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Title: Church History (Volumes 1-3)
Author: Kurtz, J. H. (Johann Heinrich)
Language: English
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*** Start of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "Church History (Volumes 1-3)" ***

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                     The Foreign Biblical Library.

          EDITED BY THE REV. W. ROBERTSON NICOLL, M.A., LL.D.

           _12 Volumes. Large crown 8vo. Price 7s. 6d. each._

    I. =Still Hours.=
        By RICHARD ROTHE. Translated by JANE T. STODDART. With an
        Introductory Essay by the Rev. JOHN MACPHERSON, M.A.

   II. =Biblical Commentary on the Book of Psalms.=
        By Professor FRANZ DELITZSCH, of Leipzig. From the latest
        edition specially revised by the Author. Translated by the
        Rev. DAVID EATON, M.A. In three Volumes.

  III. =A Manual of Introduction to the New Testament.=
        By BERNHARD WEISS. Translated by Miss DAVIDSON. _In 2 Vols._

   IV. =Church History.=
        By Professor KURTZ. Authorized Translation, from the latest
        Revised Edition, by the Rev. J. MACPHERSON, M.A. _In 3 Vols._

    V. =Selected Sermons of Schleiermacher.=
        Translated by MARY F. WILSON.

   VI. =A Commentary on the Book of Isaiah.=
        By Professor FRANZ DELITZSCH. Translated by the Rev. JAMES
        DENNEY, B.D. _In 2 Vols._

          LONDON: HODDER AND STOUGHTON, 27, PATERNOSTER ROW.



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                            CHURCH HISTORY.

                                   BY
                            PROFESSOR KURTZ.


      _AUTHORIZED TRANSLATION FROM LATEST REVISED EDITION BY THE_
                       REV. JOHN MACPHERSON, M.A.


                         THREE VOLUMES IN ONE.


                           _SECOND EDITION._


                                London:
                         HODDER AND STOUGHTON,
                          27, PATERNOSTER ROW.

                   MDCCCXCI., MDCCCXCII., MDCCCXCIII.



                            BUTLER & TANNER,
                      THE SELWOOD PRINTING WORKS,
                           FROME, AND LONDON.



                                PREFACE.


  The English reader is here presented with a translation of the ninth
edition of a work which first appeared in 1849, and has obtained a most
distinguished place, it might be said almost a monopoly, as a text-book
of Church History in the German Universities. Since 1850, when the
second edition was issued, an English translation of which has been
widely used in Britain and America, Dr. Kurtz has given great attention
to the improvement of his book. The increase of size has not been caused
by wordy amplification, but by an urgent necessity felt by the author as
he used the vast materials that recent years have spread out before the
historical student. In 1870 Dr. Kurtz retired from his professorship,
and has conscientiously devoted himself to bring up each successive
edition of his text-book to the point reached by the very latest
scholarship of his own and other lands. In his Preface to the ninth
edition of 1885 he claims to have made very special improvements on
the presentation of the history of the first three centuries, where
ample use is made of the brilliant researches of Harnack and other
distinguished scholars of the day.

  In the exercise of that discretion which has been allowed him, the
translator has ventured upon an innovation, which he trusts will be
generally recognised as a very important improvement. The German edition
has frequently pages devoted to the literature of the larger divisions,
and a considerable space is thus occupied at the beginning of most of
the ordinary sections, as well as at the close of many of the sub-
sections. The books named in these lists are almost exclusively German
works and articles that have appeared in German periodicals. Experience
has shown that the reproduction of such lists in an English edition is
utterly useless to the ordinary student and extremely repulsive to the
reader, as it seriously interferes with the continuity of the text. The
translator has therefore ventured wholly to cancel these lists,
substituting carefully selected standard English works known to himself
from which detailed information on the subjects treated of in the
several paragraphs may be obtained. These he has named in footnotes at
the places where such references seemed to be necessary and most likely
to be useful. Those students who know German so thoroughly as to be able
to refer to books and articles by German specialists will find no
difficulty in using the German edition of Kurtz, in which copious lists
of such literature are given.

  The first English volume is a reproduction without retrenchment of the
original; but in the second volume an endeavour has been made to render
the text-book more convenient and serviceable to British and American
students by slightly abridging some of those paragraphs which give
minute details of the Reformation work in various German provinces.
But even there care has been taken not to omit any fact of interest or
importance. No pains have been spared to give the English edition a form
that may entitle it to occupy that front rank among students’ text-books
of Church History which the original undoubtedly holds in Germany.

                                                    JOHN MACPHERSON.

  FINDHORN, _July, 1888_.



                               CONTENTS.


                             INTRODUCTION.

    § 1. IDEA AND TASK OF CHURCH HISTORY.

    § 2. DISTRIBUTION OF CHURCH HISTORY ACCORDING TO CONTENTS.
          (1) The Various Branches Included in a Complete Course
              of Church History.
          (2) The Separate Branches of Church History.

    § 3. DISTRIBUTION OF CHURCH HISTORY ACCORDING TO PERIODS.

    § 4. SOURCES AND AUXILIARIES OF CHURCH HISTORY.
          (1) Literature of the Sources.
          (2) Literature of the Auxiliary Sciences.

    § 5. HISTORY OF GENERAL CHURCH HISTORY.
          (1) Down to the Reformation.
          (2) The 16th and 17th Centuries.
          (3) The 18th Century.
          (4) The 19th Century.
          (5) The 19th Century--Continued.
          (6) The 19th Century--Continued.


              HISTORY OF THE PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY.

               The pre-Christian World preparing the way
                        of the Christian Church.

    § 6. THE STANDPOINT OF UNIVERSAL HISTORY.

    § 7. HEATHENISM.
          (1) The Religious Character of Heathenism.
          (2) The Moral Character of Heathenism.
          (3) The Intellectual Culture in Heathenism.
          (4) The Hellenic Philosophy.
          (5) The Heathen State.

    § 8. JUDAISM.
          (1) Judaism under special Training of God through the
              Law and Prophecy.
          (2) Judaism after the Cessation of Prophecy.
          (3) The Synagogues.
          (4) Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes.

    § 9. SAMARITANISM.

   § 10. INTERCOURSE BETWEEN JUDAISM AND HEATHENISM.
          (1) Influence of Heathenism upon Judaism.
          (2) Influence of Judaism upon Heathenism.

   § 11. THE FULNESS OF TIME.


                     THE HISTORY OF THE BEGINNINGS.

         The Founding of the Church by Christ and His Apostles.

   § 12. CHARACTER OF THE HISTORY OF THE BEGINNINGS.


                         I. THE LIFE OF JESUS.

   § 13. JESUS CHRIST, THE SAVIOUR OF THE WORLD.
          (1) Year of Birth and Year of Death of Jesus.
          (2) Earliest Non-Biblical Witnesses to Christ.


                         II. THE APOSTOLIC AGE.
                              A.D. 30-70.

   § 14. THE MINISTRY OF THE APOSTLES BEFORE PAUL.
              Beginning and Close of Apostolic Age.

   § 15. THE MINISTRY OF THE APOSTLE PAUL.
              Details of Paul’s Life.

   § 16. THE OTHER APOSTLES AFTER THE APPEARANCE OF THE APOSTLE PAUL.
          (1) The Roman Episcopate of Peter.
          (2) The Apostle John.
          (3) James, the brother of the Lord.
          (4) The Later Legends of the Apostles.

   § 17. CONSTITUTION, WORSHIP, AND DISCIPLINE.
          (1) The Charismata of the Apostolic Age.
          (2) The Constitution of the Mother Church at Jerusalem.
          (3) The Constitution of the Pauline Churches.
          (4) The Church in the Pauline Epistles.
          (5) Congregational and Spiritual Offices.
          (6) The Question about the Original Position of the
              Episcopate and Presbyterate.
          (7) Christian Worship.
          (8) Christian Life and Ecclesiastical Discipline.

   § 18. HERESIES IN THE APOSTOLIC AGE.
          (1) Jewish Christianity and the Council of Apostles.
          (2) The Apostolic Basis of Doctrine.
          (3) False Teachers.



                            FIRST DIVISION.

          History of the Development of the Church during the
                Græco-Roman and Græco-Byzantine Periods.

   § 19. CONTENT, DISTRIBUTION AND BOUNDARIES OF THOSE PERIODS.


                            FIRST SECTION.

              History of the Græco-Roman Church during the
               Second and Third Centuries (A.D. 70-323).

   § 20. CONTENT, DISTRIBUTION AND BOUNDARIES OF THIS PERIOD.
          (1) The Post-Apostolic Age.
          (2) The Age of the Old Catholic Church.
          (3) The Point of Transition from the One Age to the Other.


          I. THE RELATIONSHIP OF EXTRA-CHRISTIAN PAGANISM AND
                         JUDAISM TO THE CHURCH.

   § 21. THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY.

   § 22. PERSECUTIONS OF THE CHRISTIANS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
          (1) Claudius, Nero and Domitian.
          (2) Trajan and Hadrian.
          (3) Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius.
          (4) Septimius Severus and Maximinus Thrax.
          (5) Decius, Gallus and Valerian.
          (6) Diocletian and Galerius.
          (7) Maximinus Daza, Maxentius and Licinius.

   § 23. CONTROVERSIAL WRITINGS OF PAGANISM.
          (1) Lucian’s Satire _De Morte Peregrini_.
          (2) Worshippers of an Ass.
          (3) Polemic properly so-called.

   § 24. Attempted Reconstruction of Paganism.
          (1) Apollonius of Tyana.
          (2) Neo-platonism.

   § 25. Jewish and Samaritan Reaction.
          (1) Disciples of John.
          (2) The Samaritan Heresiarchs.
                a. Dositheus.
                b. Simon Magus.
                c. Menander.


             II. DANGER TO THE CHURCH FROM PAGAN AND JEWISH
                     ELEMENTS WITHIN ITS OWN PALE.

   § 26. GNOSTICISM IN GENERAL.
          (1) Gnosticism.
          (2) The Problems of Gnostic Speculation.
          (3) Distribution.
          (4) Sources of Information.

   § 27. THE GENTILE CHRISTIAN GNOSTICISM.
          (1) Cerinthus.
          (2) The Gnosticism of Basilides.
          (3) Irenæus’ Sketch of Basilideanism.
          (4) Valentinian Gnosticism.
          (5) Two Divisions of the Valentinian School.
          (6) The Ophites and related Sects.
          (7) The Gnosis of the Ophites.
          (8) Antinomian and Libertine Sects.
                a. The Nicolaitans.
                b. The Simonians.
                c. The Carpocratians.
                d. The Prodicians.
          (9) Saturninus.
         (10) Tatian and the Encratites.
         (11) Marcion and the Marcionites.
         (12) Marcion’s Disciples.
         (13) Hermogenes.

   § 28. EBIONISM AND EBIONITIC GNOSTICISM.
          (1) Nazareans and Ebionites.
          (2) The Elkesaites.
          (3) The Pseudo-Clementine Series of Writings.
                a. Homiliæ XX Clementis.
                b. Recognitiones Clementis.
                c. Epitomæ.
          (4) The Pseudo-Clementine Doctrinal System.

   § 29. MANICHÆISM.
          (1) The Founder.
          (2) The System.
          (3) Constitution, Worship, and Missionarizing.


            III. THE DOCTRINAL DEVELOPMENT AND APOLOGETICAL
                        ACTIVITY OF THE CHURCH.

   § 30. THE THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE OF THE POST-APOSTOLIC AGE,
         A.D. 70-170.
          (1) The Beginnings of Patristic Literature.
          (2) The Theology of the Post-Apostolic Age.
          (3) The so-called Apostolic Fathers.
                a. Clement of Rome.
          (4)   b. Barnabas.
                c. Pastor Hermas.
          (5)   d. Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch.
          (6)   e. Polycarp, Bishop of Smyrna.
                f. Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis.
                g. Epistle to Diognetus.
          (7) The Didache or Teaching of the Twelve Apostles.
          (8) The Writings of the Earliest Christian Apologists.
          (9) Extant Writings of Apologists of the
              Post-Apostolic Age.
                a. Justin Martyr.
         (10)   b. Tatian.
                c. Athenagoras.
                d. Theophilus, Bishop of Antioch.
                e. Hermias.

   § 31. THE THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE OF THE OLD CATHOLIC AGE,
         A.D. 170-323.
          (1) The Theological Schools and Tendencies.


                  1. CHURCH FATHERS WRITING IN GREEK.

          (2) Church Teachers of the Asiatic Type.
                a. Irenæus.
          (3)   b. Hippolytus.
          (4) The Alexandrian Church Teachers.
                a. Pantænus.
                b. Titus Flavius Clement.
          (5)   c. Origen.
          (6)   d. Dionysius of Alexandria.
                e. Gregory Thaumaturgus.
                f. Pamphilus.
          (7) Greek-speaking Church Teachers in other Quarters.
                a. Hegesippus.
                b. Caius of Rome.
          (8)   c. Sextus Julius Africanus.
          (9)   d. Methodius.
                e. Lucian of Samosata.


                  2. CHURCH FATHERS WRITING IN LATIN.

          (10) The Church Teachers of North Africa.
                   Tertullian.
          (11)     Cyprian.
          (12) Various Ecclesiastical Writers using the Latin Tongue.
                a. Minucius Felix.
                b. Commodus.
                c. Novatian.
                d. Arnobius.
                e. Victorinus of Pettau.
                f. Lucius Lactantius.

   § 32. THE APOCRYPHAL AND PSEUDEPIGRAPHICAL LITERATURE.
          (1) Professedly Old Heathen Prophecies.
          (2) Old Testament Pseudepigraphs.
                a. Book of Enoch.
                b. Assumptio Mosis.
                c. Fourth Book of Ezra.
                d. Book of Jubilees.
          (3) Pseudepigraphs of Christian Origin.
                a. History of Assenath.
                b. The Testaments of the XII. Patriarchs.
                c. _Ascensio Isaiæ_ and _Visio Isaiæ_.
                d. _Spelunca thesaurorum._
          (4) New Testament Apocrypha and Pseudepigraphs.
                I. Apocryphal Gospels.
          (5)  II. Apocryphal Histories and Legends of the Apostles.
          (6)      ---- Apocryphal Monographs.
          (7) III. Apostolic Epistles.
               IV. Apocryphal Apocalypses.
                V. Apostolical Constitutions.
          (8) The Acts of the Martyrs.

   § 33. THE DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES OF THE OLD CATHOLIC AGE.
          (1) The Trinitarian Questions.
          (2) The Alogians.
          (3) The Theodotians and Artemonites.
          (4) Praxeas and Tertullian.
          (5) The Noëtians and Hippolytus.
          (6) Beryllus and Origen.
          (7) Sabellius; Dionysius of Alexandria; Dionysius of Rome.
          (8) Paul of Samosata.
          (9) Chiliasm.


            IV. CONSTITUTION, WORSHIP, LIFE AND DISCIPLINE.

   § 34. THE INNER ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH.
          (1) The Continuation of Charismatic Endowments into
              Post-Apostolic Times.
          (2) The Development of the Episcopal Hierarchy.
          (3) The Regular Ecclesiastical Offices of the Old
              Catholic Age.
          (4) Clergy and Laity.
          (5) The Synods.
          (6) Personal and Epistolary Intercourse.
          (7) The Unity and Catholicity of the Church.
          (8) The Roman Primacy.

   § 35. THE ADMINISTRATION OF BAPTISM.
          (1) The Preparation for Receiving Baptism.
          (2) The Baptismal Formula.
          (3) The Administration of Baptism.
          (4) The Doctrine of Baptism.
          (5) The Controversy about Heretics’ Baptism.

   § 36. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND ITS VARIOUS PARTS.
          (1) The Agape.
          (2) The _Missa Catechumenorum_.
          (3) The _Missa Fidelium_.
          (4) The _Disciplina Arcani_.
          (5) The Doctrine of the Lord’s Supper.
          (6) The Sacrificial Theory.
          (7) The Use of Scripture.
          (8) Formation of a New Testament Canon.
          (9) The Doctrine of Inspiration.
         (10) Hymnology.

   § 37. FEASTS AND FESTIVAL SEASONS.
          (1) The Festivals of the Christian Year.
          (2) The Paschal Controversies.
          (3) The Ecclesiastical Institution of Fasting.

   § 38. THE CHURCH BUILDINGS AND THE CATACOMBS.
          (1) The Catacombs.
          (2) The Antiquities of the Catacombs.
          (3) Pictorial Art and the Catacombs.
          (4) Pictorial and Artistic Representations.
                a. Significant Symbols.
                b. Allegorical Figures.
                c. Parabolic Figures.
                d. Historical Pictures of O. T. Types.
                e. Figures from the Gospel History.
                f. Liturgical Figures.

   § 39. LIFE, MANNERS, AND DISCIPLINE.
          (1) Christian Morals and Manners.
          (2) The Penitential Discipline.
          (3) Asceticism.
          (4) Paul of Thebes.
          (5) Beginning of Veneration of Martyrs.
          (6) Superstition.

   § 40. THE MONTANIST REFORMATION.
          (1) Montanism in Asia Minor.
          (2) Montanism at Rome.
          (3) Montanism in Proconsular Africa.
          (4) The Fundamental Principle of Montanism.
          (5) The Attitude of Montanism toward the Church.

   § 41. SCHISMATIC DIVISIONS IN THE CHURCH.
          (1) The Schism of Hippolytus at Rome about A.D. 220.
          (2) The Schism of Felicissimus at Carthage in A.D. 250.
          (3) The Schism of the Presbyter Novatian at Rome in
              A.D. 251.
          (4) The Schism of Meletius in Egypt in A.D. 306.


                            SECOND SECTION.

               The History of the Græco-Roman Church from
                         the 4th-7th centuries.
                             A.D. 323-692.


                          I. CHURCH AND STATE.

   § 42. THE OVERTHROW OF PAGANISM IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
          (1) The Romish Legend of the Baptism of Constantine.
          (2) Constantine the Great and his Sons.
          (3) Julian the Apostate (A.D. 361-363).
          (4) The Later Emperors.
          (5) Heathen Polemics and Apologetics.
          (6) The Religion of the Hypsistarians.

   § 43. THE CHRISTIAN EMPIRE AND THE ECCLESIASTICAL LAW.
          (1) The _Jus Circa Sacra_.
          (2) The Institution of Œcumenical Synods.
          (3) Canonical Ordinances.
          (4) Pseudepigraphic Church Ordinances.
          (5) The Apostolic Church Ordinances.


             II. MONASTICISM, CLERICALISM AND HIERARCHISM.

   § 44. MONASTICISM.
          (1) The Biography of St. Anthony.
          (2) The Origin of Christian Monasticism.
          (3) Oriental Monasticism.
          (4) Western Monasticism.
          (5) Institution of Nunneries.
          (6) Monastic Asceticism.
          (7) Anti-Ecclesiastical and Heretical Monasticism.

   § 45. THE CLERGY.
          (1) Training of the Clergy.
          (2) The Injunction of Celibacy.
          (3) Later Ecclesiastical Offices.
          (4) Church Property.

   § 46A. THE PATRIARCHAL CONSTITUTION AND THE PRIMACY.
          (1) The Patriarchal Constitution.
          (2) The Rivalry between Rome and Byzantium.

   § 46B. HISTORY OF THE ROMAN CHAIR AND ITS CLAIMS TO THE PRIMACY.
          (3) From Melchiades to Julius I., A.D. 310 to A.D. 352.
          (4) From Liberius to Anastasius, A.D. 352 to A.D. 402.
          (5) From Innocent I. to Zosimus, A.D. 402 to A.D. 418.
          (6) From Boniface I. to Sixtus III., A.D. 419 to A.D. 440.
          (7) From Leo the Great to Simplicius, A.D. 440 to A.D. 483.
          (8) From Felix III. to Boniface II., A.D. 483 to A.D. 532.
          (9) From John II. to Pelagius II., A.D. 532 to A.D. 590.
         (10) From Gregory I. to Boniface V., A.D. 590 to A.D. 625.
         (11) From Honorius I. to Gregory III., A.D. 625 to A.D. 741.


                III. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND LITERATURE.

   § 47. THE THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS AND THEIR MOST CELEBRATED
         REPRESENTATIVES.
          (1) The Theological Schools and Tendencies.
                a. In the 4th and 5th centuries.
                b. Of the 6th and 7th Centuries.


         1. THE MOST IMPORTANT TEACHERS OF THE EASTERN CHURCH.

          (2) The Most Celebrated Representative of the Old
              Alexandrian School----Eusebius.
          (3) Church Fathers of the New Alexandrian School.
                a. Athanasius.
          (4) ---- The Three Great Cappadocians.
                b. Basil the Great.
                c. Gregory Nazianzen.
                d. Gregory of Nyssa.
          (5)   e. Apollinaris.
                f. Didymus the Blind.
          (6)   g. Macarius Magnes.
                h. Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria.
                i. Isidore of Pelusium.
          (7) ---- Mystics and Philosophers.
                k. Macarius the Great or the Elder.
                l. Marcus Eremita.
                m. Synesius of Cyrene.
                n. Nemesius, Bishop of Emesa.
                o. Æneas of Gaza.
          (8) The Antiocheans.
                a. Eusebius of Emesa.
                b. Diodorus of Tarsus.
                c. John of Antioch (Chrysostom).
          (9)   d. Theodore, Bishop of Mopsuestia.
                e. Polychronius, Bishop of Apamea.
                f. Theodoret, Bishop of Cyrus.
         (10) Other Teachers of the Greek Church during the 4th
              and 5th Centuries.
                a. Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem.
                b. Epiphanius, Bishop of Salamis.
                c. Palladius.
                d. Nilus.
         (11) Greek Church Fathers of the 6th and 7th Centuries.
                a. Johannes Philoponus.
                b. Dionysius the Areopagite.
         (12)   c. Leontius Byzantinus.
                d. Maximus Confessor.
                e. Johannes Climacus.
                f. Johannes Moschus.
                g. Anastasius Sinaita.
         (13) Syrian Church Fathers.
                a. Jacob of Nisibis.
                b. Aphraates.
                c. Ephraim the Syrian.
                d. Ibas, Bishop of Edessa.
                e. Jacob, Bishop of Edessa.


         2. THE MOST IMPORTANT TEACHERS OF THE WESTERN CHURCH.

         (14)   f. During the Period of the Arian Controversy.
                    a. Jul. Firmicus Maternus.
                    b. Lucifer of Calaris.
                    c. Marius Victorinus.
                    d. Hilary of Poitiers.
                    e. Zeno, Bishop of Verona.
                    f. Philaster, Bishop of Brescia.
                    g. Martin of Tours.
         (15)   g. Ambrose, Bishop of Milan.
                h. Ambrosiaster.
                i. Pacianus, Bishop of Barcelona.
         (16) During the Period of Origenistic Controversy.
                a. Jerome.
         (17)   b. Tyrannius Rufinus.
                c. Sulpicius Severus.
                d. Peter Chrysologus, Bishop of Ravenna.
         (18) The Hero of the Soteriological Controversy--Augustine.
         (19) Augustine’s Works.
                a. Philosophical Treatises.
                b. Dogmatic Treatises.
                c. Controversial Treatises.
                d. Apologetical Treatises.
                e. Exegetical Works.
         (20) Augustine’s Disciples and Friends.
                a. Paulinus, Deacon of Milan.
                b. Paul Orosius.
                c. Marius Mercator.
                d. Prosper Aquitanicus.
                e. Cæsarius, Bishop of Arelate.
                f. Fulgentius, Bishop of Ruspe.
         (21) Pelagians and semi-Pelagians.
                I. Pelagius.
               II. Semi-Pelagians or Massilians.
                    a. Johannes Cassianus.
                    b. Vincent Lerinensis.
                    c. Eucherius, Bishop of Lyons.
                    d. Salvianus, Presbyter at Marseilles.
                    e. Faustus of Rhegium.
                    f. Arnobius the Younger.
         (22) The Most Important Church Teachers among the Roman Popes.
                a. Leo the Great.
                b. Gelasius I.
                c. Gregory the Great.
         (23) The Conservators and Continuators of Patristic Culture.
                a. Boëthius.
                b. Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus.
                c. Dionysius Exiguus.

   § 48. BRANCHES OF THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND CHRISTIAN POETRY.
          (1) Exegetical Theology.
          (2) Historical Theology.
          (3) Systematic Theology.
                a. Apologetics.
                b. Polemics.
                c. Positive Dogmatics.
                d. Morals.
          (4) Practical Theology.
          (5) Christian Poetry.
          (6) Christian Latin Poetry.
          (7) Poetry of National Syrian Church.
          (8) The Legendary History of Cyprian.


               IV. DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES AND HERESIES.

   § 49. THE DEVELOPMENT OF DOCTRINE GENERALLY.
              Heretical Developments.

   § 50. THE TRINITARIAN CONTROVERSY, A.D. 318-381.
          (1) Preliminary Victory of the Homoousia, A.D. 318-325.
          (2) Victory of Eusebianism, A.D. 328-356.
          (3) Victory of Homoiousianism, A.D. 357-361.
          (4) Final Victory of the Nicene Creed, A.D. 361-381.
          (5) The Pneumatomachians, A.D. 362-381.
          (6) The Literature of the Controversy.
          (7) Post-Nicene Development of the Dogma.
          (8) Schisms in consequence of the Arian Controversy.
                I. The Meletian Schism at Antioch.
               II. The Schism of the Luciferians.
              III. The Schism of Damasus and Ursacius at Rome.

   § 51. THE ORIGENIST CONTROVERSIES, A.D. 394-438.
          (1) The Monks of the Scetic and Nitrian Deserts.
          (2) The Controversy in Palestine and Italy, A.D. 394-399.
          (3) The Controversy in Alexandria and Constantinople,
              A.D. 399-438.

   § 52. THE CHRISTOLOGICAL CONTROVERSY.
          (1) The Apollinarian Controversy, A.D. 362-381.
          (2) Christology of the Opposing Theological Schools.
          (3) The Dyoprosopic or Nestorian Controversy, A.D. 428-444.
          (4) The Monophysite Controversy.
                I. Eutychianism, A.D. 444-451.
          (5)  II. Imperial Attempts at Union, A.D. 451-519.
          (6) III. Justinian’s Decrees, A.D. 527-553.
          (7)  IV. The Monophysite Churches.
          (8) The Monothelite Controversy, A.D. 633-680.
          (9) The Case of Honorius.

   § 53. THE SOTERIOLOGICAL CONTROVERSIES, A.D. 412-529.
          (1) Preliminary History.
          (2) The Doctrine of Augustine.
          (3) Pelagius and his Doctrine.
          (4) The Pelagian Controversy, A.D. 411-431.
          (5) The Semi-Pelagian Controversy, A.D. 427-529.

   § 54. REAPPEARANCE AND REMODELLING OF EARLIER HERETICAL SECTS.
          (1) Manichæism.
          (2) Priscillianism, A.D. 383-563.


                V. WORSHIP, LIFE, DISCIPLINE AND MORALS.

   § 55. WORSHIP IN GENERAL.
              The Age of Cyril of Alexandria.

   § 56. FESTIVALS AND SEASONS FOR PUBLIC WORSHIP.
          (1) The Weekly Cycle.
          (2) Hours and Quarterly Fasts.
          (3) The Reckoning of Easter.
          (4) The Easter Festivals.
          (5) The Christmas Festivals.
          (6) The Church Year.
          (7) The Church Fasts.

   § 57. WORSHIP OF SAINTS, RELICS AND IMAGES.
          (1) The Worship of Martyrs and Saints.
          (2) The Worship of Mary and Anna.
          (3) Worship of Angels.
          (4) Worship of Images.
          (5) Worship of Relics.
          (6) The Making of Pilgrimages.

   § 58. THE DISPENSATION OF THE SACRAMENTS.
          (1) Administration of Baptism.
          (2) The Doctrine of the Supper.
          (3) The Sacrifice of the Mass.
          (4) The Administration of the Lord’s Supper.

   § 59. PUBLIC WORSHIP IN WORD AND SYMBOL.
          (1) The Holy Scriptures.
          (2) The Creeds of the Church.
                I. The Nicæno-Constantinopolitan Creed.
               II. The Apostles’ Creed.
              III. The Athanasian Creed.
          (3) Bible Reading in Church and Preaching.
          (4) Hymnology.
          (5) Psalmody and Hymn Music.
          (6) The Liturgy.
          (7) Liturgical Vestments.
          (8) Symbolical Acts in Worship.
          (9) Processions.

   § 60. PLACES OF PUBLIC WORSHIP, BUILDINGS AND WORKS OF ART.
          (1) The Basilica.
          (2) Secular Basilicas.
          (3) The Cupola Style.
          (4) Accessory and Special Buildings.
          (5) Church furniture.
          (6) The Graphic and Plastic Arts.

   § 61. LIFE, DISCIPLINE AND MORALS.
          (1) Church Discipline.
          (2) Christian Marriage.
          (3) Sickness, Death and Burial.
          (4) Purgatory and Masses for Souls.

   § 62. HERETICAL REFORMERS.
          (1) Audians and Apostolics.
          (2) Protests against Superstition and External Observances.
          (3) Protests against the Over-Estimation of Doctrine.

   § 63. SCHISMS.
          (1) The Donatist Schism, A.D. 311-415.
          (2) The _Concilium Quinisextum_, A.D. 692.


              VI. THE CHURCH OUTSIDE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.

   § 64. MISSIONARY OPERATIONS IN THE EAST.
          (1) The Ethiopic-Abyssinian Church.
          (2) The Persian Church.
          (3) The Armenian Church.
          (4) The Iberians.

   § 65. THE COUNTER-MISSION OF THE MOHAMMEDANS.
          (1) The Fundamental Principle of Islam.
          (2) The Providential Place of Islam.


                             THIRD SECTION.

                 HISTORY OF THE GRÆCO-BYZANTINE CHURCH
                       IN THE 8TH-15TH CENTURIES
                            (A.D. 692-1453).


           I. Developments of the Greek Church in Combination
                           with the Western.

   § 66. ICONOCLASM OF THE BYZANTINE CHURCH (A.D. 726-842).
          (1) Leo III., the Isaurian, A.D. 717-741.
          (2) Constantine V. A.D. 741-775.
          (3) Leo IV., Chazarus, A.D. 775-780.
          (4) Leo V., the Armenian, A.D. 813-820.

   § 67. DIVISION BETWEEN GREEK AND ROMAN CHURCHES AND ATTEMPTS
         AT UNION, A.D. 857-1453.
          (1) Foundation of the Schism, A.D. 867.
          (2) Leo VI., the Philosopher, A.D. 886-911.
          (3) Completion of the Schism, A.D. 1054.
          (4) Attempts at Reunion.
          (5) Andronicus III. Palæologus and Barlaam.
          (6) Council of Florence.
          (7) Decay of Byzantine Empire.


           II. Developments in the Eastern Church without the
                      Co-operation of the Western.

   § 68. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND LITERATURE.
          (1) Revival of Classical Studies.
          (2) Aristotle and Plato.
          (3) Scholasticism and Mysticism.
          (4) The Branches of Theological Science.
          (5) Distinguished Theologians.
          (6) Barlaam and Josaphat.

   § 69. DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES IN THE 12TH-14TH CENTURIES.
          (1) Dogmatic Questions.
          (2) The Hesychast Controversy, A.D. 1341-1351.

   § 70. CONSTITUTION, WORSHIP AND LIFE.
          (1) The Arsenian Schism, A.D. 1262-1312.
          (2) Public Worship.
          (3) Monasticism.
          (4) Endeavours at Reformation.

   § 71. DUALISTIC HERETICS.
          (1) The Paulicians.
          (2) The Children of the Sun.
          (3) The Euchites.
          (4) The Bogomili.

   § 72. THE NESTORIAN AND MONOPHYSITE CHURCHES OF THE EAST.
          (1) The Persian Nestorians.
          (2) Monophysite Churches.
          (3) The Maronites.
          (4) The Legend of Prester John.

   § 73. THE SLAVONIC CHURCHES ADHERING TO THE ORTHODOX GREEK
         CONFESSION.
          (1) Slavs in the Greek Provinces.
          (2) The Chazari.
          (3) The Bulgarians.
          (4) The Russian Church.
          (5) Russian Sects.
          (6) Romish Efforts at Union.



                            SECOND DIVISION.

       THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE GERMAN AND ROMAN CHURCH
                        DURING THE MIDDLE AGES.

   § 74. CHARACTER AND DIVISIONS OF THIS PERIOD OF THE DEVELOPMENT.
          (1) The Character of Mediæval History.
          (2) Periods in the Church History of the German-Roman
              Middle Ages.


                            FIRST SECTION.

           HISTORY OF THE GERMAN-ROMAN CHURCH FROM THE 4TH TO
                  THE 9TH CENTURY (DOWN TO A.D. 911).


       I. Founding, Spread, and Limitation of the German Church.

   § 75. CHRISTIANITY AND THE GERMANS.
          (1) The Predisposition of the Germans for Christianity.
          (2) Unopposed Adoption of Christianity.
          (3) Mode of Conversion in the Church of these Times.

   § 76. THE VICTORY OF CATHOLICISM OVER ARIANISM.
          (1) The Goths in the lands of the Danube.
          (2) The Visigoths in Gaul and Spain.
          (3) The Vandals in Africa.
          (4) The Suevi.
          (5) The Burgundians.
          (6) The Rugians.
          (7) The Ostrogoths.
          (8) The Longobards in Italy.
          (9) The Franks in Gaul.

  § 77. VICTORY OF THE ROMISH OVER THE OLD BRITISH CHURCH.
          (1) The Conversion of the Irish.
          (2) The Mission to Scotland.
          (3) The Peculiarities of the Celtic Church.
          (4) The Romish Mission to the Anglo-Saxons.
          (5) Celtic Missions among the Anglo-Saxons.
          (6) The Celtic Element Driven out of the Anglo-Saxon
              Church.
          (7) Spread and Overthrow of the British Church on the
              Continent.
          (8) Overthrow of the Old British System in the
              Iro-Scottish Church.

   § 78. THE CONVERSION AND ROMANIZING OF GERMANY.
          (1) South-Western Germany.
          (2) South-Eastern Germany.
          (3) North-Western Germany.
          (4) The Missionary Work of Boniface.
          (5) The Organization Effected by Boniface.
          (6) Heresies Confronted by Boniface.
          (7) The End of Boniface.
          (8) An Estimate of Boniface.
          (9) The Conversion of the Saxons.

   § 79. THE SLAVS IN GERMAN COUNTRIES.
          (1) The Carantanians and Avars.
          (2) The Moravian Church.
          (3) The Beginnings of Christianity in Bohemia.

   § 80. THE SCANDINAVIAN NATIONS.
          (1) Ansgar.
          (2) Ansgar’s Successor--Rimbert.

   § 81. CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM.
          (1) Islam in Spain.
          (2) Islam in Sicily.


              II. THE HIERARCHY, THE CLERGY AND THE MONKS.

   § 82. THE PAPACY AND THE CAROLINGIANS.
          (1) The Period of the Founding of the States of the Church.
          (2) Stephen III., A.D. 768-772.
              Hadrian I., A.D. 772-795.
          (3) Charlemagne and Leo III., A.D. 795-816.
          (4) Louis the Pious and the Popes of his Time.
          (5) The Sons of Louis the Pious and the Popes of their Days.
          (6) The Legend of the Female Pope Joanna.
          (7) Nicholas I. and Hadrian II.
          (8) John VIII. and his Successors.
          (9) The Papacy and the Nationalities.

   § 83. THE RANK OF METROPOLITAN.
          (1) The Position of Metropolitans in General.
          (2) Hincmar of Rheims.
          (3) Metropolitans in other lands.

   § 84. THE CLERGY IN GENERAL.
          (1) The Superior Clergy.
          (2) The Inferior Clergy.
          (3) Compulsory Celibacy.
          (4) Canonical life.

   § 85. MONASTICISM.
          (1) Benedict of Nursia.
          (2) Benedict of Aniane.
          (3) Nunneries.
          (4) The Greater Monasteries.
          (5) Monastic Practices among the Clergy.
          (6) The Stylites.

   § 86: THE PROPERTY OF CHURCHES AND MONASTERIES.
          (1) The Revenues of Churches and Monasteries.
          (2) The Benefice System.

   § 87. ECCLESIASTICAL LEGISLATION.
          (1) Older Collections of Ecclesiastical Law.
          (2) The Collection of Decretals of the Pseudo-Isidore.
          (3) Details of the History of the Forgery.
          (4) The Edict and Donation of Constantine.


                    III. THE CHURCH AND THE PEOPLE.

   § 88. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND ART.
          (1) Liturgy and Preaching.
          (2) Church Music.
          (3) The Sacrifice of the Mass.
          (4) The Worship of Saints.
          (5) Times and Places for Public Worship.
          (6) Ecclesiastical Architecture and Painting.

   § 89. NATIONAL CUSTOMS, SOCIAL LIFE AND CHURCH DISCIPLINE.
          (1) Superstition.
          (2) Popular Education.
          (3) Christian Popular Poetry.
          (4) Social Condition.
          (5) Practice of Pubic Law.
          (6) Church Discipline and Penitential Exercises.


                     IV. THEOLOGY AND ITS BATTLES.

   § 90. SCHOLARSHIP AND THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE.
          (1) Rulers of the Carolingian Line.
                  Charlemagne, A.D. 768-814.
                  Louis the Pious, A.D. 814-840.
                  Charles the Bald, A.D. 840-877.
          (2) The most distinguished Theologians of the
              Pre-Carolingian Age.
                1. Merovingian France.
                2. South of the Pyrenees.
                3. England.
          (3) The most distinguished Theologians of the Age of
              Charlemagne.
                1. Alcuin.
                2. Paulus Diaconus.
                3. Theodulf, Bishop of Orleans.
                4. Paulinus, Patriarch of Aquileia and
                   Bishop Leidrad of Lyons.
                5. Hatto, Abbot of Reichenau.
          (4) The most distinguished Theologians of the Age of
              Louis the Pious.
                1. Agobard of Lyons.
                2. Claudius, Bishop of Turin.
                3. Jonas of Orleans.
                4. Amalarius of Metz.
                5. Christian Druthmar.
                6. Rabanus Magnentius Maurus.
                7. Walafrid Strabo.
          (5) The Most Distinguished Theologians of the Age of
              Charles the Bald.
                1. Hincmar of Rheims.
                2. Paschasius Radbertus.
                3. Ratramnus.
                4. Florus Magister.
                5. Haymo, Bishop of Halberstadt.
                6. Servatus Lupus.
                7. Remigius of Auxerre.
                8. Regius of Prüm.
          (6)   9. Anastasius Bibliothecarius.
               10. Eulogius of Cordova.
          (7)  11. Joannes Scotus Erigena.
          (8) The Monastic and Cathedral Schools.
          (9) Various Branches of Theological Science.
                1. Exegesis.
                2. Systematic Theology.
                3. Practical Theology.
                4. Historical Theology.
         (10) Anglo-Saxon Culture under Alfred the Great,
              A.D. 871-901.

   § 91. DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES.
          (1) The Adoptionist Controversy, A.D. 782-799.
          (2) Controversy about the Procession of the Holy Spirit.
          (3) The Eucharistic Controversy, A.D. 844.
          (4) Controversy about the Conception of the Virgin.
          (5) The Predestinarian Controversy A.D. 847-868.
          (6) The Trinitarian Controversy, A.D. 857.

   § 92. ENDEAVOURS AFTER REFORMATION.
          (1) The Carolingian Opposition to Image Worship,
              A.D. 790-825.
          (2) Agobard of Lyons and Claudius of Turin.


                            SECOND SECTION.

                 HISTORY OF THE GERMANO-ROMANIC CHURCH,
                   FROM THE 10TH TO THE 13TH CENTURY.
                             A.D. 911-1294.


                     I. The Spread of Christianity.

   § 93. MISSIONARY ENTERPRISES.
          (1) The Scandinavian Mission Field.
          (2) Denmark.
          (3) Sweden.
          (4) The Norwegians.
          (5) In the North-Western Group of Islands.
          (6) The Slavo-Magyar Mission-field.
          (7) The Poles.
          (8) Hungary.
          (9) The Wendish Races.
         (10) Pomerania.
         (11) Mission Work among the Finns and Lithuanians.
         (12) Esthonia, Livonia, and Courland.
         (13) The Prussians.
         (14) Lithuania.
         (15) The Mongolian Mission Field.
         (16) The Mission Field of Islam.

   § 94. THE CRUSADES.
          (1) The First Crusade, A.D. 1096.
          (2) The Second Crusade, A.D. 1147.
          (3) The Third Crusade, A.D. 1189.
          (4) The Fourth Crusade, A.D. 1217.
          (5) The Fifth Crusade, A.D. 1228.
          (6) The Sixth, A.D. 1248, and Seventh, A.D. 1270, Crusades.

   § 95. ISLAM AND THE JEWS IN EUROPE.
          (1) Islam in Sicily.
          (2) Islam in Spain.
          (3) The Jews in Europe.


             II.--The Hierarchy, the Clergy, and the Monks.

   § 96. THE PAPACY AND THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE GERMAN
         NATIONALITIES.
          (1) The Romish Pornocracy and the Emperor Otto I.,
              † A.D. 973.
          (2) The Times of Otto II., III., A.D. 973-1002.
          (3) Otto III.; Pope Sylvester II.
          (4) From Henry II. to the Synod at Sutri, A.D. 1002-1046.
          (5) Henry III. and his German Popes, A.D. 1046-1057.
          (6) The Papacy under the Control of Hildebrand,
              A.D. 1057-1078.
          (7) Gregory VII., A.D. 1073-1085.
          (8) Gregory’s Contention with Henry IV.
          (9) The Central Idea in Gregory’s Policy.
         (10) Victor III. and Urban II., A.D. 1086-1099.
         (11) Paschalis II., Gelasius II., and Calixtus II.,
              A.D. 1099-1124.
         (12) English Investiture Controversy.
         (13) The Times of Lothair III. and Conrad III.,
              A.D. 1125-1152.
         (14) The Times of Frederick I. and Henry VI.,
              A.D. 1152-1190.
         (15) Alexander III., A.D. 1159-1181.
         (16) The Times of King Henry II. and Cœlestine III.,
              A.D. 1154-1198.
         (17) Innocent III., A.D. 1198-1216.
         (18) ---- Fourth Lateran Council of A.D. 1215.
         (19) The Times of Frederick II. and his Successors,
              A.D. 1215-1268.
         (20) Innocent IV. and his Successors, A.D. 1243-1268.
         (21) The Times of the House of Anjou down to Boniface VIII.,
              A.D. 1288-1294.
         (22) Nicholas III. to Cœlestine V., A.D. 1277-1294.
         (23) Temporal Power of the Popes.

   § 97. THE CLERGY.
          (1) The Roman College of Cardinals.
          (2) The Political Importance of the Superior Clergy.
          (3) The Bishops and the Cathedral Chapter.
          (4) Endeavours to Reform the Clergy.
          (5) The Pataria of Milan.

   § 98. MONASTIC ORDERS AND INSTITUTIONS.
          (1) Offshoots of the Benedictines.
                1. The Brethren of Clugny.
                2. The Congregation of the Camaldolites.
                3. The Order of Vallombrosa.
                4. The Cistercians.
                5. The Congregation of Scottish Monasteries.
          (2) New Monkish Orders.
                1. The Order of Grammont.
                2. The Order of St. Anthony.
                3. The Order of Fontevraux.
                4. The Order of the Gilbertines.
                5. The Carthusian Order.
                6. The Premonstratensian Order.
                7. The Trinitarian Order.
                8. The Cœlestine Order.
          (3) The Beginnings of the Franciscan Order down to A.D. 1219.
          (4) The Franciscans from A.D. 1219 to A.D. 1223.
          (5) The Franciscans from A.D. 1223.
          (6) Party Divisions within the Franciscan Order.
          (7) The Dominican or Preaching Order.
          (8) The Dominican Constitutional Rules.
          (9) The Female Orders.
                1. Dominican Nuns.
                2. Nuns of St. Clara.
         (10) The other Mendicant Orders.
         (11) Penitential Brotherhoods and Tertiaries of the
              Mendicant Orders.
         (12) Working Guilds of a Monkish Order.
         (13) The Spiritual Order of Knights.
                1. The Templars.
                2. The Knights of St. John.
                3. The Order of Teutonic Knights.
                4. The Knights of the Cross.
         (14) Bridge-Brothers and Mercedarians.


