, I well
remember, while at Seringapatam, once ordered one of our lads, whose
name was Kelly, to be bound with his hands behind him; this being
done, he was hoisted by a pulley a yard from the ground, and in this
condition severely beaten. And all this, because Kelly would not sing
and dance in the English manner, for him to laugh at. We felt for poor
Kelly at the time, but it was the subject of mirth among us
afterwards. He was a curiously grown Irish lad, and could not talk
much English; and as to dancing and singing, he knew as much about it
as a Hottentot.
Footnote 33:
This was a most tremendous night! Tippoo had taken a position on the
north bank of the river, with his front and his flanks covered by a
bound hedge, and a number of ravines, swamps, and water-courses; he
was likewise fortified by a chain of redoubts, full of cannon, as well
as by the artillery of the fort, and of the works of the island: under
those circumstances, strong as they were, Lord Cornwallis was
determined to attack him. Accordingly, he marshalled his own army in
three divisions, omitting to employ the allies in this affair, as he
thought them unequal to the arduous task, and leaving his cannon
behind him in the camp, with two battalions to guard them. As soon as
it was dark, the division pushed on, under the command of this humane
and brave general; but the guides, either through ignorance or design,
leading the division commanded by General Meadows astray, he did not
participate in the glories of the night, so called, at which I have no
doubt he was much mortified, as he was very courageous. The night was
dark, and the allies were on the alert, expecting the total overthrow
of the English. Tens of thousands were spectators, both from the
Mahratta and the Nizam’s army; and they all supposed it impossible for
any troops in the world to stand against the heavy and tremendous fire
that was opened in every direction; but such was the case. The morning
shewed the allies that the English had not only defeated them in their
camp, taking seventy pieces of cannon, &c. but were absolutely
possessed of most part of the suburbs of the island. This looked like
magic to the allies, and highly aggrandized the arms of the English in
their estimation. It must have been an awfully sublime scene; and it
is my humble opinion, that had Lord Cornwallis been repulsed, not an
individual of the allies would have been found in their position by
twelve o’clock the next day.
Footnote 34:
A pagoda varies in value in different parts and times, from seven
shillings and five pence, to eight shillings and five pence. A rupee
also varies from one shilling and four pence, to two shillings and
three pence, sterling, A lack is one hundred thousand.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Transcriber’s note:
Variations in spelling have been retained.
Page 96, full stop inserted after ‘fell,’ “hand before he fell.”
Page 118, ‘possiblity’ changed to ‘possibility,’ “was no possibility of”
Page 125, full stop deleted after ‘Native,’ “a Fanatical Native—Visited”
Page 176, ‘pady’ changed to ‘paddy,’ “to a paddy, or rice”
Page 218, full stop deleted after ‘City,’ “in the City—Many of”
Page 230, closing quote inserted after ‘beauty,’ “in form and beauty.””
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The captivity, sufferings, and escape of James Scurry - Who was detained a prisoner during ten years, in the - dominions of Hyder Ali and Tippoo Saib" ***
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