            III. Theological Science and its Controversies.

   § 99. SCHOLASTICISM IN GENERAL.
          (1) Dialectic and Mysticism.
          (2) The Philosophical Basis of Dialectic Scholasticism.
          (3) The Nurseries of Scholasticism.
          (4) The Epochs of Scholasticism.
          (5) The Canon Law.
          (6) Historical Literature.

  § 100. THE _SÆCULUM OBSCURUM_: THE 10TH CENTURY.
          (1) Classical Studies--Germany; England.
          (2) ---- Italy; France.

  § 101. THE ELEVENTH CENTURY.
          (1) The Most Celebrated Schoolmen of this Century.
                1. Fulbert.
                2. Berengar of Tours.
                3. Lanfranc.
                4. Hildebert of Tours.
                5. Anselm of Canterbury.
                6. Anselm of Laon.
                7. William of Champeaux.
                8. Guibert of Nogent.
          (2) Berengar’s Eucharist Controversy, A.D. 1050-1079.
          (3) Anselm’s Controversies.

  § 102. THE TWELFTH CENTURY.
          (1) The Contest on French Soil.
                I. The Dialectic Side of the Gulf--Peter Abælard.
          (2)      ---- Abælard’s Teachings.
          (3)  II. The Mystic Side of the Gulf--St. Bernard
                   of Clairvaux.
          (4) III. Bridging the Gulf from the Side of Mysticism.
          (5)  IV. Bridging the Gulf from the Side of Dialectics.
          (6) The Controversy on German Soil.
          (7) Theologians of a Pre-eminently Biblical and
              Ecclesiastico-Practical Tendency.
                1. Alger of Liège.
                2. Rupert of Deutz.
                3. Hervæus.
          (8)   4. John of Salisbury.
                5. Walter of St. Victor.
                6. Innocent III.
          (9) Humanist Philosophers.

  § 103. THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
          (1) The Writings of Aristotle and his Arabic Interpreters.
          (2) Theory of a twofold Truth.
          (3) The Appearance of the Mendicant Orders.
          (4) Distinguished Franciscan Schoolmen.
          (5) Distinguished Dominican Schoolmen--Albert the Great.
          (6) ---- Thomas Aquinas.
          (7) Reformers of the Scholastic Method--Raimund Lull.
          (8) ---- Roger Bacon.
          (9) Theologians of a Biblical and Practical Tendency.
                1. Cæsarius of Heisterbach.
                2. William Peraldus.
                3. Hugo of St. Caro.
                4. Robert of Sorbon.
                5. Raimund Martini.
         (10) Precursors of the German Speculative Mystics.


                     IV. The Church and the People.

  § 104. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND ART.
          (1) The Liturgy and the Sermon.
          (2) Definition and Number of the Sacraments.
          (3) The Sacrament of the Altar.
          (4) Penance.
          (5) Extreme Unction.
          (6) The Sacrament of Marriage.
          (7) New Festivals.
          (8) The Veneration of Saints.
          (9) St. Ursula and her 11,000 Virgins.
         (10) Hymnology.
         (11) Church Music.
         (12) Ecclesiastical Architecture.
         (13) Free Mason Lodges.
         (14) Statuary and Painting.

  § 105. NATIONAL CUSTOMS AND THE NATIONAL LITERATURE.
          (1) Knighthood and the Peace of God.
          (2) Popular Customs.
          (3) Two Royal Saints.
          (4) Evidences of Sainthood.
                1. Stigmatization.
                2. Bilocation.
          (5) Religious Culture of the People.
          (6) The National Literature.

  § 106. CHURCH DISCIPLINE, INDULGENCES, AND ASCETICISM.
          (1) Ban and Interdict.
          (2) Indulgences.
          (3) The Church Doctrine of the Hereafter.
          (4) Flagellation.

  § 107. FEMALE MYSTICS.
          (1) Two Rhenish Prophetesses of the 12th Century.
          (2) Three Thuringian Prophetesses of the 13th Century.


          V. Heretical Opposition to Ecclesiastical Authority.

  § 108. THE PROTESTERS AGAINST THE CHURCH.
          (1) The Cathari.
          (2) ---- Their Theological Systems.
          (3) The Pasagians.
          (4) Pantheistic Heretics.
                1. Amalrich of Bena.
                2. David of Dinant.
                3. The Ortlibarians.
          (5) Apocalyptic Heretics.
          (6) Ghibelline Joachites.
          (7) Revolutionary Reformers.
                1. The Petrobrusians.
                2. Arnold of Brescia.
          (8)   3. The Pastorelles.
                4. The Apostolic Brothers.
          (9) Reforming Enthusiasts.
                1. Tanchelm.
                2. Eon de Stella.
         (10) The Waldensians.
                1. Their Origin.
         (11)   2. Their Divisions.
         (12)   3. Attempts at Catholicizing.
         (13)   4. The French Societies.
         (14)      ---- An Alternate Origin.
         (15)   5. The Lombard-German Branch.
         (16)   6. Relations between the Waldensians and Older
                   and Contemporary Sects.

  § 109. THE CHURCH AGAINST THE PROTESTERS.
          (1) The Albigensian Crusade, A.D. 1209-1229.
          (2) The Inquisition.
          (3) Conrad of Marburg and the Stedingers.


                            THIRD SECTION.

              HISTORY OF THE GERMANO-ROMANIC CHURCH IN THE
               14TH AND 15TH CENTURIES (A.D. 1294-1517).


                  I. The Hierarchy, Clergy, and Monks.

  § 110. THE PAPACY.
          (1) Boniface VIII. and Benedict XI., A.D. 1294-1304.
          (2) The Papacy during the Babylonian Exile, A.D. 1305-1377.
          (3) John XXII., A.D. 1316-1334.
          (4) Benedict XII., A.D. 1334-1342.
          (5) Innocent VI. to Gregory XI., A.D. 1352-1378.
          (6) The Papal Schism and the Council of Pisa, A.D. 1378-1410.
          (7) The Council of Constance and Martin V., A.D. 1410-1431.
          (8) Eugenius IV. and the Council of Basel, A.D. 1431-1449.
          (9) Pragmatic Sanction, A.D. 1438.
         (10) Nicholas V. to Pius II., A.D. 1447-1464.
         (11) Paul II., Sixtus IV. and Innocent VII., A.D. 1464-1492.
         (12) Alexander VI., A.D. 1492-1503.
         (13) Julius II., A.D. 1503-1513.
         (14) Leo X., A.D. 1513-1521.
         (15) Papal Claims to Sovereignty.
         (16) The Papal Curia.

  § 111. THE CLERGY.
          (1) The Moral Condition of the Clergy.
          (2) Commendator Abbots.

  § 112. MONASTIC ORDERS AND SOCIETIES.
          (1) The Benedictine Orders.
          (2) The Franciscans.
          (3) The Observants and Conventuals.
          (4) The Dominicans.
          (5) The Augustinians.
          (6) John von Staupitz.
          (7) Overthrow of the Templars.
          (8) New Orders.
                1. Hieronymites.
                2. Jesuates.
                3. Minimi.
                4. Nuns of St. Bridget.
                5. Annunciate Order.
          (9) The Brothers of the Common Life.


                        II. Theological Science.

  § 113. SCHOLASTICISM AND ITS REFORMERS.
          (1) John Duns Scotus.
          (2) Thomists and Scotists.
          (3) Nominalists and Realists.
          (4) Casuistry.
          (5) The Founder of Natural Theology--Raimund of Sabunde.
          (6) Nicholas of Cusa.
          (7) Biblical and Practical Theologians.
                1. Nicholas of Lyra.
                2. Antonine of Florence.
                3. John Trithemius.

  § 114. THE GERMAN MYSTICS.
          (1) Meister Eckhart.
          (2) Mystics of Upper Germany after Eckhart.
          (3) The Friend of God in the Uplands.
          (4) Nicholas of Basel.
          (5) Henry Suso.
          (6) Henry of Nördlingen.
          (7) Mystics of the Netherlands.
                1. John of Ruysbroek.
                2. Hendrik Mande.
                3. Gerlach Peters.
                4. Thomas à Kempis.


                    III. The Church and the People.

  § 115A. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND THE RELIGIOUS EDUCATION OF THE PEOPLE.
          (1) Fasts and Festivals.
          (2) Preaching.
          (3) The _Biblia Pauperum_.
          (4) The Bible in the Vernacular.
          (5) Catechisms and Prayer Books.
          (6) The Dance of Death.
          (7) Hymnology.
          (8) Church Music.
          (9) Legendary Relics.

  § 115B. NATIONAL LITERATURE AND ECCLESIASTICAL ART.
         (10) The Italian National Literature.
         (11) The German National Literature.
         (12) The Sacred Drama.
         (13) Architecture and Painting.

  § 116. POPULAR MOVEMENTS.
          (1) Two National Saints.
          (2) The Maid of Orleans, A.D. 1428-1431.
          (3) Lollards, Flagellants, and Dancers.
          (4) The Friends of God.
          (5) Pantheistic Libertine Societies.

  § 117. CHURCH DISCIPLINE.
          (1) Indulgences.
          (2) The Inquisition.
          (3) The Bull “_In Cœna Domini_.”
          (4) Prosecution of Witches.


                      IV. Attempts at Reformation.

  § 118. ATTEMPTED REFORMS IN CHURCH POLITY.
          (1) The Literary War between Imperialists and Curialists
              in the 14th Century.
          (2) ---- Continued.
          (3) Reforming Councils of the 15th Century.
          (4) Friends of Reform in France during the 15th Century.
                1. Peter d’Ailly.
                2. Jean Charlier (Gerson).
                3. Nicholas of Clemanges.
                4. Louis d’Aleman.
          (5) Friends of Reform in Germany.
                1. Henry of Langenstein.
                2. Theodorich or Dietrich of Niem.
                3. Gregory of Heimburg.
                4. Jacob of Jüterboyk [Jüterbock].
                5. Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa.
                6. Felix Hemmerlin.
                7. The Reformation of the Emperor Sigismund.
          (6) An Italian Apostate from the Basel Liberal
              Party--Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini.
          (7) Reforms in Church Policy in Spain.

  § 119. EVANGELICAL EFFORTS AT REFORM.
          (1) Wiclif and the Wiclifites.
          (2) Precursors of the Hussite Movement.
                1. Conrad of Waldhausen.
                2. John Milicz of Cremsier.
                3. Matthias of Janow.
          (3) John Huss of Hussinecz.
          (4) ---- Rector of the University of Prague.
          (5) ---- Council of Constance; Trial; Execution.
          (6) ---- His Teachings.
          (7) Calixtines and Taborites.
          (8) The Bohemian and Moravian Brethren.
          (9) The Waldensians.
                1. Lombard-German Waldensians.
         (9A)   2. French Waldensians.
         (10) The Dutch Reformers.
                1. John Pupper of Goch.
                2. John Ruchrath of Wesel.
                3. John Wessel.
                4. Nicholas Russ.
         (11) An Italian Reformer--Jerome Savonarola.

  § 120. THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING.
          (1) Italian Humanists.
          (2) German Humanism--University of Erfurt.
          (3) ---- Other Schools.
          (4) John Reuchlin.
          (5) _Epistolæ obscurorum virorum._
          (6) Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam.
          (7) Humanism in England.
          (8) Humanism in France and Spain.
          (9) Humanism and the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century.



                            THIRD DIVISION.

             History of the Development of the Church under
                 Modern European Forms of Civilization.

  § 121. CHARACTER AND DISTRIBUTION OF MODERN CHURCH HISTORY.


                             FIRST SECTION.

                CHURCH HISTORY OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.


                          I. The Reformation.

  § 122. THE BEGINNINGS OF THE WITTENBERG REFORMATION.
          (1) Luther’s Years of Preparation.
          (2) Luther’s Theses of A.D. 1517.
          (3) Prierias, Cajetan, and Miltitz, A.D. 1518, 1519.
          (4) The Leipzig Disputation, A.D. 1519.
          (5) Philip Melanchthon.
          (6) George Spalatin.

  § 123. LUTHER’S PERIOD OF CONFLICT, A.D. 1520, 1521.
          (1) Luther’s Three Chief Reformation Writings, A.D. 1520.
          (2) The Papal Bull of Excommunication, A.D. 1520.
          (3) Erasmus, A.D. 1520.
          (4) Luther’s Controversy with Emser, A.D. 1519-1521.
          (5) The Emperor Charles V.
          (6) The Diet at Worms, A.D. 1521.
          (7) Luther at Wittenberg after the Diet.
          (8) The Wartburg Exile, A.D. 1521, 1522.
          (9) The Attitude of Frederick the Wise to the Reformation.

  § 124. DETERIORATION AND PURIFICATION OF THE WITTENBERG
         REFORMATION, A.D. 1522-1525.
          (1) The Wittenberg Fanaticism, A.D. 1521, 1522.
          (2) Franz von Sickingen, A.D. 1522, 1523.
          (3) Andrew Bodenstein of Carlstadt, A.D. 1524, 1525.
          (4) Thomas Münzer, A.D. 1523, 1524.
          (5) The Peasant War, A.D. 1524, 1525.

  § 125. FRIENDS AND FOES OF LUTHER’S DOCTRINE, A.D. 1522-1526.
          (1) Spread of Evangelical Views.
          (2) “The Sum of Holy Scripture” and its Author.
          (3) Henry VIII. and Erasmus.
          (4) Thomas Murner.
          (5) “_Onus ecclesiæ._”

  § 126. DEVELOPMENT OF THE REFORMATION IN THE EMPIRE, A.D. 1522-1526.
          (1) The Diet at Nuremberg, A.D. 1522, 1523.
          (2) The Diet at Nuremberg, A.D. 1524.
          (3) The Convention at Regensburg, A.D. 1524.
          (4) The Evangelical Nobles, A.D. 1524.
          (5) The Torgau League, A.D. 1526.
          (6) The Diet of Spires, A.D. 1526.

  § 127. ORGANIZATION OF THE EVANGELICAL PROVINCIAL CHURCHES,
         A.D. 1526-1529.
          (1) The Organization of the Church of the Saxon
              Electorate, A.D. 1527-1529.
          (2) The Organization of the Hessian Churches,
              A.D. 1526-1528.
          (3) Organization of other German Provincial Churches,
              A.D. 1528-1530.
          (4) The Reformation in the Cities of Northern Germany,
              A.D. 1524-1531.

  § 128. MARTYRS FOR EVANGELICAL TRUTH, A.D. 1521-1529.

  § 129. LUTHER’S PRIVATE AND PUBLIC LIFE, A.D. 1523-1529.
          (1) Luther’s Literary Works.
          (2) Döllinger’s View of Luther.

  § 130. THE REFORMATION IN GERMAN SWITZERLAND, A.D. 1519-1531.
          (1) Ulrich Zwingli.
          (2) The Reformation in Zürich, A.D. 1519-1525.
          (3) Reformation in Basel, A.D. 1520-1525.
          (4) The Reformation in the other Cantons, A.D. 1520-1525.
          (5) Anabaptist Outbreak, A.D. 1525.
          (6) Disputation at Baden, A.D. 1526.
          (7) Disputation at Bern, A.D. 1528.
          (8) Complete Victory of the Reformation at Basel,
              St. Gall, and Schaffhausen, A.D. 1529.
          (9) The first Treaty of Cappel, A.D. 1529.
         (10) The Second Treaty of Cappel, A.D. 1531.

  § 131. THE SACRAMENTARIAN CONTROVERSY, A.D. 1525-1529.

  § 132. THE PROTEST AND CONFESSION OF THE EVANGELICAL NOBLES,
         A.D. 1527-1530.
          (1) The Pack Incident, A.D. 1527, 1528.
          (2) The Emperor’s Attitude, A.D. 1527-1529.
          (3) The Diet at Spires, A.D. 1529.
          (4) The Marburg Conference, A.D. 1529.
          (5) The Convention of Schwabach and the Landgrave Philip.
          (6) The Diet of Augsburg, A.D. 1530.
          (7) The Augsburg Confession, 25th June, A.D. 1530.
          (8) The Conclusions of the Diet of Augsburg.

  § 133. INCIDENTS OF THE YEARS A.D. 1531-1536.
          (1) The Founding of the Schmalcald League,
              A.D. 1530, 1531.
          (2) The Peace of Nuremberg, A.D. 1532.
          (3) The Evangelization of Württemberg,
              A.D. 1534, 1535.
          (4) The Reformation in Anhalt and Pomerania,
              A.D. 1532-1534.
          (5) The Reformation in Westphalia, A.D. 1532-1534.
          (6) Disturbances at Münster, A.D. 1534, 1535.
          (7) Extension of the Schmalcald league, A.D. 1536.
          (8) The Wittenberg Concordat of A.D. 1536.

  § 134. INCIDENTS OF THE YEARS A.D. 1537-1539.
          (1) The Schmalcald Articles, A.D. 1537.
          (2) The League of Nuremberg, A.D. 1538.
          (3) The Frankfort Interim, A.D. 1539.
          (4) The Reformation in Albertine Saxony, A.D. 1539.
          (5) The Reformation in Brandenburg and Neighbouring
              States, A.D. 1539.

  § 135. UNION ATTEMPTS OF A.D. 1540-1546.
          (1) The Double Marriage of the Landgrave, A.D. 1540.
          (2) The Religious Conference at Worms, A.D. 1540.
          (3) The Religious Conference at Regensburg, A.D. 1541.
          (4) The Regensburg Declaration, A.D. 1541.
          (5) The Naumburg Bishopric, A.D. 1541, 1542.
          (6) The Reformation in Brunswick and the Palatinate,
              A.D. 1542-1546.
          (7) The Reformation in the Electorate of Cologne,
              A.D. 1542-1544.
          (8) The Emperor’s Difficulties, A.D. 1543, 1544.
          (9) Diet at Spires, A.D. 1544.
         (10) Differences between the Emperor and the Protestant
              Nobles, A.D. 1545, 1546.
         (11) Luther’s Death, A.D. 1546.

  § 136. THE SCHMALCALD WAR, THE INTERIM, AND THE COUNCIL,
         A.D. 1546-1551.
          (1) Preparations for the Schmalcald War, A.D. 1546.
          (2) The Campaign on the Danube, A.D. 1546.
          (3) The Campaign on the Elbe, A.D. 1547.
          (4) The Council of Trent, A.D. 1545-1547.
          (5) The Augsburg Interim, A.D. 1548.
          (6) The Execution of the Interim.
          (7) The Leipzig or Little Interim, A.D. 1549.
          (8) The Council again at Trent, A.D. 1551.

  § 137A. MAURICE AND THE PEACE OF AUGSBURG A.D. 1550-1555.
          (1) The State of Matters in A.D. 1550.
          (2) The Elector Maurice, A.D. 1551.
          (3) The Compact of Passau, A.D. 1552.
          (4) Death of Maurice, A.D. 1553.
          (5) The Religious Peace of Augsburg, A.D. 1555.

  § 137B. GERMANY AFTER THE RELIGIOUS PEACE.
          (6) The Worms Consultation, A.D. 1557.
          (7) Second Attempt at Reformation in the Electorate
              of Cologne, A.D. 1582.
          (8) The German Emperors, A.D. 1556-1612.

  § 138. THE REFORMATION IN FRENCH SWITZERLAND.
          (1) Calvin’s Predecessors, A.D. 1526-1535.
          (2) Calvin before his Genevan Ministry.
          (3) Calvin’s First Ministry in Geneva, A.D. 1536-1538.
          (4) Calvin’s Second Ministry in Geneva, A.D. 1541-1564.
          (5) Calvin’s Writings.
          (6) Calvin’s Doctrine.
          (7) The Victory of Calvinism over Zwinglianism.
          (8) Calvin’s Successor in Geneva.

  § 139. THE REFORMATION IN OTHER LANDS.
          (1) Sweden.
          (2) Denmark and Norway.
          (3) Courland, Livonia, and Esthonia.
          (4) England--Henry VIII.
          (5) ---- Edward VI.
          (6) ---- Elizabeth.
          (7) Ireland.
          (8) Scotland.
          (9) ---- John Knox.
         (10) ---- Queen Mary Stuart.
         (11) ---- John Knox and Queen Mary Stuart.
         (12) The Netherlands.
         (13) France.
              ---- Francis I.
              ---- Henry II.
         (14) ---- Huguenots.
              ---- Francis II.
              ---- Charles IX.
         (15) ---- Persecution of the Huguenots.
         (16) ---- The Bloody Marriage--Massacre of St. Bartholomew.
         (17) ---- Henry III.
              ---- Henry IV.
              ---- Edict of Nantes.
         (18) Poland.
         (19) Bohemia and Moravia.
         (20) Hungary and Transylvania.
         (21) Spain.
         (22) Italy.
         (23) ---- Aonio Paleario.
         (24)   1. Bernardino Ochino.
                2. Peter Martyr Vermilius.
                3. Peter Paul Vergerius.
                4. Cœlius Secundus Curio.
                5. Galeazzo Carraccioli.
                6. Fulvia Olympia Morata.
         (25) The Protestantizing of the Waldensians.
         (26) Attempt at Protestantizing the Eastern Church.


                  II. The Churches of the Reformation.

  § 140. THE DISTINCTIVE CHARACTER OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH.

  § 141. DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES IN THE LUTHERAN CHURCH.
          (1) The Antinomian Controversy, A.D. 1537-1541.
          (2) The Osiander Controversy, A.D. 1549-1556.
          (3) Æpinus Controversy; Kargian Controversy.
          (4) The Philippists and their Opponents.
          (5) The Adiaphorist Controversy, A.D. 1548-1555.
          (6) The Majorist Controversy, A.D. 1551-1562.
          (7) The Synergistic Controversy, A.D. 1555-1567.
          (8) The Flacian Controversy about Original Sin,
              A.D. 1560-1575.
          (9) The Lutheran Doctrine of the Lord’s Supper.
         (10) Cryptocalvinism in its First Stage, A.D. 1552-1574.
         (11) The Frankfort Compact, A.D. 1558, and the Naumburg
              Assembly of Princes, A.D. 1561.
         (12) The Formula of Concord, A.D. 1577.
         (13) Second Stage of Cryptocalvinism, A.D. 1586-1592.
         (14) The Huber Controversy, A.D. 1588-1595.
         (15) The Hofmann Controversy in Helmstadt, A.D. 1598.

  § 142. CONSTITUTION, WORSHIP, LIFE, AND SCIENCE IN THE
         LUTHERAN CHURCH.
          (1) The Ecclesiastical Constitution.
          (2) Public Worship and Art.
          (3) Church Song--Luther and early Authors.
          (4) ---- Later Authors.
          (5) Chorale Singing.
          (6) Theological Science.
          (7) German National Literature.
          (8) Missions to the Heathen.

  § 143. THE INNER DEVELOPMENT OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.
          (1) The Ecclesiastical Constitution.
          (2) Public Worship.
          (3) The English Puritans.
          (4) ---- The Brownists.
          (5) Theological Science.
          (6) Philosophy.
          (7) A Missionary Enterprise.

  § 144. CALVINIZING OF GERMAN LUTHERAN NATIONAL CHURCHES.
          (1) The Palatinate, A.D. 1560.
          (2) Bremen, A.D. 1562.
          (3) Anhalt, A.D. 1597.


                         III. THE DEFORMATION.

  § 145. CHARACTER OF THE DEFORMATION.

  § 146. MYSTICISM AND PANTHEISM.
          (1) Schwenkfeld and his Followers.
          (2) Agrippa, Paracelsus, and Weigel.
          (3) Franck, Thamer, and Bruno.
          (4) The Pantheistic Libertine Sects of the Spirituals.
          (5) The Familists.

  § 147. ANABAPTISM.
          (1) The Anabaptist Movement in General.
          (2) Keller’s View of Anabaptist History.
          (3) The Swiss Anabaptists.
          (4) The South German Anabaptists.
          (5) The Moravian Anabaptists.
          (6) The Venetian Anabaptists.
          (7) The older Apostles of Anabaptism in the North-West
              of Germany.
                1. Melchior Hoffmann.
                2. Melchior Ring.
          (8) Jan Matthys of Haarlem.
          (9) The Münster Catastrophe, A.D. 1534, 1535.
         (10) Menno Simons and the Mennonites.

  § 148. ANTITRINITARIANS AND UNITARIANS.
          (1) Anabaptist Antitrinitarians in Germany.
          (2) Michael Servetus.
          (3) Italian and other Antitrinitarians before Socinus.
          (4) The Two Socini and the Socinians.


                      IV. THE COUNTER-REFORMATION.

  § 149. THE INTERNAL STRENGTHENING AND REVIVAL OF THE
         CATHOLIC CHURCH.
          (1) The Popes before the Council.
          (2) The Popes of the Time of the Council.
          (3) The Popes after the Council.
          (4) Papal Infallibility.
          (5) The Prophecy of St. Malachi.
          (6) Reformation of Old Monkish Orders.
          (7) New Orders for Home Missions.
          (8) The Society of Jesus--Founding of the Order.
          (9) ---- Constitution.
         (10) ---- The Doctrinal and Moral System.
         (11) Jesuit Influence upon Worship and Superstition.
         (12) Educational Methods and Institutions of the Jesuits.
         (13) Theological Controversies.
         (14) Theological Literature.
         (15) Art and Poetry.
         (16) The Spanish Mystics.
         (17) Practical Christian life.

  § 150. FOREIGN MISSIONS.
          (1) Missions to the Heathen--East Indies and China.
          (2) ---- Japan.
          (3) ---- America.
          (4) Schismatical Churches of the East.

  § 151. ATTEMPTED REGENERATION OF ROMAN CATHOLICISM.
          (1) Attempts at Regeneration in Germany.
          (2) Throughout Europe.
          (3) Russia and the United Greeks.


                            SECOND SECTION.

               CHURCH HISTORY OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.


              I. Relations between the Different Churches.

  § 152. EAST AND WEST.
          (1) Roman Catholic Hopes.
          (2) Calvinistic Hopes.
          (3) Orthodox Constancy.

  § 153. CATHOLICISM AND PROTESTANTISM.
          (1) Conversions of Protestant Princes.
          (2) The Restoration in Germany and the Neighbouring States.
          (3) Livonia and Hungary.
          (4) The Huguenots in France.
          (5) The Waldensians in Piedmont.
          (6) The Catholics in England and Ireland.
          (7) Union Efforts.
          (8) The Lehnin Prophecy.

  § 154. LUTHERANISM AND CALVINISM.
          (1) Calvinizing of Hesse-Cassel, A.D. 1605-1646.
          (2) Calvinizing of Lippe, A.D. 1602.
          (3) The Elector of Brandenburg becomes Calvinist, A.D. 1613.
          (4) Union Attempts.

  § 155. ANGLICANISM AND PURITANISM.
          (1) The First Two Stuarts.
          (2) The Commonwealth and the Protector.
          (3) The Restoration and the Act of Toleration.


                     II. The Roman Catholic Church.

  § 156. THE PAPACY, MONKERY, AND FOREIGN MISSIONS.
          (1) The Papacy.
          (2) The Jesuits and the Republic of Venice.
          (3) The Gallican Liberties.
          (4) Galileo and the Inquisition.
          (5) The Controversy on the Immaculate Conception.
          (6) The Devotion of the Sacred Heart of Jesus.
          (7) New Congregations and Orders.
                1. Benedictine Congregation of St. Banne.
                2. Benedictine Congregation of St. Maur.
                3. The Fathers of the Oratory of Jesus.
                4. The Piarists.
                5. The Order of the Visitation of Mary.
          (8)   6. The Priests of the Missions and Sisters
                   of Charity.
                7. The Trappists.
                8. The English Nuns.
          (9) The Propaganda.
         (10) Foreign Missions.
         (11) In the East Indies.
         (12) In China.
         (13) Trade and Industry of the Jesuits.
         (14) An Apostate to Judaism.

  § 157. QUIETISM AND JANSENISM.
          (1) Francis de Sales and Madame Chantal.
          (2) Michael Molinos.
          (3) Madame Guyon and Fénelon.
          (4) Mysticism Tinged with Theosophy and Pantheism.
          (5) Jansenism in its first Stage.

  § 158. SCIENCE AND ART IN THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.
          (1) Theological Science.
          (2) Church History.
          (3) Art and Poetry.


                       III. The Lutheran Church.

  § 159. ORTHODOXY AND ITS BATTLES.
          (1) Christological Controversies.
                1. The Cryptist and Kenotist Controversy.
                2. The Lütkemann Controversy.
          (2) The Syncretist Controversy.
          (3) The Pietist Controversy in its First Stage.
          (4) Theological Literature.
          (5) Dogmatics.

  § 160. THE RELIGIOUS LIFE.
          (1) Mysticism and Asceticism.
          (2) Mysticism and Theosophy.
          (3) Sacred Song.
          (4) ---- Its 17th Century Transition.
          (5) Sacred Music.
          (6) The Christian Life of the People.
          (7) Missions.


                        IV. The Reformed Church.

  § 161. THEOLOGY AND ITS BATTLES.
          (1) Preliminaries of the Arminian Controversy.
          (2) The Arminian Controversy.
          (3) Consequences of the Arminian Controversy.
          (4) The Cocceian and Cartesian Controversies.
          (5) ---- Continued.
          (6) Theological Literature.
          (7) Dogmatic Theology.
          (8) The Apocrypha Controversy.

  § 162. THE RELIGIOUS LIFE.
          (1) England and Scotland.
          (2) ---- Political and Social Revolutionists.
          (3) ---- Devotional Literature.
          (4) The Netherlands.
          (5) ---- Voetians and Cocceians.
          (6) France, Germany, and Switzerland.
          (7) Foreign Missions.


               V. Anti- and Extra-Ecclesiastical Parties.

  § 163. SECTS AND FANATICS.
          (1) The Socinians.
          (2) The Baptists of the Continent.
                1. The Dutch Baptists.
                2. The Moravian Baptists.
          (3) The English Baptists.
          (4) The Quakers.
          (5) ---- Continued.
          (6) The Quaker Constitution.
          (7) Labadie and the Labadists.
          (8) ---- Continued.
          (9) Fanatical Sects.
         (10) Russian Sects.

  § 164. PHILOSOPHERS AND FREETHINKERS.
          (1) Philosophy.
          (2) ---- Continued.
          (3) Freethinkers--England.
          (4) ---- Germany and France.


                             THIRD SECTION.

               CHURCH HISTORY OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.


                I. The Catholic Church in East and West.

  § 165. THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH.
          (1) The Popes.
          (2) Old and New Orders.
          (3) Foreign Missions.
          (4) The Counter-Reformation.
          (5) In France.
          (6) Conversions.
          (7) The Second Stage of Jansenism.
          (8) The Old Catholic Church in the Netherlands.
          (9) Suppression of the Order of Jesuits, A.D. 1773.
         (10) Anti-hierarchical Movements in Germany and Italy.
         (11) Theological Literature.
         (12) In Italy.
         (13) The German-Catholic Contribution to the Illumination.
         (14) The French Contribution to the Illumination.
         (15) The French Revolution.
         (16) The Pseudo-Catholics--The Abrahamites or
              Bohemian Deists.
         (17) ---- The Frankists.

  § 166. THE ORIENTAL CHURCHES.
          (1) The Russian State Church.
          (2) Russian Sects.
          (3) The Abyssinian Church.


                      II. The Protestant Churches.

  § 167. THE LUTHERAN CHURCH BEFORE “THE ILLUMINATION.”
          (1) The Pietist Controversies after the Founding of the
              Halle University.
          (2) ---- Controversial Doctrines.
          (3) Theology.
          (4) Unionist Efforts.
          (5) Theories of Ecclesiastical Law.
          (6) Church Song.
          (7) Sacred Music.
          (8) The Christian Life and Devotional Literature.
          (9) Missions to the Heathen.

  § 168. THE CHURCH OF THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN.
          (1) The Founder of the Moravian Brotherhood.
          (2) The Founding of the Brotherhood.
          (3) The Development of the Brotherhood down to
              Zinzendorf’s Death, A.D. 1727-1760.
          (4) Zinzendorf’s Plan and Work.
          (5) Numerous Extravagances.
          (6) Zinzendorf’s Greatness.
          (7) The Brotherhood under Spangenberg’s Administration.
          (8) The Doctrinal Peculiarities of the Brotherhood.
          (9) The Peculiarities of Worship among the Brethren.
         (10) Christian Life of the Brotherhood.
         (11) Missions to the Heathen.

  § 169. THE REFORMED CHURCH BEFORE THE “ILLUMINATION.”
          (1) The German Reformed Church.
          (2) The Reformed Church in Switzerland.
          (3) The Dutch Reformed Church.
          (4) Methodism.
          (5) ---- Continued.
          (6) Theological Literature.

  § 170. NEW SECTS AND FANATICS.
          (1) Fanatics and Separatists in Germany.
          (2) The Inspired Societies in Wetterau.
          (3) J. C. Dippel.
          (4) Separatists of Immoral Tendency.
          (5) Swedenborgianism.
          (6) New Baptist Sects.
          (7) New Quaker Sects.
          (8) Predestinarian-Mystical Sects.

  § 171. RELIGION, THEOLOGY, AND LITERATURE OF THE “ILLUMINATION.”
          (1) Deism, Arianism, and Unitarianism in the English Church.
                1. The Deists.
                2. The So-called Arians.
                3. The Later Unitarians.
          (2) Freemasons.
          (3) The German “Illumination.”
                1. Its Precursors.
          (4)   2. The Age of Frederick the Great.
          (5)   3. The Wöllner Reaction.
          (6) The Transition Theology.
          (7) The Rationalistic Theology.
          (8) Supernaturalism.
          (9) Mysticism and Theosophy.
         (10) The German Philosophy.
         (11) The German National Literature.
         (12) Pestalozzi.

  § 172. CHURCH LIFE IN THE PERIOD OF THE “ILLUMINATION.”
          (1) The Hymnbook and Church Music.
          (2) Religious Characters.
          (3) Religious Sects.
          (4) The Rationalistic “Illumination” outside of Germany.
          (5) Missionary Societies and Missionary Enterprise.


                            FOURTH SECTION.

               CHURCH HISTORY OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.


                      I. General and Introductory.

  § 173. SURVEY OF RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS OF NINETEENTH CENTURY.

  § 174. NINETEENTH CENTURY CULTURE IN RELATION TO CHRISTIANITY
         AND THE CHURCH.
          (1) The German Philosophy.
          (2) ---- Continued.
          (3) The Sciences; Medicine.
          (4) Jurists; Historians; Geography; Philology.
          (5) National Literature--Germany.
          (6) ---- Continued.
          (7) ---- Other Countries.
          (8) Popular Education.
          (9) Art.
         (10) Music and the Drama.

  § 175. INTERCOURSE AND NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE CHURCHES.
          (1) Romanizing Tendencies among Protestants.
          (2) The Attitude of Catholicism toward Protestantism.
          (3) Romish Controversy.
          (4) Roman Catholic Union Schemes.
          (5) Greek Orthodox Union Schemes.
          (6) Old Catholic Union Schemes.
          (7) Conversions.
          (8) ---- The Mortara Affair.
          (9) ---- Other Conversions.
         (10) The Luther Centenary, A.D. 1883.


                     II. Protestantism in General.

  § 176. RATIONALISM AND PIETISM.
          (1) Rationalism.
          (2) Pietism.
          (3) The Königsberg Religious Movement, A.D. 1835-1842.
          (4) The Bender Controversy.

  § 177. EVANGELICAL UNION AND LUTHERAN SEPARATION.
          (1) The Evangelical Union.
          (2) The Lutheran Separation.
          (3) The Separation within the Separation.

  § 178. EVANGELICAL CONFEDERATION.
          (1) The Gustavus Adolphus Society.
          (2) The Eisenach Conference.
          (3) The Evangelical Alliance.
          (4) The Evangelical Church Alliance.
          (5) The Evangelical League.

  § 179. LUTHERANISM, MELANCHTHONIANISM, AND CALVINISM.
          (1) Lutheranism within the Union.
          (2) Lutheranism outside of the Union.
          (3) Melanchthonianism and Calvinism.

  § 180. THE “_PROTESTANTENVEREIN_.”
          (1) The Protestant Assembly.
          (2) The “_Protestantenverein_” Propaganda.
          (3) Sufferings Endured.
          (4) ---- In Berlin.
          (5) ---- In Schleswig Holstein.

  § 181. DISPUTES ABOUT FORMS OF WORSHIP.
          (1) The Hymnbook.
          (2) The Book of Chorales.
          (3) The Liturgy.
          (4) The Holy Scriptures.

  § 182. PROTESTANT THEOLOGY IN GERMANY.
          (1) Schleiermacher, A.D. 1768-1834.
          (2) The Older Rationalistic Theology.
          (3) Historico-Critical Rationalism.
          (4) Supernaturalism.
          (5) Rational Supernaturalism.
          (6) Speculative Theology.
          (7) The Tübingen School.
          (8) Strauss.
          (9) The Mediating Theology.
         (10) Lutheran Theologians.
         (11) Old Testament Exegetes.
         (12) University Teachers.
         (13) The Lutheran Confessional Theology.
         (14) ---- Continued.
         (15) ---- Continued.
         (16) Reformed Confessionalism.
         (17) The Free Protestant Theology.
         (18) In the Old Testament Department.
         (19) Dogmatists.
         (20) Ritschl and his School.
         (21) ---- Opponents.
         (22) Writers on Constitutional Law and History.

  § 183. HOME MISSIONS.
          (1) Institutions.
          (2) The Order of St. John.
          (3) The Itinerant Preacher Gustav Werner in Württemberg.
          (4) Bible Societies.

  § 184. FOREIGN MISSIONS.
          (1) Missionary Societies.
          (2) Europe and America.
          (3) Africa.
          (4) ---- Livingstone and Stanley.
          (5) Asia.
          (6) China.
          (7) Polynesia and Australia.
          (8) Missions to the Jews.
          (9) Missions among the Eastern Churches.


                      III. Catholicism in General.

  § 185. THE PAPACY AND THE STATES OF THE CHURCH.
          (1) The First Four Popes of the Century.
          (2) Pius IX., A.D. 1846-1878.
          (3) The Overthrow of the Papal States.
          (4) The Prisoner of the Vatican, A.D. 1870-1878.
          (5) Leo XIII.

  § 186. VARIOUS ORDERS AND ASSOCIATIONS.
          (1) The Society of Jesus and Related Orders.
          (2) Other Orders and Congregations.
          (3) The Pius Verein.
          (4) The Various German Unions.
          (5) Omnipotence of Capital.
          (6) The Catholic Missions.
          (7) ---- Mission Societies.

  § 187. LIBERAL CATHOLIC MOVEMENTS.
          (1) Mystical-Irenical Tendencies.
          (2) Evangelical-Revival Tendencies.
          (3) Liberal-Scientific Tendencies.
          (4) Radical-Liberalistic Tendencies.
          (5) Attempts at Reform in Church Government.
          (6) Attempts to Found National Catholic Churches.
          (7) National Italian Church.
          (8) The Frenchman, Charles Loyson.

  § 188. CATHOLIC ULTRAMONTANISM.
          (1) The Ultramontane Propaganda.
          (2) Miracles.
          (3) Stigmatizations.
          (4) ---- Louise Lateau.
          (5) Pseudo-Stigmatizations.
          (6) Manifestations of the Mother of God in France.
          (7) Manifestations of the Mother of God in Germany.
          (8) Canonizations.
          (9) Discoveries of Relics.
         (10) The blood of St. Januarius.
         (11) The Leaping Procession at Echternach.
         (12) The Devotion of the Sacred Heart.
         (13) Ultramontane Amulets.
         (14) Ultramontane Pulpit Eloquence.

  § 189. THE VATICAN COUNCIL.
          (1) Preliminary History of the Council.
          (2) The Organization of the Council.
          (3) The Proceedings of the Council.
          (4) Acceptance of the Decrees of the Council.

  § 190. THE OLD CATHOLICS.
          (1) Formation and Development of the Old Catholic Church
              in the German Empire.
          (2) ---- Continued.
          (3) The Old Catholics in other Lands.

  § 191. CATHOLIC THEOLOGY, ESPECIALLY IN GERMANY.
          (1) Hermes and his School.
          (2) Baader and his School.
          (3) Günther and his School.
          (4) John Adam Möhler.
          (5) John Jos. Ignat. von Döllinger.
          (6) The Chief Representatives of Systematic Theology.
          (7) The Chief Representatives of Historical Theology.
          (8) The Chief Representatives of Exegetical Theology.
          (9) The Chief Representatives of the New Scholasticism.
         (10) The Munich Congress of Catholic Scholars, 1863.
         (11) Theological Journals.
         (12) The Popes and Theological Science.


        IV. Relation of Church to the Empire and to the States.

  § 192. THE GERMAN CONFEDERATION.
          (1) The Imperial Commission’s Decree, 1803.
          (2) The Prince-Primate of the Confederation of the Rhine.
          (3) The Vienna Congress and the Concordat.
          (4) The Frankfort Parliament and the Würzburg Bishops’
              Congress of 1848.

  § 193. PRUSSIA.
          (1) The Catholic Church to the Close of the Cologne
              Conflict.
          (2) The Golden Age of Prussian Ultramontanism, 1841-1871.
          (3) The Evangelical Church in Old Prussia down to 1848.
          (4) The Evangelical Church in Old Prussia, 1848-1872.
          (5) The Evangelical Church in Old Prussia, 1872-1880.
          (6) ---- Continued.
          (7) The Evangelical Church in the Annexed Provinces.
          (8) ---- In Hanover.
          (9) ---- In Hesse.

  § 194. THE NORTH GERMAN SMALLER STATES.
          (1) The Kingdom of Saxony.
          (2) The Saxon Duchies.
          (3) The Kingdom of Hanover.
          (4) Hesse.
          (5) Brunswick, Oldenburg, Anhalt, and Lippe-Detmold.
          (6) Mecklenburg.

  § 195. BAVARIA.
          (1) The Bavarian Ecclesiastical Polity under
              Maximilian I., 1799-1825.
          (2) The Bavarian Ecclesiastical Polity under
              Louis I., 1825-1848.
          (3) The Bavarian Ecclesiastical Polity under
              Maximilian II., 1848-1864, and Louis II.
          (4) Attempts at Reorganization of the Lutheran Church.
          (5) The Church of the Union in the Palatine of the Rhine.

  § 196. THE SOUTH GERMAN SMALLER STATES AND RHENISH ALSACE
         AND LORRAINE.
          (1) The Upper Rhenish Church Province.
          (2) The Catholic Troubles in Baden down to 1873.
          (3) The Protestant Troubles in Baden.
          (4) Hesse-Darmstadt and Nassau.
          (5) In Protestant Württemberg.
          (6) The Catholic Church in Württemberg.
          (7) The Imperial Territory of Alsace and Lorraine
              since 1871.

  § 197. THE SO-CALLED KULTURKAMPF IN THE GERMAN EMPIRE.
          (1) The Aggression of Ultramontanism.
          (2) Conflicts Occasioned by Protection of the Old
              Catholics, 1871-1872.
          (3) Struggles over Educational Questions, 1872-1873.
          (4) The Kanzelparagraph and the Jesuit law, 1871-1872.
          (5) The Prussian Ecclesiastical Laws, 1873-1875.
          (6) Opposition in the States to the Prussian May Laws.
          (7) Share in the Conflict taken by the Pope.
          (8) The Conflict about the Encyclical _Quod nunquam_
              of 1875.
          (9) Papal Overtures for Peace.
         (10) Proof of the Prussian Government’s willingness
              to be Reconciled, 1880-1881.
         (11) Conciliatory Negotiations, 1882-1884.
         (12) Resumption on both sides of Conciliatory Measures,
              1885-1886.
         (13) Definitive Conclusion of Peace, 1887.
         (14) Independent Procedure of the other German Governments.
                1. Bavaria.
                2. Württemberg.
                3. Baden.
         (15)   4. Hesse-Darmstadt.
                5. Saxony.

  § 198. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.
          (1) The Zillerthal Emigration.
          (2) The Concordat.
          (3) The Protestant Church in Cisleithan Austria.
          (4) The Clerical Landtag Opposition in the Tyrol.
          (5) The Austrian Universities.
          (6) The Austrian Ecclesiastical Laws, 1874-1876.
          (7) The Protestant Church in the Transleithan Provinces.

  § 199. SWITZERLAND.
          (1) The Catholic Church in Switzerland till 1870.
          (2) The Geneva Conflict, 1870-1883.
          (3) Conflict in the Diocese of Basel-Soleure, 1870-1880.
          (4) The Protestant Church in German Switzerland.
          (5) The Protestant Church in French Switzerland.

  § 200. HOLLAND AND BELGIUM.
          (1) The United Netherlands.
          (2) The Kingdom of Holland.
          (3) ---- Continued.
          (4) ---- Continued.
          (5) The Kingdom of Belgium.
          (6) ---- Continued.
          (7) ---- Continued.
          (8) The Protestant Church.

  § 201. THE SCANDINAVIAN COUNTRIES.
          (1) Denmark.
          (2) Sweden.
          (3) Norway.

  § 202. GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.
          (1) The Episcopal State Church.
          (2) The Tractarians and Ritualists.
          (3) ---- Continued.
          (4) Liberalism in the Episcopal Church.
          (5) Protestant Dissenters in England.
          (6) Scotch Marriages in England.
          (7) The Scottish State Church.
          (8) Scottish Heresy Cases.
          (9) The Catholic Church in Ireland.
         (10) The Fenian Movement.
         (11) The Catholic Church in England and Scotland.
         (12) German Lutheran Congregations in Australia.

  § 203. FRANCE.
          (1) The French Church under Napoleon I.
          (2) The Restoration and the Citizen Kingdom.
          (3) The Catholic Church under Napoleon III.
          (4) The Protestant Churches under Napoleon III.
          (5) The Catholic Church in the Third French Republic.
          (6) The French “Kulturkampf,” 1880.
          (7) ---- Continued.
          (8) The Protestant Churches under the Third Republic.

  § 204. ITALY.
          (1) The Kingdom of Sardinia.
          (2) The Kingdom of Italy.
          (3) The Evangelization of Italy.
          (4) ---- Continued.

  § 205. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL.
          (1) Spain under Ferdinand VII. and Maria Christina.
          (2) Spain under Isabella II., 1843-1865.
          (3) Spain under Alphonso XII., 1875-1885.
          (4) The Evangelization of Spain.
          (5) The Church in Portugal.

  § 206. RUSSIA.
          (1) The Orthodox National Church.
          (2) The Catholic Church.
          (3) The Evangelical Church.

  § 207. GREECE AND TURKEY.
          (1) The Orthodox Church of Greece.
          (2) Massacre of Syrian Christians, 1860.
          (3) The Bulgarian Ecclesiastical Struggle.
          (4) The Armenian Church.
          (5) The Berlin Treaty, 1878.

  § 208. THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
          (1) English Protestant Denominations.
          (2) The German Lutheran Denominations.
          (3) ---- Continued.
          (4) German-Reformed and other German-Protestant
              Denominations.
          (5) The Catholic Church.

  § 209. THE ROMAN CATHOLIC STATES OF SOUTH AMERICA.
          (1) Mexico.
          (2) In the Republics of Central and Southern America.
          (3) Brazil.


              V. Opponents of Church and of Christianity.

  § 210. SECTARIANS AND ENTHUSIASTS IN THE ROMAN CATHOLIC AND
         ORTHODOX RUSSIAN DOMAINS.
          (1) Sects and Fanatics in the Roman Catholic Domain.
                1. The Order of New Templars.
                2. St. Simonians.
                3. Aug. Comte.
          (2)   4. Thomas Pöschl.
                5. Antonians.
                6. Adamites.
                7. David Lazzaretti.
          (3) Russian Sects and Fanatics.
          (4) ---- Continued.

  § 211. SECTARIES AND ENTHUSIASTS IN THE PROTESTANT DOMAIN.
          (1) The Methodist Propaganda.
          (2) The Salvation Army.
          (3) Baptists and Quakers.
          (4) Swedenborgians and Unitarians.
          (5) Extravagantly Fanatical Manifestations.
          (6) Christian Communistic Sects.
                1. Harmonites.
                2. Bible Communists.
          (7) Millenarian Exodus Communities.
                1. Georgian Separatists.
                2. Bavarian Chiliasts.
          (8)   3. Amen Community.
                4. German Temple Communities.
          (9) The Community of “the New Israel.”
         (10) The Catholic Apostolic Church of the Irvingites.
         (11) The Darbyites and Adventists.
         (12) The Mormons or Latter Day Saints.
         (13) ---- Continued.
         (14) ---- Continued.
         (15) The Taepings in China.
         (16) ---- Continued.
         (17) The Spiritualists.
         (18) Theosophism or Occultism.

  § 212. ANTICHRISTIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM.
          (1) The Beginnings of Modern Communism.
          (2) St. Simonism.
          (3) Owenists and Icarians.
          (4) The International Working-Men’s Association.
          (5) German Social Democracy.
          (6) Russian Nihilism.


  CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.


  INDEX.



                          NOTE BY TRANSLATOR.


  While the translator was working from the ninth edition of 1885,
a tenth edition had appeared during 1887, to which unfortunately his
attention was not called until quite recently. The principal additions
and alterations affecting Vol. II. occur in §§ 98, 108, 119, and 147.
On the section dealing with Anabaptism, the important changes have been
made in the text, so that § 147 precisely corresponds to its latest
and most perfect form in the original. As the printing of the volume
was then far advanced, it was impossible thus to deal with the earlier
sections, but students will find references in the Table of Contents to
the full translation in the Appendix of those passages where material
alterations have been introduced.

                                                    JOHN MACPHERSON.

  FINDHORN, _March, 1889_.



                             INTRODUCTION.


                 § 1. IDEA AND TASK OF CHURCH HISTORY.

  The Christian Church is to be defined as the one, many-branched
communion, consisting of all those who confess that Jesus of Nazareth
is the Christ who in the fulness of time appeared as the Saviour of
the world. It is the Church’s special task to render the saving work of
Christ increasingly fruitful for all nations and individuals, under all
the varying conditions of life and stages of culture. It is the task
of Church History to describe the course of development through which
the Church as a whole, as well as its special departments and various
institutions, has passed, from the time of its foundation down to our
own day; to show what have been the Church’s advances and retrogressions,
how it has been furthered and hindered; and to tell the story of its
deterioration and renewal.


       § 2. DISTRIBUTION OF CHURCH HISTORY ACCORDING TO CONTENTS.

  The treatment of Church History, on account of its manifold
ramifications, demands a distribution of its material, on the one hand,
according to definite periods, during which the end hitherto aimed at in
the whole course of development has been practically attained, so that
either entirely new phenomena gain prominence, or else the old go forth
in an altogether different direction; on the other hand, according to
the various phases of endeavour and development, which in respect of
time are evolved alongside of one another. When this last-mentioned
method of division is adopted, we may still choose between two different
modes of treatment. First, we may deal with national churches, in so
far as these are independent and have pursued some special direction;
or with particular churches, which have originated from the splitting
up of the church universal over some important difference in doctrine,
worship, and constitution. Secondly, we may group our material according
to the various departments of historical activity, which are essential
to the intellectual and spiritual life of all national churches and
denominations, and are thus common to all, although in different
churches in characteristic ways and varying degrees. It follows however
from the very idea of history, especially from that of the universal
history of the church, that the distribution according to periods must
be the leading feature of the entire exposition. At the same time,
whatever may now and again, in accordance with the other principles of
arrangement, be brought into prominence will be influenced materially
by the course of the history and formally by the facility afforded for
review by the mode of treatment pursued.

  § 2.1. =The Various Branches Included in a Complete Course of
  Church History.=--The Christian Church has undertaken the task
  of absorbing all peoples and tongues. Hence it is possessed of
  an eager desire to enlarge its borders by the conversion of all
  non-Christian races. The description of what helps or hinders
  this endeavour, the history of the spread and limitation of
  Christianity, is therefore an essential constituent of church
  history. Since, further, the church, in order to secure its
  continued existence and well-being, must strive after a legally
  determined position outwardly, as well as a firm, harmonious
  articulation, combination and order inwardly, it evidently also
  belongs to our science to give the history of the ecclesiastical
  constitution, both of the place which the church has in the state,
  and the relation it bears to the state; and also of its own
  internal arrangements by superordination, subordination, and
  co-ordination, and by church discipline and legislation. Not
  less essential, nay, even more important for the successful
  development of the church, is the construction and establishment
  of saving truth. In Holy Scripture the church indeed has
  possession of the fountain and standard, as well as the
  all-sufficient power and fulness, of all saving knowledge.
  But the words of Scripture are spirit and life, living seeds of
  knowledge, which, under the care of the same Spirit who sows them,
  may and shall be developed so as to yield a harvest which becomes
  ever more and more abundant; and therefore the fulness of the
  truth which dwells in them comes to be known more simply, clearly,
  fully, and becomes always more fruitful for all stages and
  forms of culture, for faith, for science, and for life. Hence
  church history is required to describe the construction of the
  doctrine and science of the church, to follow its course and the
  deviations from it into heresy, whenever these appear. The church
  is, further, in need of a form of public worship as a necessary
  expression of the feelings and emotions of believers toward
  their Lord and God, as a means of edification and instruction.
  The history of the worship of the church is therefore also an
  essential constituent of church history. It is also the duty of
  the church to introduce into the practical life and customs of
  the people that new spiritual energy of which she is possessor.
  And thus the history of the Christian life among the people comes
  to be included in church history as a further constituent of the
  science. Further, there is also included here, in consequence of
  the nature and aim of Christianity as a leaven (Matt. xiii. 33),
  an account of the effects produced upon it by the development of
  art (of which various branches, architecture, sculpture, painting,
  music, have a direct connexion with Christian worship), and
  likewise upon national literature, philosophy, and secular
  science generally; and also, conversely, an estimate of the
  influence of these forms of secular culture upon the condition
  of the church and religion must not be omitted. The order of
  succession in the historical treatment of these phases under
  which the life of the church is manifested, is not to be rigidly
  determined in the same way for all ages after an abstract logical
  scheme. For each period that order of succession should be
  adopted which will most suitably give prominence to those matters
  which have come to the front, and so call for early and detailed
  treatment in the history of that age.

    § 2.2. =The Separate Branches of Church History.=--The
    constituent parts of church history that have been already
    enumerated are of such importance that they might also be treated
    as independent sciences, and indeed for the most part they have
    often been so treated. In this way, not only is a more exact
    treatment of details rendered possible, but also, what is more
    important, the particular science so limited can be construed in
    a natural manner according to principles furnished by itself. The
    history of the spread and limitation of Christianity then assumes
    a separate form as the History of Missions. The separate history
    of the ecclesiastical constitution, worship, and customs is
    known by the name of Christian Archæology, which is indeed,
    in respect of title and contents, an undefined conglomeration
    of heterogeneous elements restricted in a purely arbitrary way
    to the early ages. The treatment of this department therefore
    requires that we should undertake the scientific task of
    distinguishing these heterogeneous elements, and arranging them
    apart for separate consideration; thus following the course of
    their development down to the present day, as the history of the
    constitution, of the worship, and of the culture of the church.
    The history of the development of doctrine falls into four
    divisions:

    a. The History of Doctrines in the form of a regular historical
       sketch of the doctrinal development of the church.

    b. Symbolics, which gives a systematic representation of the
       relatively final and concluded doctrine of the church as
       determined in the public ecclesiastical confessions or
       symbols for the church universal and for particular sects:
       these again being compared together in Comparative Symbolics.

    c. Patristics, which deals with the subjective development of
       doctrine as carried out by the most distinguished teachers
       of the church, who are usually designated church Fathers,
       and confined to the first six or eight centuries.

    d. And, finally, the History of Theology in general, or the
       History of the particular Theological Sciences, which treats
       of the scientific conception and treatment of theology
       and its separate branches according to its historical
       development; while the History of Theological Literature,
       which when restricted to the age of the Fathers is called
       Patrology, has to describe and estimate the whole literary
       activity of the church according to the persons, motives,
       and tendencies that are present in it.

  As the conclusion and result of church history at particular
  periods, we have the science of Ecclesiastical Statistics, which
  describes the condition of the church in respect of all its
  interests as it stands at some particular moment, “like a slice
  cut cross-wise out of its history.” The most important works in
  these departments are the following:

    a. =History of Missions.=--
        Brown, “Hist. of Propag. of Christ. among Heathen since
            Reformation.” 3rd Ed., 3 vols., Edin., 1854.
        Warneck, “Outlines of Hist. of Prot. Miss.” Edin., 1884.
        Smith, “Short Hist. of Christ. Miss.” Edin., 1884.

    b. =History of the Papacy.=--
        Ranke, “History of Papacy in 16th and 17th Cent.” 2 vols.,
            Lond., 1855.
        Platina (Lib. of Vatican), “Lives of Popes.” (1481). Trans.
            by Rycaut, Lond., 1685.
        Bower, “Hist. of Popes.” 7 vols., Lond., 1750.
        Bryce, “Holy Rom. Empire.” Lond., 1866.
        Creighton, “Hist. of Papacy during the Reformation.”
            Vols. I.-IV., from A.D. 1378-1518, Lond., 1882-1886.
        Janus, “Pope and the Council.” Lond., 1869.
        Pennington, “Epochs of the Papacy.” Lond., 1882.

    c. =History of Monasticism.=--
        Hospinianus [Hospinian], “De Monachis.” Etc., Tigur., 1609.
        Maitland, “The Dark Ages.” Lond., 1844.

    d. =History of Councils.=--
        Hefele, “Hist. of Councils.” Vols. I.-III., to A.D. 451,
            Edin., 1871-1883. (Original German work brought down
            to the Council of Trent exclusive.)

    e. =Church law.=--
        Haddan and Stubbs, “Councils and Eccl. Documents illust.
            Eccl. Hist. of Gr. Brit. and Ireland.” 3 vols.,
            Lond., 1869 ff.
        Phillimore, “Eccl. Law.” Lond., 1873.

    f. =Archæology.=--
        By Cath. Didron, “Christ. Iconography; or, Hist. of Christ.
            Art in M. A.” Lond., 1886.
        By Prot. Bingham, “Antiq. of Christ. Church.” 9 vols.,
            Lond., 1845.
        “Dictionary of Christ. Antiquities.” Ed. by Smith &
            Cheetham, 2 vols., Lond., 1875 ff.

    g. =History of Doctrines.=--
        Neander, “Hist. of Christ. Doct.” 2 vols., Lond.
        Hagenbach, “Hist. of Christ. Doctrines.” 3 vols.,
            Edin., 1880 f.
        Shedd, “Hist. of Christ. Doc.” 2 vols., Edin., 1869.

    h. =Symbolics and Polemics.=--
        Winer, “Confessions of Christendom.” Edin., 1873.
        Schaff, “Creeds of Christendom.” 3 vols., Edin., 1877 ff.
        Möhler, “Symbolism: an Expos. of the Doct. Differences
            between Catholics and Protestants.” 2 vols., Lond.,
            1843.

    i. =Patrology and History of Theolog. Literature.=--
        Dupin, “New History of Ecclesiastical Writers.”
            Lond., 1696.
        Cave, “Script. Eccl. Hist. Lit.” 2 vols., Lond., 1668.
        Fabricii, “Biblioth. Græca.” 14 vols., Hamb., 1705;
            “Biblioth. Mediæ et infinæ Latin.” 6 vols.,
            Hamb., 1734.
        Teuffel, “Hist. of Rom. Lit.” 2 vols., Lond., 1873.

    k. =History of the Theological Sciences.=--
        Buddæus, “Isagoge Hist. Theol. ad Theol. Univ.” Lps., 1727.
        Räbiger, “Encyclopædia of Theology.” 2 vols., Edin., 1884.
        Dorner, “Hist. of Prot. Theol.” 2 vols., Edin., 1871.

        =History of Exegesis.=--
        Davidson, “Sacred Hermeneutics; including Hist. of Biblical
            Interpretation from earliest Fathers to Reformation.”
            Edin., 1843.
        Farrar, “Hist. of Interpretation.” Lond., 1886.

        =History of Morals.=--
        Wuttke’s “Christian Ethics.” Vol. I., “Hist. of Ethics.”
            Edin., 1873.

    l. =Biographies.=--
        “Acta Sanctorum.” 63 vols. fol., Ant., 1643 ff.
        Mabillon, “Acta Ss. ord. S. Bened.” 9 vols. fol.,
            Par., 1666 ff.
        Flaccius [Flacius], “Catalog. Testium Veritatis.” 1555.
        Piper, “Lives of Leaders of Church Universal.” 2 vols.,
            Edin.
        Smith and Wace, “Dict. of Chr. Biog.” etc., 4 vols.,
            Lond., 1877 ff.


       § 3. DISTRIBUTION OF CHURCH HISTORY ACCORDING TO PERIODS.

  In the history of the world’s culture three historical stages
of universal development succeed each other: the Oriental, the
Franco-German, and the Teutono-Romanic. The kingdom of God had to enter
each of these and have in each a distinctive character, so that as
comprehensive a development as possible might be secured. The history
of the preparation for Christianity in the history of the Israelitish
theocracy moves along the lines of Oriental culture. The history of
the beginnings of Christianity embraces the history of the founding of
the church by Christ and His Apostles. These two together constitute
Biblical history, which, as an independent branch of study receiving
separate treatment, need be here treated merely in a brief, introductory
manner. This holds true also of the history of pagan culture alongside
of and subsequent to the founding of the church. Church history,
strictly so-called, the development of the already founded church,
begins therefore, according to our conception, with the Post-Apostolic
Age, and from that point pursues its course in three principal divisions.
The ancient church completes its task by thoroughly assimilating
the elements contributed by the Græco-Roman forms of civilization.
In the Teutono-Romanic Church of the middle ages the appropriation
and amalgamation of ancient classical modes of thought with modern
tendencies awakened by its immediate surroundings were carried out and
completed. On the other hand, the development of church history since
the Reformation has its impulse given it by that Teutono-Christian
culture which had maturity and an independent form secured to it by the
Reformation. This distribution in accordance with the various forms of
civilization seems to us so essential, that we propose to borrow from
it our principle for the arrangement of our church history.

  The chronological distribution of the material may be represented in
the following outline:

    I. =History of the Preparation for Christianity=: Preparation
       for Redemption during the Hebraic-Oriental stage of
       civilization, and the construction alongside of it in the
       universalism of classical culture of forms that prepared the
       way for the coming salvation.

   II. =History of the Beginnings of Christianity=: a sketch of the
       redemption by Christ and the founding of the Church through
       the preaching of it by the Apostles.

  III. =History of the Development of Christianity=, on the basis
       of the sketch of the redemption given in the history of the
       Beginnings:

       A. =In the Græco-Roman and Græco-Byzantine Period, under
          Ancient Classical Forms of Civilization.=
              _First Section_, A.D. 70 to A.D. 323,--down to
          the final victory of Christianity over the Græco-Roman
          paganism; the Post-Apostolic and Old Catholic Ages.
              _Second Section_, from A.D. 323 to A.D. 692,--down
          to the final close of œcumenical development of doctrine
          in A.D. 680, and the appearance of what proved a lasting
          estrangement between the Eastern and the Western Churches
          in A.D. 692, which was soon followed by the alliance of
          the Papacy with the Frankish instead of the Byzantine
          empire; the Œcumenico-Catholic Church, or the Church of
          the Roman-Byzantine Empire.
              _Third Section_, from A.D. 692 to A.D. 1453,--down
          to the overthrow of Constantinople. Languishing and decay
          of the old church life in the Byzantine Empire; complete
          breach and futile attempts at union between East and West.
          The Church of the Byzantine Empire.

       B. =In the Mediæval Period, under Teutono-Romanic Forms of
          Civilization.=
              _First Section_, 4-9th cent.--from the first
          beginnings of Teutonic church life down to the end of the
          Carlovingian Age, A.D. 911. The Teutonic Age.
              _Second Section_, 10-13th cent.--down to
          Boniface VIII., A.D. 1294; rise of mediæval
          institutions--the Papacy, Monasticism, Scholasticism;
          Germany in the foreground of the ecclesiastico-political
          movement.
              _Third Section_, the 14-15th cent.--down to the
          Reformation in A.D. 1517; deterioration and collapse of
          mediæval institutions; France in the foreground of the
          ecclesiastico-political movement.

       C. =In the Modern Period, under the European Forms of
          Civilization.=
              _First Section_, the 16th cent. Age of
          Evangelical-Protestant Reformation and Roman Catholic
          Counter-Reformation.
              _Second Section_, the 17th cent. Age of Orthodoxy
          on the Protestant side and continued endeavours after
          restoration on the side of Catholicism.
              _Third Section_, the 18th cent. Age of advancing
          Illuminism in both churches,--Deism, Naturalism,
          Rationalism.
              _Fourth Section_, the 19th cent. Age of re-awakened
          Christian and Ecclesiastical life. Unionism,
          Confessionalism, and Liberalism in conflict with
          one another on the Protestant side; the revival of
          Ultramontanism in conflict with the civil power on the
          Catholic side. In opposition to both churches, widespread
          pantheistic, materialistic, and communistic tendencies.


           § 4. SOURCES AND AUXILIARIES OF CHURCH HISTORY.[1]

  =The sources of Church history= are partly original, in the shape of
inscriptions and early documents; partly derivative, in the shape of
traditions and researches in regard to primitive documents that have
meanwhile been lost. Of greater importance to church history than the
so-called dumb sources, _e.g._ church buildings, furniture, pictures,
are the inscriptions coming down from the earliest times; but of the
very highest importance are the extant official documents, _e.g._
acts and decisions of Church Councils, decrees and edicts of the
Popes,--decretals, bulls, briefs,--the pastoral letters of bishops,
civil enactments and decrees regarding ecclesiastical matters, the rules
of Spiritual Orders, monastic rules, liturgies, confessional writings,
the epistles of influential ecclesiastical and civil officers, reports
by eye witnesses, sermons and doctrinal treatises by Church teachers,
etc. In regard to matters not determined by any extant original
documents, earlier or later fixed traditions and historical researches
must take the place of those lost documents.--=Sciences Auxiliary
to Church History= are such as are indispensable for the critical
estimating and sifting, as well as for the comprehensive understanding
of the sources of church history. To this class the following branches
belong: _Diplomatics_, which teaches how to estimate the genuineness,
completeness, and credibility of the documents in question; _Philology_,
which enables us to understand the languages of the sources; _Geography
and Chronology_, which make us acquainted with the scenes and periods
where and when the incidents related in the original documents were
enacted. Among auxiliary sciences in the wider sense, the history of the
_State_, of _Law_, of _Culture_, of _Literature_, of _Philosophy_, and
of _Universal Religion_, may also be included as indispensable owing to
their intimate connection with ecclesiastical development.

  § 4.1. =Literature of the Sources.=--

      a. =Inscriptions=:
         de Rossi, “Inscriptt. chr. urbis Rom.” Vols. I. II.,
             Rome, 1857.

      b. =Collections of Councils=:
         Harduin [Hardouin], “Conc. coll.” (to A.D. 1715),
             12 vols., Par., 1715.
         Mansi, “Conc. nova et ampl. coll.” 31 vols., Flor., 1759.

      c. =Papal Acts=:
         Jaffe, “Regesta pont. Rom.” (to A.D. 1198), 2 ed.,
             Brl., 1881.
         Potthast, “Regesta pont. Rom.” (A.D. 1198-1304), 2 Vols.,
             Brl., 1873.
         The Papal Decretals in “Corp. jur. Canonici.” ed.,
              Friedberg, Lips., 1879.
         “Bullarum, diplom. et privil. SS. rom. pont.” Taurenensis
             editio, 24 vols., 1857 ff.
         Nussi, “Conventiones de reb. eccl. inter s. sedem et civ.
             pot. initæ.” Mogunt., 1870.

      d. =Monastic Rules=:
         Holstenii, “Cod. regul. mon. et. can.” 6 vols., 1759.

      e. =Liturgies=:
         Daniel, “Cod. liturg. eccl. univ.” 4 vols., Leipz.,
             1847 ff.
         Hammond, “Ancient Liturgies.” Oxf., 1878.

      f. =Symbolics=:
         Kimmel, “Ll. Symb. eccl. Orient.” Jena., 1843.
         Danz, “Ll. Symb. eccl. Rom. Cath.” Weimar, 1835.
         Hase, “Ll. Symb. eccl. evang.” Ed. iii., Leipz., 1840.
         Niemeyer, “Coll. Conf. eccl. Ref.” Leipz., 1840.
         Schaff, “Creeds of Christendom.” 3 vols., Lond., 1882.

      g. =Martyrologies=:
         Ruinart, “Acta prim. Mart.” 3 vols., 1802.
         Assemanni [Assemani], “Acta SS. Mart. orient. et occid.”
             2 vols., Rome, 1748.

      h. =Greek and Latin Church Fathers and Teachers=:
         Migne, “Patrologiæ currus completus.” Ser. I., Eccl. Græc.,
             162 vols., Par., 1857 ff.; Ser. II., Eccl. Lat.,
             221 vols., Par., 1844 ff.
         Horoy, “Media ævi biblioth. patrist.” (from A.D. 1216 to
             1564), Paris, 1879.
         “Corpus Scriptorum eccl. lat.” Vindob., 1866 ff.
         Grabe, “Spicilegium SS. Pp. et Hærett.” Sæc. I.-III.,
             3 vols., Oxford, 1698.
         Routh, “Reliquiæ sac.” 4 vols., Oxford, 1814 ff.
         “Ante-Nicene Christian Library; a collection of all the
             works of the Fathers of the Christian Church prior to
             the Council of Nicæa.” 24 vols., Edin., 1867 ff.

      i. =Ancient Writers of the East=:
         Assemanus [Assemani], “Biblioth. orient.” 4 vols.,
             Rome, 1719.

      k. =Byzantine Writers=:
         Niebuhr, “Corp. scr. hist. Byz.” 48 vols., Bonn, 1828 ff.
         Sathas, “Biblioth. Græc. Med. ævi.” Vols. I.-VI., Athens,
             1872 ff.

  § 4.2. =Literature of the Auxiliary Sciences.=--

      a. =Diplomatics=:
         Mabillon, “De re diplomatic.” Ed. ii., Par., 1709.

      b. =Philology=:
         Du Fresne (du Cange), “Glossarium ad scriptt. med. et
             infim. Latin.” 6 vols., Par., 1733; New ed., Henschel
             and Favre, in course of publication.
         Du Fresne, “Glossarium, ad scriptt. med. et infim. Græc.”
             2 vols., Leyden, 1688.
         Suiceri, “Thesaurus ecclesiast. e patribus græcis.”
             Ed. ii., 2 vols., Amst., 1728.

      c. =Geography and Statistics=:
         Mich. le Quien, “Oriens christianus in quatuor
             patriarchatus digestus.” 3 vols., Par., 1704.

      d. =Chronology=:
         Nicolas, “The Chronology of History.” 2 ed., Lond., 1838.
         “L’art de verifier les dates, by d’Antine.” Etc., ed. by
             Courcelles, 19 vols., Par., 1821-1824.


                § 5. HISTORY OF GENERAL CHURCH HISTORY.

  The earliest writer of church history properly so called is Eusebius,
Bishop of Cæsarea, † 340. During the fifth century certain members
of the Greek Church continued his work. The Western Church did not
so soon engage upon undertakings of that sort, and was contented with
translations and reproductions of the materials that had come down from
the Greeks instead of entering upon original investigations. During the
middle ages, in consequence of the close connection subsisting between
Church and State, the Greek _Scriptores historiæ Byzantinæ_, as well as
the Latin national histories, biographies, annals, and chronicles, are
of the very utmost importance as sources of information regarding the
church history of their times. It was the Reformation, however, that
first awakened and inspired the spirit of true critical research and
scientific treatment of church history, for the appeal of the Reformers
to the pure practices and institutions of the early days of the church
demanded an authoritative historical exposition of the founding of the
church, and this obliged the Catholic church to engage upon the studies
necessary for this end. The Lutheran as well as the Catholic Church,
however, down to the middle of the 17th century, were satisfied with
the voluminous productions of the two great pioneers in Church history,
Flacius and Baronius. Afterwards, however, emulation in the study of
church history was excited, which was undoubtedly, during the 17th
century, most successfully prosecuted in the Catholic Church. In
consequence of the greater freedom which prevailed in the Gallican
Church, these studies flourished conspicuously in France, and were
pursued with exceptional success by the Oratorians and the Order
of St. Maur. The Reformed theologians, especially in France and the
Netherlands, did not remain far behind them in the contest. Throughout
the 18th century, again, the performances of the Lutheran Church came to
the front, while a laudable rivalry leads the Reformed to emulate their
excellencies. In the case of the Catholics, on the other hand, that
zeal and capacity which, during the 17th century, had won new laurels in
the field of honour, were now sadly crippled. But as rationalism spread
in the domain of doctrine, pragmatism spread in the domain of church
history, which set for itself as the highest ideal of historical writing
the art of deducing everything in history, even what is highest and
most profound in it, from the co-operation of fortune and passion,
arbitrariness and calculation. It was only in the 19th century, when a
return was made to the careful investigation of original authorities,
and it came to be regarded as the task of the historian, to give a
conception and exposition of the science as objective as possible, that
this erroneous tendency was arrested.

  § 5.1. =Down to the Reformation.=--The church history of
  =Eusebius=, which reaches down to A.D. 324, was to some extent
  continued by his _Vita Constantini_, down to A.D. 337 (§ 47, 2).
  The church history of =Philostorgius=, which reaches from
  A.D. 318-423, coming down to us only in fragments quoted by
  Photius, was an Arian party production of some importance.
  During the 5th century, however, the church history of Eusebius
  was continued down to A.D. 439 by the Catholic =Socrates=, an
  advocate at Constantinople, written in a simple and impartial
  style, yet not altogether uncritical, and with a certain measure
  of liberality; and down to A.D. 423, by =Sozomen=, also an
  advocate at Constantinople, who in large measure plagiarizes from
  Socrates, and is, in what is his own, uncritical, credulous, and
  fond of retailing anecdotes; and down to A.D. 428 by =Theodoret=,
  Bishop of Cyrus in Syria, who produces much useful material in
  the shape of original authorities, confining himself, however,
  like both of his predecessors, almost exclusively to the affairs
  of the Eastern Church. In the 6th century, =Theodorus=, reader at
  Constantinople, made a collection of extracts from these works,
  continuing the history down to his own time in A.D. 527. Of this
  we have only fragments preserved by Nicephorus Callisti. The
  continuation by =Evagrius= of Antioch, reaching from A.D. 431-594,
  is characterized by carefulness, learning, and impartiality,
  along with zealous orthodoxy, and an uncritical belief in the
  marvellous. Collected editions of all these works have been
  published by Valesius (Par., 1659), and Reading (Cantab., 1720),
  in each case in 3 vols. folio.--In the Latin Church =Rufinus= of
  Aquileia translated the work of Eusebius and enlarged it before
  the continuations of the three Greek historians had appeared,
  carrying it down to his own time in A.D. 395 in an utterly
  uncritical fashion. =Sulpicius Severus=, a presbyter of Gaul,
  wrote about the same time his _Historia Sacra_, in two books,
  from the creation of the world down to A.D. 400. In the 6th
  century, =Cassiodorus= fused together into one treatise in
  12 books, by means of extracts, the works of the three Greek
  continuators of Eusebius, under the title _Hist. ecclesiastica
  tripartita_, which, combined with the history of Rufinus,
  remained down to the Reformation in common use as a text-book.
  A church history written in the 6th century in Syriac, by the
  monophysite bishop, =John of Ephesus=, morbidly fond of the
  miraculous, first became known to us in an abridged form of
  the third part embracing the history of his own time. (Ed.
  Cureton, Oxf., 1853. Transl. into Engl. by Payne Smith, Oxford,
  1859.)--Belonging to the Latin church of the middle ages, =Haymo=
  of Halberstadt deserves to be named as a writer of universal
  history, about A.D. 850, leaning mainly upon Rufinus and
  Cassiodorus. The same too may be said about the work entitled,
  _Libri XIII. historiæ ecclesiasticæ_ written by the Abbot
  =Odericus Vitalis= in Normandy, about A.D. 1150, which forms
  upon the whole the most creditable production of the middle
  ages. In the 24 books of the Church history of the Dominican and
  Papal librarian, =Tolomeo of Lucca=, composed about A.D. 1315,
  church history is conceived of as if it were simply a historical
  commentary on the ecclesiastical laws and canons then in force,
  as an attempt, that is, to incorporate in the history all the
  fictions and falsifications, which Pseudo-Isidore in the 9th
  century (§ 87, 2-4), Gratian in the 12th century, and Raimundus
  [Raimund] de Penneforti [Pennaforte] in the 13th century
  (§ 99, 5), had wrought into the Canon law. Toward the end of
  the 15th century, under the influence of humanism there was an
  awakening here and there to a sense of the need of a critical
  procedure in the domain of church history, which had been
  altogether wanting throughout the middle ages. In the Greek
  Church again, during the 14th century, =Nicephorus Callisti=
  of Constantinople, wrote a treatise on church history, reaching
  down to A.D. 610, devoid of taste and without any indication of
  critical power.

  § 5.2. =The 16th and 17th Centuries.=--About the middle of the
  16th century the Lutheran Church produced a voluminous work in
  church history, the so-called =Magdeburg Centuries=, composed
  by a committee of Lutheran theologians, at the head of which was
  =Matthias Flacius=, of Illyria in Magdeburg. This work consisted
  of 13 folio vols., each of which embraced a century. (_Eccles.
  Hist., integram eccl. ideam complectens, congesta per aliquot
  studiosos et pios viros in urbe Magdb._ Bas., 1559-1574.) They
  rest throughout on careful studies of original authorities,
  produce many documents that were previously unknown, and, with
  an unsparingly bitter polemic against the Romish doctrinal
  degeneration, address themselves with special diligence to the
  historical development of dogma. In answer to them the Romish
  Oratorian, =Cæsar Baronius=, produced his _Annales ecclesiastici_,
  in 12 vols. folio, reaching down to A.D. 1198 (Rome, 1588-1607).
  This work moves entirely along Roman Catholic lines and is quite
  prejudiced and partial, and seeks in a thoroughly uncritical
  way, by every species of ingenuity, to justify Romish positions;
  yet, as communicating many hitherto unknown, and to others
  inaccessible documents, it must be regarded as an important
  production. It secured for its author the cardinal’s hat,
  and had wellnigh raised him to the chair of St. Peter. In the
  interests of a scholarly and truth-loving research, it was
  keenly criticised by the Franciscan Anthony Pagi (_Critica
  hist-chronol._ 4 vols., Antw., 1705), carried down in the 17th
  century from A.D. 1198-1565, in 9 vols. by Oderic. Raynaldi, in
  the 18th century from A.D. 1566-1571, in 3 vols. by de Laderchi,
  and in the 19th century down to A.D. 1585 in 3 vols. by August
  Theiner. A new edition was published by Mansi (43 vols., 1738
  ff.), with Raynaldi’s continuation and Pagi’s criticism.--During
  the 17th century the French Catholic scholars bore the palm
  as writers of Church history. The course was opened in general
  church history by the Dominican =Natalis Alexander=, a learned
  man, but writing a stiff scholastic style (_Selecta hist. eccl.
  capita et diss. hist. chron. et dogm._ 24 vols., Par., 1676 ff.).
  This first edition, on account of its Gallicanism was forbidden
  at Rome; a later one by Roncaglia of Lucca, with corrective notes,
  was allowed to pass. Sebast. le Nain de =Tillemont=, with the
  conscientiousness of his Jansenist faith, gave an account of
  early church history in a cleverly grouped series of carefully
  selected authorities (_Memoires pour servir à l’hist. eccl. des
  six premiers siècles, justifiés par les citations des auteurs
  originaux._ 16 vols., Par., 1693 ff.). =Bossuet= wrote, for
  the instruction of the Dauphin, what Hase has styled “an
  ecclesiastical history of the world with eloquent dialectic
  and with an insight into the ways of providence, as if the wise
  Bishop of Meaux had been in the secrets not only of the king’s
  but also of God’s councils” (_Discours sur l’hist. universelle
  depuis le commencement du monde jusqu’à l’empire de Charles M._
  Par., 1681). =Claude Fleury=, aiming at edification, proceeds in
  flowing and diffuse periods (_Histoire ecclst._ 20 vols., Par.,
  1691 ff.).--The history of the French Church (A.D. 1580) ascribed,
  probably erroneously, to Theodore Beza, the successor of Calvin,
  marks the beginning of the writing of ecclesiastical history
  in the Reformed Church. During the 17th century it secured an
  eminence in the department of church history, especially on
  account of learned special researches (§ 160, 7), but also to
  some extent in the domain of general church history. =J. H.
  Hottinger= overloaded his _Hist. ecclst. N. T._ (9 vols., Fig.,
  1651 ff.) by dragging in the history of Judaism, and Paganism,
  and even of Mohammedanism, with much irrelevant matter of that
  sort. Superior to it were the works of =Friedr. Spanheim= (_Summa
  hist. eccl._ Leyd., 1689) =Jas. Basnage= (_Hist. de l’égl._
  2 vols., Rotd., 1699). Most important of all were the keen
  criticism of the Annals of Baronius by =Isaac Casaubon=
  (_Exercitt. Baronianæ._ Lond., 1614), and by =Sam. Basnage=
  (_Exercitt. hist. crit._ Traj., 1692; and _Annales polit. ecclst._
  3 vols., Rotd., 1706).

  § 5.3. =The 18th Century.=--After the publication of the
  Magdeburg _Opus palmare_ the study of church history fell
  into the background in the Lutheran Church. It was George
  Calixtus († A.D. 1658) and the syncretist controversies which
  he occasioned that again awakened an interest in such pursuits.
  =Gottfr. Arnold’s= colossal party-spirited treatise entitled
  “Unparteiische Kirchen- und Ketzerhistorie” (2 vols. fol., Frkf.,
  1699), which scarcely recognised Christianity except in heresies
  and fanatical sects, gave a powerful impulse to the spirit of
  investigation and to the generous treatment of opponents. This
  bore fruit in the irenical and conciliatory attempts of =Weismann=
  of Tübingen (_Introd. in memorabilia ecclst._ 2 vols., Tüb.,
  1718). The shining star, however, in the firmament of church
  history during the 18th century was =J. Lor. v. Mosheim= in
  Helmstedt [Helmstadt] and Göttingen, distinguished alike for
  thorough investigation, with a divinatory power of insight, and
  by a brilliant execution and an artistic facility in the use
  of a noble Latin style (_Institutionum hist. ecclst. Libri IV._
  Helmst., 1755; transl. into English by Murdock, ed. by Reid,
  11th ed., Lond., 1880). =J. A. Cramer=, in Kiel, translated
  Bossuet’s _Einl. in die Gesch. d. Welt u. d. Relig._, with a
  continuation which gave a specially careful treatment of the
  theology of the middle ages (7 vols., Leipz., 1757 ff.). =J. Sal.
  Semler=, in Halle, shook, with a morbidly sceptical criticism,
  many traditional views in Church history that had previously been
  regarded as unassailable (_Hist. eccl. selecta capita._ 3 vols.,
  Halle, 1767 ff.; _Versuch e. fruchtb. Auszugs d. K. Gesch._
  3 vols., Halle, 1773 ff.). On the other hand, =Jon. Matt. Schröckh
  of Wittenberg= produced a gigantic work on church history, which
  is characterized by patient research, and gives, in so far as
  the means within his reach allowed, a far-sighted, temperate, and
  correct statement of facts (_Christl. K. G._ 45 vols., Leipz.,
  1772 ff., the last two vols. by Tzschirner). The Würtemburg
  [Württemberg] minister of state, Baron =von Spittler=, sketched
  a _Grundriss der K. Gesch._, in short and smartly expressed
  utterances, which in many cases were no better than caricatures
  (5th ed. by Planck, Gött., 1812). In his footsteps =Henke=
  of Helmstedt [Helmstadt], followed, who, while making full
  acknowledgment of the moral blessing which had been brought by
  true Christianity to mankind, nevertheless described the “_Allg.
  Gesch. der Kirche_” as if it were a bedlam gallery of religious
  and moral aberrations and strange developments (6 vols.,
  Brsweig., 1788 ff.; 5th ed. revised and continued by =Vater= in
  9 vols.).--In the Reformed Church, =Herm. Venema=, of Franeker,
  the Mosheim of this church, distinguished himself by the thorough
  documentary basis which he gave to his exposition, written in
  a conciliatory spirit (_Institutt. hist. eccl. V. et N. T._
  7 vols., Leyd., 1777 ff.). In the Catholic Church, =Royko= of
  Prague, favoured by the reforming tendencies of the Emperor
  Joseph II., was able with impunity to give expression to his
  anti-hierarchical views in an almost cynically outspoken statement
  (_Einl. in d. chr. Rel. u. K. G._ Prague, 1788).

  § 5.4. =The 19th Century.= In his _Handb. d. chr. K. G._, publ.
  in 1801 (in 2nd ed. contin. by Rettberg, 7 vols., Giessen, 1834),
  =Chr. Schmidt= of Giessen expressly maintained that the supreme
  and indeed the only conditions of a correct treatment of history
  consisted in the direct study of the original documents, and a
  truly objective exhibition of the results derived therefrom. By
  objectivity, however, he understood indifference and coolness
  of the subject in reference to the object, which must inevitably
  render the representation hard, colourless, and lifeless.
  =Gieseler= of Göttingen, † 1854, commended this mode of treatment
  by his excellent execution, and in his _Lehrbuch_ (5 vols., Bonn,
  1824-1857; Engl. transl. “Compendium of Church History.” 5 vols.,
  Edinb., 1846-1856), a master-piece of the first rank, which
  supports, explains and amplifies the author’s own admirably
  compressed exposition by skilfully chosen extracts from the
  documents, together with original and thoughtful criticism under
  the text. A temperate, objective, and documentary treatment of
  church history is also given in the _Handbuch_ of =Engelhardt=
  of Erlangen (5 vols., Erlang., 1832 ff.). Among the so-called
  _Compendia_ the most popular was the _Universalgeschichte d. K._
  by =Stäudlin=, of Göttingen (Hann., 1807; 5th ed. by Holzhausen,
  1833). It was superseded by the _Lehrbuch_ of =Hase=, of Jena
  (Leipz., 1834; 10th ed., 1877; Engl. transl. from 7th Germ. ed.,
  New York, 1855), which is a generally pregnant and artistically
  tasteful exposition with often excellent and striking features,
  subtle perception, and with ample references to documentary
  sources. The _Vorlesungen_ of =Schleiermacher=, † 1834, published
  after his death by Bonell (Brl., 1840), assume acquaintance
  with the usual materials, and present in a fragmentary manner
  the general outlines of the church’s course of development.
  =Niedner’s= _Lehrbuch_ (2nd ed., Brl., 1866), is distinguished by
  a philosophical spirit, independent treatment, impartial judgment,
  and wealth of contents with omission of customary matter, but
  marred by the scholastic stiffness and awkwardness of its style.
  =Gfrörer’s= († 1861) _Kirchengeschichte_ (7 vols. reaching down
  to A.D. 1000, Stuttg., 1840) treats early Christianity as purely
  a product of the culture of the age, and knows of no moving
  principles in the historical development of the Christian church
  but clerical self-seeking, political interests, machinations
  and intrigues. Nevertheless the book, especially in the portion
  treating of the middle ages, affords a fresh and lively account
  of researches among original documents and of new results,
  although even here the author does not altogether restrain his
  undue fondness for over subtle combinations. After his entrance
  into the Catholic Church his labours in the domain of church
  history were limited to a voluminous history of Gregory VII.,
  which may be regarded as a continuation of his church history,
  the earlier work having only reached down to that point. =Baur=
  of Tübingen began the publication of monographical treatises on
  particular periods, reaching down to the Reformation (3 vols.,
  2nd ed., Tüb., 1860 ff.), a continuation to the end of the 18th
  cent. (published by his son F. Baur, 1863), and also a further
  volume treating of the 19th cent. (publ. by his son-in-law Zeller,
  2nd ed., 1877). These works of this unwearied investigator show
  thorough mastery of the immense mass of material, with subtle
  criticism and in many cases the first establishment of new views.
  =Böhringer’s= massive production (_Die Kirche Christi und ihre
  Zeugen, oder Kirchengeschichte in Biographien_. 24 vols., Zur.,
  1842; 2nd ed., Zur., 1873), upon the basis of an independent
  study of the several ages down to the Reformation, characterizes
  by means of detailed portraiture the personalities prominent
  during these periods. In the second edition, thoroughly recast
  with the assistance of his two sons, there is evidence of a more
  strictly critical research and a judicial frame of mind, so that
  the predominantly panegyrical character of the first edition is
  considerably modified. =Rothe’s= lectures, edited after his death,
  with additions from his literary remains, by Weingarten (2 vols.,
  Hdlb., 1875) are quite fragmentary because the usual historical
  matter was often supplied from Gieseler, Neander, or Hase. The
  work is of great value in the departments of the Constitution
  and the Life of the Church, but in other respects does not at
  all satisfy the expectations which one might entertain respecting
  productions bearing such an honoured name; thoroughly solid and
  scholarly, however, are the unfortunately only sparse and short
  notes of the learned editor.

  § 5.5. Almost contemporaneously with Gieseler, =Aug. Neander=
  of Berlin, † 1850, began the publication of his _Allg. Gesch. d.
  chr. Kirche_ in xi. divisions down to A.D. 1416 (Ham., 1824-1852.
  Engl. Transl. 9 vols., Edin., 1847-1855), by which ground
  was broken in another direction. Powerfully influenced by the
  religious movement, which since the wars of independence had
  inspired the noblest spirits of Germany, and sympathizing with
  Schleiermacher’s theology of feeling, he vindicated the rights of
  subjective piety in the scientific treatment of church history,
  and sought to make it fruitful for edification as a commentary
  of vast proportions on the parable of the leaven. With special
  delight he traces the developments of the inner life, shows what
  is Christian in even misconceived and ecclesiastically condemned
  manifestations, and feels for the most part repelled from
  objective ecclesiasticism, as from an ossification of the
  Christian life and the crystallization of dogma. In the same way
  he undervalues the significance of the political co-efficients,
  and has little appreciation of esthetic and artistic influences.
  The exposition goes out too often into wearisome details and
  grows somewhat monotonous, but is on every side lighted up by
  first hand acquaintance with the original sources. His scholar,
  =Hagenbach= of Basel, † 1874, put together in a collected form
  his lectures delivered before a cultured public upon several
  periods of church history, so as to furnish a treatise dealing
  with the whole field (7 vols., Leipz., 1868). These lectures are
  distinguished by an exposition luminous, interesting, sometimes
  rather broad, but always inspired by a warm Christian spirit and
  by circumspect judgment, inclining towards a mild confessional
  latitudinarianism. What, even on the confessional and
  ecclesiastical side, had been to some extent passed over by
  Neander, in consequence of his tendency to that inwardness that
  characterizes subjective and pectoral piety, has been enlarged
  upon by =Guericke= of Halle, † 1878, another of Neander’s
  scholars, in his _Handbuch_ (2 vols., Leipz., 1833; 9th ed.,
  3 vols., 1866; Eng. transl. “Manual of Ch. Hist.” Edinb., 1857),
  by the contribution of his own enthusiastic estimate of the
  Lutheran Church in a strong but clumsy statement; beyond this,
  however, the one-sidedness of Neander’s standpoint is not
  overcome, and although, alongside of Neander’s exposition, the
  materials and estimates of other standpoints are diligently used,
  and often the very words incorporated, the general result is not
  modified in any essential respect. Written with equal vigour,
  and bearing the impress of a freer ecclesiastical spirit, the
  _Handbuch_ of =Bruno Lindner= (3 vols., Leipzig, 1848 ff.)
  pursues with special diligence the course of the historical
  development of doctrine, and also emphasizes the influence
  of political factors. This same end is attempted in detailed
  treatment with ample production of authoritative documents in
  the _Handbuch_ of the author of the present treatise (vol. I.
  in three divisions, in a 2nd ed.; vol. II. 1, down to the end
  of the Carlovingian Era. Mitau, 1858 ff.). =Milman= (1791-1868)
  an English church historian of the first rank (“Hist. of Chr.
  to Abolit. of Pag. in Rom. Emp.” 3 vols., London, 1840; “History
  of Latin Christianity to the Pontificate of Nicholas V.” 3 vols.,
  London, 1854), shows himself, especially in the latter work,
  learned, liberal and eloquent, eminently successful in sketching
  character and presenting vivid pictures of the general culture
  and social conditions of the several periods with which he deals.
  The _Vorlesungen_ of =R. Hasse [Hase]=, published after his death
  by Köhler (2nd ed., Leipz., 1872), form an unassuming treatise,
  which scarcely present any trace of the influence of Hegel’s
  teaching upon their author. =Köllner= of Giessen writes an
  _Ordnung und Uebersicht der Materien der chr. Kirchengeschichte_,
  Giess., 1864, a diligent, well-arranged, and well packed, but
  somewhat dry and formless work. =H. Schmid= of Erlangen has
  enlarged his compendious _Lehrbuch_ (2nd ed., 1856), into a
  _Handbuch_ of two bulky volumes (Erlang., 1880); and =O. Zöckler=
  of Greifswald has contributed to the _Handbuch d. theolog.
  Wissenschaften_ (Erlang., 1884; 2nd ed., 1885) edited by him an
  excellent chronological summary of church history. =Ebrard’s=
  _Handbuch_ (4 vols., Erlang., 1865 ff.) endeavours to give
  adequate expression to this genuine spirit of the Reformed
  conception of historical writing by bringing church history and
  the history of doctrines into organic connection. The attempt is
  there made, however, as Hase has expressed it, with a paradoxical
  rather than an orthodox tendency. The spirit and mind of the
  Reformed Church are presented to us in a more temperate, mild
  and impartial form, inspired by the pectoralism of Neander, in
  the _Handbuch_ of =J. J. Herzog= of Erlangen, † 1882 (3 vols.,
  Erlang., 1876), which assumes the name of _Abriss_ or Compendium.
  This work set for itself the somewhat too ambitious aim
  of supplying the place of the productions of Gieseler and
  Neander,--which, as too diffuse, have unfortunately repelled many
  readers--by a new treatise which should set forth the important
  advances in the treatment of church history since their time,
  and give a more concise sketch of universal church history.
  The _Histoire du Christianisme_ of Prof. =Chastel= of Geneva,
  (5 vols., Par., 1881 ff.) in its earlier volumes occupies the
  standpoint of Neander, and we often miss the careful estimation of
  the more important results of later research. In regard to modern
  church history, notwithstanding every effort after objectivity
  and impartiality, theological sympathies are quite apparent. On
  the other hand, in the comprehensive _History of the Christian
  Church_ by =Philip Schaff= (in 8 vols., Edinb., 1885, reaching
  down to Gregory VIII., A.D. 1073), the rich results of research
  subsequent to the time of Neander are fully and circumspectly
  wrought up in harmony with the general principles of Neander’s
  view of history. Herzog’s _ Realencyclopædie für protest. Theol.
  u. Kirche_, especially in its 2nd ed. by Herzog and Plitt, and
  after the death of both, by Hauck (18 vols., Leipz., 1877 ff.),
  has won peculiar distinction in the department of church history
  from the contributions of new and powerful writers. Lichtenberger,
  formerly Prof. of Theol. in Strassburg, now in Paris, in his
  _Encyclopédie des sciences relig. _ has produced a French work
  worthy of a place alongside that of Herzog. _The Dictionary of
  Christian Biography, Literature, Sects, and Doctrines during
  the first eight centuries_, edited with admirable circumspection
  and care by Dr. Wm. Smith and Prof. Wace, combines with a
  completeness and richness of contents never reached before,
  a thoroughgoing examination of the original sources. (4 vols.,
  Lond., 1877 ff.) =Weingarten’s= Chronological Tables for Church
  History (_Zeittafeln z. K.G._ 2nd ed., Brl., 1874) are most
  useful to students as the latest and best helps of that kind.

  § 5.6. In the Catholic Church of Germany too a great activity has
  been displayed in the realm of church history. First of all in
  general Church history we have the diffuse work of the convert
  =von Stolberg= (_Gesch. d. Rel. Jesu_, 15 vols., down to A.D. 430,
  Hamb., 1806 ff., continued by von Kerz, vols. 16-45, and by
  Brischar, vols. 46-52, Mainz, 1825-1859), spreading out into
  hortatory and uncritical details. The elegant work of =Katerkamp=
  (_K.G._, 5 vols., down to 1153, Münst., 1819 ff.) followed it,
  inspired by a like mild spirit, but conceived in a more strictly
  scientific way. Liberal, so far as that could be without breaking
  with the hierarchy, is the _Handbuch der K.G._ (3 vols., Bonn,
  1826 ff.; 6th ed. by Ennen, 2 vols., 1862), by =I. Ign. Ritter=.
  The ample and detailed _Gesch. d. Chr. Rel. u. d. K._ (8 vols.,
  down to 1073, Ravensb., 1824 ff.) of =Locherer= reminds one of
  Schröckh’s work in other respects than that of its voluminousness.
  A decidedly ultramontane conception of church history, with
  frequent flashes of sharp wit, first appears in =Hortig’s=
  _Handbuch_ (2 vols., Landsh., 1826). =Döllinger= in 1828 publ. as
  a 3rd vol. of this work a _Handbuch d. Neuern K.G._, which, with
  a similar tendency, assumed a more earnest tone. This theologian
  afterwards undertook a thoroughly new and independent work of a
  wider range, which still remains incomplete (_Gesch. d. chr. K._,
  I. 1, 2, partially down to A.D. 630, Landsh., 1833-1835). This
  work with ostensible liberality exposed the notorious fables
  of Romish historical literature; but, on the other hand, with
  brilliant ingenuity, endeavoured carefully to preserve intact
  everything which on ultramontane principles and views might seem
  capable of even partial justification. His _Lehrbuch_ (I. II. 1.,
  Rgsb., 1836 ff.), reaching down only to the Reformation, treats
  the matter in a similar way, and confines itself to a simple
  statement of acknowledged facts. In the meantime =J. A. Möhler=,
  by his earlier monographical works, and still more decidedly
  by his far-reaching influence as a Professor at Tübingen, gave
  rise to an expectation of the opening up of a new epoch in the
  treatment of Catholic church history. He represented himself
  as in spiritual sympathy with the forms and means of Protestant
  science, although in decided opposition and conflict with its
  contents, maintaining his faithful adhesion to all elements
  essential to Roman Catholicism. This master, however, was
  prevented by his early death, † 1838, from issuing his complete
  history. This was done almost thirty years after his death by
  Gams, who published the work from his posthumous papers (_K. G._,
  3 vols., Rgsb., 1867 ff.), with much ultramontane amendment. It
  shows all the defects of such patchwork, with here and there,
  but relatively, very few fruitful cases. Traces of his influence
  still appear in the spirit which pervades the _Lehrbücher_
  proceeding from his school, by Alzog († 1878) and Kraus. The
  _Universalgeschichte d. K._, by =J. Alzog= (Mainz, 1841; 9th ed.,
  2 vols., 1872; transl. into Engl., 3 vols., Lond., 1877), was,
  in its earlier editions, closely associated with the lectures of
  his teacher, not ashamed even to draw from Hase’s fresh-sparkling
  fountains something at times for his own yet rather parched
  meadows, but in his later editions he became ever more
  independent, more thorough in his investigation, more fresh and
  lively in his exposition, making at the same time a praiseworthy
  endeavour at moderation and impartiality of judgment, although
  his adhesion to the Catholic standpoint grows more and more
  strict till it reaches its culmination in the acceptance of the
  dogma of Papal Infallibility. The 10th ed. of his work appeared
  in 1882 under the supervision of Kraus, who contributed much to
  its correction and completion. The _Lehrbuch_ of =F. Xav. Kraus=
  of Freiburg (2nd ed., Trier, 1882) is without doubt among all
  the Roman Catholic handbooks of the present the most solid from
  a scientific point of view, and while diplomatically reserved
  and carefully balanced in its expression of opinions, one of
  the most liberal, and it is distinguished by a clever as well as
  instructive mode of treatment. On the other hand, the Würzburgian
  theologian, =J. Hergenröther= (since 1879 Cardinal and Keeper of
  the Papal Archives at Rome), who represents the normal attitude
  of implicit trust in the Vatican, has published a _Handbuch_
  (2 vols. in 4 parts, Freib., 1876 ff.; 2nd ed., 1879, with a
  supplement: Sources, Literat., and Foundations). In this work
  he draws upon the rich stores of his acknowledged scholarship,
  which, however, often strangely forsakes him in treating of the
  history of Protestant theology. It is a skilful and instructive
  exposition, and may very fitly be represented as “a history of
  the church, yea, of the whole world, viewed through correctly set
  Romish spectacles.” Far beneath him in scientific importance, but
  in obstinate ultramontanism far above him, stands the _Lehrbuch_
  of =H. Bruck [Brück]= (2nd ed., Mainz, 1877). A far more solid
  production is presented in the _Dissertatt. selectæ in hist.
  ecclst._ of Prof. =B. Jungmann= of Louvain, which treat in
  chronological succession of parties and controversies prominent
  in church history, especially of the historical development of
  doctrine, in a thorough manner and with reference to original
  documents, not without a prepossession in favour of Vaticanism
  (vols. i.-iii., Ratisb., 1880-1883, reaching down to the end
  of the 9th cent.). The _Kirchenlexikon_ of Wetzer and Wette
  (12 vols., Freib., 1847 ff.) gained a prominent place on account
  of the articles on church history contributed by the most eminent
  Catholic scholars, conceived for the most part in the scientific
  spirit of Möhler. The very copious and of its kind admirably
  executed 2nd ed. by Kaulen (Freib., 1880 ff.), under the
  auspices of Card. Hergenröther, is conceived in a far more
  decidedly Papistic-Vatican spirit, which often does not
  shrink from maintaining and vindicating even the most glaring
  productions of mediæval superstition, illusion and credulity,
  as grounded in indubitable historical facts. Much more
  important is the historical research in the _Hist. Jahrbuch
  der Görres-Gesellschaft_, edited from 1880 by G. Hüffer, and
  from 1883 by B. Gramich, which presents itself as “a means of
  reconciliation for those historians with whom Christ is the
  middle point of history and the Catholic Church the God-ordained
  institution for the education of the human race.”--In the French
  Church the following are the most important productions: the
  _Hist. de l’égl._ of =Berault-Bercastel= (24 vols., Par., 1778
  ff.), which have had many French continuators and also a German
  translator (24 vols., Vienna, 1784 ff.); the _Hist. ecclst.
  depuis la création_, etc., of =Baron Henrion=, ed. by Migne
  (25 vols., Par., 1852 ff.); and the very diffuse compilation,
  wholly devoted to the glorification of the Papacy and its
  institutions, _Hist. universelle de l’égl. Cath._ of the Louvain
  French Abbé Rohrbacher (29 vols., Par., 1842 ff.; of which an
  English transl. is in course of publication). Finally, the
  scientifically careful exposition of the Old Catholic =J. Rieks=,
  _Gesch. d. chr. K. u. d. Papstthums_, Lahr., 1882, though in some
  respects onesided, may be mentioned as deserving of notice for its
  general impartiality and love of the truth.



              HISTORY OF THE PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY.

               The pre-Christian World preparing the way
                        of the Christian Church.


               § 6. THE STANDPOINT OF UNIVERSAL HISTORY.

  The middle point of the epochs and developments of the human race is
the incarnation of God in Christ. With it begins, upon it rests, the
fulness of the time (Gal. iv. 4), and toward it the whole pre-Christian
history is directed as anticipatory or progressive. This preparation has
its beginning in the very cradle of humanity, and is soon parted in the
two directions of Heathenism and Judaism. In the former case we have the
development of merely human powers and capacities; in the latter case
this development is carried on by continuous divine revelation. Both
courses of development, distinguished not only by the means, but also by
the task undertaken and the end aimed at, run alongside of one another,
until in the fulness of the time they are united in Christianity and
contribute thereto the fruits and results of what was essential and
characteristic in their several separate developments.


                            § 7. HEATHENISM.

  The primitive race of man, surrounded by rich and luxuriant forms
of nature, put this abundance of primeval power in the place of the
personal and supramundane God. Surrounded by such an inexhaustible
fulness of life and pleasures, man came to look upon nature as more
worthy of sacrifice and reverence than a personal God removed far off
into supramundane heights. Thus arose heathenism as to its general
features: a self-absorption into the depths of the life of nature,
a deification of nature, a worshipping of nature (Rom. i. 21 ff.),
therefore, the religion of nature, in accordance with which, too,
its moral character is determined. Most conspicuously by means of its
intellectual culture has heathenism given preliminary aid to the church
for the performing of her intellectual task. And even the pagan empire,
with its striving after universal dominion, as well as the active
commercial intercourse in the old heathen world, contributed in
preparing the way of the church.

  § 7.1. =The Religious Character of Heathenism.=--The hidden
  powers of the life of nature and the soul, not intellectually
  apprehended in the form of abstract knowledge, but laid hold of
  in immediate practice, and developed in speculation and mysticism,
  in natural magic and soothsaying, and applied to all the
  relations of human life, seemed revelations of the eternal spirit
  of nature, and, mostly by means of the intervention of prominent
  personalities and under the influence of various geographical
  and ethnographical peculiarities, produced manifold systems of
  the religion of nature. Common to all, and deeply rooted in the
  nature of heathenism, is the distinction between the _esoteric_
  religion of the priests, and the _exoteric_ religion of the
  people. The former is essentially a speculative ideal pantheism;
  the latter is for the most part a mythical and ceremonial
  polytheism. The religious development of heathenism has
  nevertheless been by no means stripped of all elements of truth.
  Apart from casual remnants of the primitive divine revelation,
  which, variously contorted on their transmission through heathen
  channels, may lie at the foundation or be inwrought into its
  religious systems, the hothouse-like development of the religion
  of nature has anticipated many a religious truth which, in the
  way of divine revelation, could only slowly and at a late period
  come to maturity, but has perverted and distorted it to such a
  degree that it was little better than a caricature. To this class
  belong, for example, the pantheistic theories of the Trinity and
  the Incarnation, the dualistic acknowledgment of the reality of
  evil, etc. To this also especially belongs the offering of human
  victims which has been practised in all religions of nature
  without exception,--a terrible and to some extent prophetic cry
  of agony from God-forsaken men, which is first toned down on
  Golgotha into hymns of joy and thanksgiving. Witness is given to
  the power and energy, with which the religions of nature in the
  time of their bloom took possession of and ruled over the minds
  and emotions of men, by the otherwise unexampled sacrifices
  and self-inflictions, such as hecatombs, offerings of children,
  mutilation, prostitution, etc., to which its votaries submitted,
  and not less the almost irresistible charm which it exercised
  again and again upon the people of Israel during the whole course
  of their earlier history. It also follows from this that the
  religion of heathenism does not consist in naked lies and pure
  illusions. There are elements of truth in the lies, which gave
  this power to the religion of nature. There are anticipations
  of redemption, though these were demoniacally perverted, which
  imparted to it this charm. There are mysterious phenomena of
  natural magic and soothsaying which seemed to establish their
  divine character. But the worship of nature had the fate of all
  unnatural, precocious development. The truth was soon swallowed
  up by the lies, the power of development and life, of which more
  than could possibly be given was demanded, was soon consumed and
  used up. The blossoms fell before the fruit had set. Mysteries
  and oracles, magic and soothsaying, became empty forms, or organs
  of intentional fraud and common roguery. And so it came to pass
  that one harauspex could not look upon another without laughing.
  Unbelief mocked everything, superstition assumed its most absurd
  and utterly senseless forms, and religions of an irrational
  mongrel type sought in vain to quicken again a nerveless and
  soulless heathenism.

  § 7.2. =The Moral Character of Heathenism.=--Religious character
  and moral character go always hand in hand. Thus, too, the moral
  life among heathen peoples was earnest, powerful, and true,
  or lax, defective, and perverse, in the same proportion as was
  the religious life of that same period. The moral faults of
  heathenism flow from its religious faults. It was a religion of
  the present, to whose gods therefore were also unhesitatingly
  ascribed all the imperfections of the present. In this way
  religion lost all its power for raising men out of the mire and
  dust surrounding them. The partly immoral myths sanctioned or
  excused by the example of the gods the grossest immoralities. As
  the type and pattern of reproductive power in the deified life
  of nature, the gratification of lust was often made the central
  and main point in divine service. The idea of pure humanity was
  wholly wanting in heathenism. It could only reach the conception
  of nationality, and its virtues were only the virtues of citizens.
  In the East despotism crushed, and in the West fierce national
  antipathies stifled the acknowledgment of, universal human rights
  and the common rank of men, so that the foreigner and the slave
  were not admitted to have any claims. As the worth of man was
  measured only by his political position, the significance of
  woman was wholly overlooked and repudiated. Her position was at
  most only that of the maid of the man, and was degraded to the
  lowest depths in the East by reason of the prevalent polygamy.
  Notwithstanding all these great and far-reaching moral faults,
  heathenism, in the days of its bloom and power, at least in those
  departments of the moral life, such as politics and municipal
  matters, in which pantheism and polytheism did not exert
  their relaxing influence, had still preserved much high moral
  earnestness and an astonishing energy. But when the religion of
  their fathers, reduced to emptiness and powerlessness, ceased to
  be the soul and bearer of those departments of life, all moral
  power was also withdrawn from them. The moral deterioration
  reached its culminating point in the dissolute age of the Roman
  Emperors. In this indescribable state of moral degeneration, the
  church found heathenism, when it began its spiritual regeneration
  of the world.

  § 7.3. =The Intellectual Culture in Heathenism.=--The
  intellectual culture of heathenism has won in regard to the
  church a twofold significance. On the one hand it affords a
  pattern, and on the other it presents a warning beacon. Pagan
  science and art, in so far as they possess a generally culturing
  influence and present to the Christian church a special type
  for imitation, are but the ultimate results of the intellectual
  activity which manifested itself among the Greeks and Romans
  in philosophy, poetry and historical writing, which have in two
  directions, as to form and as to contents, become the model for
  the Christian church, preparing and breaking up its way. On the
  one side they produced forms for the exercise of the intellectual
  life, which by their exactness and clearness, by their variety
  and many-sidedness, afforded to the new intellectual contents of
  Christianity a means for its formal exposition and expression.
  But, on the other side, they also produced, from profound
  consideration of and research into nature and spirit, history
  and life, ideas and reflections which variously formed an
  anticipation of the ideas of redemption and prepared the soil
  for their reception. The influence, however, on the other hand,
  which oriental forms of culture had upon the development and
  construction of the history of redemption, had already exhausted
  itself upon Judaism. What the symbolism of orientalism had
  contributed to Judaism, namely the form in which the divine
  contents communicated by Old Testament prophesy should be
  presented and unfolded, the dialectic of classical heathenism was
  to Christianity, in which the symbolic covering of Judaism was to
  be torn off and the thought of divine redemption to be manifested
  and to be laid hold of in its purely intellectual form. The
  influence of heathenism upon the advancing church in the other
  direction as affording a picture of what was to be avoided, was
  represented not less by Eastern culture than by the classical
  culture of the Greeks and Romans. Here it was exclusively the
  contents, and indeed the ungodly anti-Christian contents, the
  specifically heathen substance of the pagan philosophy, theosophy,
  and mysteriosophy, which by means of tolerated forms of culture
  sought to penetrate and completely paganize Christianity. To
  heathenism, highly cultured but pluming itself in the arrogance
  of its sublime wisdom, Christianity, by whose suggestive
  profundity it had been at first attracted, appeared altogether
  too simple, unphilosophical, unspeculative, to satisfy the
  supposed requirements of the culture of the age. There was needed,
  it was thought, fructification and enriching by the collective
  wisdom of the East and the West before religion could in truth
  present itself as absolute and perfect.

  § 7.4. =The Hellenic Philosophy.=--What is true of Greek-Roman
  culture generally on its material and formal sides, that it
  powerfully influenced Christianity now budding into flower,
  is preeminently true of the Greek Philosophy. Regarded as
  a prefiguration of Christianity, Greek philosophy presents
  a negative side in so far as it led to the dissolution of
  heathenism, and a positive side in so far as it, by furnishing
  form and contents, contributed to the construction of
  Christianity. From its very origin Hellenic philosophy
  contributed to the negative process by undermining the people’s
  faith in heathenism, preparing for the overthrow of idolatry, and
  leading heathenism to take a despondent view of its own future.
  It is with =Socrates=, who died in B.C. 399, that the positive
  prefiguring of Christianity on the part of Greek philosophy comes
  first decidedly into view. His humble confession of ignorance,
  his founding of the claim to wisdom on the Γνῶθι σεαυτόν,
  the tracing of his deepest thoughts and yearnings back to
  divine suggestions (his Δαιμόνιον), his grave resignation to
  circumstances, and his joyful hope in a more blessed future,
  may certainly be regarded as faint anticipations and prophetic
  adumbrations of the phenomena of Christian faith and life.
  =Plato=, who died B.C. 348, with independent speculative and
  poetic power, wrought the scattered hints of his teacher’s wisdom
  into an organically articulated theory of the universe, which
  in its anticipatory profundity approached more nearly to the
  Christian theory of the universe than any other outside the range
  of revelation. His philosophy leads men to an appreciation of his
  God-related nature, takes him past the visible and sensible to
  the eternal prototypes of all beauty, truth and goodness, from
  which he has fallen away, and awakens in him a profound longing
  after his lost possessions. In regard to matter =Aristotle=, who
  died B.C. 322, does not stand so closely related to Christianity
  as Plato, but in regard to form, he has much more decidedly
  influenced the logical thinking and systematizing of later
  Christian sciences. In these two, however, are reached the
  highest elevation of the philosophical thinking of the Greeks,
  viewed in itself as well as in its positive and constructive
  influence upon the church. As philosophy down to that time,
  consciously or unconsciously, had wrought for the dissolution
  of the religion of the people, it now proceeded to work its own
  overthrow, and brought into ever deeper, fuller and clearer
  consciousness the despairing estimate of the world regarding
  itself. This is shown most significantly in the three schools
  of philosophy which were most widely spread at the entrance of
  the church into the Græco-Roman world, Epicureanism, Stoicism,
  and Scepticism. =Epicurus=, who died B.C. 271, in his philosophy
  seeks the highest good in pleasure, recognises in the world only
  a play of fortune, regards the soul as mortal, and supposes that
  the gods in their blissful retirement no longer take any thought
  about the world. =Stoicism=, founded by Zeno, who died in B.C.
  260, over against the Epicurean deism set up a hylozoistic
  pantheism, made the development of the world dependent upon the
  unalterable necessity of fate, which brings about a universal
  conflagration, out of which again a new world springs to follow
  a similar course. To look on pleasure with contempt, to scorn
  pain, and in case of necessity to end a fruitless life by
  suicide--these constitute the core of all wisdom. When he has
  reached such a height in the mastery of self and of the world the
  wise man is his own god, finding in himself all that he needs.
  Finally, in conflict with Stoicism arose the =Scepticism= of the
  _New Academy_, at the head of which were Arcesilaus who died B.C.
  240 and Carneades who died B.C. 128. This school renounced all
  knowledge of truth as something really unattainable, and in the
  moderation (ἐποχή) of every opinion placed the sum of theoretic
  wisdom, while it regarded the sum of all practical wisdom to
  consist in the evidence of every passionate or exciting effort.

  § 7.5. =The Heathen State.=--In the grand endeavour of heathenism
  to redeem itself by its own resources and according to its own
  pleasure, the attempt was finally made by the concentration of
  all forces into one colossal might. To gather into one point all
  the mental and bodily powers of the whole human race, and through
  them also all powers of nature and the products of all zones
  and lands, and to put them under one will, and then in this
  will to recognise the personal and visible representation of the
  godhead--to this was heathenism driven by an inner necessity.
  Hence arose a struggle, and in consequence of the pertinacity
  with which it was carried on, one kingdom after another was
  overthrown, until the climax was reached in the Roman empire.
  Yet even this empire was broken and dissolved when opposed by the
  spiritual power of the kingdom of God. Like all the endeavours
  of heathenism, this struggle for =absolute sovereignty= had a
  twofold aspect; there are thereby made prominent men’s own ways
  and God’s ways, the undivine aims of men, and the blessed results
  which God’s government of the world could secure for them. We
  have here to do first of all simply with the Roman universal
  empire, but the powers that rose in succession after it are only
  rejuvenations and powerful continuations of the endeavour of the
  earlier power, and so that is true of every state which is true
  of the Roman. Its significance as a preparer of the way for the
  church is just this, that in consequence of the articulation of
  the world into one great state organisation, the various stages
  and elements of culture found among the several civilized races
  hitherto isolated, contributed now to one universal civilization,
  and a rapid circulation of the new life-blood driven by the
  church through the veins of the nations was made possible and
  easy. With special power and universal success had the exploits
  of Alexander the Great in this direction made a beginning, which
  reached perfection under the Roman empire. The ever advancing
  prevalence of one language, the Greek, which at the time of the
  beginning of the church was spoken and understood in all quarters
  of the Roman empire, which seemed, like a temporary suspension
  of the doom of the confusion of languages which accompanied the
  rise of heathenism (Gen. xi.), to celebrate its return to the
  divine favour, belongs also pre-eminently to those preparatory
  influences. And as the heathen state sought after the
  concentration of all might, =Industry= and =Trade=, moved by
  the same principle, sought after the concentration of wealth and
  profit. But as worldly enterprise for its own ends made paths for
  universal commerce over wastes and seas, and visited for purposes
  of trade the remotest countries and climes, it served unwittingly
  and unintentionally the higher purposes of divine grace by
  opening a way for the spread of the message of the gospel.


                             § 8. JUDAISM.

  In a land which, like the people themselves, combined the character
of insular exclusiveness with that of a central position in the ancient
world, Israel, on account of the part which it was called to play in
universal history, had to be the receiver and communicator of God’s
revelations of His salvation, had to live quiet and apart, taking
little to do with the world’s business; having, on the other hand, the
assurance from God’s promise that disasters threatened by heathenish
love of conquest and oppression would be averted. This position and
this task were, indeed, only too often forgotten. Only too often did
the Israelites mix themselves up in worldly affairs, with which they
had no concern. Only too often by their departure from their God did
they make themselves like the heathen nations in religion, worship,
and conversation, so that for correction and punishment they had
often to be put under a heavy yoke. Yet the remnant of the holy seed
(Isa. iv. 3; vi. 13) which was never wholly wanting even in times of
general apostasy, as well as the long-suffering and faithfulness of
their God, ensured the complete realisation of Israel’s vocation, even
though the unspiritual mass of the people finally rejected the offered
redemption.

  § 8.1. =Judaism under special Training of God through the Law and
  Prophecy.=--Abraham was chosen as a single individual (Isa. li. 2),
  and, as the creator of something new, God called forth from an
  unfruitful womb the seed of promise. As saviour and redeemer
  from existing misery He delivered the people of promise from the
  oppression of Egyptian slavery. In the Holy Land the family must
  work out its own development, but in order that the family might
  be able unrestrainedly to expand into a great nation, it was
  necessary that it should first go down into Egypt. Moses led the
  people thus disciplined out of the foreign land, and gave them
  a theocratic constitution, law, and worship as means for the
  accomplishment of their calling, as a model and a schoolmaster
  leading on to future perfection (Gal. iii. 24; Heb. x. 1). The
  going out of Egypt was the birth of the nation, the giving of
  the law at Sinai was its consecration as a holy nation. Joshua
  set forth the last condition for an independent people, the
  possession of a country commensurate with the task of the nation,
  a land of their own that would awaken patriotic feelings. Now the
  theocracy under the form of a purely popular institution under
  the fostering care of the priesthood could and should have borne
  fruit, but the period of the Judges proves that those two factors
  of development were not sufficient, and so now two new agencies
  make their appearance; the Prophetic order as a distinct and
  regular office, constituted for the purpose of being a mouth
  to God and a conscience to the state, and the Kingly order for
  the protecting of the theocracy against hurt from without and
  for the establishment of peace within her borders. By David’s
  successes the theocracy attained unto a high degree of political
  significance, and by Solomon’s building of the temple the typical
  form of worship reached the highest point of its development.
  In spite, however, of prophecy and royalty, the people, ever
  withdrawing themselves more and more from their true vocation,
  were not able outwardly and inwardly to maintain the high level.
  The division of the kingdom, internal feuds and conflicts,
  their untheocratic entanglement in the affairs of the world, the
  growing tendency to fall away from the worship of Jehovah and
  to engage in the worship of high places, and calves, and nature,
  called down incessantly the divine judgments, in consequence of
  which they fell a prey to the heathen. Yet this discipline was
  not in vain. Cyrus decreed their return and their independent
  organization, and even prophecy was granted for a time to the
  restored community for its establishment and consolidation. Under
  these political developments has prophecy, in addition to its
  immediate concern with its own times in respect of teaching,
  discipline, and exhortation, given to the promise of future
  salvation its fullest expression, bringing a bright ray of
  comfort and hope to light up the darkness of a gloomy present.
  The fading memories of the happy times of the brilliant victories
  of David and the glorious peaceful reign of Solomon formed the
  bases of the delineations of the future Messianic kingdom, while
  the disasters, the suffering and the humiliation of the people
  during the period of their decay gave an impulse to Messianic
  longings for a Messiah suffering for the sins of the people
  and taking on Himself all their misery. And now, after it
  had effected its main purpose, prophecy was silenced, to be
  reawakened only in a complete and final form when the fulness
  of time had come.

  § 8.2. =Judaism after the Cessation of Prophecy.=--The time had
  now come when the chosen people, emancipated from the immediate
  discipline of divine revelation, but furnished with the results
  and experiences of a rich course of instruction, and accompanied
  by the law as a schoolmaster and by the light of the prophetic
  word, should themselves work out the purpose of their calling.
  The war of extermination which Antiochus Epiphanes in his heathen
  fanaticism waged against Judaism, was happily and victoriously
  repelled, and once more the nation won its political independence
  under the Maccabees. At last, however, owing to the increasing
  corruption of the ruling Maccabean family, they were ensnared by
  the craft of the Roman empire. The Syrian religious persecution
  and the subsequent oppression of the Romans roused the national
  spirit and the attachment to the religion of their fathers to the
  most extreme exclusiveness, fanatical hatred, and proud scorn of
  everything foreign, and converted the Messianic hope into a mere
  political and frantically carnal expectation. True piety more
  and more disappeared in a punctilious legalism and ceremonialism,
  in a conceited self-righteousness and boastful confidence in
  their own good works. Priests and scribes were eagerly bent
  on fostering this tendency and increasing the unsusceptibility
  of the masses for the spirituality of the redemption that was
  drawing nigh, by multiplying and exaggerating external rules
  and by perverse interpretation of scripture. But in spite of all
  these perverting and far-reaching tendencies, there was yet in
  quiet obscurity a sacred plantation of the true Israel (John i. 47;
  Luke i. 6; ii. 25, 38, etc.), as a garden of God for the first
  reception of salvation in Christ.

  § 8.3. =The Synagogues.=--The institution of the =Synagogues=
  was of the greatest importance for the spread and development of
  post-exilian Judaism. They had their origin in the consciousness
  that, besides the continuance of the symbolical worship of the
  temple, a ministry of the word for edification by means of the
  revelation of God in the law and the prophets was, after the
  withdrawal of prophecy, all the more a pressing need and duty.
  But they also afforded a nursery for the endeavour to widen and
  contract the law of Moses by Rabbinical rules, for the tendency
  to external legalism and hypocrisy, for the national arrogance
  and the carnal Messianic expectations, which from them passed
  over into the life of the people. On the other hand, the
  synagogues, especially outside of Palestine, among the dispersion,
  won a far-reaching significance for the church by reason of
  their missionary tendency. For here where every Sabbath the holy
  scripture of the Old Testament was read in the Greek translation
  of the Septuagint and expounded, a convenient opportunity was
  given to heathens longing for salvation to gain acquaintance with
  the revelations and promises of God in the Old Covenant, and here
  there was already a place for the first ministers of the gospel,
  from which they could deliver their message to an assembled
  multitude of people from among the Jews and Gentiles. (Schürer,
  “Hist. of the Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ.” Div. ii.,
  vol. 2., “The School and Synagogue.” pp. 44-89, Edin., 1885.)

  § 8.4. =Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes.=--The strict,
  traditionally legalistic, carnally particularistic tendency
  of Post-Exilian Judaism had its representatives and supporters
  in the sect of the =Pharisees= (פְרוּשִׁים, ἀφωρισμένοι), so called
  because their main endeavour was to maintain the strictest
  separation from everything heathenish, foreign, and ceremonially
  unclean. By their ostentatious display of zeal for the law, their
  contempt for everything not Jewish, their democratic principles
  and their arrogant patriotism, they won most completely the
  favour of the people; they shared the evil fortunes of the
  Maccabean princes, and became the bitterest enemies of the
  Herodians, and entertained a burning fanatical hatred to the
  Romans. They held sway in the synagogues to such an extent
  that the names Scribes and Pharisees were regarded as almost
  synonymous, and even in the Sanhedrim they secured many seats.
  In the times of Jesus the schools of Hillel and Shammai contended
  with one another, the former pleading for somewhat lax views,
  especially in reference to divorce and the obligation of oaths,
  while the latter insisted upon the most rigorous interpretation
  of the law. Both, however, were agreed in the recognition of oral
  tradition, the παραδόσεις τῶν πατέρων, as a binding authority and
  an essential supplement to the law of Moses. In direct opposition
  to them stand the =Sadducees=, out of sympathy with the
  aspirations of the people, and abandoning wholly the sacred
  traditions, and joining themselves in league with the Herodians
  and Romans. The name originally designated them as descendants of
  the old temple aristocracy represented by the family of the high
  priest Zadok, and, in consequence of the similarity in sound
  between צַדּוּקיִם and צַדּיִקיִם, gave expression to their claim to be
  regarded as essentially and truly righteous because of their
  outward adherence to the Mosaic law. Proceeding on the principle
  that virtue as a free act of man has in it its own worth and
  reward, just as vice has in it its own punishment, they rejected
  the doctrine of a future judgment, denied the doctrine of a
  resurrection, the existence of angels and spirits, and the
  doctrine of the divine foreknowledge.[2] The =Essenes=, not
  mentioned in the Bible, but named by Philo, Josephus, and the
  elder Pliny, form a third sect. Their name was probably derived
  from חֲסֵא, pious. The original germ of their society is found
  in distinct colonies on the banks of the Dead Sea, which kept
  apart from the other Jews, and recognised even among themselves
  four different grades of initiation, each order being strictly
  separated from the others. A member was received only after
  a three years’ novitiate, and undertook to keep secret the
  mysteries of the order. Community of goods in the several
  communities and clans, meals in common accompanied by religious
  ceremonies, frequent prayers in the early morning with the face
  directed to the rising sun, oft repeated washings and cleansings,
  diligent application to agriculture and other peaceful
  occupations, abstaining from the use of flesh and wine, from
  trade and every warlike pursuit, from slavery and taking of
  oaths, perhaps also abstinence from marriage in the higher orders,
  were the main conditions of membership in their association.
  The Sabbath was observed with great strictness, but sacrifices
  of blood were abolished, and all anointing with oil was regarded
  as polluting. They still, however, maintained connection with
  Judaism by sending gifts to the temple. So far the order may
  fairly be regarded, as it is by Ritschl, as a spiritualizing
  exaggeration of the Mosaic idea of the priestly character that
  had independently grown up on Jewish soil, and indeed especially
  as an attempt to realize the calling set forth in Exod. xix. 5, 6,
  and repudiated in Exod. xx. 19, 20, unto all Israelites to be a
  spiritual priesthood. But when, on the other hand, the Essenes,
  according to Josephus, considered the body as a prison in which
  the soul falling from its ethereal existence is to be confined
  until freed from its fetters by death it returns again to heaven,
  this can scarcely be explained as originating from any other than
  a heathen source, especially from the widely spread influences
  of Neo-Pythagoreanism (§ 24). Lucius (1881) derives the name
  and seeks their origin from the Asidæans, Chasidim, or Pious,
  in 1 Macc. ii. 42; vii. 13; and 2 Macc. xiv. 6. Very striking
  too is Hilgenfeld’s carefully weighed and ably sustained theory
  (_Ketzergesch._, pp. 87-149), that their descent is to be traced
  from the Kenite Rechabites (Jer. xxxv.; Judg. i. 16), and their
  name from the city Gerasa, west of the Dead Sea, called in
  Josephus also Essa, where the Rechabites, abandoning their tent
  life, formed a settlement. In the time of Josephus the Essenes
  numbered about four thousand. In consequence of the Jewish war,
  which brought distress upon them, as well as upon the Christians,
  they were led into friendly relations with Christianity; but even
  when adopting the Christian doctrines, they still carried with
  them many of their earlier tenets (§ 28, 2, 3).[3]


                           § 9. SAMARITANISM.

  The Samaritans, who came into existence at the time of the overthrow
of the kingdom of Israel, from the blending of Israelitish and
heathenish elements, desired fellowship with the Jewish colony that
returned from the Babylonish captivity, but were repelled on account
of their manifold compromises with pagan practice. And although an
expelled Jew named Manasseh purified their religion as far as possible
of heathenish elements, and gave them a temple and order of worship on
Mount Gerizim, this only increased the hatred of the Jews against them.
Holding fast to the Judaism taught them by Manasseh, the Samaritans
never adopted the refinements and perversions of later Judaism. Their
Messianic expectations remained purer, their particularism less severe.
While thus rendered capable of forming a more impartial estimate of
Christianity, they were also inclined upon the whole, because of the
hatred and contempt which they had to endure from Pharisaic Judaism,
to look with favour upon Christianity despised and persecuted as they
themselves had been (John iv. 41; Acts viii. 5 ff.). On the other hand,
the syncretic-heathen element, which still flourished in Samaritanism,
showed its opposition to Christianity by positive reactionary attempts
(§ 25, 2).[4]


           § 10. INTERCOURSE BETWEEN JUDAISM AND HEATHENISM.

  Alexander the Great’s conquest of the world brought into connection
with one another the most diverse elements of culture in antiquity.
Least of all could Judaism outside of Palestine, the _diaspora_, living
amid the influences of heathen or Hellenic culture and ways of viewing
things, withdraw itself from the syncretic current of the age. The Jews
of Eastern Asia maintained a closer connection and spiritual affinity
with the exclusive Palestinian Rabbinism, and the heathen element,
which here penetrated into their religious conceptions, became, chiefly
through the Talmud, the common property of post-Christian Judaism. But
heathenism also, contemptible as Judaism appeared to it, was susceptible
to Jewish influences, impressed by the deeper religious contents of
Judaism, and though only sporadic, instances of such influence were by
no means rare.

  § 10.1. =Influence of Heathenism upon Judaism.=--This reached
  its greatest strength in Egypt, the special centre and source of
  the syncretic tendencies of the age. Forming for itself by means
  of the adoption of Greek culture and especially of the Platonic
  philosophy a more universal basis of culture, Jewish Hellenism
  flourished in Alexandria. After Aristobulus, who wrote Ἐξηγήσεις
  τῆς Μωυσέως, about B.C. 170, now only found in a fragment
  of doubtful authority, and the author of the Book of Wisdom,
  the chief representative of this tendency was the Alexandrian
  Jew Philo, a contemporary of Christ. His Platonism enriched
  by elements drawn from Old Testament revelation and from
  the doctrines of the Essenes has on many points carried its
  speculation to the very borders of Christianity, and has formed
  a scaffolding for the Christian philosophy of the Church Fathers.
  He taught that all nations have received a share of divine truth,
  but that the actual founder and father of all true philosophy
  was Moses, whose legislation and teaching formed the source of
  information for even the Greek Philosophy and Mysteriosophy.
  But it is only by means of allegorical interpretation that such
  depths can be discovered. God is τὸ ὄν, matter τὸ μὴ ὄν. An
  intermediate world, corresponding to the Platonic world of ideas,
  is the κόσμος νοητός, consisting of innumerable spirits and
  powers, angels and souls of men, but bound together into a unity
  in and issuing from the Word of God, who as the λόγος ἐνδιαθετός
  was embraced in God from eternity, coming forth from God as the
  λόγος προφορικός for the creation of the world (thought and word).
  The visible world, on account of the physical impotence of matter,
  is an imperfect representation of the κόσμος νοητός, etc. On the
  ground of the writing _De vita contemplativa_ attributed to Philo,
  the =Therapeutæ=, or worshippers of God, mentioned therein, had
  been regarded as a contemplative ascetic sect related to the
  Essenes, affected by an Alexandrian philosophical spirit, living
  a sort of monastic life in the neighbourhood of Alexandria, until
  Lucius (Strassb., 1879) withdrew them from the domain of history
  to that of Utopian romance conceived in support of a special
  theory. This scholar has proved that the writing referred to
  cannot possibly be assigned to Philo, but must have been composed
  about the end of the third century in the interest of Christian
  monasticism, for which it presented an idealizing apology. This,
  however, has been contested by Weingarten, in Herzog, x. 761, on
  good grounds, and the origin of the book has been assigned to a
  period soon after Philo, when Hellenistic Judaism was subjected
  to a great variety of religious and philosophical influences.[5]

  § 10.2. =Influence of Judaism upon Heathenism.=--The heathen
  state showed itself generally tolerant toward Judaism. Alexander
  the Great and his successors, the Ptolemies, to some extent
  also the Seleucidæ, allowed the Jews the free exercise of
  their religion and various privileges, while the Romans allowed
  Judaism to rank as a _religio licita_. Nevertheless the Jews were
  universally despised and hated. Tacitus calls them _despectissima
  pars servientium, teterrima gens_; and even the better class of
  writers, such as Manetho, Justin, Tacitus, gave currency to the
  most absurd stories and malicious calumnies against them. In
  opposition to these the Jewish historian Flavius Josephus took
  pains to overcome the prejudices of Greeks and Romans against
  his nation, by presenting to them its history and institutions
  in the most favourable light. But on the other side, the Greek
  translation of the Old Testament, called the Septuagint, as well
  as the multitude of Jewish synagogues, which during the Roman
  period were scattered over the whole world, afforded to every
  heathen interested therein the opportunity of discovering by
  personal examination and inquiry the characteristic principles
  of Judaism. When, therefore, we consider the utterly corrupt
  condition of heathenism, we cannot wonder that Judaism, in spite
  of all the contempt that was thrown upon it, would attract,
  by reason of its hoary antiquity and the sublime simplicity of
  its creed, the significance of its worship, and its Messianic
  promises, many of the better aspiring heathens, who were no
  longer satisfied with their sorely degraded forms of religion.
  And though indeed only a few enrolled themselves as “_Proselytes
  of Righteousness_,” entering the Jewish community by submitting
  to the rite of circumcision, the number of the “_Proselytes of
  the Gate_” who without observing the whole of the ceremonial law
  undertook to abandon their idols and to worship Jehovah, in all
  ranks of society, mostly women, was very considerable, and it
  was just among them that Christianity found the most hearty and
  friendly acceptance.


                       § 11. THE FULNESS OF TIME.

  The fulness of the olden time had come when the dawn of a new era
burst forth over the mountains of Judea. All that Judaism and heathenism
had been able to do in preparing the way for this new era had now been
done. Heathenism was itself conscious of its impotence and unfitness
for satisfying the religious needs of the human spirit, and wherever it
had not fallen into dreary unbelief or wild superstition, it struggled
and agonized, aspiring after something better. In this way negatively
a path was prepared for the church. In science and art, as well as in
general intellectual culture, heathenism had produced something great
and imperishable; and ineffectual as these in themselves had proved to
restore again to man the peace which he had lost and now sought after,
they might become effectually helpful for such purposes when made
subservient to the true salvation. And so far heathenism was a positive
helper to the church. The impression that a crisis in the world’s
history was near at hand was universal among Jews and Gentiles. The
profound realization of the need was a presage of the time of fulfilment.
All true Israelites waited for the promised Messiah, and even in
heathenism the ancient hope of the return of the Golden Age was again
brought to the front, and had, from the sacred scriptures and synagogues
of the Jews, obtained a new holding ground and a definite direction.
The heathen state, too, made its own contribution toward preparing the
way of the church. One sceptre and one language united the whole world,
a universal peace prevailed, and the most widely extended commercial
intercourse gave opportunity for the easy and rapid spread of saving
truth.



                     THE HISTORY OF THE BEGINNINGS.

         The Founding of the Church by Christ and His Apostles.


           § 12. CHARACTER OF THE HISTORY OF THE BEGINNINGS.

  The propriety in a treatise on general church history of separating
the Times of Jesus and the Times of the Apostles, closely connected
therewith, from the History of the Development of the Church, and
giving to them a distinct place under the title of the History of the
Beginnings, rests on the fact that in those times we have the germs and
principles of all that follows. The unique capacity of the Apostles,
resulting from special enlightenment and endowment, makes that which
they have done of vital importance for all subsequent development. In
our estimation of each later form of the church’s existence we must
go back to the doctrine and practice of Christ and His Apostles as the
standard, not as to a finally completed form that has exhausted all
possibilities of development, and made all further advance and growth
impossible or useless, but rather as to the authentic fresh germs and
beginnings of the church, so that not only what in later development is
found to have existed in the same form in the beginning is recognised as
genuinely Christian, but also that which is seen to be a development and
growth of that primitive form.



                         I. THE LIFE OF JESUS.


             § 13. JESUS CHRIST, THE SAVIOUR OF THE WORLD.

  “But when the fulness of the time was come, God sent forth His Son,
made of a woman, made under the law, to redeem them that were under the
law, that we might receive the adoption of sons” (Gal. iv. 4, 5). In
accordance with prophetic announcements, He was born in Bethlehem as the
Son of David, and, after John the Baptist, the last of the prophets of
the Old Covenant, had prepared His way by the preaching of repentance
and the baptism of repentance, He began in the thirtieth year of His age
His fulfilment by life and teaching of the law and the prophets. With
twelve chosen disciples He travelled up and down through the land of the
Jews, preaching the kingdom of God, helping and healing, and by miracles
and signs confirming His divine mission and doctrine. The Pharisees
contradicted and persecuted Him, the Sadducees disregarded Him, and
the people vacillated between acclamations and execrations. After
three years’ activity, amid the hosannas of the multitude, He made His
royal entry into the city of His kingly ancestors. But the same crowd,
disappointed in their political and carnal Messianic expectations, a
few days later raised the cry: Crucify Him, crucify Him! Thus then He
suffered according to the gracious good pleasure of the Father the death
of the cross for the sins of the world. The Prince of life, however,
could not be holden of death. He burst the gates of Hades, as well as
the barriers of the grave, and rose again the third day. For forty days
He lingered here below, promised His disciples the gift of His Holy
Spirit, and commissioned them to preach the gospel to all nations. Then
upon His ascension He assumed the divine form of which He had emptied
Himself during His incarnation, and sits now at the right hand of power
as the Head of His church and the Lord of all that is named in heaven
and on earth, until visibly and in glory, according to the promise, He
returns again at the restitution of all things.

  § 13.1. In regard to the =year of the birth= and the =year of the
  death= of the Redeemer no absolutely certain result can now be
  attained. The usual Christian chronology constructed by Dionysius
  Exiguus in the sixth century, first employed by the Venerable
  Bede, and brought into official use by Charlemagne, assumes the
  year 754 A.U.C. as the date of Christ’s birth, which is evidently
  wrong, since, in A.D. 750 or 751, Herod the Great was already
  dead. Zumpt takes the seventh, others the third, fourth, or fifth
  year before our era. The length of Christ’s public ministry was
  fixed by many Church Fathers, in accordance with Isaiah lxi. 1, 2,
  and Luke iv. 19, at one year, and it was consequently assumed
  that Christ was crucified when thirty years of age (Luke iii. 21).
  The synoptists indeed speak only of one passover, the last,
  during Christ’s ministry; but John (ii. 13; vi. 4; xii. 1) speaks
  of three, and also besides (v. 1) of a ἑορτὴ τῶν Ἰουδαίων.

  § 13.2. Among the non-biblical =witnesses to Christ= the earliest
  is probably a Syrian Epistle of =Mara= to his son Serapion,
  written, according to Cureton (“_Spicileg. Syriacum_.” Lond.,
  1855), about A.D. 73. The father, highly cultured in Greek wisdom
  but dissatisfied with it, writes from exile words of comfort
  and exhortation to his son, in which he places Christ alongside
  of Socrates and Pythagoras, and honours him as the wise King,
  by whose death the Jews had brought upon themselves the swift
  overthrow of their kingdom, who would, however, although slain,
  live for ever in the new land which He has given. To this period
  also belongs the witness of the Jewish historian =Josephus=,
  which in its probably genuine portions praises Jesus as a worker
  of miracles and teacher of wisdom, and testifies to His death on
  the cross under Pilate, as well as the founding of the church in
  His name. Distinctly and wholly spurious is the =Correspondence
  of Christ with Abgar=, Prince of Edessa, who entreats Christ
  to come to Edessa to heal him and is comforted of the Lord by
  the sending of one of His disciples after His ascension. This
  document was first communicated by Eusebius (_Hist. Eccl._, i. 13)
  from the Archives of Edessa in a literal translation from the
  Syriac, and is also to be found in the Syrian book _Doctrina
  Addæi_ (§ 32, 6). Of a similar kind are the apocryphal =Acta
  Pilati=, as well the heathen form which has perished (§ 22, 7),
  as the Christian form which is still extant (§ 32, 4). An
  =Epistle of Lentulus,= pretending to be from a Roman resident
  in Palestine on terms of intimacy with Pilate, containing a
  description of the appearance of Christ, is quoted, and even then
  as a forgery, by Laurentius Valla in his writing on the _Donation
  of Constantine_. Since in many particulars it agrees with the
  description of the person of Christ given in the Church History
  by Nicephorus Callisti (§ 5, 1), in accordance with the type then
  prevailing among Byzantine painters, it may fairly be regarded
  as an apocryphal Latin retouching of that description originating
  in the fifteenth century. At Edessa a picture of Christ was known
  to exist in the fourth century (according to the _Doctr. Addæi_),
  which must have been brought thither by the messengers of Abgar,
  who had picked it up in Jerusalem. During the fourth century
  mention is made of a statue of Christ, first of all by Eusebius,
  who himself had seen it. This was said to have been set up in
  Paneas by the woman cured of the issue of blood (Matt. ix. 20).
  It represents a woman entreating help, kneeling before the lofty
  figure of a man who stretches out his hand to her, while at his
  feet a healing herb springs up. In all probability, however,
  it was simply a votive figure dedicated to the god of healing,
  Æsculapius. The legend that has been current since the fifth
  century of the sweat-marked handkerchief of =Veronica=--this name
  being derived either from _vera icon_, the true likeness, or from
  Bernice or Beronice, the name given in apocryphal legends to the
  woman with the issue of blood,--on which the face of the Redeemer
  which had been wiped by it was imprinted, probably arose through
  the transferring to other incidents the legendary story of Edessa.
  On the occurrence of similar transferences see § 57, 5.



                         II. THE APOSTOLIC AGE.
                              A.D. 30-70.


            § 14. THE MINISTRY OF THE APOSTLES BEFORE PAUL.

  After the Apostolate had been again by means of the lot raised to the
significant number of twelve, amid miraculous manifestations, the Holy
Spirit was poured out on the waiting disciples as they were assembled
together on the day of Pentecost, ten days after the Ascension of the
Lord. It was the birthday of the church, and its first members were
won by the preaching of Peter to the wondering multitude. By means of
the ministry of the Apostles, who at first restricted themselves to
Jerusalem, the church grew daily. A keen persecution, however, on the
part of the Jews, beginning with the execution of the deacon Stephen,
scattered them apart, so that the knowledge of the gospel was carried
throughout all Palestine, and down into Phœnicia and Syria. Philip
preached with peculiarly happy results in Samaria. Peter soon began a
course of visitation through the land of Jews, and at Cæsarea received
into the church by baptism the first Gentile family, that of Cornelius,
having been prepared for this beforehand by a vision. At the same time
there arose independently at Antioch in Syria a Christian congregation,
composed of Jews and Gentiles, through the great eagerness of the
Gentiles for salvation. The Levite Barnabas, a man of strong faith, was
sent down from Jerusalem, took upon himself the care of this church, and
strengthened his own ministry by securing Paul, the converted Pharisee,
as his colleague. This great man, some years before, by the appearing of
Christ to him on the way to Damascus, had been changed from a fanatical
persecutor into a zealous friend and promoter of the interests of the
church. Thus it came about that the Apostolic mission broke up into
two different sections, one of which was purely Jewish and had for its
centre and starting point the mother church at Jerusalem, while the
other, issuing from Antioch, addressed itself to a mixed audience, and
preeminently to the Gentiles.

  It is difficult to determine with chronological exactness
  either the =beginning= (§ 13, 1) or the =close of the Apostolic
  Age=. Still we cannot be far wrong in taking A.D. 30 as the
  beginning and A.D. 70 as the close of that period. The last
  perfectly certain and uncontested date of the Apostolic Age is
  the martyrdom of the Apostle Paul in A.D. 64, or perhaps A.D. 67,
  see § 15, 1. We have it on good evidence that James the elder
  died about A.D. 44, and James the Just about A.D. 63 (§ 16, 3),
  that Peter suffered martyrdom contemporaneously with Paul
  (§ 16, 1), that about the same time or not long after the most of
  the other Apostles had been in all probability already taken home,
  at least in regard to their life and work after the days of Paul,
  we have not the slightest information that can lay any claim
  to be regarded as historical. The Apostle John forms the only
  exception to this statement. According to important witnesses
  from the middle and end of the second century (§ 16, 2), he
  entered upon his special field of labour in Asia Minor after
  the death of Paul, and continued to live and labour there, with
  the temporary interruption of an exile in Patmos, down to the
  time of Trajan, A.D. 98-117. But the insufficient data which
  we possess regarding the nature, character, extent, success,
  and consequences of his Apostolic activity there are partly,
  if not in themselves altogether incredible, interesting only
  as anecdotes, and partly wholly fabulous, and therefore little
  fitted to justify us, simply on their account, in assigning the
  end of the first or the beginning of the second century as the
  close of the Apostolic Age. We are thus brought back again to
  the year of Paul’s death as indicating approximately the close of
  that period. But seeing that the precise year of this occurrence
  is matter of discussion, the adoption of the round number 70 may
  be recommended, all the more as with this year, in which the last
  remnant of Jewish national independence was lost, the opposition
  between Jewish and Gentile Christianity, which had prevailed
  throughout the Apostolic Age, makes its appearance under a new
  phase (§ 28).


                § 15. THE MINISTRY OF THE APOSTLE PAUL.

  Set apart to the work by the church by prayer and laying on of hands,
Paul and Barnabas started from Antioch on their =first= missionary
journey to Asia Minor, A.D. 48-50. Notwithstanding much opposition
and actual persecution on the part of the enraged Jews, he founded
mixed churches, composed principally of Gentile Christians, comprising
congregations at Antioch in Pisidia, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe. When
Paul undertook his =second= missionary journey, A.D. 52-55, Barnabas
separated himself from him because of his refusal to accept the company
of his nephew John Mark, who had deserted them during their first
journey, and along with Mark embarked upon an independent mission,
beginning with his native country Cyprus; of the success of this mission
nothing is known. Paul, on the other hand, accompanied by Silas and
Luke, with whom at a later period Timothy also was associated, passed
through Asia Minor, and would thereafter have returned to Antioch had
not a vision by night at Troas led him to take ship for Europe. There he
founded churches at Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, Athens, and Corinth,
and then returned through Asia Minor to Syria. Without any lengthened
interval he entered upon his =third= missionary journey, A.D. 55-58,
accompanied by Luke, Titus, and Timothy. The centre of his ministerial
activity during this period was Ephesus, where he founded a church with
a large membership. His success was extraordinary, so that the very
existence of heathenism in Asia Minor was seriously imperilled. Driven
away by the uprising of a heathen mob, he travelled through Macedonia,
pressed on to Illyricum, visited the churches of Greece, and then went
to Jerusalem, for the performance of a vow. Here his life, threatened
by the excited Jews, was saved by his being put in prison by the Roman
captain, and then sent down to Cæsarea, A.D. 58. An appeal to Cæsar, to
which as a Roman citizen he was entitled, resulted in his being sent to
Rome, where he, beginning with the spring of A.D. 61, lived and preached
for several years, enduring a mild form of imprisonment. The further
course of his life and ministry remains singularly uncertain. Of the
later labours and fortunes of Paul’s fellow-workers we know absolutely
nothing.

  It may be accepted as a well authenticated and incontestable
  fact that =Paul= suffered =martyrdom= at Rome under Nero. This
  is established by the testimony of Clement of Rome--μαρτυρήσας
  ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων οὕτως ἀπηλλάγη τοῦ κοσμοῦ,--and is further
  explained and confirmed by Dionysius of Corinth, quoted in
  Eusebius, and by Irenæus, Tertullian, Caius of Rome (§ 16, 1). On
  the other hand it is disputed whether it may have happened during
  the imprisonment spoken about in the Acts of the Apostles, or
  during a subsequent imprisonment. According to the tradition of
  the church given currency to by Eusebius (_Hist. Eccl._, ii. 22),
  which even in our own time has been maintained by many capable
  scholars, Paul was released from his first Roman imprisonment
  shortly before the outburst of Nero’s persecution of the
  Christians in A.D. 64 (§ 22, 1), and made a fourth missionary
  journey which was brought to a close by his being a second
  time arrested and subsequently beheaded at Rome in A.D. 67. The
  proofs, however, that are offered in support of this assertion
  are of a very doubtful character. Paul certainly in A.D. 58
  had the intention (Rom. xv. 24, 28) after a short visit to Rome
  to proceed to Spain; and when from his prison in Rome he wrote
  to Philemon (v. 22) and to the Philippians (i. 25; ii. 24), he
  believed that his cherished hope of yet regaining his liberty
  would be realised; but there is no further mention of a journey
  into Spain, for apparently other altogether different plans of
  travel are in his mind. And indeed circumstances may easily be
  conceived as arising to blast such hopes and produce in him that
  spirit of hopeless resignation, which he gives expression to
  in 2 Tim. iv. 6 ff. But the words of Clement of Rome, chap. 5:
  δικαιοσύνην διδάξας ὅλον τὸν κόσμον καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως
  ἐλθών, etc., are too indefinite and rhetorical to be taken as
  a certain testimony on behalf of a Spanish missionary journey.
  The incomplete reference in the Muratorian Fragment (§ 36, 8)
  to a _profectio Pauli ab Urbe ad Spaniam proficiscentis_ may
  be thought to afford more direct testimony, but probably it is
  nothing more than a reminiscence of Rom. xv. 24, 28. Much more
  important, nay almost conclusive, in the opposite direction, is
  the entire absence, not only from all the patristic, but also
  from all the apocryphal, literature of the second and third
  centuries, of any allusion to a fourth missionary journey or a
  second imprisonment of the Apostle. The assertion of Eusebius
  introduced by a vague λόγος ἔχει can scarcely be regarded as
  outweighing this objection. Consequently the majority of modern
  investigators have decided in favour of the theory of one
  imprisonment. But then the important question arises as to
  whether the Epistles to Timothy and Titus, claiming to be Pauline,
  with the journeys referred to or presupposed in them, and the
  residences of the Apostle and his two assistants, can find
  a place in the framework of the narrative in the Acts of the
  Apostles, and if so, what that place may be. In answering this
  question those investigators take diverse views. Of those who
  cannot surrender their conviction that the Pastoral Epistles
  are genuine, some assign them to the Apostle’s residence of
  almost three years in Ephesus, others to the imprisonment in
  Cæsarea which lasted two years and a half, and others to the
  Roman imprisonment of almost three years. Others again, looking
  upon such expedients as inadmissible, deny the authenticity of
  the Pastoral Epistles, these having appeared to them worthy of
  suspicion on other grounds.


             § 16. THE OTHER APOSTLES AFTER THE APPEARANCE
                          OF THE APOSTLE PAUL.

  Only in reference to the most distinguished of the Apostles have any
trustworthy accounts reached us. James the brother of John, at an early
period, in A.D. 44, suffered a martyr’s death at Jerusalem. Peter was
obliged by this persecution to quit Jerusalem for a time. Inclination
and his special calling marked him out as the Apostle of the Jews
(Gal. ii. 7-9). His ministry outside of Palestine was exercised,
according to 1 Pet. i. 1, in the countries round about the Black Sea,
and, according to chap. v. 13, extended to Babylon. The legend that,
contemporaneously with the beheading of Paul, he suffered death by
crucifixion under Nero at Rome (John xxi. 18, 19), is doubtful; and
it is also questionable whether he ever went to Rome, while the story
of his having down to the time of his death been Bishop of Rome for
twenty-five years is wholly fabulous. John, according to the tradition
of the church, took up Asia Minor as his special field of labour after
it had been deprived of its first Apostle by the martyr death of Paul,
fixing his residence at Ephesus. At the head of the mother church of
Jerusalem stood James the Just, the brother of the Lord. He seems never
to have left Jerusalem, and was stoned by the Jews between A.D. 63-69.
Regarding the rest of the Apostles and their fellow-workers we have only
legendary traditions of an extremely untrustworthy description, and even
these have come down to us in very imperfect and corrupt forms.

  § 16.1. =The Roman Episcopate of Peter.=--The tradition that
  Peter, after having for some years held the office of bishop
  at Antioch, became first Bishop of Rome, holding the office for
  twenty-five years (A.D. 42-67), and suffered martyrdom at the
  same time with Paul, had its origin in the series of heretical
  apocryphal writings, out of which sprang, both the romance of the
  Clementine Homilies and Recognitions (§ 28, 3), and the Ebionite
  Acts of Peter; but it attained its complete form only at the end
  of the fourth century, after it had been transplanted into the
  soil of the church tradition through the _Acta Petri et Pauli_
  (§ 32, 6). What chiefly secured currency and development to this
  tradition was the endeavour, ever growing in strength in Rome,
  to vindicate on behalf of the Roman Episcopate as the legitimate
  successor and heir to all the prerogatives alleged to have been
  conferred on Peter in Matt. xvi. 18, a title to primacy over all
  the churches (§ 34, 8; 46, 3 ff.). But that Peter had not really
  been in Rome as a preacher of the gospel previous to the year
  A.D. 61, when Paul came to Rome as a prisoner, is evident from the
  absence of any reference to the fact in the Epistle to the Romans,
  written in A.D. 58, as well as in the concluding chapter of the
  Acts of the Apostles. According to the Acts, Peter in A.D. 44
  lay in prison at Jerusalem, and according to Gal. ii., he was
  still there in A.D. 51. Besides, according to the unanimous
  verdict of tradition, as expressed by Irenæus, Eusebius, Rufinus,
  and the Apostolic Constitutions, not Peter, but Linus, was the
  first Bishop of Rome, and it is only in regard to the order of
  his successors, Anacletus and Clement, that any real uncertainty
  or discrepancy occurs. This, indeed, by no means prevents us
  from admitting an appearance of Peter at Rome resulting in his
  martyrdom. But the testimonies in favour thereof are not of such
  a kind as to render its historical reality unquestionable. That
  Babylon is mentioned in 1 Pet. v. 13 as the place where this
  Epistle was composed, can scarcely be used as a serious argument,
  since the supposition that Babylon is a symbolical designation
  of Rome as the centre of anti-Christian heathenism, though quite
  conceivable and widely current in the early church, is not by any
  means demonstrable. Toward the end of the first century, Clement
  of Rome relates the martyrdom of Peter as well as of Paul, but
  he does not even say that it took place at Rome. On the other
  hand, clear and unmistakable statements are found in Dionysius
  of Corinth, about A.D. 170, then in Caius of Rome, in Irenæus
  and Tertullian, to the effect that Peter and Paul exercised
  their ministry together and suffered martyrdom together at Rome.
  These statements, however, are interwoven with obviously false
  and fabulous dates to such a degree that their credibility is
  rendered extremely doubtful. Nevertheless they prove this much,
  that already about the end of the second century, the story
  of the two Apostles suffering martyrdom together at Rome was
  believed, and that some, of whom Caius tells us, professed to
  know their graves and to have their bones in their possession.

  § 16.2. =The Apostle John.=--Soon after the death of Paul, the
  Apostle John settled in Ephesus, and there, with the temporary
  break caused by his exile to Patmos (Rev. i. 9), he continued
  to preside over the church of Asia Minor down to his death in
  the time of Trajan (A.D. 98-117). This rests upon the church
  tradition which, according to Polycrates of Ephesus (Eus., _Hist.
  Eccl._, v. 24) and Irenæus, a scholar of Polycarp’s (Eus., iv. 14),
  was first set forth during the Easter controversies (§ 37, 2)
  in the middle of the second century by Polycarp of Smyrna, and
  has been accepted as unquestionable through all ages down to our
  own. According to Irenæus (Eus., iii. 18), his exile occurred
  under Domitian; the Syrian translation of the Apocalypse, which
  was made in the sixth century, assigned it to the time of Nero.
  But seeing that, except in Rev. i. 11, neither in the New
  Testament scriptures, nor in the extant writings and fragments
  of the Church Fathers of the second century before Irenæus, is
  a residence of the Apostle John at Ephesus asserted or assumed,
  whereas Papias (§ 30, 6), according to Georgius Hamartolus, a
  chronicler of the 9th cent., who had read the now lost work of
  Papias, expressly declares that the Apostle John was slain “by
  Jews” (comp. Matt. xx. 23), which points to Palestine rather
  than to Asia Minor, modern critics have denied the credibility
  of that ecclesiastical tradition, and have attributed its origin
  to a confusion between the Apostle John and a certain John the
  Presbyter, with whom we first meet in the Papias-Fragment quoted
  in Eusebius as μαθητὴς τοῦ κυρίου. Others again, while regarding
  the residence of the Apostle at Ephesus as well established, have
  sought, on account of differences in style standpoint and general
  mode of thought in the Johannine Apocalypse on the one hand, and
  the Johannine Gospel and Epistles on the other hand, to assign
  them to two distinct μαθηταὶ τοῦ κυρίου of the same name, and
  by assigning the Apocalypse to the Presbyter and the Gospel and
  Epistles to the Apostle, they would in this way account for the
  residence at Ephesus. This is the course generally taken by the
  Mediation theologians of Schleiermacher’s school. The advanced
  liberal critics of the school of Baur assign the Apocalypse to
  the Apostle and the Gospel and Epistles to the Presbyter, or else
  instead of the Apostle assume a third John otherwise unknown.
  Conservative orthodox theology again maintains the unity of
  authorship of all the Johannean writings, explains the diversity
  of character discernible in the different works by a change on
  the part of the Apostle from the early Judæo-Christian standpoint
  (Gal. ii. 9), which is still maintained in the Apocalypse, to
  the ideal universalistic standpoint assumed in the Gospel and
  the Epistles, and is inclined to identify the Presbyter of Papias
  with the Apostle. Even in Tertullian we meet with the tradition
  that under Nero the Apostle had been thrown into a vat of boiling
  oil, and in Augustine we are told how he emptied a poisoned cup
  without suffering harm. It is a charming story at least that
  Clement of Alexandria tells of the faithful pastoral care which
  the aged Apostle took in a youth who had fallen so far as to
  become a bandit chief. Of such a kind, too, is the story told of
  the Apostle by Jerome, how in the extreme weakness of old age he
  had to be carried into the assemblies of the congregation, and
  with feeble accents could only whisper, Little children, love one
  another. According to Irenæus, when by accident he met with the
  heretic Cerinthus (§ 27, 1) in the bath, he immediately rushed
  out to avoid any contact with him.

  § 16.3. =James, the brother of the Lord.=--The name of James was
  borne by two of the twelve disciples of Jesus: James, the son of
  Zebedee and brother of John, who was put to death by the command
  of Herod Agrippa I. (Acts xii. 2) about A.D. 44, and James,
  son of Alphæus, about whom we have no further information. A
  third James, designated in Gal. i. 19 the brother of the Lord,
  who according to Hegesippus (Euseb., _Hist. Eccl._, ii. 23) on
  account of his scrupulous fulfilment of the law received the
  title of the Just, is met with in Acts xii. 17; xv. 13; xxi. 18,
  and is recognised by Paul (Gal. i. 19; ii. 9-12) as the President
  of the church in Jerusalem. According to Hegesippus (§ 31, 7),
  he was from his childhood a Nazirite, and shortly before the
  destruction of Jerusalem, the Jews at the Passover having desired
  of him a testimony against Christ, and he having instead given
  a powerful testimony on His behalf, he was hurled down from a
  pinnacle of the temple, stoned, and at last, while praying for
  his enemies, slain by the blows of a fuller’s club. According
  to Josephus, however, Ananus, the high priest, after the recall
  of the Proconsul Festus and before the arrival of his successor
  Albinus, along with other men hostile to James, hastily condemned
  him and had him stoned, about A.D. 63. In regard to the person of
  this last-named James three different theories have been proposed.

    a. In the ancient church, the brothers of Jesus, of whom besides
       James other three, Joses, Simon, and Judas, are named, were
       regarded undoubtedly as step-brothers of Jesus, sons of
       Joseph and Mary (Matt. i. 25), and even Tertullian argues
       from the existence of brothers of the Redeemer according to
       the flesh against the Docetism of the Gnostics.

    b. Soon, however, it came to be felt that the idea that Joseph
       had conjugal intercourse with Mary after the birth of Jesus
       was in conflict with the ascetic tendency now rising into
       favour, and so to help themselves out of this embarrassment,
       it was assumed that the brothers of Jesus were sons of
       Joseph by a former wife.

    c. The want of biblical foundation for this view was the
       occasion of its being abandoned in favour of a theory,
       first hinted at by Jerome, according to which the expression
       brothers of Jesus is to be taken in a wider sense as meaning
       cousins, and in this way James the brother of the Lord was
       identified with James the son of Alphæus, one of the twelve
       disciples, and the four or five Jameses named in the New
       Testament were reduced to two, James the son of Zebedee
       and James son of Alphæus. It was specially urged from
       John xix. 25 that James the son of Alphæus was the sister’s
       son of Jesus’ mother. This was done by a purely arbitrary
       identification of the name Clopas or Cleophas with the
       Alphæus of the Synoptists, the rendering of the words Μαρία
       τοῦ Κλωπᾶ by the wife of Clopas, and also the assumption,
       which is scarcely conceivable, that the sister of the mother
       of Jesus was also called Mary. We should therefore in this
       passage regard the sister of the mother of Jesus and Mary
       wife of Clopas as two distinct persons. In that case the
       wife of Alphæus may have been called Mary and have had two
       sons who, like two of the four brothers of Jesus, were named
       James and Joses (Matt. xxvii. 56; Mark xv. 40; Luke xxiv. 10);
       but even then, in the James here mentioned, we should meet
       with another James otherwise unknown, different from the
       James son of Alphæus in the list of the Apostles, whose name
       occurs in Luke xv. 16 and Acts i. 13 in the phrase Judas of
       James, where the genitive undoubtedly means brother of James
       son of Alphæus. And though in Gal. i. 19, James the brother
       of the Lord seems to be called an Apostle, when this is
       compared with Acts xiv. 14, it affords no proof that he
       belonged to the number of the twelve.

  But the fact that the brothers of Jesus are all and always
  expressly distinguished from His twelve Apostles, and form a
  group outwardly and inwardly apart from them (Matt. xii. 46;
  Mark iii. 31; Luke viii. 19; John ii. 12), tells decidedly against
  that idea. In John vii. 3, 5, they are, at a time when James
  son of Alphæus and Judas brother of James were already in the
  Apostolate, described as unbelieving, and only subsequently to
  the departure of the Lord, who after His resurrection appeared
  to James (1 Cor. xv. 7), do we meet them, though even then
  distinguished from the twelve, standing in the closest fellowship
  with the Christian believing community (Acts i. 14; 1 Cor. ix. 5).
  Besides, in accordance with Matt. xxviii. 19, none of the twelve
  could assume the permanent presidency of the mother church, and
  Hegesippus not only knows of πολλοὶ Ἰάκωβοι, and so surely of
  more than two, but makes James enter upon his office in Jerusalem
  first μετὰ τῶν ἀποστόλων.

  § 16.4. =The Later Legends of the Apostles.=--The tradition that
  after the Lord’s ascension His disciples, their number having
  been again made up to twelve (Acts i. 13), in fulfilment of
  their Lord’s command (Matt. xxviii. 18), had a special region
  for missionary labour assigned by lot to each, and also the other
  tradition, according to which, before their final departure from
  Jerusalem, after a stay there for seven or twelve years, they
  drew up by common agreement rules for worship, discipline and
  constitution suited to the requirements of universal Christendom,
  took shape about the middle of the second century, and gave
  occasion to the origin of many apocryphal histories of the
  Apostles (§ 32, 5, 6), as well as apocryphal books of church
  order (§ 43, 4, 5). Whether any portion at all, and if so, how
  much, of the various contradictory statements of the apocryphal
  histories and legends of the Apostles about their mission
  fields and several fortunes can be regarded as genuine tradition
  descending from the Apostolic Age, must be left undecided. In any
  case, the legendary drapery and embellishment of casual genuine
  reminiscences are in the highest degree fantastic and fabulous.
  Ancient at least, according to Eusebius, are the traditions
  of Thomas having preached in Parthia, Andrew in Scythia, and
  Bartholomew in India; while in later traditions Thomas figures
  as the Apostle of India (§ 32, 5). The statement by Eusebius,
  supported from many ancient authorities, that the Apostle Philip
  exercised his ministry from Hierapolis in Phrygia to Asia Minor,
  originated perhaps from the confounding of the Apostle with the
  Evangelist of the same name (Acts xxi. 8, 9). A history of the
  Apostle Barnabas, attributed to John Mark, but in reality dating
  only from the fifth century, attaching itself to Acts xv. 39,
  tells how he conducted his mission and suffered martyrdom in his
  native country of Cyprus; while another set of legends, probably
  belonging to the same period, makes him the founder of the church
  of Milan. John Mark, sister’s son of Barnabas, who appears in
  Col. iv. 10; 2 Tim. iv. 11; and Philem. 24, as the fellow-labourer
  of the Apostle Paul, in 1 Pet. v. 13 as companion of Peter at
  Babylon, and, according to Papias, wrote his gospel at Rome as
  the amanuensis of Peter, is honoured, according to another very
  widely received tradition, quoted by Eusebius from a Chronicle
  belonging to the end of the second century, from which also
  Julius Africanus drew information, as the founder and first
  bishop of the church of Alexandria, etc., etc.


            § 17. CONSTITUTION, WORSHIP, AND DISCIPLINE.[6]

  Bound under Christ its one head into an articulated whole, the church
ought by the co-operation of all its members conditioned and determined
by position, talent, and calling, to build itself up and grow (1 Cor.
xii. 12 ff.; Eph. i. 22 f.). Development will thus be secured to natural
talent and the spiritual calling through the bestowment of special gifts
of grace or charismata. The first form of Christian church fellowship,
in the Jewish as well as the Gentile Christian churches, was of a
thoroughly free character; modelled upon, and attached to, forms of
organization already existing and legitimized, or, at least, tolerated
by the state, but all the while inspired and leavened by a free
Christian spirit. Compelled by the necessity which is felt in all social
federations for the recognised ranking of superiority, inferiority, and
equality, in which his own proper sphere and task would be assigned to
each member, and encroachment and disorderliness prevented, a collegial
church council was soon formed by a free compact, the members of which,
all possessed of equal rights, were called πρεσβύτεροι in consideration
of their personal character, and ἐπίσκοποι in consideration of their
official duties. Upon them devolved especially attention and care in
regard to all outward things that might affect the common interests
of the church, management of the property which had to be realised
and spent on the religious services, and of the means required for the
support of the poor, as well as the administration of justice and of
discipline. But alongside of these were other more independent offices,
the holders of which did not go forth like the members of the eldership
as the choice of the churches, but rather had the spiritual edification
of the church assigned them as their life work by a special divine
call and a charismatic endowment of the gift of teaching. To this class
belong, besides Apostles and helpers of the Apostles, Prophets, Pastors,
and Teachers.

  § 17.1. =The Charismata= of the Apostolic Age are presented to us
  in 1 Cor. xii. 4 ff. as signs (φανερώσεις, v. 7) of the presence
  of the Spirit of God working in the church, which, attaching
  themselves to natural endowment and implying a free personal
  surrender to their influence, and manifesting themselves in
  various degrees of intensity from the natural to the supernatural,
  qualified certain members of the church with the powers necessary
  and desirable for the upbuilding and extension of the Christian
  community. In verses 8-11, the Charismata are arranged in three
  classes by means of the twice-repeated ἑτέρω.

    1. Gifts of Teaching, embracing the λόγος σοφίας and the λόγος
       γνώσεως.

    2. Completeness of Faith, or πίστις with the possession of
       supernatural powers for healing the sick, working miracles,
       and prophesying, and alongside of the latter, for sifting
       and proving it, διάκρισις πνευμάτων.

    3. Ecstatic speaking with tongues, γένη γλωσσῶν, γλώσσαις
       λαλεῖν, alongside of which is placed the interpretation of
       tongues necessary for the understanding thereof ἑρμενεία
       γλωσσῶν.

  In addition to these three are mentioned, in verse 28, ἀντιλήψεις,
  care of the poor, the sick and strangers, and κυβερνήσεις, church
  government. The essential distinction between speaking with
  tongues and prophesying consists, according to 1 Cor. xiv. 1-18,
  in this, that whereas the latter is represented as an inspiration
  by the Spirit of God, acting upon the consciousness, the νοῦς of
  the prophet, and therefore requiring no further explanation to
  render it applicable for the edification of the congregation,
  the former is represented as an ecstatic utterance, wholly
  uncontrolled by the νοῦς of the human instrument, yet employing
  the human organs of speech, γλῶσσαι, which leaves the assembled
  congregation out of view and addresses itself directly to God,
  so that in ver. 13-15 it is called a προσεύχεσθαι, being made
  intelligible to the audience only by means of the charismatic
  interpretation of men immediately acted upon for the purpose by
  the Spirit of God. In Rom. xii. 6-8, although there the charisms
  are enumerated in even greater details, so as to include even
  the showing of mercy with cheerfulness, the γλώσσαις λαλεῖν is
  wanting. It would thus seem that this sort of spiritual display,
  if not exclusively (Acts ii. 4; x. 46; xix. 6; Mark xvi. 17), yet
  with peculiar fondness, which was by no means commended by the
  Apostle, was fostered in the church of Corinth. The thoroughly
  unique speaking with tongues which took place on the first
  Pentecost (Acts ii. 6, 11) is certainly not to be understood
  as implying that the Apostles had been either temporarily
  or permanently qualified to speak in the several languages
  and dialects of those present from all the countries of the
  dispersion. It probably means simply that the power was conferred
  upon the speakers of speaking with tongues and that at the same
  time an analogous endowment of the interpretation of tongues
  was conferred upon those who heard (Comp., Acts ii. 12, 15, with
  1 Cor. xiv. 22 f. ).

  § 17.2. =The Constitution of the Mother Church at
  Jerusalem.=--The notion which gained currency through Vitringa’s
  learned work “_De synagoga vetere_,” publ. 1696, that the
  constitution of the Apostolic church was moulded upon the pattern
  of the synagogues, is now no longer seriously entertained. Not
  only in regard to the Pauline churches wholly or chiefly composed
  of Gentile Christians, but also in regard to the Palestinian
  churches of purely Jewish Christians, no evidence in support
  of such a theory can be found. There is no sort of analogy
  between any office bearers in the church and the ἀρχισυνάγωγοι
  who were essentially characteristic of all the synagogues
  both in Palestine and among the dispersion (Mark v. 22;
  Luke viii. 41, 49; Acts xiii. 15; xviii. 8, 17), nor do we find
  anything to correspond to the ὑπήρεται or inferior officers of
  the synagogue (Luke iv. 20). On the other hand, the office bearers
  of the Christian churches, who, consisting, according to Acts vi.,
  of deacons, and also afterwards, according to Acts xi. 30, of
  πρεσβύτεροι, or elders of the church at Jerusalem, occupied a
  place alongside of the Apostles in the government of the church,
  are without any analogy in the synagogues. The Jewish πρεσβύτεροι
  τοῦ λαοῦ mentioned in Matt. xxi. 23; xxvi. 3; Acts iv. 5; xxii. 5,
  etc., did not exercise a ministry of teaching and edification in
  the numerous synagogues of Jerusalem, but a legislatory, judicial
  and civil authority over the whole Jewish commonwealth as members
  of the Sanhedrim, of chief priest, scribes and elders. Between
  even these, however, and the elders of the Christian church a
  far-reaching difference exists. The Jewish elders are indeed
  representatives of the people, and have as such a seat and vote
  in the supreme council, but no voice is allowed to the people
  themselves. In the council of the Christian church, on the other
  hand, with reference to all important questions, the membership
  of all believers is called together for consultation and
  deliverance (Acts vi. 2-6; xv. 4, 22). A complaint on the part
  of the Hellenistic members of the church that their poor were
  being neglected led to the election of seven men who should care
  for the poor, not by the Apostles, but by the church. This is
  commonly but erroneously regarded as the first institution of
  the deaconship. To those then chosen, for whom the Acts (xxi. 8)
  has no other designation than that of “the seven,” the διακονεῖν
  τραπέζαις is certainly assigned: but they were not and were not
  called Deacons in the official sense any more than the Apostles,
  who still continued, according to v. 4, to exercise the διακονία
  τοῦ λόγου. When the bitter persecution that followed the stoning
  of Stephen had scattered the church abroad over the neighbouring
  countries, they also departed at the same time from Jerusalem
  (Acts viii. 1), and Philip, who was now the most notable of their
  number, officiated henceforth only as an evangelist, that is, as
  an itinerant preacher of the gospel, in the region about his own
  house in Cæsarea (Acts viii. 5; xxi. 8; comp. Eph. iv. 11; 2 Tim.
  iv. 5). Upon the reorganization of the church at Jerusalem, the
  Apostles beginning more clearly to appreciate their own special
  calling (Matt. xxviii. 19), gave themselves more and more to the
  preaching of the gospel even outside of Jerusalem, and thus the
  need became urgent of an authoritative court for the conducting
  of the affairs of the church even during their absence. In these
  circumstances it would seem, according to Acts xi. 30, that those
  who ministered to the poor, chosen probably from among the most
  honourable of the first believers (Acts ii. 41), passed over into
  a self-constituted college of presbyters. At the head of this
  college or board stood James, the brother of the Lord (Gal. i. 19;
  ii. 9; Acts xii. 17; xv. 13; xxi. 15), and after his death,
  according to Hegesippus, a near relation of the Lord, Simeon,
  son of Clopas, as a descendant of David, was unanimously chosen
  as his successor. The episcopal title, however, just like that of
  Deacon, is first met with in the New Testament in the region of
  the Pauline missions, and in the terminology of the Palestinian
  churches we only hear of presbyters as officers of the church
  (Acts xv. 4, 6, 22; xxi. 18; James v. 14). In 1 Peter v. 2,
  however, although ἐπίσκοπος does not yet appear as an official
  title, the official duty of the ἐπισκοπεῖν is assigned to
  presbyters (see § 17, 6). It is Hegesippus, about A.D. 180, who
  first gives the title Bishop of Jerusalem to James, after the
  Clementines (§ 28, 3) had already ten years previously designated
  him ἐπισκόπων ἐπίσκοπος.

  § 17.3. =The Constitution of the Pauline Churches.= Founding upon
  the works of Mommsen and Foucart, first of all Heinrici and soon
  afterwards the English theologian Hatch[7] has wrought out the
  theory that the constitution of the churches that were wholly
  or mainly composed of Gentile Christians was modelled on those
  convenient, open or elastic rules of associations under which
  the various Hellenistic guilds prospered so well (θίασοι,
  ἔρανοι),--associations for the naturalization and fostering of
  foreign, often oriental, modes of worship. In the same way, too,
  the Christian church at Rome, for social and sacred purposes,
  made use of the forms of association employed in the Collegia or
  Sodalicia, which were found there in large numbers, especially
  of the funeral societies in which both of those purposes were
  combined (_collegia funeraticia_). In both these cases, then,
  the church, by attaching itself to modes of association already
  existing, acknowledged by the state, or tolerated as harmless,
  assumed a form of existence which protected it from the suspicion
  of the government, and at the same time afforded it space and
  time for independent construction in accordance with its own
  special character and spirit. As in those Hellenic associations
  all ranks, even those which in civil society were separated from
  one another by impassable barriers, found admission, and then,
  in the framing of statutes, the reception of fellow members, the
  exercise of discipline, possessed equal rights; as, further, the
  full knowledge of their mysteries and sharing in their exercise
  were open only to the initiated (μεμυημένοι), yet in the exercise
  of exoteric worship the doors were hospitably flung open even to
  the ἀμυήτοι; as upon certain days those belonging to the narrow
  circle joining together in partaking of a common feast; so too
  all this is found in the Corinthian church, naturally inspired
  by a Christian spirit and enriched with Christian contents. The
  church also has its religious common feast in its Agape, its
  mystery in the Eucharist, its initiation in baptism, by the
  administration of which the divine service is divided into two
  parts, one esoteric, to be engaged in only by the baptized,
  the other exoteric, a service that is open to those who are
  not Christians. All ranks (Gal. iii. 28) have the same claim
  to admission to baptism, all the baptized have equal rights in
  the congregation (see § 17, 7). It is evident, however, that
  the connection between the Christian churches and those heathen
  associations is not so to be conceived as if, because in the one
  case distinctions of rank were abolished, so also they were in
  the other; or that, because in the one case religious festivals
  were observed, this gave the first hint as to the observance of
  the Christian Agape; or that, because and in the manner in which
  there a mysterious service was celebrated from which all outside
  were strictly excluded, so also here was introduced an exclusive
  eucharistic service. These observances are rather to be regarded
  as having grown up independently out of the inmost being of
  Christianity; but the church having found certain institutions
  existing inspired by a wholly different spirit, yet outwardly
  analogous and sanctioned by the state, it appropriated, as far
  as practicable, their forms of social organization, in order to
  secure for itself the advantages of civil protection. That even
  on the part of the pagans, down into the last half of the second
  century, the Christian congregational fellowship was regarded as
  a special kind of the mystery-communities, is shown by Lucian’s
  satire, _De morte Peregrini_ (§ 23, 1), where the description
  of Christian communities, in which its hero for a time played
  a part, is full of technical terms which were current in
  those associations. “It is also,” says Weingarten, “expressly
  acknowledged in Tertullian’s _Apologeticus_, c. 38, 39, written
  about A.D. 198, that even down to the close of the second century,
  the Christian church was organized in accordance with the rules
  of the _Collegia funeraticia_, so that it might claim from the
  state the privileges of the _Factiones licitæ_. The arrangements
  for burial and the Christian institutions connected therewith are
  shown to have been carefully subsumed under forms that were
  admitted to be legal.”

  § 17.4. Confining ourselves meantime to the oldest and
  indisputably authentic epistles of the Apostle, we find that
  the autonomy of the church in respect of organization, government,
  discipline, and internal administration is made prominent as
  the very basis of the constitution. He never interferes in those
  matters, enjoining and prescribing by his own authority, but
  always, whether personally or in spirit, only as associated with
  their assemblies (1 Cor. v. 3), deliberating and deciding in
  common with them. Thus his Apostolic importance shows itself not
  in his assuming the attitude of a lord (2 Cor. i. 24), but that
  of a father (1 Cor. iv. 14 f.), who seeks to lead his children
  on to form for themselves independent and manly judgments (1 Cor.
  x. 15; xi. 13). Regular and fixed church officers do not seem to
  have existed in Corinth down to the time when the first Epistle
  was written, about A.D. 57. A diversity of functions (διαιρέσεις
  διακονιῶν, 1 Cor. xii. 4) is here, indeed, already found, but
  not yet definitely attached to distinct and regular offices
  (1 Cor. vi. 1-6). It is always yet a voluntary undertaking of such
  ministries on the one hand, and the recognition of peculiar piety
  and faithfulness, leading to willing submission on the other hand,
  out of which the idea of office took its rise, and from which
  it obtained its special character. This is especially true of
  a peculiar kind of ministry (Rom. xvi. 1, 2) which must soon
  have been developed as something indispensable to the Christian
  churches throughout the Hellenic and Roman regions. We mean
  the part played by the patron, which was so deeply grounded in
  the social life of classical antiquity. Freedmen, foreigners,
  proletarii, could not in themselves hold property and had no
  claim on the protection of the laws, but had to be associated
  as _Clientes_ with a _Patronus_ or _Patrona_ (προστάτης and
  προστάτις) who in difficult circumstances would afford them
  counsel, protection, support, and defence. As in the Greek and
  Roman associations for worship this relationship had long before
  taken root, and was one of the things that contributed most
  materially to their prosperity, so also in the Christian churches
  the need for recognising and giving effect to it became all the
  more urgent in proportion as the number of members increasing
  for whom such support was necessary (1 Cor. i. 26-29). Phœbe
  is warmly recommended in Rom. xvi. 1, 2, as such a Christian
  προστάτις, at Cenchrea, the port of Corinth, among whose numerous
  clients the Apostle himself is mentioned. Many inscriptions in
  the Roman catacombs testify to the deep impress which this social
  scheme made upon the organization, especially of the Roman church,
  down to the end of the first century, and to the help which it
  gave in rendering that church permanent. All the more are we
  justified in connecting therewith the προϊστάμενος ἐν σπουδῇ
  (Rom. xii. 8), and in giving this passage in connection with the
  preceding and succeeding context the meaning: whoever represents
  any one as patron let him do it with diligence.--The gradual
  development of stated or independent =congregational offices=,
  after privileges and duties were distinguished from one another,
  was thus brought about partly by the natural course of events,
  and partly by the endeavour to make the church organization
  correspond with the Greek and Roman religious associations
  countenanced by the state by the employment in it of the same
  or similar forms and names. In the older communities, especially
  those in capital cities, like Thessalonica, Corinth, Rome, etc.,
  the heads of the families of the first believers attained an
  authoritative position altogether unique, as at Corinth those of
  the household of Stephanas, who, according to 1 Cor. xvi. 15, as
  the ἀπαρχὴ τῆς Ἀχαΐας εἰς διακονίαν τοῖς ἁγίοις ἔταξαν ἑαυτούς.
  Such honour, too, was given to the most serviceable of the
  chosen patrons and others, who evidently possessed the gifts of
  κυβερνήσεις and ἀντιλήψεις, and those who first in an informal
  way had discharged official duties had amends made them even
  after death by a formal election. On the other hand, the
  churches that sprang up at a later period were probably provided
  immediately with such offices under the direction and with the
  consent of the Apostle or his apostolic assistants (1 Tim. v. 9;
  Tit. i. 5).

  § 17.5. =Congregational and Spiritual Offices.=--While then, down
  to A.D. 57 no ecclesiastical offices properly so called as yet
  existed at Corinth, and no injunctions are given by the Apostle
  for their definite introduction, it is told us in Acts xiv. 23
  that, so early as A.D. 50, when Paul was returning from his first
  missionary journey he ordained with prayer and fasting elders
  or presbyters in those churches of Asia Minor previously founded
  by him. Now it is indeed quite conceivable that in these cases
  he adhered more closely to the already existing presbyterial
  constitution of the mother church at Jerusalem (Acts xi. 30),
  than he did subsequently in founding and giving a constitution
  to the churches of the European cities where perhaps the
  circumstances and requirements were entirely different. But
  be this as it may, it is quite certain that the Apostle on his
  departure from lately formed churches took care to leave them
  in an organized condition, and the author of the Acts has given
  expression to the fact proleptically in terms with which he was
  himself conversant and which were current in his time.--Among the
  Pauline epistles which are scarcely, if at all, objected to by
  modern criticism the first to give certain information regarding
  distinct and independent congregational offices, together
  with the names that had been then assigned to these offices,
  is the Epistle to the Philippians, written during the Roman
  imprisonment of the Apostle. In chap. i. 1, he sends his apostolic
  greeting and blessing πᾶσι τοῖς ἁγίοις τοῖς οὖσιν ἐν Φιλίπποις
  σὺν ἐπισκόποις καὶ διακόνοις.[8] The =Episcopate= and the
  =Diaconate= make their appearance here as the two categories
  of congregational offices, of both of which there are several
  representatives in each congregation. It is in the so-called
  Pastoral Epistles that for the first time we find applied in
  the Gentile Christian communities the title of =Presbyter= which
  had been the usual designation of the president in the mother
  church at Jerusalem. This title, just as in Acts xx. 17, 28, is
  undoubtedly regarded as identical with that of bishop (ἐπίσκοπος)
  and is used as an alternative (Tit. i. 5, 7; 1 Tim. iii. 1; iv. 14;
  v. 17, 19). From the practical identity of the qualifications
  of bishops (1 Tim. iii. 1) or of deacons (_v._ 12 f.), it follows
  that their callings were essentially the same; and from the
  etymological signification of their names, it would seem
  that there was assigned to the bishops the duty of governing,
  administrating and superintending, to the deacons that of serving,
  assisting and carrying out details as subordinate auxiliaries. It
  is shown by Rom. xvi. 1, that even so early as A.D. 58, the need
  of a female order of helpers had been felt and was supplied. When
  this order had at a later period assumed the rank of a regular
  office, it became the rule that only widows above sixty years
  of age should be chosen (1 Tim. v. 9).--We are introduced to
  an altogether different order of ecclesiastical authorities in
  Eph. iv. 11, where we have named in the first rank =Apostles=,
  in the second =Prophets=, in the third =Evangelists=, and in the
  fourth =Pastors= and =Teachers=. What is here meant by Apostles
  and Prophets is quite evident (§ 34, 1). From 2 Tim. iv. 5 and
  Acts xxi. 8 (viii. 5), it follows that Evangelists are itinerant
  preachers of the gospel and assistants of the Apostles. It is
  more difficult to determine exactly the functions of Pastors and
  Teachers and their relation to the regular congregational offices.
  Their introduction in Eph. iv. 11, as together constituting a
  fourth class, as well as the absence of the term Pastor in the
  parallel passage, 1 Cor. xii. 28, 29, presupposes such a close
  connection of the two orders, the one having the care of souls,
  the other the duties of preaching and catechizing, that we
  unhesitatingly assume that both were, if not always, at least
  generally, united in the same person. They have been usually
  identified with the bishops or presbyters. In Acts xx. 17, 28,
  and in 1 Pet. v. 2-4, presbyters are expressly called pastors.
  The order of the ἡγούμενοι in Heb. xiii. 7, οἵτινες ἐλάλησαν ὑμῖν
  τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ, has also been regarded as identical with that
  of bishops. In regard to the last named order a confusion already
  appears in Acts xv., where men, who in _v._ 22 are expressly
  distinguished from the elders (presbyters) and in _v._ 32 are
  ranked as prophets, are yet called ἡγούμενοι. We should also
  be led to conclude from 1 Cor. xii. 28, that those who had
  the qualifications of ἀντιλήψεις and κυβερνήσεις, functions
  certainly belonging to bishops or presbyters as administrative
  and diocesan officers, are yet personally distinguished from
  Apostles, Prophets, and Teachers. Now it is explicitly enjoined
  in Tit. i. 9 that in the choice of bishops special care should be
  taken to see that they have capacity for teaching. In 1 Tim. v. 17
  double honour is demanded for the καλῶς προεστῶτες πρεσβύτεροι,
  if they also labour ἐν λόγῳ καὶ διδασκαλίᾳ. This passage, however,
  shows teaching did not always and in all circumstances, or even
  _ex professo_ belong to the special functions of the president
  of the congregation; that it was rather in special circumstances,
  where perhaps these gifts were not at all or not in sufficient
  abundance elsewhere to be found, that these duties of teaching
  were undertaken in addition to their own proper official work of
  presidency (προϊστάναι). The dividing line between the two orders,
  bishops and deacons on the one hand, and pastors and teachers
  on the other, consists in the fundamentally different nature of
  their calling. The former were congregational offices, the latter,
  like those of Apostles and Prophets, were spiritual offices. The
  former were chosen by the congregation, the latter had, like the
  Apostles and Prophets, a divine call, though according to James
  iii. 1 not without the consenting will of the individual, and
  the charismatic capacity for teaching, although not in the
  same absolute measure. The former were attached to a particular
  congregation, the latter were, like the Apostles and Prophets,
  first of all itinerant teachers and had, like them, the task of
  building up the churches (Eph. iv. 12, εἰς οἰκοδομὴν τοῦ σώματος
  τοῦ Χριστοῦ). But, while the Apostles and Prophets laid the
  foundation of this building on Christ, the chief corner stone,
  preachers and teachers had to continue building on the foundation
  thus laid (Eph. ii. 20). A place and importance are undoubtedly
  secured for these three spiritual offices, in so far as continued
  itinerant offices, by the example of the Lord in His preliminary
  sending forth of the twelve in Matt. x., and of the seventy
  disciples in Luke x.--Continuation, § 34, 1.

  § 17.6. =The question about the original position of the
  Episcopate and Presbyterate=, as well as their relation to one
  another, has received three different answers. According to
  the =Roman Catholic= theory, which is also that of the Anglican
  Episcopal Church, the clerical, hierarchical arrangement of the
  third century, which gave to each of the larger communities a
  bishop as its president with a number of presbyters and deacons
  subject to him, existed as a divine institution from the
  beginning. It is unequivocally testified by the New Testament,
  and, as appears from the First Epistle of Clement of Rome (ch. 42,
  44, 57), the fact had never been disputed down to the close of
  the first century, that bishops and presbyters are identical.
  The force of this objection, however, is sought to be obviated by
  the subterfuge that while all bishops were indeed presbyters, all
  presbyters were not bishops. The ineptitude of such an evasion
  is apparent. In Phil. i. 1 the Apostle, referring to this one
  particular church greeted not one but several bishops. According
  to Acts xx. 17, 28, all the presbyters of the one Ephesian
  community are made bishops by the Holy Ghost. Also, Tit. i. 5, 7
  unconditionally excludes such a distinction; and according to
  1 Pet. v. 2, all such presbyters should be ἐπισκοποῦντες.--In
  opposition to this theory, which received the sanction of the
  Council of Trent, the =Old Protestant= theologians maintained the
  original identity of the two names and offices. In support of
  this they could refer not only to the New Testament, but also to
  Clement of Rome and the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles (§ 34, 1),
  where, just as in Phil. i. 1, only bishops and deacons are named
  as congregational officers, and as appointed by the free choice
  of the congregation. They can also point to the consensus of the
  most respected church fathers and church teachers of later times.
  Chrysostom (Hom. ix. in _Ep. ad Tim._) says: οἱ πρεσβύτεροι
  τὸ παλαιὸν ἐκαλοῦντο ἐπίσκοποι καὶ διάκονοι Χριστοῦ, καὶ οἱ
  ἐπίσκοποι πρεσβύτεροι. Jerome (_ad Tit._ i. 5) says: _Idem
  est presbyter qui et episcopus et antequam diaboli instinctu
  studia in religione fierent ... communi presbyterorum concilio
  gubernantur ecclesiæ._ Augustine, and other church fathers of the
  fourth and fifth centuries, as well as Urban II. in A.D. 1091,
  Petrus [Peter] Lombardus and the Decree of Gratian, may all
  be referred to as supporting the same view. After such an
  identification of the person and office, the existence of the two
  names must be explained from their meaning as words, by assuming
  that the title ἐπίσκοπος, which arose among the Gentile-Christian
  churches, pointed more to the duty officially required, while
  the title πρεσβύτερος, which arose among the Jewish-Christian
  churches, pointed more to the honourable character of the person
  (1 Tim. v. 17, 19). The subsequent development of a monarchical
  episcopacy is quite conceivable as having taken place in the
  natural course of events (§ 34, 2).--A third theory is that
  proposed by =Hatch=, of Oxford, in A.D. 1881, warmly approved of
  and vigorously carried out by =Harnack=. According to this theory
  the two names in question answer to a twofold distinction that
  appears in the church courts: on the college of presbyters was
  devolved the government of the community, with administration
  of law and discipline; on the bishops and their assistants the
  superintendence and management of the community in the widest
  sense of the word, including its worship, and first of all and
  chiefly the brotherly care of the poor, the sick and strangers,
  together with the collecting, keeping, and dispensing of
  money needful for those ends. In the course of time the two
  organizations were combined into one, since the bishops, on
  account of their eminently important place and work, obtained
  in the presbytery not only a simple seat and vote, but by-and-by
  the presidency and the casting vote. In establishing this theory
  it is pointed out that in the government and management of
  federations of that time for social and religious purposes
  in country districts or in cities, in imitation of which the
  organization of the Christian communities was formed, this
  twofold distribution is also found, and that especially the
  administrators of the finances in these societies had not only
  the title of ἐπίσκοποι, but had also the president’s seat in
  their assemblies (γερουσία, βουλή), which, however, is not
  altogether conclusive, since it is demonstrable that this title
  was also borne by judicial and political officials. It is also
  pointed out on the other hand that, in accordance with the
  modified view presented in the Pastoral Epistles, the Acts,
  and the Epistle of Clement of Rome, the consciousness of the
  original diversity of calling of the two offices were maintained
  throughout the whole of the second century, inasmuch as often a
  theoretical distinction between bishops and presbyters in the way
  specified was asserted. Now, in the first place, it can scarcely
  be matter of dispute as to whether the administration of property,
  with the care of the poor (ἀντιλήψεις) as the principal task,
  could actually have won a place so superior in respectability,
  influence and significance to that of congregational government
  (κυβερνήσεις), or whether the authority which embraced the
  functions of a judicial bench, a court of discipline, and a court
  of equity did not rather come to preponderate over that which was
  occupied in the administration of property and the care of the
  poor. But above all we shall have to examine the New Testament
  writings, as the relatively oldest witnesses to the matter of
  fact as well as to the usage of the language, and see what they
  have to say on the subject. This must be done even by those who
  would have the composition of the Pastoral Epistles and the Acts
  removed out of the Apostolic Age. In these writings, however,
  there is nowhere a firm and sure foundation afforded to that
  theory. It has, indeed, been supposed that in Phil. i. 1 mention
  is made only of bishops and deacons because by them the present
  from the Philippians had been brought to the Apostle. But seeing
  that, in the case of there actually existing in Philippi at this
  time besides the bishops a college of presbyters, the omission
  of these from the greeting in this epistle, the chief purpose
  of which was to impart apostolic comfort and encouragement, and
  which only refers gratefully at the close, ch. iv. 10, to the
  contribution sent, would have been damaging to them, we must
  assume that the bishops with their assistants the deacons were
  the only office-bearers then existing in that community. Thus
  this passage tells as much against as in favour of the limiting
  of the episcopal office to economical administration. Often
  as mention is made in the New Testament of an ἐπισκοπεῖν and
  a διακονεῖν in and over the community, this never stands in
  specific and exclusive relation to administration of property and
  care of the poor. It is indeed assumed in Acts xi. 30 that care
  of the poor is a duty of the presbyter; so also the charismatic
  caring for the sick is required of presbyters in James v. 14;
  and in 1 Pet. v. 2 presbyters are described as ἐπισκοποῦντες;
  in 1 Pet. ii. 25 Christ is spoken of as ἐπίσκοπος τῶν ψυχῶν;
  in Acts i. 20 the apostolic office is called ἐπισκοπή, while in
  Acts i. 25 and often, especially in the Pauline epistles, it is
  designated a διακονία.[9]--Continuation, § 34, 2.

  § 17.7. =Christian Worship.=--Even in Jerusalem, where the
  temple ordinances were still observed, the religious needs of
  the Christian community demanded that separate services of a
  distinctly Christian character should be organized. But just
  as the Jewish services of that day consisted of two parts--the
  ministry of the word for purposes of instruction and edification
  in the synagogues, and the symbolic service of a typical and
  sacramental character in the temple,--the Christian service was
  in like manner from the first divided into a homiletical-didactic
  part, and a eucharistic-sacramental part.--=The Homiletical and
  Didactic part=, on account of the presence of those who were
  not Christians, must have had, just like the synagogue service,
  alongside of its principal aim to instruct and edify the
  congregation, a definite and deliberately planned missionary
  tendency. The church in Jerusalem at the first held these
  _morning_ services in one of the halls of the temple, where the
  people were wont to assemble for prayer (Acts ii. 46; iii. 1, 11);
  but at a later period they were held in private houses. In the
  Gentile churches they seem from the first to have been held in
  private houses or in halls rented for the purpose. The service
  consisted in reading of portions of the Old Testament, and at a
  later period, portions of the Apostolic Epistles and Gospels, and
  in connection therewith, doctrinal and hortatory discourses, with
  prayer and singing of psalms. It is more than probable that the
  liberty of teaching, which had prevailed in the synagogues (Luke
  ii. 46; iv. 16; Acts xiii. 15), was also permitted in the similar
  assemblies of Jewish Christians (Acts viii. 4; xi. 19; James
  iii. 1); and it may be concluded from 1 Cor. xiv. 34 that this
  also was the practice in Gentile-Christian congregations. The
  apparent contradiction of women as such being forbidden to
  speak, while in 1 Cor. xi. 5 it seems to be allowed, can only be
  explained by supposing that in the passage referred to the woman
  spoken of as praying or prophesying is praying in an ecstasy,
  that is, speaking with tongues (1 Cor. xiv. 13-15), or uttering
  prophetic announcements, like the daughters of Philip (Acts
  xxi. 9), and that the permission applies only to such cases, the
  exceptional nature of which, as well as their temporary character,
  as charismatic and miraculous gifts, would prevent their being
  used as precedents for women engaging in regular public discourse
  (1 Thess. v. 19). In 1 Cor. xiv. 24 the ἰδιῶται (synonymous with
  the ἀμύητοι in the statutes of Hellenic religious associations)
  are mentioned as admitted along with the ἀπίστοι to the didactic
  services, and, according to _v._ 16, they had a place assigned
  to them separate from the congregation proper. We are thus led to
  see in them the uninitiated or not yet baptized believers, that
  is, the _catechumens_.--=The Sacramental part of the service=,
  the separation of which from the didactic part was rendered
  necessary on account alike of its nature and purpose, and is
  therefore found existing in the Pauline churches as well as
  in the church of Jerusalem, was scrupulously restricted in its
  observance, in Jewish and Gentile churches alike, to those who
  were in the full communion of the Christian church (Acts ii. 46;
  1 Cor. xi. 20-23). The celebration of the Lord’s Supper
  (δεῖπνον κυριακόν, 1 Cor. xi. 21), after the pattern of the
  meal of institution, consisting of a meal partaken of in common,
  accompanied with prayer and the singing of a hymn, which at a
  later period was named the Ἀγάπη, as the expression of brotherly
  love (Jude _v._ 12), was the centre and end of these _evening_
  services. The elements in the Lord’s Supper were consecrated to
  their sacramental purpose by a prayer of praise and thanksgiving
  (εὐχαριστία, 1 Cor. xi. 24; or εὐλογία, 1 Cor. x. 16), together
  with a recital of the words of institution which contained
  a proclamation of the death of Christ (1 Cor. xi. 26). This
  prayer was followed by the kiss of brotherhood.[10] In the
  service of song they used to all appearance besides the
  psalms some Christian hymns and doxologies (Eph. v. 19;
  Col. iii. 16).[11]--The homiletical as well as the eucharistic
  services were at first held daily; at a later period at least
  every Sunday.[12] For very soon, alongside of the Sabbath, and
  among Gentile Christians, instead of it, the first day of the
  week as the day of Christ’s resurrection began to be observed as
  a festival.[13] But there is as yet no trace of the observance of
  other festivals. It cannot be exactly proved that infant baptism
  was an Apostolic practice, but it is not improbable that it
  was so.[14] Baptism was administered by complete immersion
  (Acts viii. 38) in the name of Christ or of the Trinity
  (Matt. xxviii. 19). The charism of healing the sick was exercised
  by prayer and anointing with oil (Jas. v. 14). On the other
  hand, confession of sin even apart from the public service was
  recommended (Jas. v. 16). Charismatic communication of the Spirit
  and admission to office in the church[15] was accomplished by
  prayer and laying on of hands.[16]

  § 17.8. =Christian Life and Ecclesiastical Discipline.=--In
  accordance with the commandment of the Lord (John xiii. 34),
  brotherly love in opposition to the selfishness of the natural
  life, was the principle of the Christian life. The power of
  youthful love, fostered by the prevalent expectation of the
  speedy return of the Lord, endeavoured at first to find for
  itself a fitting expression in the mother church of Jerusalem by
  the voluntary determination to have their goods in common,--an
  endeavour which without prejudice of its spiritual importance
  soon proved to be impracticable. On the other hand the well-to-do
  Gentile churches proved their brotherly love by collections for
  those originally poor, and especially for the church at Jerusalem
  which had suffered the special misfortune of famine. The three
  inveterate moral plagues of the ancient world, contempt of
  foreign nationalities, degradation of woman, and slavery, were
  overcome, according to Gal. iii. 28, by gradual elevation of
  inward feeling without any violent struggle against existing laws
  and customs, and the consciousness of common membership in the
  one head in heaven hallowed all the relationships of the earthly
  life. Even in apostolic times the bright mirror of Christian
  purity was no doubt dimmed by spots of rust. Hypocrisy (Acts v.)
  and variance (Acts vi.) in single cases appeared very early in
  the mother church; but the former was punished by a fearfully
  severe judgment, the latter was overcome by love and sweet
  reasonableness. In the rich Gentile churches, such as those
  of Corinth and Thessalonica, a worldly spirit in the form of
  voluptuousness, selfishness, pride, etc., made its appearance,
  but was here also rooted out by apostolic exhortation and
  discipline. If any one caused public scandal by serious departure
  from true doctrine or Christian conduct, and in spite of pastoral
  counsel persisted in his error, he was by the judgment of the
  church cast out, but the penitent was received again after his
  sincerity had been proved (1 Cor. v. 1; 2 Cor. ii. 5).


                § 18. HERESIES IN THE APOSTOLIC AGE.[17]

  When Christianity began its career of world conquest in the preaching
of the Apostle Paul, the representatives of the intellectual culture
of the ancient world assumed toward it an attitude, either of utter
indifference, or of keen hostility, or of readiness to accept Christian
elements, while retaining along with these many of their old notions.
From this mixing of heterogeneous elements a fermentation arose which
was the fruitful mother of numerous heresies.

  § 18.1. =Jewish Christianity and the Council of Apostles.=--The
  Lord had commanded the disciples to preach the gospel to all
  nations (Matt. xxviii. 19), and so they could not doubt that the
  whole heathen world was called to receive the church’s heritage;
  but feeling themselves bound by utterances of the Old Testament
  regarding the eternal validity of the law of Moses, and having
  not yet penetrated the full significance of the saying of Christ
  (Mark v. 17), they thought that incorporation into Judaism by
  circumcision was still an indispensable condition of reception
  into the kingdom of Christ. The Hellenist Stephen represented a
  more liberal tendency (Acts vi. 14); and Philip, also a Hellenist,
  preached at least occasionally to the Samaritans, and the
  Apostles recognised his work by sending down Peter and John
  (Acts viii. 14). On the other hand, it needed an immediate
  divine revelation to convince Peter that a Gentile thirsting for
  salvation was just as such fit for the kingdom of God (Acts x.).
  And even this revelation remained without any decisive influence
  on actual missionary enterprise. They were Hellenistic Jews who
  finally took the bold step of devoting themselves without reserve
  to the conversion of the Gentiles at Antioch (Acts xi. 19). To
  foster the movement there the Apostles sent Barnabas, who entered
  into it with his whole soul, and in Paul associated with himself
  a yet more capable worker. After the notable success of their
  first missionary journey had vindicated their claim and calling
  as Apostles of the Gentiles, the arrival of Jewish zealots in
  the Antiochean church occasioned the sending of Paul and Barnabas
  to Jerusalem, about A.D. 51, in order finally to settle this
  important dispute. At a Council of the Apostles convened there
  Peter and James the Just delivered the decision that Gentile
  converts should only be required to observe certain legal
  restrictions, and these, as it would seem from the conditions
  laid down (Acts xv. 20), of a similar kind to those imposed
  upon proselytes of the gate. An arrangement come to at this
  time between the two Antiochean Apostles and Peter, James, and
  John, led to the recognition of the former as Apostles of the
  Gentiles and the latter as Apostles of the Jews (Gal. ii. 1-10).
  Nevertheless during a visit to Antioch Peter laid himself open
  to censure for practical inconsistency and weak connivance with
  the fanaticism of certain Jewish Christians, and had to have
  the truth respecting it very pointedly told him by Paul (Gal.
  ii. 11-14). The destruction of the temple and the consequent
  cessation of the entire Jewish worship led to the gradual
  disappearance of non-sectarian Jewish Christianity and its
  amalgamation with Gentile Christianity. The remnant of Jewish
  Christianity which still in the altered condition of things
  continued to cling to its principles and practice assumed ever
  more and more the character of a sect, and drifted into open
  heresy. (Comp. § 28).

  § 18.2. =The Apostolic Basis of Doctrine.=--The need of fixing
  the apostolically accredited accounts of the life of the
  Redeemer by written documents, led to the origin of the Gospels.
  The continued connection of the missionary Apostles with the
  churches founded by them, or even their authority of general
  superintendence, called forth the apostolic doctrinal epistles.
  A beginning of the collection and general circulation of the New
  Testament writings was made at an early date by the communication
  of these being made by one church to another (Col. iv. 16). There
  was as yet no confession of faith as a standard of orthodoxy, but
  the way was prepared by adopting Matt. xxviii. 19 as a confession
  by candidates for baptism. Paul set up justification through
  faith alone (Gal. i. 8, 9), and John, the incarnation of God in
  Christ (1 John iv. 3), as indispensable elements in a Christian
  confession.

  § 18.3. =False Teachers.=--The first enemy from within its own
  borders which Christianity had to confront was the ordinary
  Pharisaic Judaism with its stereotyped traditional doctrine, its
  lifeless work-righteousness, its unreasonable national prejudices,
  and its perversely carnal Messianic expectations. Its shibboleth
  was the obligation of the Gentiles to observe the Mosaic
  ceremonial law, the Sabbath, rules about meats, circumcision,
  as an indispensable condition of salvation. This tendency had
  its origin in the mother church of Jerusalem, but was there
  at a very early date condemned by the Apostolic Council. This
  party nevertheless pursued at all points the Apostle Paul with
  bitter enmity and vile calumnies. Traces of a manifestation of a
  Sadducean or sceptical spirit may perhaps already be found in the
  denial of the resurrection which in 1 Cor. xv. Paul opposes. On
  the other hand, at a very early period Greek philosophy got mixed
  up with Christianity. Apollos, a philosophically cultured Jew
  of Alexandria, had at first conceived of Christianity from the
  speculative side, and had in this form preached it with eloquence
  and success at Corinth. Paul did not contest the admissibility
  of this mode of treatment. He left it to the verdict of history
  (1 Cor. iii. 11-14), and warned against an over-estimation of
  human wisdom (1 Cor. ii. 1-10). Among many of the seekers after
  wisdom in Corinth, little as this was intended by Apollos, the
  simple positive preaching of Paul lost on this account the favour
  that it had enjoyed before. In this may be found perhaps the
  first beginnings of that fourfold party faction which arose
  in the Corinthian church (1 Cor. i.). The Judaists appealed to
  the authority of the Apostle Peter (οἱ τοῦ Κηφᾶ); the Gentile
  Christians were divided into the parties of Apollos and of Paul,
  or by the assumption of the proud name οἱ τοῦ Χριστοῦ, sought to
  free themselves from the recognition of any Apostolic authority.
  Paul successfully opposes these divisions in his Epistle to
  the Corinthians. Apprehension of a threatened growth of gnostic
  teachers is first expressed in the Apostle Paul’s farewell
  addresses to the elders of Asia Minor (Acts xx. 29); and in the
  Epistle to the Colossians, as well as in the Pastoral Epistles,
  this ψευδώνυμος γνῶσις is expressly opposed as manifesting itself
  in the adoption of oriental theosophy, magic, and theurgy, in an
  arbitrary asceticism that forbade marriage and restricted the use
  of food, in an imaginary secret knowledge of the nature and order
  of the heavenly powers and spirits, and idealistic volatilizing
  of concrete Christian doctrines, such as that of the resurrection
  (2 Tim. ii. 18). In the First Epistle of John, again, that
  special form of Gnosis is pointed out which denied the
  incarnation of God in Christ by means of docetic conceptions; and
  in the Second Epistle of Peter, as well as in the Epistle of Jude,
  we have attention called to antinomian excrescences, unbridled
  immorality and wanton lust in the development of magical and
  theurgical views. It should not, however, be left unmentioned,
  that modern criticism has on many grounds contested the
  authenticity of the New Testament writings just named, and
  has assigned the first appearance of heretical gnosis to
  the beginning of the second century. The Nicolaitans of the
  Apocalypse (iii. 5, 14, 15, 20) appear to have been an antinomian
  sect of Gentile Christian origin, spread more or less through the
  churches of Asia Minor, perhaps without any gnostic background,
  which in direct and intentional opposition to the decision of the
  Apostolic Council (Acts xv. 29) took part in heathen sacrificial
  feasts (comp. 1 Cor. x.), and justified or at least apologized
  for fleshly impurity.



                            FIRST DIVISION.

          History of the Development of the Church during the
                Græco-Roman and Græco-Byzantine Periods.


               § 19. CONTENT, DISTRIBUTION AND BOUNDARIES
                           OF THOSE PERIODS.

  At the very beginning of the Apostolic Age the universalistic
spirit of Christianity had already broken through the particularistic
limitations of Judaism. When once the substantial truth of divine
salvation had cast off the Judaistic husk in which the kernel had
ripened, those elements of culture which had come to maturity in the
Roman-Greek world were appropriated as means for giving to Christian
ideas a fuller and clearer expression. The task now to be undertaken was
the development of Christianity on the lines of Græco-Roman culture, or
the expansion of the church’s apostolicity into catholicity. The ancient
church of the Roman and Byzantine world fulfilled this task, but in
doing so the sound evangelical catholic development encountered at every
point elements of a false, because an unevangelical, Catholicism. The
centre, then, of all the movements of Church History is to be found
in the Teutono-Roman-Slavic empire. The Roman church preserved and
increased her importance by attaching herself to this new empire, and
undertaking its spiritual formation and education. The Byzantine church,
on the other hand, falling into a state of inward stagnation, and
pressed from without by the forces of Islam, passes into decay as
a national church.

  The history of this first stage of the development of the church falls
into =three periods=. The first period reaches down to Constantine the
Great, who, in A.D. 323, secured to Christianity and the church a final
victory over Paganism. The second period brings us down to the close of
the universal catholic or œcumenical elaboration of doctrine attained by
the church under its old classical form of culture, that is, down to the
close of the Monothelite controversy (§ 52, 8), by the Sixth Œcumenical
Council at Constantinople in A.D. 680. But inasmuch as the _Concilium
quini-sextum_ in A.D. 692 undertook simply the completion of the work of
the two previous œcumenical synods with reference to church constitution
and worship, and as here the first grounds were laid for the great
partition of the church into Eastern and Western (§ 63, 2), we prefer
to make A.D. 692 the closing limit of the second period. The conclusion
of the third period, is found in the overthrow of Constantinople
by the Turks in A.D. 1453. The first two periods are most evidently
distinguished from one another in respect of the outward condition of
the church. Before the times of Constantine, it lives and develops its
strength amid the oppression and persecution of the pagan state; under
Constantine the state itself becomes Christian and the church enjoys all
the advantages, all the care and furtherance, that earthly protection
can afford. Along with all this worldly splendour, however, a worldly
disposition makes its way into the church, and in exchange for its
protection of the church the state assumes an autocratic lordship over
it. Even in the inner, and pre-eminently doctrinal, development of the
church the two periods of this age are essentially distinguished from
one another. While it was the church’s endeavour to adopt only the forms
of culture of ancient paganism, while rejecting its godless substance,
it too often happened that pagan ideas got mixed up with Christianity,
and it was threatened with a similar danger from the side of Judaism. It
was therefore the special task of the church during the first period to
resist the encroachment of anti-Christian Jewish and Pagan elements. In
the first period the perfecting of its own genuinely Christian doctrinal
content was still a purely subjective matter, resting only on the
personal authority of the particular church teachers. In the second
period, on the other hand, the church universal, as represented by
œcumenical synods with full power, proceeds to the laying down and
establishing of an objective-ecclesiastical, œcumenical-catholic system
of doctrine, constituting an all-sided development of the truth in
opposition to the one-sided development of subjective heretical teaching.
In doing so, however, the culture of the old Græco-Roman world exhausted
its powers. The measure of development which these were capable of
affording the church was now completed, and its future must be looked
for among the new nationalities of Teutonic, Romanic, and Slavic origin.
While the Byzantine empire, and with it the glory of the ancient church
of the East was pressed and threatened by Islam, a new empire arose
in the West in youthful vigour and became the organ of a new phase of
development in the history of the church; and while the church in the
West struggled after a new and higher point in her development, the
Eastern church sank ever deeper down under outward oppression and inward
weakness. The partition of the church into an Eastern and a Western
division, which became imminent at the close of the second period, and
was actually carried out during the third period, cut off the church of
the East from the influence of those new vital forces, political as well
as ecclesiastical, and which it might otherwise, perhaps, have shared
with the West. By the overthrow of the East-Roman empire the last
support of its splendour and even of its vital activity was taken away.
Here too ends the history of the church on the lines of purely antique
classical forms of culture. The remnants of the church of the East were
no longer capable of any living historical development under the
oppression of the Turkish rule.



                            FIRST SECTION.

              History of the Græco-Roman Church during the
              Second and Third Centuries (A.D. 70-323).[18]


               § 20. CONTENT, DISTRIBUTION AND BOUNDARIES
                          OF THIS PERIOD.[19]

  As the history of the beginnings of the church has been treated by
us under two divisions, so also the first period of the history of
its development may be similarly divided into the =Post-Apostolic Age=,
which reaches down to the middle of the second century, and the =Age
of the Old Catholic Church=, which ends with the establishment of the
church under and by Constantine, and at that point passes over into the
Age of the œcumenical Catholic or Byzantine-Roman Imperial Church.--As
the Post-Apostolic Age was occupied with an endeavour to appropriate
and possess in a fuller and more vigorous manner the saving truths
transmitted by the Apostles, and presents as the result of its struggles,
errors, and victories, the Old Catholic Church as a unity, firmly bound
from within, strictly free of all compulsion from without, so on the
basis thus gained, the Old Catholic Church goes forward to new conflicts,
failures, and successes, by means of which the foundations are laid for
the future perfecting of it through its establishment by the state into
the Œcumenical Catholic Imperial Church.[20]

  § 20.1. =The Post-Apostolic Age.=--The peril to which the church
  was exposed from the introduction of Judaistic and Pagan elements
  with her new converts was much more serious not only than the
  Jewish spirit of persecution, crushed as it was into impotence
  through the overthrow of Jewish national independence, but also
  than the persecution of anti-Christian paganism which at this
  time was only engaged upon sporadically. All the more threatening
  was this peril from the peculiar position of the church during
  this age. Since the removal of the personal guidance of the
  Apostles that control was wanting which only at a subsequent
  period was won again by the establishment of a New Testament
  canon and the laying down of a normative rule of faith, as well
  as by the formation of a hierarchical-episcopal constitution. In
  all the conflicts, then, that occupied this age, the first and
  main point was to guard the integrity and purity of traditional
  Apostolic Christianity against the anti-Christian Jewish and
  Pagan ideas which new converts endeavoured to import into it from
  their earlier religious life. Those Judaic ideas thus imported
  gave rise to Ebionism; those Pagan ideas gave rise to Gnosticism
  (§§ 26-28). And just as the Pauline Gentile Christianity, in so
  far as it was embraced under this period (§ 30, 2), secured the
  victory over the moderate and non-heretical Jewish Christianity,
  this latter became more and more assimilated to the former, and
  gradually passed over into it (§ 28, 1). Add to this the need,
  ever more pressingly felt, of a sifting of the not yet uniformly
  recognised early Christian literature that had passed into
  ecclesiastical use (§ 36, 7, 8) by means of the establishment
  of a New Testament =canon=; that is, the need of a collection of
  writings admitted to be of Apostolic origin to occupy henceforth
  the first rank as a standard and foundation for the purposes of
  teaching and worship, and to form a bulwark against the flood
  of heretical and non-heretical =Pseudepigraphs= that menaced the
  purity of doctrine (§ 32). Further, the no less pressing need for
  the construction of a universally valid =rule of faith= (§ 35, 2),
  as an intellectual bond of union and mark of recognition for
  all churches and believers scattered over the earth’s surface.
  Then again, in the victory that was being secured by Episcopacy
  over Presbyterianism, and in the introduction of a Synodal
  constitution for counsel and resolution, the first stage
  in the formation of a hierarchical organization was reached
  (§ 34). Finally, the last dissolving action of this age was the
  suppression of the fanatical prophetic and fanatical rigorist
  spirit, which, reaching its climax in =Montanism=, directed
  itself mainly against the tendency already appearing on many
  sides to tone down the unflinching severity of ecclesiastical
  discipline, to make modifications in constitution, life and
  conversation in accordance with the social customs of the world,
  and to settle down through disregard of the speedy return of
  the Lord, so confidently expected by the early Christians, into
  an easy satisfaction in the enjoyment of earthly possessions
  (§ 40, 5).

  § 20.2. =The Age of the Old Catholic Church.=--The designation
  of the universal Christian church as Catholic dates from the time
  of Irenæus, that is, from the beginning of this second part of
  our first period. This name characterizes the church as the one
  universally (καθ’ ὅλου) spread and recognised from the time of
  the Apostles, and so stigmatizes every opposition to the one
  church that alone stands on the sure foundation of holy scripture
  and pure apostolic tradition, as belonging to the manifold
  particularistic heretical and schismatical sects. The church
  of this particular age, however, has been designated the Old
  Catholic Church as distinguished from the œcumenical Catholic
  church of the following period, as well as from the Roman
  Catholic and Greek Catholic churches, into which afterwards the
  œcumenical Catholic church was divided.

  At the beginning of this age, the heretical as well as the
  non-heretical Ebionism may be regarded as virtually suppressed,
  although some scanty remnants of it might yet be found. The most
  brilliant period of Gnosticism, too, when the most serious danger
  from Paganism within the Christian pale in the form of Hellenic
  and Syro-Chaldaic Theosophy and Mysteriosophy threatened the
  church, was already past. But in Manichæism (§ 29) there appeared,
  during the second half of the third century, a new peril of a
  no less threatening kind, inspired by Parseeism and Buddhism,
  which, however, the church on the ground of the solid foundations
  already laid was able to resist with powerful weapons. On the
  other hand the Pagan element within the church asserted itself
  more and more decidedly (§ 39, 6) by means of the intrusion of
  magico-theurgical superstition into the catholic doctrine of
  the efficacy of the church sacraments and sacramental acts
  (§ 58). But now also, with Marcus Aurelius, Paganism outside
  of Christianity as embodied in the Roman state, begins the
  war of extermination against the church that was ever more and
  more extending her boundaries. Such manifestation of hostility,
  however, was not able to subdue the church, but rather led, under
  and through Constantine the Great, to the Christianizing of the
  state and the establishment of the church. During the same time
  the episcopal and synodal-hierarchical organization of the church
  was more fully developed by the introduction of an order of
  Metropolitans, and then in the following period it reached its
  climax in the oligarchical Pentarchy of Patriarchs (§ 46, 1),
  and in the institution of œcumenical Synods (§ 43, 2). By the
  condemnation and expulsion of Montanism, in which the inner
  development of the Post-Apostolic Age reached its special and
  distinctive conclusion, the endeavour to naturalize Christianity
  among the social customs of the worldly life was certainly
  legitimized by the church, and could now be unrestrictedly
  carried out in a wider and more comprehensive way. In the
  Trinitarian controversies, too, in which several prominent
  theologians engaged, the first step was taken in that
  œcumenical-ecclesiastical elaboration of doctrine which occupied
  and dominated the whole of the following period (§§ 49-52).

  § 20.3. =The Point of Transition from the One Age to the Other=
  may unhesitatingly be set down at A.D. 170. The following are the
  most important data in regard thereto. The death about A.D. 165
  of Justin Martyr, who marks the highest point reached in the
  Post-Apostolic Age, and forms also the transition to the Old
  Catholic Age; and Irenæus, flourishing somewhere about A.D. 170,
  who was the real inaugurator of this latter age. Besides these
  we come upon the beginnings of the Trinitarian controversies
  about the year 170. Finally, the rejection of Montanism from the
  universal Catholic church was effected about the year 170 by means
  of the Synodal institution called into existence for that very
  purpose.



          I. THE RELATIONSHIP OF EXTRA-CHRISTIAN PAGANISM AND
                       JUDAISM TO THE CHURCH.[21]


                   § 21. THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY.

  Amid all the persecutions which the church during this period had to
suffer it spread with rapid strides throughout the whole Roman empire,
and even far beyond its limits. Edessa, the capital of the kingdom of
Osrhoëne in Mesopotamia, had, as early as A.D. 170, a Christian prince,
named =Abgar Bar Maanu=, whose coins were the first to bear the sign
of the cross. We find Christianity gaining a footing contemporaneously
in Persia, Media, Bactria, and Parthia. In the third century we find
traces of its presence in Armenia. Paul himself made his way into
Arabia (Gal. i. 17). In the third century Origen received an invitation
from a ἡγούμενος τῆς Ἀραβίας, who wished to receive information about
Christianity. At another time he accepted a call from that country in
order to settle an ecclesiastical dispute (§ 33, 6). From Alexandria,
where Mark had exercised his ministry, the Christian faith spread out
into other portions of Africa, into Cyrene and among the Coptic races,
neighbouring upon the Egyptians properly so-called. The church of
proconsular Africa, with Carthage for its capital, stood in close
connection with Rome. Mauretania and Numidia had, even in the third
century, so many churches, that Cyprian could bring together at Carthage
a Synod of eighty-seven bishops. In Gaul there were several flourishing
churches composed of colonies and teachers from Asia Minor, such as
the churches of Lyons, Vienne, etc. At a later period seven missionary
teachers of the Christian faith came out of Italy into Gaul, among whom
was Dionysius, known as St. Denis, the founder of the church at Paris.
The Roman colonies in the provinces of the Rhine and the Danube had
several flourishing congregations as early as the third century.

  The emptiness and corruption of paganism was the negative, the divine
power of the gospel was the positive, means of this wonderful extension.
This divine power was manifested in the zeal and self-denial of
Christian teachers and missionaries (§ 34, 1), in the life and
walk of Christians, in the brotherly love which they showed, in
the steadfastness and confidence of their faith, and above all in
the joyfulness with which they met the cruellest of deaths by martyrdom.
The blood of the martyrs was the seed of the church, and it was not
an unheard-of circumstance that the executioners of those Christian
witnesses became their successors in the noble army of confessors.


              § 22. PERSECUTIONS OF THE CHRISTIANS IN THE
                           ROMAN EMPIRE.[22]

  The Law of the Twelve Tables had already forbidden the exercise
of foreign modes of worship within the Roman empire (_Religiones
peregrinæ_, _Collegia illicita_), for religion was exclusively an affair
of the state and entered most intimately into all civil and municipal
relations, and on this account whatever endangered the national religion
was regarded as necessarily imperilling the state itself. Political
considerations, however, led to the granting to conquered nations
the free use of their own forms of worship. This concession did not
materially help Christianity after it had ceased, in the time of Nero,
to be regularly confounded by the Roman authorities with Judaism,
as had been the case in the time of Claudius, and Judaism, after
the destruction of Jerusalem, had been sharply distinguished from
it. It publicly proclaimed its intention to completely dislodge all
other religions, and the rapidity with which it spread showed how
energetically its intentions were carried out. The close fellowship
and brotherliness that prevailed among Christians, as well as their
exclusive, and during times of persecution even secret assemblies,
aroused the suspicion that they had political tendencies. Their
withdrawal from civil and military services on account of the pagan
ceremonies connected with them, especially their refusal to burn incense
before the statues of the emperor, also the steadfastness of their
faith, which was proof against all violence and persuasion alike, their
retiredness from the world, etc., were regarded as evidence of their
indifference or hostility to the general well-being of the state, as
invincible stiff-neckedness, as contumacy, sedition, and high treason.
The heathen populace saw in the Christians the sacrilegious enemies and
despisers of their gods; and the Christian religion, which was without
temples, altars and sacrifices, seemed to them pure Atheism. The most
horrible calumnies, that in their assemblies (_Agapæ_) the vilest
immoralities were practised (_Concubitus Œdipodei_), children slain
and human flesh eaten (_Epulæ Thyesteæ_, comp. § 36, 5), were readily
believed. All public misfortunes were thus attributed to the wrath
of the gods against the Christians, who treated them with contempt.
_Non pluit Deus, duc ad Christianos!_ The heathen priests also, the
temple servants and the image makers were always ready in their own
common interests to stir up the suspicions of the people. Under such
circumstances it is not to be wondered at that the fire of persecution
on the part of the heathen people and the heathen state continued to
rage for centuries.

  § 22.1. =Claudius, Nero and Domitian.=--Regarding the Emperor
  =Tiberius= (A.D. 14-37), we meet in Tertullian with the
  undoubtedly baseless tradition, that, impressed by the story
  told him by Pilate, he proposed to the Senate to introduce Christ
  among the gods, and on the rejection of this proposal, threatened
  the accusers of the Christians with punishment. The statement
  in Acts xviii. 2, that the Emperor =Claudius= (A.D. 41-54)
  expelled from Rome all Jews and with them many Christians also,
  is illustrated in a very circumstantial manner by Suetonius:
  _Claudius Judæos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma
  expulit_. The tumults, therefore, between the Jews and the
  Christians, occurring about the year 51 or 52, gave occasion to
  this decree. The first persecution of the Christians proceeding
  from a Roman ruler which was directed against the Christians as
  such, was carried out by the Emperor =Nero= (A.D. 54-68) in the
  year 64, in consequence of a nine days’ conflagration in Rome,
  the origin of which was commonly ascribed by the people to the
  Emperor himself. Nero, however, laid the blame upon the hated
  Christians, and perpetrated upon them the most ingeniously
  devised cruelties. Sewn up in skins of wild animals they were
  cast out to be devoured of dogs; others were crucified, or wrapt
  in tow and besmeared with pitch, they were fixed upon sharp
  spikes in the imperial gardens where the people gathered to
  behold gorgeous spectacles, and set on fire to lighten up
  the night (Tac., _Ann._, xv. 44). After the death of Nero the
  legend spread among the Christians, that he was not dead but had
  withdrawn beyond the Euphrates, soon to return as Antichrist.
  Nero’s persecution seems to have been limited to Rome, and to
  have ended with his death.--It was under =Domitian= (A.D. 81-96)
  that individual Christians were for the first time subjected
  to confiscation of goods and banishment for godlessness or the
  refusal to conform to the national religion. Probably also, the
  execution of his own cousin, the Consul Flavius Clemens [Clement],
  on account of his ἀθεότης and his ἐξοκέλλειν εἰς τὰ τῶν Ἰουδαίων
  ἔθη (Dio Cass., lxvii. 14), as well as the banishment of Clemens’
  [Clement’s] wife, Flavia Domitilla (A.D. 93), was really on
  account of their attachment to the Christian faith (§ 30, 3). The
  latter at least is proved by two inscriptions in the catacombs to
  have been undoubtedly a Christian. Domitian insisted upon having
  information as to the political significance of the kingdom of
  Christ, and brought from Palestine to Rome two relatives of Jesus,
  grandsons of Jude, the brother of the Lord, but their hands horny
  with labour satisfied him that his suspicions had been unfounded.
  The philanthropic Emperor =Nerva= (A.D. 96-98) recalled the
  exiles and did not listen to those who clamoured bitterly against
  the Christians, but Christianity continued after as well as
  before a _Religo illicita_, or rather was now reckoned such,
  after it had been more distinctly separated from Judaism.[23]

  § 22.2. =Trajan and Hadrian.=--With =Trajan= (A.D. 98-117),
  whom historians rightly describe as a just, earnest, and mild
  ruler, the persecutions of the Christians enter upon a new
  stage. He renewed the old strict prohibition of secret societies,
  _hetæræ_, which could easily be made to apply to the Christians.
  In consequence of this law the younger Pliny, as Governor
  of Bithynia, punished with death those who were accused as
  Christians, if they would not abjure Christianity. But his
  doubts being awakened by the great number of every rank and age
  and of both sexes against whom accusations were brought, and in
  consequence of a careful examination, which showed the Christians
  to be morally pure and politically undeserving of suspicion and
  to be guilty only of stubborn attachment to their superstition,
  he asked definite instructions from the Emperor. Trajan approved
  of what he had done and what he proposed; the Christians were
  not to be sought after and anonymous accusations were not to
  be regarded, but those formally complained of and convicted, if
  they stubbornly refused to sacrifice to the gods and burn incense
  before the statues of the Emperor were to be punished with death
  (A.D. 112). This imperial rescript continued for a long time
  the legal standard for judicial procedure with reference to the
  Christians. The persecution under Trajan extended even to Syria
  and Palestine. In Jerusalem the aged bishop Simeon, the successor
  of James, accused as a Christian and a descendant of David, after
  being cruelly scourged, died a martyr’s death on the cross in
  A.D. 107. The martyrdom, too, of the Antiochean bishop, Ignatius,
  in all probability took place during the reign of Trajan (§ 30, 5).
  An edict of toleration supposed to have been issued at a later
  period by Trajan, a copy of which exists in Syriac and Armenian,
  is now proved to be apocryphal.--During the reign of =Hadrian=
  (A.D. 117-138), the people began to carry out in a tumultuous
  way the execution of the Christians on the occasion of the
  heathen festivals. On the representation of the proconsul of Asia,
  Serenius Granianus, Hadrian issued a rescript addressed to his
  successor, Minucius Fundanus, against such acts of violence, but
  executions still continued carried out according to the forms of
  law. The genuineness of the rescript, however, as given at the
  close of the first Apology of Justin Martyr, has been recently
  disputed by many. In Rome itself, between A.D. 135 and A.D. 137,
  bishop Telesphorus, with many other Christians, fell as victims
  of the persecution. The tradition of the fourth century, that
  Hadrian wished to build a temple to Christ, is utterly without
  historical foundation. His unfavourable disposition toward the
  Christians clearly appears from this, that he caused a temple of
  Venus to be built upon the spot where Christ was crucified, and a
  statue of Jupiter to be erected on the rock of the sepulchre, in
  order to pollute those places which Christians held most sacred.

  § 22.3. =Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius.=--Under =Antoninus
  Pius= (A.D.138-161), the tumultuous charges of the people against
  the Christians, on account of visitations of pestilence in many
  places, were renewed, but the mildly disposed emperor sought to
  protect them as much as possible from violence. The rescript,
  however, _Ad Commune Asiæ_, which bears his name is very probably
  of Christian authorship.--The persecutions again took a new turn
  under =Marcus Aurelius= (A.D. 161-180) who was, both as a man and
  a ruler, one of the noblest figures of antiquity. In the pride
  of his stoical wisdom, however, despising utterly the enthusiasm
  of the Christians, he not only allowed free scope to the popular
  hatred, but also introduced the system of espionage, giving to
  informers the confiscated property of the Christians, and even
  permitting the use of torture, in order to compel them to recant,
  and thus gave occasion to unexampled triumphs of Christian
  heroism. At Rome, the noble Apologist Justin Martyr, denounced
  by his opponent the philosopher Crescens, after cruel and bloody
  scourging, died under the executioner’s axe about A.D. 165
  (§ 30, 9).--In regard to a very severe persecution endured by
  the church of Smyrna, we possess an original report of it sent
  from that church to one closely related to it, embellished
  with legendary details or interpolated, which Eusebius has
  incorporated in his Church History. The substance of it is a
  description of the glorious martyr death of their aged bishop
  Polycarp (§ 30, 6), who, because he refused to curse the Lord
  whom he had served for eighty-six years, was made to mount the
  funeral pile, and while rejoicing in the midst of the flames,
  received the crown of martyrdom. According to the story the
  flames gathered around him like a wind-filled sail, and when a
  soldier pierced him with his sword, suddenly a white dove flew
  up; moreover the glorified spirit also appeared to a member of
  the church in a vision, clothed in a white garment. Eusebius
  places the date of Polycarp’s death shortly before A.D. 166.
  But since it has been shown by Waddington, on the basis of
  an examination of recently discovered inscriptions, that the
  proconsul of Asia, Statius Quadratus, mentioned in the report
  of the church of Smyrna, did not hold that office in A.D. 166,
  but in A.D. 155-156, the most important authorities have come to
  regard either A.D. 155 or A.D. 156 as the date of his martyrdom.
  Still some whose opinions are worthy of respect refuse to
  accept this view, pointing out the absence of that chronological
  statement from the report in Eusebius and to its irreconcilability
  with the otherwise well-supported facts, that Polycarp was on
  a visit to Rome in A.D. 155 (§ 37, 2), and that the reckoning
  of the day of his death in the report as ὄντος σαββάτου μεγάλου
  would suit indeed the Easter of A.D. 155, as well as that of
  A.D. 166, but not that of A.D. 156. [24] The legend of the _Legio
  fulminatrix_, that in the war against the Marcomanni in A.D. 174
  the prayers of the Christian soldiers of this legion called forth
  rain and thunder, and thus saved the Emperor and his army from
  the danger of perishing by thirst, whereupon this modified law
  against the accusers of the Christians was issued, has, so far
  as the first part is concerned, its foundation in history, only
  that the heathen on the other hand ascribed the miracle to their
  prayer to _Jupiter Pluvius_. [25]--Regarding the persecution
  at Lyons and Vienne in A.D. 177, we also possess a contemporary
  report from the Christian church of these places (§ 32, 8).
  Bishop Pothinus, in his ninetieth year, sank under the effects
  of tortures continued during many days in a loathsome prison.
  The young and tender slave-girl Blandina was scourged, her
  body scorched upon a red-hot iron chair, her limbs torn by wild
  beasts and at last her life taken; but under all her tortures she
  continued to repeat her joyful confession: “I am a Christian and
  nothing wicked is tolerated among us.” Under similar agonies the
  boy Ponticus, in his fifteenth year, showed similar heroism. The
  dead bodies of the martyrs were laid in heaps upon the streets,
  until at last they were burnt and their ashes strewn upon the
  Rhone. =Commodus= (A.D. 180-192), the son of Marcus Aurelius, who
  in every other respect was utterly disreputable, influenced by
  his mistress Marcia, showed himself inclined, by the exercise
  of his clemency, to remit the sentences of the Christians. The
  persecution at Scillita in North Africa, during the first year
  of the reign of Commodus, in which the martyr Speratus suffered,
  together with eleven companions, was carried out in accordance
  with the edict of Marcus Aurelius.

  § 22.4. =Septimius Severus and Maximinus Thrax.=--=Septimius
  Severus= (A.D. 193-211), whom a Christian slave, Proculus,
  had healed of a sickness by anointing with oil, was at first
  decidedly favourable to the Christians. Even in A.D. 197, after
  his triumphal entrance into Rome, he took them under his personal
  protection when the popular clamour, which such a celebration
  was fitted to excite, was raised against them. The judicial
  persecution, too, which some years later, A.D. 200, his deputy
  in North Africa carried on against the Christians on the basis
  of existing laws because they refused to sacrifice to the genius
  of the Emperor, he may not have been able to prevent. On the
  other hand, he did himself, in A.D. 202, issue an edict which
  forbade conversions to Judaism and Christianity. The storm of
  persecution thereby excited was directed therefore first of all
  and especially against the catechumens and the neophytes, but
  frequently also, overstepping the letter of the edict, it was
  turned against the older Christians. The persecution seems
  to have been limited to Egypt and North Africa. At Alexandria
  Leonidas, the father of Origen, was beheaded. The female slave,
  Potamiæna, celebrated as much for her moral purity as for her
  beauty, was accused by her master, whose evil passions she had
  refused to gratify, as a Christian, and was given over to the
  gladiators to be abused. She succeeded, however, in defending
  herself from pollution, and was then, along with her mother
  Marcella, slowly dipped into boiling pitch. The soldier,
  Basilides by name, who should have executed the sentence himself
  embraced Christianity, and was beheaded. The persecution raged
  with equal violence and cruelty in Carthage. A young woman of
  a noble family, Perpetua, in her twenty-second year, in spite
  of imprisonment and torture, and though the infant in her arms
  and her weeping pagan father appealed to her heart’s affections,
  continued true to her faith, and was thrown to be tossed on the
  horns of a wild cow, and to die from the dagger of a gladiator.
  The slave girl Felicitas who, in the same prison, became a mother,
  showed similar courage amid similar sufferings. Persecution
  smouldered on throughout the reign of Septimius, showing itself
  in separate sporadic outbursts, but was not renewed under his son
  and successor =Caracalla= (A.D. 211-217), who in other respects
  during his reign stained with manifold cruelties, did little to
  the honour of those Christian influences by which in his earliest
  youth he had been surrounded (“_lacte Christiano educatus_,”
  Tert.).--That Christianity should have a place given it among the
  senseless religions favoured by =Elagabalus= or =Heliogabalus=
  (A.D. 218-222), was an absurdity which nevertheless secured for
  it toleration and quiet. His second wife, Severina or Severa, to
  whom Hippolytus dedicated his treatise Περὶ ἀναστάσεως, was the
  first empress friendly to the Christians. =Alexander Severus=
  (A.D. 222-235), embracing a noble eclecticism, placed among his
  household gods the image of Christ, along with those of Abraham,
  Orpheus, and Apollonius of Tyana, and showed himself well
  disposed toward the Christians; while at the same time his mother,
  Julia Mammæa, encouraged and furthered the scholarly studies of
  Origen. The golden saying of Christ, Luke vi. 31, was inscribed
  upon the gateway of his palace. His murderer, =Maximinus Thrax=
  (A.D. 235-238), from very opposition to his predecessor, became
  at once the enemy of the Christians. Clearly perceiving the
  high importance of the clergy for the continued existence of the
  church, his persecuting edict was directed solely against them.
  The imperial position which he had usurped, however, was not
  sufficiently secure to allow him to carry out his intentions
  to extremities. Under =Gordianus= the Christians had rest, and
  =Philip the Arabian= (A.D. 244-249) favoured them so openly and
  decidedly, that it came to be thought that he himself had been a
  Christian.

  § 22.5. =Decius, Gallus and Valerianus [Valerian].=--Soon after
  the accession of =Decius= (A.D. 249-251), in the year 250, a new
  persecution broke out that lasted without interruption for ten
  years. This was the first general persecution and was directed at
  first against the recognised heads of the churches, but by-and-by
  was extended more widely to all ranks, and exceeded all previous
  persecutions by its extent, the deliberateness of its plan,
  the rigid determination with which it was conducted, and the
  cruelties of its execution. Decius was a prudent ruler, an
  earnest man of the old school, endued with an indomitable
  will. But it was just this that drove him to the conclusion
  that Christianity, as a godless system and one opposed to
  the interests of the state, must be summarily suppressed. All
  possible means, such as confiscation of goods, banishment, severe
  tortures, or death, were tried in order to induce the Christians
  to yield. Very many spoiled by the long peace that they had
  enjoyed gave way, but on the other hand crowds of Christians,
  impelled by a yearning after the crown of martyrdom, gave
  themselves up joyfully to the prison and the stake. Those who
  fell away, the _lapsi_, were classified as the _Thurificati_
  or _Sacrificati_, who to save their lives had burnt incense or
  sacrificed to the gods, and _Libellatici_, who without doing
  this had purchased a certificate from the magistrates that they
  had done so, and _Acta facientes_, who had issued documents
  giving false statements regarding their Christianity. Those were
  called _Confessores_ who publicly professed Christ and remained
  steadfast under persecution, but escaped with their lives; those
  were called _Martyrs_ who witnessing with their blood, suffered
  death for the faith they professed. The Roman church could
  boast of a whole series of bishops who fell victims to the storm
  of persecution: Fabianus [Fabian] in A.D. 250, and Cornelius
  in A.D. 253, probably also Lucius in A.D. 254, and Stephanus in
  A.D. 257. And as in Rome, so also in the provinces, whole troops
  of confessors and martyrs met a joyful death, not only from
  among the clergy, but also from among the general members of
  the church.--Then again, under =Gallus= (A.D. 251-253), the
  persecution continued, excited anew by plagues and famine,
  but was in many ways restricted by political embarrassment.
  =Valerianus= [Valerian] (A.D. 253-260), from being a favourer of
  the Christians, began from A.D. 257, under the influence of his
  favourite Macrianus, to show himself a determined persecutor. The
  Christian pastors were at first banished, and since this had not
  the desired effect, they were afterwards punished with death. At
  this time, too, the bishop of Carthage, Cyprian, who under Decius
  had for a short season withdrawn by flight into the wilderness,
  won for himself the martyr’s crown. So, likewise, in A.D. 258,
  suffered Sixtus II. of Rome. The Roman bishop was soon followed
  by his deacon Laurentius, a hero among Christian martyrs, who
  pointed the avaricious governor to the sick, the poor and the
  orphans of the congregation as the treasures of the church, and
  was then burnt alive on a fire of glowing coal. But Valerian’s
  son, =Gallienus= (A.D. 260-268), by an edict addressed to the
  bishops, abolished the special persecuting statutes issued by his
  father, without, however, as he is often erroneously said to have
  done, formally recognising Christianity as a _Religio licita_.
  The Christians after this enjoyed a forty years’ rest; for
  the commonly reported cruel persecution of Christians under
  =Claudius II.=, (A.D. 268-270) has been proved to be a pure
  fable of apocryphal Acts of the Martyrs; and also the persecution
  planned by =Aurelian= (A.D. 270-275), toward the close of his
  reign, was prevented by his assassination committed by a pagan
  officer.

  § 22.6. =Diocletian and Galerius.=--When =Diocletian=
  (A.D. 284-305) was proclaimed Emperor by the army in Chalcedon, he
  chose Nicomedia in Bithynia as his residence, and transferred the
  conduct of the war to the general Maximianus [Maximian] Herculius
  with the title of Cæsar, who, after the campaign had been closed
  successfully in A.D. 286, was raised to the rank of Augustus or
  joint-Emperor. New harassments from within and from without led
  the two Emperors in A.D. 286 to name two Cæsars, or sub-Emperors,
  who by their being adopted were assured of succession to imperial
  rank. Diocletian assumed the administration of the East, and
  gave up Illyricum as far as Pontus to his Cæsar and son-in-law
  Galerius. Maximian undertook the government of the West, and
  surrendered Gaul, Spain and Britain to his Cæsar, Constantius
  Chlorus. According to Martyrologies, there was a whole legion,
  called =Legio Thebaica=, that consisted of Christian soldiers.
  This legion was originally stationed in the East, but was sent
  into the war against the Gauls, because its members refused to
  take part in the persecution of their brethren. After suffering
  decimation twice over without any result, it is said that
  =Maximian= left this legion, consisting of 6,600 men, along
  with its commander St. Maurice, to be hewn down in the pass of
  Agaunum, now called St. Moritz, in the Canton Valais. According to
  Rettberg,[26] the historical germ of this consists in a tradition
  reported by Theodoret as originating during the fifth or sixth
  century, in a letter of Eucherius bishop of Lyons, about the
  martyrdom of St. Maurice, who as _Tribunus Militum_ was executed
  at Apamea along with seventy soldiers, by the orders of Maximian.
  =Diocletian=, as the elder and supreme Emperor, was an active,
  benevolent, clear-sighted statesman and ruler, but also a zealous
  adherent of the old religion as regenerated by Neo-platonic
  influences (§ 24, 2), and as such was inclined to hold
  Christianity responsible for many of the internal troubles
  of his kingdom. He was restrained from interfering with the
  Christians, however, by the policy of toleration which had
  prevailed since the time of Gallienus, as well as by his
  own benevolent disposition, and not least by the political
  consideration of the vast numbers of the Christian population.
  His own wife Prisca and his daughter Valeria had themselves
  embraced Christianity, as well as very many, and these the truest
  and most trustworthy, of the members of his household. Yet the
  incessant importunities and whispered suspicions of Galerius were
  not without success. In A.D. 298 he issued the decree, that all
  soldiers should take part in the sacrificial rites, and thus
  obliged all Christian soldiers to withdraw from the army. During
  a long sojourn in Nicomedia he finally prevailed upon the Emperor
  to order a second general persecution; yet even then Diocletian
  persisted, that in it no blood should be shed. This persecution
  opened in A.D. 303 with the imperial command to destroy the
  stately church of Nicomedia. Soon after an edict was issued
  forbidding all Christian assemblies, ordering the destruction of
  the churches, the burning of the sacred scriptures, and depriving
  Christians of their offices and of their civil rights. A
  Christian tore up the edict and was executed. Fire broke out
  in the imperial palace and Galerius blamed the Christians for
  the fire, and also charged them with a conspiracy against the
  life of the Emperor. A persecution then began to rage throughout
  the whole Roman empire, Gaul, Spain and Britain alone entirely
  escaping owing to the favour of Constantius Chlorus who governed
  these regions. All conceivable tortures and modes of death were
  practised, and new and more horrible devices were invented from
  day to day. Diocletian, who survived to A.D. 313, and Maximian,
  abdicated the imperial rank which they had jointly held in
  A.D. 305. Their places were filled by those who had been
  previously their Cæsars, and Galerius as now the chief Augustus
  proclaimed as Cæsars, =Severus= and =Maximinus Daza=, the most
  furious enemies of the Christians that could be found, so that the
  storm of persecution which had already begun in some measure to
  abate, was again revived in Italy by Severus and in the East by
  Maximinus. Then in order to bring all Christians into inevitable
  contact with idolatrous rites, Galerius in A.D. 308 had all
  victuals in the markets sprinkled with wine or water that
  had been offered to idols. Seized with a terrible illness,
  mortification beginning in his living body, he finally admitted
  the uselessness of all his efforts to root out Christianity, and
  shortly before his death, in common with his colleague, he issued
  in A.D. 311, a formal =edict of toleration=, which permitted to
  all Christians the free exercise of their religion and claimed in
  return their intercession for the emperor and the empire.--During
  this persecution of unexampled cruelty, lasting without
  intermission for eight years, many noble proofs were given of
  Christian heroism and of the joyousness that martyrdom inspired.
  The number of the _Lapsi_, though still considerable, was in
  proportion very much less than under the Decian persecution. How
  much truth, if any, there may have been in the later assertion of
  the Donatists (§ 63, 1), that even the Roman bishop, Marcellinus
  [Marcellus] (A.D. 296-304), and his presbyters, Melchiades,
  Marcellus and Sylvester, who were also his successors in the
  bishopric, had denied Christ and sacrificed to idols, cannot
  now be ascertained. Augustine denies the charge, but even
  the Felician Catalogue of the Popes reports that Marcellinus
  [Marcellus] during the persecution became a _Thurificatus_,
  adding, however, the extenuation, that he soon thereafter, seized
  with deep penitence, suffered martyrdom. The command to deliver
  up the sacred writings gave rise to a new order of apostates,
  the so-called _Traditores_. Many had recourse to a subterfuge by
  surrendering heretical writings instead of the sacred books and
  as such, but the earnest spirit of the age treated these as no
  better than _traditors_.[27]

  § 22.7. =Maximinus Daza, Maxentius and Licinius.=--After the
  death of Galerius his place was taken by the Dacian Licinius,
  who shared with Maximinus the government of the East, the former
  taking the European, the latter the Asiatic part along with
  Egypt. Constantius Chlorus had died in A.D. 306, and Galerius
  had given to the Cæsar Severus the empire of the West. But the
  army proclaimed Constantine, son of Constantius, as Emperor.
  He also established himself in Gaul, Spain and Britain. Then
  also Maxentius, son of the abdicated emperor Maximian, claimed
  the Western Empire, was proclaimed Augustus by the Prætorians,
  recognised by the Roman senate, and after the overthrow of
  Severus, ruled in Italy and Africa.--The pagan fanaticism of
  =Maximinus= prevailed against the toleration edict of Galerian.
  He heartily supported the attempted expulsion of Christians on
  the part of several prominent cities, and commended the measure
  on brazen tablets. He forbade the building of churches, punished
  many with fines and dishonour, inflicted in some cases bodily
  pains and even death, and gave official sanction to perpetrating
  upon them all sorts of scandalous enormities. The _Acta Pilati_,
  a pagan pseudepigraph filled with the grossest slanders about the
  passion of Christ, was widely circulated by him and introduced as
  a reading-book for the young in the public schools. =Constantine=,
  who had inherited from his father along with his Neo-platonic
  eclecticism his toleration of the Christians, secured to the
  professors of the Christian faith in his realm the most perfect
  quiet. =Maxentius=, too, at first let them alone; but the rivalry
  and enmity that was daily increasing between him and Constantine,
  the favourer of the Christians, drew him into close connection
  with the pagan party, and into sympathy with their persecuting
  spirit. In A.D. 312 Constantine led his army over the Alps.
  Maxentius opposed him with an army drawn up in three divisions;
  but Constantine pressed on victoriously, and shattered his
  opponent’s forces before the gates of Rome. Betaking himself to
  flight, Maxentius was drowned in the Tiber, and Constantine was
  then sole ruler over the entire Western Empire. At Milan he had a
  conference with Licinius, to whom he gave in marriage his sister
  Constantia. They jointly issued an edict in A.D. 313, which
  gave toleration to all forms of worship throughout the empire,
  expressly permitting conversion to Christianity, and ordering the
  restoration to the Christians of all the churches that had been
  taken from them. Soon thereafter a decisive battle was fought
  between Maximinus and Licinius. The former was defeated and took
  to flight. The friendly relations that had subsisted between
  =Constantine= and =Licinius= gave way gradually to estrangement
  and were at last succeeded by open hostility. Licinius by
  manifesting zeal as a persecutor identified himself with the
  pagan party, and Constantine threw in his lot with the Christians.
  In A.D. 323 a war broke out between these two, like a struggle
  for life and death between Paganism and Christianity. Licinius
  was overthrown and Constantine was master of the whole empire
  (§ 42, 2). Eusebius in his _Vita Constantini_ reports, on the
  basis probably of a sworn statement of the emperor, that during
  the expedition against Maxentius in A.D. 312, after praying for
  the aid of the higher powers, when the sun was going down, he saw
  in heaven a shining cross in the sun with a bright inscription:
  τούτῳ νίκα. During the night Christ appeared to him in a dream,
  and commanded him to take the cross as his standard in battle
  and with it to go into battle confident of victory. In his Church
  History, Eusebius makes no mention of this tradition of the
  vision. On the other hand there is here the fact, contested
  indeed by critics, that after the victory over Maxentius the
  emperor had erected his statue in the Roman Forum, with the
  cross in his hand, and bearing the inscription: “By this sign of
  salvation have I delivered your city from the yoke of the tyrant.
  ” This only is certain, that the imperial standard, which had the
  unexplained name Labarum, bore the sign of the cross with the
  monogram of the name of Christ.


               § 23. CONTROVERSIAL WRITINGS OF PAGANISM.

  Pagan writers in their published works passed spiteful and
contemptuous judgments upon Christians and Christianity (Tacitus, Pliny,
Marcus Aurelius, and the physician Galen), or, like the rhetorician
Fronto, argued against them with violent invective; while popular wit
ran riot in representing Christianity by word and picture as the devout
worship of an ass. But even the talented satirist Lucian of Samosata was
satisfied with ridiculing the Christians as senseless fools. The first
and also the most important of all really pagan advocates was Celsus,
who in the second century, with brilliant subtlety and scathing sarcasm
sought to prove that the religion of the Christians was the very climax
of unreason. In respect of ability, keenness and bitterness of polemic
he is closely followed by the Neo-platonist Porphyry. Far beneath both
stands Hierocles, governor of Bithynia. Against such attacks the most
famous Christian teachers took the field as Apologists. They disproved
the calumnies and charges of the pagans, demanded fair play for the
Christians, vindicated Christianity by the demonstration of its inner
truth, the witness borne to it by the life and walk of Christians,
its establishment by miracles and prophecies, its agreement with the
utterances and longings of the most profound philosophers, whose wisdom
they traced mediately or immediately from the Old Testament, and on the
other hand, they sought to show the nothingness of the heathen gods, and
the religious as well as moral perversity of paganism.

  § 23.1. =Lucian’s Satire _De Morte Peregrini_= takes the form
  of an account given by Lucian to his friend Cronius of the Cynic
  Peregrinus Proteus’ burning of himself during the Olympic games
  of A.D. 165, of which he himself was a witness. Peregrinus is
  described as a low, contemptible man, a parricide and guilty
  of adultery, unnatural vice and drunkenness, who having fled
  from his home in Palestine joined the Christians, learnt their
  θαυμαστὴ σοφία, became their prophet (§ 34, 1), Thiasarch (§ 17, 3)
  and Synagogeus, and as such expounded their sacred writings,
  even himself composed and addressed to the most celebrated Greek
  cities many epistles containing new ordinances and laws. When
  cast into prison he was the subject of the most extravagant
  attentions on the part of the Christians. Their γραΐδια and χῆραι
  (deaconesses) nursed him most carefully, δεῖπνα ποικίλα and λόγοι
  ἱεροί (Agapæ) were celebrated in his prison, they loaded him with
  presents, etc. Nevertheless on leaving prison, on account of his
  having eaten a forbidden kind of meat (flesh offered to idols)
  he was expelled by them. He now cast himself into the arms of
  the Cynics, travelled as the apostle of their views through the
  whole world, and ended his life in his mad thirst for fame by
  voluntarily casting himself upon the funeral pile. Lucian tells
  with scornful sneer how the superstitious people supposed that
  there had been an earthquake and that an eagle flew up from
  his ashes crying out: The earth I have lost, to Olympus I fly.
  This fable was believed, and even yet it is said that sometimes
  Peregrinus will be seen in a white garment as a spirit.--It is
  undoubtedly recorded by Aulus Gellius that a Cynic Peregrinus
  lived at this time whom he describes as _vir gravis et constans_.
  This too is told by the Apologist Tatian, who in him mocks at the
  pretension on the part of heathen philosophers to emancipation
  from all wants. But neither of them knows anything about his
  Christianity or his death by fire. It is nevertheless conceivable
  that Peregrinus had for some time connection with Christianity;
  but without this assumption it seems likely that Lucian in a
  satire which, under the combined influence of personal and class
  antipathies, aimed first and chiefly at stigmatizing Cynicism
  in the person of Peregrinus, should place Christianity alongside
  of it as what seemed to him with its contempt of the world and
  self-denial to be a new, perhaps a nobler, but still nothing more
  than a species of Cynicism. Many features in the caricature which
  he gives of the life, doings and death of Peregrinus seem to have
  been derived by him from the life of the Apostle Paul as well as
  from the account of the martyrdom of Ignatius, and especially
  from that of Polycarp (§ 22, 3).[28]

  § 23.2. =Worshippers of an Ass= (Asinarii) was a term of
  reproach that was originally and from early times applied to the
  Jews. They now sought to have it transferred to the Christians.
  Tertullian tells of a picture publicly exhibited in Carthage
  which represented a man clothed in a toga, with the ears and hoof
  of an ass, holding a book in his hand, and had this inscription:
  _Deus Christianorum Onochoetes_. This name is variously read. If
  read as ὄνου χοητής it means _asini sacerdos_. Alongside of this
  we may place the picture, belonging probably to the third century,
  discovered in A.D. 1858 scratched on a wall among the ruins
  of a school for the imperial slaves, that were then excavated.
  It represents a man with an ass’s head hanging on a cross, and
  beneath it the caricature of a worshipper with the words written
  in a schoolboy’s hand; Alexamenos worships God (A. σεβετε θεον);
  evidently the derision of a Christian youth by a pagan companion.
  The scratching on another wall gives us probably the answer of
  the Christian: _Alexamenos fidelis_.

  § 23.3. =Polemic properly so-called.=--

    (a) The Λόγος ἀληθής of =Celsus= is in great part preserved in
        the answer of Origen (§ 31, 5). He identifies the author
        with that Celsus to whom Lucian dedicated the little work
        _Alexander or Pseudomantis_ in which he so extols the
        philosophy of Epicurus that it seems he must be regarded as
        an Epicurean. Since, however, the philosophical standpoint
        of our Celsus is that of a Platonist the assumption of the
        identity of the two has been regarded as untenable. But
        even our Celsus does not seem to have been a pure Platonist
        but an Eclectic, and as such might also show a certain
        measure of favour to the philosophy of Epicurus. Their
        age is at least the same. Lucian wrote that treatise soon
        after A.D. 180, and according to Keim, the Λόγος ἀληθής was
        probably composed about A.D. 178. Almost everything that
        modern opponents down to our own day have advanced against
        the gospel history and doctrine is found here wrought out
        with original force and subtlety, inspired with burning
        hatred and bitter irony, and highly spiced with invective,
        mockery, and wit. First of all the author introduces
        a Jew who repeats the slanders current among the Jews,
        representing Jesus as a vagabond impostor, His mother
        as an adulteress, His miracles and resurrection as lying
        fables; then enters a heathen philosopher who proves that
        both Judaism and Christianity are absurd; and finally, the
        conditions are set forth under which alone the Christians
        might claim indulgence: the abandonment of their exclusive
        attitude toward the national religion and the recognition
        of it by their taking part in the sacrifices appointed by
        the state.[29]

    (b) The Neo-platonist Porphyry, about A.D. 270, as reported by
        Jerome, in the XV. Book of his Κατὰ Χριστιανῶν points to a
        number of supposed contradictions in holy scripture, calls
        attention to the conflict between Paul and Peter (Gal. ii.),
        explains Daniel’s prophecies as _Vaticinia post eventum_,
        and censures the allegorical interpretation of the
        Christians. Although even among the Christians themselves
        Porphyry as a philosopher was highly esteemed, and
        notwithstanding contact at certain points between his
        ethical and religious view of the world and that of the
        Christians, perhaps just because of this, he is the worst
        and most dangerous of all their pagan assailants. Against
        his controversial writings, therefore, the edict of
        Theodosius II. ordering them to be burnt was directed
        in A.D. 448 (§ 42, 4), and owing to the zeal with which
        his works were destroyed the greater part of the treatises
        which quoted from it for purposes of controversy also
        perished with it--the writings of Methodius of Tyre
        (§ 31, 9), Eusebius of Cæsarea (§ 47, 2), Philostorgius
        (§ 5, 1) and Apollinaris the younger (§ 47, 5). Of these
        according to Jerome those of the last named were the
        most important. In the recently discovered controversial
        treatise of Macarius Magnes (§ 47, 6) an unnamed pagan
        philosopher is combated whose attacks, chiefly directed
        against the Gospels, to all appearance verbally agree with
        the treatise of Porphyry, or rather, perhaps, with that of
        his plagiarist Hierocles.

    (c) =Hierocles= who as governor of Bithynia took an active
        part in the persecution of Galerius, wrote two books
        Λόγοι φιλαλήθεις against the Christians, about A.D. 305,
        which have also perished. Eusebius’ reply refers only
        to his repudiation of the equality assigned to Christ
        and Apollonius of Tyana (§ 24, 1). While the title of
        his treatise is borrowed from that of Celsus, he has also
        according to the testimony of Eusebius in great part copied
        the very words of both of his predecessors.


              § 24. Attempted Reconstruction of Paganism.

  All its own more thoughtful adherents had long acknowledged that
paganism must undergo a thorough reform and reconstruction if it were to
continue any longer in existence. In the Augustan Age an effort was made
to bolster up Neopythagoreanism by means of theurgy and magic. The chief
representative of this movement was Apollonius of Tyana. In the second
century an attempt was made to revivify the secret rites of the ancient
mysteries, of Dea Syra, and Mithras. Yet all this was not enough. What
was needed was the setting up of a pagan system which would meet the
religious cravings of men in the same measure as Christianity with its
supernaturalism, monotheism and universalism had done, and would have
the absurdities and impurities that had disfigured the popular religion
stripped off. Such a regeneration of paganism was undertaken in the
beginning of the third century by Neoplatonism. But even this was no
more able than pagan polemics had been to check the victorious career
of Christianity.

  § 24.1. =Apollonius of Tyana= in Cappadocia, a contemporary of
  Christ and the Apostles, was a philosopher, ascetic and magician
  esteemed among the people as a worker of miracles. As an earnest
  adherent of the doctrine of Pythagoras, whom he also imitated
  in his dress and manner of life, claiming the possession of the
  gifts of prophecy and miracle working, he assumed the role of a
  moral and religious reformer of the pagan religion of his fathers.
  Accompanied by numerous scholars, teaching and working miracles,
  he travelled through the whole of the then known world until
  he reached the wonderland of India. He settled down at last in
  Ephesus where he died at an advanced age, having at least passed
  his ninety-sixth year. At the wish of the Empress Julia, wife
  of Septimius Severus, in the third century, Philostratus the
  elder composed in the form of a romance in eight books based upon
  written and oral sources, a biography of Apollonius, in which
  he is represented as a heathen counterpart of Christ, who is
  otherwise completely ignored, excelling Him in completeness of
  life, doctrine and miraculous powers.[30]

  § 24.2. In =Neo-platonism=, by the combination of all that was
  noblest and best in the exoteric and esoteric religion, in the
  philosophy, theosophy and theurgy of earlier and later times
  in East and West, we are presented with a universal religion
  in which faith and knowledge, philosophy and theology, theory
  and practice, were so perfectly united and reconciled, and all
  religious needs so fully met, that in comparison with its wealth
  and fulness, the gnosis as well as the faith, the worship and
  the mysteries of the Christians must have seemed one-sided,
  commonplace and incomplete. The first to introduce and commend
  this tendency, which was carried out in three successive schools
  of philosophy, the Alexandrian-Roman, the Syrian and the Athenian,
  was the Alexandrian =Ammonius Saccas=,--this surname being
  derived from his occupation as a porter. He lived and taught in
  Alexandria till about A.D. 250. He sought to combine in a higher
  unity the Platonic and the Aristotelian philosophies, giving
  to the former a normative authority, and he did not hesitate to
  enrich his system by the incorporation of Christian ideas. His
  knowledge of Christianity came from Clement of Alexandria and
  from Origen, whose teacher in philosophy he had been. Porphyry
  indeed affirms that he had previously been himself a Christian,
  but had at a later period of life returned to paganism.--The most
  distinguished of his scholars, and also the most talented and
  profound of all the Neo-platonists, was =Plotinus=, who was in
  A.D. 254 a teacher of philosophy at Rome, and died in A.D. 270.
  His philosophico-theological system in its characteristic features
  is a combination of the Platonic antithesis of the finite world
  of sense and the eternal world of ideas with the stoical doctrine
  of the world soul. The eternal ground of all being is the one
  supramundane, unintelligible and indescribable good (τὸ ἕν, τὸ
  ἀγαθόν), from which all stages of being are radiated forth; first;
  spirit or the world of ideas (νοῦς, κόσμος νοητός), the eternal
  type of all being; and then, from this the world soul (ψυχή);
  and from this, finally, the world of phenomena. The outermost
  fringe of this evolution, the forms of which the further they are
  removed from the original ground become more and more imperfect,
  is matter, just as the shadow is the outermost fringe of the
  light. It is conceived of as the finite, the fleeting, even as
  evil in itself. But imperfect as the world of sense is, it is
  nevertheless the vehicle of the ideal world and in many ways
  penetrated by the ideas, and the lighting up imparted by the
  ideas affords it its beauty. In consequence of those rays shining
  in from the realm of ideas, a whole vast hierarchy of divine
  forms has arisen, with countless dæmons good and bad, which give
  room for the incorporation of all the divine beings of the Greek
  and oriental mythologies. In this way myths that were partly
  immoral and partly fantastic can be rehabilitated as symbolical
  coverings of speculative ideas. The souls of men, too, originate
  from the eternal world soul. By their transition, however, into
  the world of sense they are hampered and fettered by corporeity.
  They themselves complete their redemption through emancipation
  from the bonds of sense by means of asceticism and the practice
  of virtue. In this way they secure a return into the ideal world
  and the vision of the highest good, sometimes as moments of
  ecstatic mystical union with that world, even during this earthly
  life, but an eternally unbroken continuance thereof is only
  attained unto after complete emancipation from all the bonds of
  matter.[31]--Plotinus’ most celebrated scholar, who also wrote
  his life, and collected and arranged his literary remains, was
  =Porphyry=. He also taught in Rome and died there in A.D. 304.
  His ἐκ τῶν λογίων φιλοσοφία, a collection of oracular utterances,
  was a positive supplement to his polemic against Christianity
  (§ 23, 3), and afforded to paganism a book of revelation, a
  heathen bible, as Philostratus had before sought to portray a
  heathen saviour. Of greater importance for the development of
  mediæval scholasticism was his Commentary on the logical works
  of Aristotle, published in several editions of the Aristotelian
  Organon.--His scholar =Iamblichus= of Chalcis in Cœle-Syria,
  who died A.D. 333, was the founder of the Syrian school. The
  development which he gave to the Neo-platonic doctrine consisted
  chiefly in the incorporation of a fantastic oriental mythology
  and theurgy. This also brought him the reputation of being a
  magician.--Finally, the Athenian school had in =Proclus=, who
  died in A.D. 485, its most distinguished representative. While
  on the one hand, he proceeded along the path opened by Iamblichus
  to develop vagaries about dæmons and theurgical fancies, on the
  other hand, he gave to his school an impulse in the direction of
  scholarly and encyclopædic culture.--The Neo-platonic speculation
  exercised no small influence on the development of Christian
  philosophy. The philosophizing church fathers, whose darling
  was Plato, got acquaintance with his philosophical views from
  its relatively pure reproduction met with in the works of the
  older Neo-platonists. The influence of their mystico-theosophic
  doctrine, especially as conveyed in the writings of the
  Pseudo-Dionysius (§ 47, 11), is particularly discernible in
  the Christian mysticism of the middle ages, and has been thence
  transmitted to modern times.[32]


                  § 25. Jewish and Samaritan Reaction.

  The Judaism of the Apostolic Age in its most characteristic form was
thoroughly hostile to Christianity. The Pharisees and the mass of the
people with their expectation of a political Messiah, took offence at a
Messiah crucified by the Gentiles (1 Cor. i. 13); their national pride
was wounded by the granting of equality to Samaritans and heathens,
while their legal righteousness and sham piety were exposed and censured
by the teachings of Christianity. On the other side, the Sadducees felt
no less called upon to fight to the death against Christianity with its
doctrine of the resurrection (Acts iv. 2; xxiii. 6). The same hostile
feeling generally prevailed among the dispersion. The Jewish community
at Berea (Acts xvii. 2) is praised as a pleasing exception to the
general rule. Finally, in A.D. 70 destruction fell upon the covenant
people and the holy city. The Christian church of Jerusalem, acting upon
a warning uttered by the Lord (Matt. xxiv. 16), found a place of refuge
in the mountain city of Pella, on the other side of Jordan. But when
the Pseudo-Messiah, Bar-Cochba (Son of a Star, Num. xxiv. 17), roused
all Palestine against the Roman rule, in A.D. 132, the Palestinian
Christians who refused to assist or recognise the false Messiah,
had again to endure a bloody persecution. Bar-Cochba was defeated in
A.D. 135. Hadrian now commanded that upon pain of death no Jew should
enter Ælia Capitolina, the Roman colony founded by him on the ruins
of Jerusalem. From that time they were deprived of all power and
opportunity for direct persecution of the Christians. All the greater
was their pleasure at the persecutions by the heathens and their zeal
in urging the pagans to extreme measures. In their seminaries they gave
currency to the most horrible lies and calumnies about Christ and the
Christians, which also issued thence among the heathens. On the other
hand, however, they intensified their own anti-Christian attitude
and sought protection against the advancing tide of Christianity
by strangling all spiritual movement under a mass of traditional
interpretations and judgments of men. The Schools of Tiberias and
Babylon were the nurseries of this movement, and the _Talmud_, the first
part of which, the _Mishna_, had its origin during this period, marks
the completion of this anti-Christian self-petrifaction of Judaism. The
disciples of John, too, assumed a hostile attitude toward Christianity,
and formed a distinct set under the name of Hemerobaptists.
Contemporaneously with the first successes of the Apostolic mission, a
current set in among the Samaritans calculated to checkmate Christianity
by the setting up of new religions. Dositheus, Simon Magus and Menander
here made their appearance with claims to the Messiahship, and were at a
later period designated heresiarchs by the church fathers, who believed
that in them they found the germs of the Gnostic heresy (§§ 26 ff.).

  § 25.1. =Disciples of John.=--Even after their master had been
  beheaded the disciples of John the Baptist maintained a separate
  society of their own, and reproached the disciples of Jesus
  because of their want of strict ascetic discipline (Matt. ix. 14,
  etc.). The disciples of John in the Acts (xviii. 25; xix. 1-7)
  were probably Hellenist Jews, who on their visits to the feasts
  had been pointed by John to Christ, announced by him as Messiah,
  without having any information as to the further developments of
  the Christian community. About the middle of the second century,
  however, the Clementine Homilies (§ 28, 3), in which John the
  Baptist is designated a ἡμεροβαπτίστης, speaks of gnosticizing
  disciples of John, who may be identical with the =Hemerobaptists=,
  that is, those who practise baptism daily, of Eusebius (_Hist.
  Eccl._, iv. 22). They originated probably from a coalition of
  Essenes (§ 8, 4) and disciples of the Baptist who when orphaned
  by the death of John persistently refused to join the disciples
  of Christ.--We hear no more of them till the Carmelite missionary
  John a Jesu in Persia came upon a sect erroneously called
  Christians of St. John or Nazoreans.[33] Authentic information
  about the doctrine, worship and constitution of this sect that
  still numbers some hundred families, was first obtained in the
  19th century by an examination of their very comprehensive sacred
  literature, written in an Aramaic dialect very similar to that of
  the Babylonian Talmud. The most important of those writings the
  so-called Great Book (_Sidra rabba_), also called _Ginza_, that
  is, thesaurus, has been faithfully reproduced by Petermann under
  the title _Thesaurus s. Liber magnus_, etc., 2 vols., Berl.,
  1867.--Among themselves the adherents of this sect were styled
  =Mandæans=, after one of their numerous divine beings or æons,
  _Manda de chaje_, meaning γνῶσις τῆς ζωῆς. In their extremely
  complicated religious system, resembling in many respects the
  Ophite Gnosis (§ 27, 6) and Manicheism (§ 29), this Æon takes the
  place of the heavenly mediator in the salvation of the earthly
  world. Among those without, however, they called themselves
  Subba, =Sabeans= from צבא or צבע to baptize. Although they
  cannot be identified right off with the Disciples of John and
  Hemerobaptists, a historical connection between them, carrying
  with it gnostic and oriental-heathen influences, is highly
  probable. The name Sabean itself suggests this, but still more
  the position they assign to John the Baptist as the only true
  prophet over against Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed. As
  adherents of John the Baptist rejected by the Jews the old
  Disciples of John had an anti-Jewish character, and by their
  own rejection of Christ an anti-Christian character. By shifting
  their residence to Babylon, however, they became so dependent
  on the Syro-Chaldean mythology, theosophy and theurgy, that they
  sank completely into paganism, and so their opposition to Judaism
  and Christianity increased into fanatical hatred and horrid
  calumniation.[34]

  § 25.2. =The Samaritan Heresiarchs.=

    (a) =Dositheus= was according to Origen a contemporary of
        Jesus and the Apostles, and gave himself out as the
        prophet promised in Deut. xviii. 18. He insisted upon a
        curiously strict observance of the Sabbath, and according
        to Epiphanius he perished miserably in a cave in consequence
        of an ostentatiously prolonged fast. Purely fabulous are
        the stories of the Pseudo-Clementine writings (§ 28, 3)
        which bring him into contact with John the Baptist as his
        scholar and successor, and with Simon Magus as his defeated
        rival. More credible is the account of an Arabic-Samaritan
        Chronicle,[35] according to which the sect of the
        Dostanians at the time of Simon Maccabæus traced their
        descent from a Samaritan tribe, while also the Catholic
        heresiologies (§ 26, 4) reckon the Dositheans among the
        pre-Christian sects. According to a statement of Eulogius
        of Alexandria recorded by Photius, the Dositheans and
        Samaritans in Egypt in A.D. 588 disputed as to the meaning
        of Deut. xviii. 18.

    (b) =Simon Magus=, born, according to Justin Martyr, at Gitta
        in Samaria, appeared in his native country as a soothsayer
        with such success that the infatuated people hailed him as
        the δύναμις τοῦ θεοῦ ἡ καλουμένη μεγάλη. When Philip the
        Deacon preached the gospel in Samaria, Simon also received
        baptism from him, but was sternly denounced by Peter from
        whom he wished to buy the gift of communicating the Spirit
        (Acts viii). As to the identity of this man with Simon
        the Magician, according to Josephus hailing from Cyprus,
        who induced the Herodian Drusilla to quit her husband and
        become the wife of the Governor Felix (Acts xxiv. 24), it
        can scarcely claim to be more than a probability. A vast
        collection of fabulous legends soon grew up around the
        name of Simon Magus, not only from the Gentile-Christian
        and Catholic side, but also from the Jewish-Christian and
        heretical side; the latter to be still met with in the
        _Pseudo-Clementine Homilies and Recognitions_, while in the
        _Acta Petri et Pauli_, we have the Catholic revision and
        reproduction of the no longer extant Ebionistic _Acts of
        Peter_ (§ 32, 6). These Judaizing heretics particularly
        amused themselves by making a very slightly veiled
        vile caricature of the great Apostle of the Gentiles by
        transferring to the name of the magician many distorted
        representations of occurrences in the life and works of the
        Apostle Paul. This representation, however, was recognised
        in the Acts above referred to and by the church fathers
        as originally descriptive of Simon Magus. On the basis of
        this legendary conglomerate Irenæus, after the example of
        Justin, describes him as _Magister ac progenitor omnium
        hæreticorum_. From a house of ill fame in Tyre he bought
        a slave girl Helena, to whom he assigned the role of the
        world creating Ἔννοια of God. The angels born of her for
        the purpose of creating the world had rebelled against her;
        she was enslaved, and was imprisoned, sometimes in this,
        sometimes in that, human body; at one time in the body of
        Helen of Troy, and at last in that of the Tyrian prostitute.
        In order to redeem her and with her the world enslaved by
        the rebel angels, the supreme God (ὁ ἐστώς) Himself came
        down and assumed the form of man, was born unbegotten of
        man, suffered in appearance in Judea, and reveals Himself
        to the Samaritans as Father, to the Jews as Son, and to the
        Gentiles as the Holy Spirit. The salvation of man consists
        simply in acknowledging Simon and his Helena as the supreme
        gods. By faith only, not by works, is man justified. The
        law originated with the evil angels and was devised by them
        merely to keep men in bondage under them. This last point
        is evidently transferred to the magician partly from the
        Apostle Paul, partly from Marcion (§ 27, 11), and is copied
        from Ebionite sources. The Simon myth is specially rich in
        legends about the magician’s residence in Rome, to which
        place he had betaken himself after being often defeated
        in disputation by the Apostle Peter, and where he was so
        successful that the Romans erected a column in his honour
        on an island in the Tiber, which Justin Martyr himself is
        said to have seen, bearing the inscription: _Simoni sancto
        Deo_. The discovery in A.D. 1574 of the column dedicated
        to the Sabine god of oaths, inscribed “_Semoni Sanco Deo
        Fidio_,” explains how such a legend may have arisen out
        of a misunderstanding. Although by a successful piece of
        jugglery--decapitation and rising again the third day,
        having substituted for himself a goat whom he had bewitched
        to assume his appearance, whose head was cut off--he won
        the special favour of Nero, he was thereafter in public
        disputation before the emperor unmasked by Peter. In order
        to rehabilitate himself he offered to prove his divine
        power by ascending up into heaven. For this purpose he
        mounted a high tower. Peter adjured the angel of Satan,
        which carried him through the air, and the magician
        fell with a crash to the ground. Probably there is here
        transferred to one magician what is told by Suetonius
        (_Nero_, xii.) and Juvenal (_Sat._ iii. 79 ff.) as
        happening to a soothsayer in Nero’s time who made an
        attempt to fly. The school of Baur (§ 182, 7), after Baur
        himself had discovered in the Simon Magus of the Clementine
        Homilies a caricature of the Apostle Paul, has come to
        question the existence of the magician altogether, and
        has attempted to account for the myth as originating from
        the hatred of the Jewish Christians to the Apostle of the
        Gentiles. Support for this view is sought from Acts viii.,
        the offering of money by the magician being regarded as a
        maliciously distorted account of the contribution conveyed
        by Paul to the church at Jerusalem.[36] Recently, however,
        Hilgenfeld, who previously maintained this view, has again
        recognised as well grounded the tradition of the Church
        Fathers, that Simon was the real author of the ψευδώνυμος
        γνῶσις, and has carried out this idea in his
        “Ketzergeschichte.”

    (c) =Menander= was, according to Justin Martyr, a disciple of
        Simon. Subsequently he undertook to play the part of the
        Saviour of the world. In doing so, however, he was always,
        as Irenæus remarks, modest enough not to give himself out
        as the supreme god, but only as the Messiah sent by Him.
        He taught, however, that any one who should receive his
        baptism would never become old or die.[37]



             II. DANGER TO THE CHURCH FROM PAGAN AND JEWISH
                     ELEMENTS WITHIN ITS OWN PALE.


                    § 26. GNOSTICISM IN GENERAL.[38]

  The Judaism and paganism imported into the church proved more
dangerous to it than the storm of persecution raging against it from
without. Ebionism (§ 28) was the result of the attempt to incorporate
into Christianity the narrow particularism of Judaism; Heretical Gnosis
or Gnosticism was the result of the attempt to blend with Christianity
the religious notions of pagan mythology, mysteriology, theosophy and
philosophy. These two tendencies, moreover, were combined in a Gnostic
Ebionism, in the direction of which Essenism may be regarded as a
transitional stage (§ 8, 4). In many respects Manichæism (§ 29), which
sprang up at a later period, is related to the Gnosticism of Gentile
Christianity, but also in character and tendency widely different from
it. The church had to employ all her powers to preserve herself from
this medley of religious fancies and to purify her fields from the
weeds that were being sown on every side. In regard to Ebionism and
its gnosticizing developments this was a comparatively easy task. The
Gnosticism of Gentile Christianity was much more difficult to deal with,
and although the church succeeded in overcoming the weed in her fields,
yet many of its seeds continued hidden for centuries, from which sprouts
grew up now and again quite unexpectedly (§§ 54, 71, 108). This struggle
has nevertheless led to the furtherance of the church in many ways,
awakening in it a sense of scientific requirements, stirring it up
to more vigorous battling for the truth, and endowing it with a more
generous and liberal spirit. It had learnt to put a Christian gnosis in
the place of the heretical, a right and wholesome use of speculation and
philosophy, of poetry and art, in place of their misuse, and thus
enabled Christianity to realise its universal destination.

  § 26.1. =Gnosticism= was deeply rooted in a powerful and
  characteristic intellectual tendency of the first century. A
  persistent conviction that the ancient world had exhausted itself
  and was no longer able to resist its threatened overthrow, now
  prevailed and drove the deepest thinkers to adopt the boldest and
  grandest Syncretism the world has ever beheld, in the blending of
  all the previously isolated and heterogeneous elements of culture
  as a final attempt at the rejuvenating of that which had become
  old (§ 25). Even within the borders of the church this Syncretism
  favoured by the prevailing spirit of the age influenced those of
  superior culture, to whom the church doctrine of that age did not
  seem to make enough of theosophical principles and speculative
  thought, while the worship of the church seemed dry and barren.
  Out of the fusing of cosmological myths and philosophemes of
  oriental and Greek paganism with Christian historical elements in
  the crucible of its own speculation, there arose numerous systems
  of a higher fantastic sort of religious philosophy, which were
  included under the common name of Gnosticism. The pagan element
  is upon the whole the prevailing one, inasmuch as in most Gnostic
  systems Christianity is not represented as the conclusion and
  completion of the development of salvation given in the Old
  Testament, but often merely as the continuation and climax of
  the pagan religion of nature and the pagan mystery worship.
  The attitude of this heretical gnosis toward holy scripture was
  various. By means of allegorical interpretation some endeavoured
  to prove their system from it; others preferred to depreciate the
  Apostles as falsifiers of the original purely gnostic doctrine
  of Christ, or to remodel the apostolic writings in accordance
  with their own views, or even to produce a bible of their own
  after the principles of their own schools in the form of gnostic
  pseudepigraphs. With them, however, for the most part the
  tradition of ancient wisdom as the communicated secret doctrine
  stood higher than holy scripture. Over against the heretical
  gnosis, an ecclesiastical gnosis was developed, especially in the
  Alexandrian school of theology (Clement and Origen, § 31, 4, 5),
  which, according to 1 Cor. xii. 8, 9; xiii. 2, was esteemed
  and striven after as, in contradistinction to faith, a higher
  stage in the development of the religious consciousness. The
  essential distinction between the two consisted in this, that
  the latter was determined, inspired and governed by the believing
  consciousness of the universal church, as gradually formulated in
  the church confession, whereas the former, completely emancipated
  therefrom, disported itself in the unrestricted arbitrariness of
  fantastic speculation.

  § 26.2. =The Problems of Gnostic Speculation= are: the origin
  of the world and of evil, as well as the task, means and end of
  the world’s development. In solving these problems the Gnostics
  borrowed mostly from paganism the theory of the world’s origin,
  and from Christianity the idea of redemption. At the basis
  of almost all Gnostic systems there lies the dualism of God
  and matter (ὕλη); only that matter is regarded sometimes in a
  Platonic sense as non-essential and non-substantial (=μὴ ὄν)
  and hence without hostile opposition to the godhead, sometimes
  more in the Parsee sense as inspired and dominated by an evil
  principle, and hence in violent opposition to the good God.
  In working out the theosophical and cosmological process it is
  mainly the idea of emanation (προβολή) that is called into play,
  whereby from the hidden God is derived a long series of divine
  essences (αἰῶνες), whose inherent divine power diminishes in
  proportion as they are removed to a distance from the original
  source of being. These æons then make their appearance as
  intermediaries in the creation, development and redemption of the
  world. The substratum out of which the world is created consists
  in a mixture of the elements of the world of light (πλήρωμα)
  with the elements of matter (κένωμα) by means of nature, chance
  or conflict. One of the least and weakest of the æons, who is
  usually designated Δημιουργός, after the example of Plato in
  the _Timæus_, is brought forward as the creator of the world.
  Creation is the first step toward redemption. But the Demiurge
  cannot or will not carry it out, and so finally there appears in
  the fulness of the times one of the highest æons as redeemer, in
  order to secure perfect emancipation to the imprisoned elements
  of light by the communication of the γνῶσις. Seeing that matter
  is derived from the evil, he appears in a seeming body or at
  baptism identifies himself with the psychical Messiah sent by
  the Demiurge. The death on the cross is either only an optical
  illusion, or the heavenly Christ, returning to the pleroma,
  quits the man Jesus, or gives His form to some other man
  (Simon of Cyrene, Matt. xxvii. 32) so that he is crucified
  instead of Him (Docetism). The souls of men, according as the
  pleromatic or hylic predominates in them, are in their nature,
  either _Pneumatic_, which alone are capable of the γνῶσις, or
  _Psychical_, which can only aspire to πίστις, or finally, _Hylic_
  (χοϊκοί, σαρκικοί), to which class the great majority belongs,
  which, subject to Satanic influences, serve only their lower
  desires. Redemption consists in the conquest and exclusion
  of matter, and is accomplished through knowledge (γνῶσις) and
  asceticism. It is therefore a chemical, rather than an ethical
  process. Seeing that the original seat of evil is in matter,
  sanctification is driven from the ethical domain into the
  physical, and consists in battling with matter and withholding
  from material enjoyments. The Gnostics were thus originally very
  strict in their moral discipline, but often they rushed to the
  other extreme, to libertinism and antinomianism, in consequence
  partly of the depreciation of the law of the Demiurge, partly
  of the tendency to rebound from one extreme to the other, and
  justified their conduct on the ground of παραχρῆσθαι τῇ σαρκί.

  § 26.3. =Distribution.=--_Gieseler_ groups the Gentile Christian
  Gnostics according to their native countries into Egyptian or
  Alexandrian, whose emanationist and dualistic theories were
  coloured by Platonism, and the Syrian, whose views were affected
  by Parseeism.--_Neander_ divides Gnostic systems into Judaistic
  and Anti-Jewish, subdividing the latter into such as incline to
  Paganism, and such as strive to apprehend Christianity in its
  purity and simplicity.--_Hase_ arranges them as Oriental, Greek
  and Christian.--_Baur_ classifies the Gnostic systems as those
  which endeavour to combine Judaism and paganism with Christianity,
  and those which oppose Christianity to these.--_Lipsius_ marks
  three stages in the development of Gnosticism: the blending
  of Asiatic myths with a Jewish and Christian basis which took
  place in Syria; the further addition to this of Greek philosophy
  either Stoicism or Platonism which was carried out in Egypt;
  and recurrence to the ethical principles of Christianity, the
  elevation of πίστις above γνῶσις.--_Hilgenfeld_ arranges his
  discussion of these systems in accordance with their place in
  the early heresiologies.--But none of these arrangements can
  be regarded as in every respect satisfactory, and indeed it
  may be impossible to lay down any principle of distribution of
  such a kind. There are so many fundamental elements and these
  of so diverse a character, that no one scheme of division
  may suffice for an adequate classification of all Gnostic
  systems. The difficulty was further enhanced by the contradiction,
  approximation, and confusion of systems, and by their
  construction and reconstruction, of which Rome as the capital
  of the world was the great centre.

  § 26.4. =Sources of Information.=--Abundant as the literary
  productions were which assumed the name or else without the name
  developed the principles of Gnosticism, comparatively little of
  this literature has been preserved. We are thus mainly dependent
  upon the representations of its catholic opponents, and to them
  also we owe the preservation of many authentic fragments. The
  first church teacher who _ex professo_ deals with Gnosticism is
  Justin Martyr (§ 30, 9), whose controversial treatise, however,
  as well as that of Hegesippus (§ 31, 7), has been lost. The most
  important of extant treatises of this kind are those of Irenæus
  in five books _Adv. hæreses_, and of Hippolytus Ἔλεγχος κατὰ
  πασῶν αἱρέσεων, the so-called _Philosophoumena_ (§ 31, 3). The
  Σύνταγμα κ. π. αἱρ. of Hippolytus is no longer extant in the
  original; a Latin translation of it apparently exists in the
  _Libellus adv. omnes hæreses_, which has been attributed to
  Tertullian. Together with the work of Irenæus, it formed a
  query for the later heresiologists, Epiphanius and Philaster
  (§ 47, 10, 14), who were apparently unacquainted with the later
  written but more important and complete _Elenchus_. Besides these
  should be mentioned the writings of Tertullian (§ 31, 10) and
  Theodoret (§ 47, 9) referring to this controversy, the _Stromata_
  of Clement of Alexandria, and the published discussions of Origen
  (§ 31, 4, 5), especially in his Commentary on John, also the five
  Dialogues of the Pseudo-Origen (Adamantius) against the Gnostics
  from the beginning of the fourth century;[39] and finally many
  notices in the Church History of Eusebius. The still extant
  fragments of the Gnostic Apocryphal historian of the Apostles
  afford information about the teaching and forms of worship of
  the later syncretic vulgar Gnosticism, and also from the very
  defective representations of them in the works of their Catholic
  opponents.


                § 27. THE GENTILE CHRISTIAN GNOSTICISM.

  In the older heretical Gnosticism (§ 18, 3), Jewish, pagan,
and Christian elements are found, which are kept distinct, or are
amalgamated or after examination are rejected, what remains being
developed, consolidated and distributed, but in a confused blending.
This is the case with Cerinthus. In Basilides again, who attaches
himself to the doctrines of Stoicism, we have Gnosticism developed under
the influence of Alexandrian culture; and soon thereafter in Valentinus,
who builds on Plato’s philosophy, it attains its richest, most profound
and noblest expression. From the blending of Syro-Chaldæan mythology
with Greek and Hellenistic-Gnostic theories issue the divers Ophite
systems. Antinomian Gnosticism with loose practical morality was an
outgrowth from the contempt shown to the Jewish God that created the
world and gave the law. The genuinely Syrian Gnosticism with its
Parseeist-dualistic ruggedness was most purely represented by Saturninus,
while in Marcion and his scholars the exaggeration of the Pauline
opposition of law and grace led to a dualistic contrast of the God of
the Old Testament and of the New. From the middle of the second century
onwards there appears in the historical development of Gnosticism an
ever-increasing tendency to come to terms with the doctrine of the
church. This is shown by the founders of new sects, Marcion, Tatian,
Hermogenes; and also by many elaborators of early systems, by Heracleon,
Ptolomæus and Bardesanes who developed the Valentinian system, in the
so-called Pistis Sophia, as the exposition of the Ophite system. This
tendency to seek reconciliation with the church is also shown in a
kind of syncretic popular or vulgar Gnosticism which sought to attach
itself more closely to the church by the composition of apocryphal
and pseudepigraphic Gospels and Acts of Apostles under biblical names
and dates (§ 32, 4-6).--The most brilliant period in the history of
Gnosticism was the second century, commencing with the age of Hadrian.
At the beginning of the third century there was scarcely one of the
more cultured congregations throughout the whole of the Roman empire and
beyond this as far as Edessa, that was not affected by it. Yet we never
find the numbers of regular Gnostic congregations exceeding that of the
Catholic. Soon thereafter the season of decay set in. Its productive
power was exhausted, and while, on the one side, it was driven back by
the Catholic ecclesiastical reaction, on the other hand, in respect of
congregational organization it was outrun and outbidden by Manichæism,
and also by Marcionism.

  § 27.1. =Cerinthus=, as Irenæus says, resting on the testimony
  of Polycarp, was a younger contemporary of the Apostle John in
  Asia Minor; the Apostle meeting the heretic in a bath hastened
  out lest the building should fall upon the enemy of the truth.
  In his Gnosticism, resting according to Hippolytus on a basis
  of Alexandrian-Greek culture, we have the transition from the
  Jewish-Christian to a more Gentile than Jewish-Christian Gnostic
  standpoint. The continued hold of the former is seen according
  to Epiphanius in the maintaining of the necessity of circumcision
  and of the observances by Christians of the law given by
  disposition of angels, as also, according to Caius of Rome, who
  regards him as the author of the New Testament Apocalypse, in
  chiliastic expectations. Both of these, however, were probably
  intended only in the allegorical and spiritual sense. At the
  same time, according to Irenæus and Theodoret, the essentially
  Gnostic figure of the Demiurge already appears in his writings,
  who without knowing the supreme God is yet useful to Him as
  the creator of the world. Even Jesus, the son of Joseph and
  Mary, knew him not, until the ἄνω Χριστός descended upon him at
  his baptism. Before the crucifixion, which was a merely human
  mischance without any redemptive significance, the Christ had
  again withdrawn from him.

  § 27.2. =The Gnosticism of Basilides.=--=Basilides= (Βασιλείδης)
  was a teacher in Alexandria about A.D. 120-130. He pretends to
  derive the gnostic system from the notes of the esoteric teaching
  of Christ taken down by the Apostle Matthew and an amanuensis
  of Peter called Glaucias. He also made use of John’s Gospel and
  Paul’s Epistles to the Romans, Corinthians and Ephesians. He
  himself left behind 24 books Ἐξηγητικά and his equally talented
  son Isidorus has left a treatise under the title Ἠθικά. Fragments
  of both are found in Clement of Alexandria, two passages from
  the first are given also in the “Acts of Disputation,” by
  Archelaus of Cascar (§ 29, 1). Irenæus, i. 24, who refers to him
  as a disciple of Menander (§ 25, 2), and the Pseudo-Tertullian,
  c. 41, Epiphanius, 21, and Theodoret, i. 4, describe his system
  as grossly dualistic and decidedly emanationist. Hippolytus,
  vii. 14 ff., on the other hand, with whom Clement seems
  to agree, describes it as a thoroughly monistic system, in
  which the theogony is developed not by emanation from above
  downwards but by evolution from below upwards. This latter view
  which undoubtedly presents this system in a more favourable
  light,--according to Baur, Uhlhorn, Jacobi, Möller, Funk, etc.,
  its original form: according to Hilgenfeld, Lipsius, Volkmar,
  etc., a later form influenced by later interpolations of Greek
  pantheistic ideas,--makes the development of God and the world
  begin with pure nothing: ἦν ὅτε ἦν οὐδέν. The principle of all
  development is ὁ οὐκ ὢν θεός, who out of Himself (ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων)
  calls chaos into being. This chaos was still itself an οὐκ ὄν,
  but yet also the πανσπερμία τοῦ κόσμου upon which now the οὐκ ὢν
  θεός as ἀκίνητος κινητής operated attractively by his beauty. The
  pneumatic element in the newly created chaos is represented in a
  threefold sonship (υἱότης τριμερής) of which the first and most
  perfect immediately after creation with the swiftness of thought
  takes its flight to the happy realm of non-existence, the Pleroma.
  The second less perfect sonship struggles after the first (hence
  called, μιμητική), but must, on reaching the borders of the
  happy realm, cast aside the less perfect part of its being, which
  now as the Holy Spirit (μεθόριον πνεῦμα) forms the vestibule
  (στερέωμα) or boundary line between the Pleroma (τὰ ὑπερκόσμια)
  and the cosmos, and although severed from the sonship, still,
  like a vessel out of which sweet ointment has been taken, it
  bears to this lower world some of the perfume adhering to it.
  The third sonship being in need of purifying must still remain in
  the Panspermia, and is as such the subject of future redemption.
  On the other hand, the greatest archon as the most complete
  concentration of all wisdom, might and glory which was found
  in the psychical elements of chaos, flew up to the firmament as
  ἀῤῥητῶν ἀῤῥητότερος. He now fancied himself to be the Supreme God
  and ruler of all things, and begot a son, who according to the
  predetermination of the non-existing excelled him in insight and
  wisdom. For himself and Son, having with them besides six other
  unnamed principalities, he founded the higher heavens, the so-
  called Ogdoas. After him there arose of chaos a second inferior
  Archon with the predicate ἄῤῥητος, who likewise begat a son
  mightier than himself, and founded a lower heavenly realm,
  the so-called Hebdomas, the planetary heavens. The rest of the
  Panspermia was the developed κατὰ φύσιν, that is, in accordance
  with the natural principle implanted in it by the non-existent
  “at our stage” (τὸ διάστημα τὸ καθ’ ἡμᾶς). As the time drew near
  for the manifestation of the children of God, that is, of men
  whose pneumatical endowment was derived from the third sonship,
  the son of the great Archon through the mediation of the μεθόριον
  πνεῦμα first devised the saving plan of the Pleroma. With fear
  and trembling now the great Archon too acknowledged his error,
  repented of this self-exaltation and with the whole Ogdoas
  rejoiced in the scheme of salvation. Through him also the son of
  the second Archon is enlightened, and he instructs his father,
  who now as the God of the Old Testament prepares the way for the
  development of salvation by the law and prophecy. The beginning
  is made by Jesus, son of the virgin Mary, who first himself
  absorbed the ray of the higher light, and as “the firstborn
  of the children of God” became also the Saviour (σωτήρ) of
  his brethren. His sufferings were necessary for removing the
  psychical and somatical elements of the Panspermia adhering to
  him. They were therefore actual, not mere seeming sufferings. His
  bodily part returned to the formlessness out of which it sprang;
  his psychical part arose from the grave, but in his ascension
  returned into the Hebdomas, while his pneumatic being belonging
  to the third sonship went up to the happy seat of the οὐκ ὢν θεός.
  And as he, the firstborn, so also all the children of God, have
  afterwards to perform their task of securing the highest possible
  development and perfection of the groaning creation (Rom. viii.
  19), that is, of all souls which by their nature are eternally
  bound “to our stage.” Then finally, God will pour over all
  ranks of being beginning from the lowest the great ignorance
  (τὴν μεγάλην ἄγνοιαν) so that no one may be disturbed in their
  blessedness by the knowledge of a higher. Thus the restitution of
  all things is accomplished.--The mild spirit which pervades this
  dogmatic system preserved from extravagances of a rigoristic or
  libertine sort the ethical system resulting from it. Marriage was
  honoured and regarded as holy, though celibacy was admitted to be
  helpful in freeing the soul from the thraldom of fleshly lusts.

  § 27.3. The system set forth by Irenæus and others, as that of
  Basilides, represents the Supreme God as _Pater innatus_ or θεὸς
  ἄῤῥητος. From him emanates the Νοῦς, from this again the Λόγος,
  from this the Φρόνησις, who brings forth Σοφία and Δύναμις. From
  the two last named spring the Ἀρχαί, Ἐξουσίαι and Ἄγγελοι, who
  with number seven of the higher gods, the primal father, at their
  head, constitute the highest heaven. From this as its ἀντίτυπος
  radiates forth a second spiritual world, and the emanation
  continues in this way, until it is completed and exhausts itself
  in the number of 365 spiritual worlds or heavens under the mystic
  name Ἀβραξάς or Ἀβρασάξ which has in its letters the numerical
  value referred to. This last and most imperfect of these
  spiritual worlds with its seven planet spirits forms the heaven
  visible to us. Through this three hundred and sixty-five times
  repeated emanation the Pleroma approaches the borders of the hyle,
  a seething mass of forces wildly tossing against one another.
  These rush wildly against it, snatch from it fragments of light
  and imprison them in matter. From this mixture the Archon of the
  lowest heaven in fellowship with his companions creates the earth,
  and to each of them apportions by lot a nation, reserving to
  himself the Jewish nation which he seeks to raise above all other
  nations, and so introduces envy and ambition into heaven, and
  war and bloodshed upon earth. Finally, the Supreme God sends his
  First-born, the Νοῦς, in order to deliver men from the power of
  the angel that created the world. He assumes the appearance of a
  body, and does many miracles. The Jews determined upon his death;
  nevertheless they crucified instead of him Simon the Cyrenian,
  who assumed his shape. He himself returned to his Father. By
  means of the Gnosis which he taught men’s souls are redeemed,
  while their bodies perish.--The development of one of these
  systems into the other might be most simply explained by assuming
  that the one described in the _Elenchus_ of Hippolytus is the
  original and that its reconstruction was brought about by the
  overpowering intrusion of current dualistic, emanationistic,
  and docetic ideas. All that had there been said about the great
  Archon must now be attributed to the Supreme God, the _Pater
  innatus_, while the inferior archon might keep his place as ruler
  of the lowest planetary heaven. The 365 spiritual worlds had
  perhaps in the other system a place between the two Archons, for
  even Hippolytus, vii. 26, mentions in addition the 365 heavens
  to which also he gives the name of the great Archon Abrasax.--It
  is a fact of special importance that even Irenæus and Epiphanius
  distinguish from the genuine disciples of Basilides the so-called
  =Pseudo-Basilideans= as representing a later development, easily
  deducible from the second but hardly traceable from the first
  account of the system. That with their Gnosis they blended magic,
  witchcraft and fantastic superstition appears from the importance
  which they attached to mystic numbers and letters. Their
  libertine practice can be derived from their antinomian contempt
  of Judaism as well as from the theory that their bodies are
  doomed to perish. So, too, their axiom that to suffer martyrdom
  for the crucified, who was not indeed the real Christ, is foolish,
  may be deduced from the Docetism of their system. Abrasax gems
  which are still to be met with in great numbers and in great
  variety are to be attributed to these Basilideans; but these
  found favour and were used as talismans not only among other
  Gnostic sects but also among the Alchymists of the Middle Ages.

  § 27.4. =Valentinian Gnosticism.=--=Valentinus=, the most
  profound, talented and imaginative of all the Gnostics, was
  educated in Alexandria, and went to Rome about A.D. 140, where,
  during a residence of more than twenty years, he presided over an
  influential school, and exercised also a powerful influence upon
  other systems. He drew the materials for his system partly from
  holy scripture, especially from the Gospel of John, partly from
  the esoteric doctrine of a pretended disciple of Paul, Theodades.
  Of his own voluminous writings, in the form of discourses,
  epistles and poems, only a few fragments are extant. The
  reporters of his teaching, Irenæus, Hippolytus, Tertullian,
  Epiphanius, differ greatly from one another in details, and leave
  us in doubt as to what really belongs to his own doctrine and
  what to its development by his disciples--The fundamental idea of
  his system rests on the notion that according to a law founded in
  the depths of the divine nature the æons by emanation come into
  being as pairs, male and female. The pairing of these æons in
  a holy marriage is called a Syzygy. With this is joined another
  characteristic notion, that in the historical development of
  the Pleroma the original types of the three great crises of the
  earthly history, Creation, the Fall, and Redemption, are met with.
  On the basis of this he develops the most magnificently poetic
  epic of a Christian mythological Theogony and Cosmogony. From the
  Βυθός or Αὐτοπάτωρ and its Ἔννοια or Σιγή, evolving his thought
  hitherto only in silent contemplation of his own perfection,
  emanates the first and highest pair of æons, the Νοῦς or
  Μονογενής who alone of all æons can bear to look into the depths
  of the perfection of the Father of all, and beside him his bride
  Ἀλήθεια. From them spring the Λόγος and Ζωή as the second pair,
  and from this pair again Ἄνθρωπος and Ἐκκλησία as the third pair.
  The Αὐτοπάτωρ and his Ennoia, with the first and highest pair
  of æons emanating for them, and these together with the second
  Tetras, form the Ogdoas. The Logos then begets a further removed
  circle of five pairs, the Decas, and finally the Anthropos begets
  the last series of six pairs, the Dodecas. Therewith the =Pleroma=
  attains a preliminary completion. A final boundary is fixed for
  it by the Ὅρος emanating from the Father of all, who, being alone
  raised above the operation of the law of the Syzygy, is endowed
  with a twofold ἐνεργεία, an ἐνεργεία διοριστική, by means of
  which he wards off all from without that would hurt, and an
  ἐνεργεία ἑδραστική, the symbol of which is the cross, with which
  he maintains inward harmony and order. How necessary this was is
  soon made apparent. For the Σοφία, the last and least member of
  the fourteen æon pairs, impelled by burning desire, tears herself
  away from her partner, and seeks to plunge into the Bythos
  in order to embrace the Father of All himself. She is indeed
  prevented from this by the Horos; but the breach in the Pleroma
  has been made. In order to restore the harmony that has thus been
  broken, the Monogenes begets with Aletheia a new æon pair, the
  Ἄνω Χριστός and the Πνεῦμα ἅγιον which emancipates the Sophia
  from her disorderly, passionate nature (Ἐνθύμησις), cuts out this
  latter from the Pleroma, but unites again the purified Sophia
  with her husband, and teaches all the æons about the Father’s
  unapproachable and incomprehensible essence, and about the reason
  and end of the Syzygies. Then they all, amid hymns of praise
  and thanksgiving, present an offering to the Father, each one of
  the best that he has, and form thereof an indescribably glorious
  æon-being, the Ἄνω Σωτήρ, and for his service myriads of august
  angels, who bow in worship before him.--The basis for the
  origination of the =sensible world=, the Ὑστέρημα, consist of
  the Enthymesis ejected from the Pleroma into the desert, void
  and substanceless Kenoma, which is by it for the first time
  filled and vitalized. It is an ἔκτρωμα, an abortion, which however
  retains still the æon nature of its divine present, and as such
  bears the name of Ἔξω (κάτω) Σοφία or Ἀχαμώθ (הַחָכְמוֹת). Hence even
  the blessed spirits of the Pleroma can never forsake her. They
  all suffer with the unfortunate, until she who had sprung from
  the Pleroma is restored to it purified and matured. Hence they
  espouse her, the Ektroma of the last and least of the æons, to
  the Ano-Soter, the noblest, most glorious and most perfect being
  in the æon-heaven, as her redeemer and future husband. He begins
  by comforting the despondent and casting out from her the baser
  affections. Among the worst, fear, sorrow, doubt, etc., is found
  the basis of the hylic stage of existence; among the better,
  repentance, desire, hope, etc., that of the psychic stage of
  existence (φύσεις). Over the beings issuing forth from the former
  presides Satan; over the psychical forms of being, as their
  highest development, presides the Demiurge, who prepares as
  his dwelling-place the seven lower heavens, the Hebdomas.
  But Achamoth had retired with the pneumatic substratum still
  remaining in her into the Τόπος τῆς μεσότητος, between the
  Pleroma and the lower world, whence she, inspired by the
  Ano-Soter, operates upon the Demiurge, who, knowing nothing of
  her existence, has no anticipation thereof. From the dust of the
  earth and pneumatic seed, which unobserved she conveys into it,
  he formed man, breathed into him his own psychical breath of
  life, and set him in paradise, that is, in the third of his seven
  heavens, but banished him to earth, when he disobeyed his command,
  and instead of his first ethereal garment clothed him in a
  material body. When men had spread upon the earth, they developed
  these different natures: _Pneumatical_, which free from the
  bondage of every outward law and not subject to the impulses of
  the senses, a law unto themselves, travel toward the Pleroma;
  next, the _Hylic_, which, hostile to all spirit and law, and
  the sport of all lusts and passions, are doomed to irremediable
  destruction; and finally, the _Psychical_, which under the
  discipline of outward law attain not indeed to a perfect divine
  life, but yet to outward righteousness, while on the other hand
  they may sink down to the rank and condition of the Hylic natures.
  The _Psychical_ natures were particularly numerous among the
  Jews. Therefore the Demiurge chose them as his own, and gave
  them a strict law and through his prophets promised them a
  future Messiah. The _Hylic_ natures which were found mostly among
  the heathens, were utterly hateful to him. The _Pneumatical_
  natures with their innate longing after the Pleroma, he did not
  understand and therefore disregarded; but yet, without knowing
  or designing it, he chose many of them for kings, priests, and
  prophets of his people, and to his amazement heard from their
  lips prophecies of a higher soul, which originated from Achamoth,
  and which he did not understand. When the time was fulfilled,
  he sent his Messiah in the person of Jesus. When he was baptized
  by John, the heaven opened over him and the Ano-Soter descended
  upon him. The Demiurge saw it and was astonished, but submitted
  himself awe-stricken to the will of the superior deities. The
  Soter remained then a year upon the earth. The Jews, refusing to
  receive him, nailed his organ, the psychical Messiah, to a cross;
  but his sufferings were only apparent sufferings, since the
  Demiurge had supplied him in his origin with an ethereal and
  only seemingly material body. In consequence of the work of the
  Ano-Soter the Pneumatical natures by means of the Gnosis taught
  by him, but the Psychical natures by means of Pistis, attain unto
  perfection after their kind. When once everything pneumatical and
  psychical which was bound up in matter, has been freed from it,
  the course of the world has reached its end and the longed-for
  time of Achamoth’s marriage will have come. Accompanied by
  myriads of his angels, the Soter leads the noble sufferer into
  the Pleroma. The pneumatical natures follow her, and as the
  Soter is married to Achamoth, the angels are married to them. The
  Demiurge goes with his tried and redeemed saints into the Τόπος
  τῆς μεσότητος. But from the depths of the Hyle breaks forth a
  hidden fire which utterly consumes the Hylic natures and the Hyle
  itself.[40]

  § 27.5. According to Hippolytus the Valentinian school split
  up into two parties--an Italian party, the leaders of which,
  Heracleon and Ptolemæus [Ptolemy], were at Rome, and an Eastern
  party to which Axionicus and Bardesanes belonged. =Heracleon= of
  Alexandria was a man of a profoundly religious temperament, who
  in his speculation inclined considerably toward the doctrine of
  the church, and even wrote the first commentary on the Gospel
  of John, of which many fragments are preserved in Origen’s
  commentary on that gospel. =Ptolemæus= [Ptolemy] drew even
  closer than his master to the church doctrine. Epiphanius quotes
  a letter of his to his pupil Flora in which, after Marcion’s
  example (see § 27, 11), the distinction of the divine and the
  demiurgical in the Old Testament, and the relation of the Old
  Testament to the New, are discussed. A position midway between
  that of the West and of the East is apparently represented
  by Marcus and his school. He combined with the doctrine of
  Valentinus the Pythagorean and cabbalistic mysticism of numbers
  and letters, and joined thereto magical and soothsaying arts.
  His followers, the Marcosians, had a form of worship full of
  ceremonial observances, with a twofold baptism, a psychical
  one in the Kato-Christus for the forgiveness of sins, and a
  pneumatical one for affiance with the future heavenly syzygy.
  Of the Antiochean Axionicus we know nothing but the name. Of far
  greater importance was =Bardesanes=, who flourished according
  to Eusebius in the time of Marcus Aurelius, but is assigned by
  authentic Syrian documents to the beginning of the third century.
  The chief sources of information about his doctrine are the
  56 rhyming discourses of Ephraem [Ephraim] against the heretics.
  Living at the court and enjoying the favour of the king of Edessa,
  he never attacked in his sermons the doctrinal system of the
  church, but spread his Gnostic views built upon a Valentinian
  basis in lofty hymns of which, besides numerous fragments in
  Ephraem [Ephraim], some are preserved in the apocryphal _Acta
  Thomae_ (§ 32, 6). Among his voluminous writings there was a
  controversial treatise against the Marcionites (see § 27, 11).
  In a Dialogue, Περὶ εἱμαρμένης, attributed to him, but probably
  belonging to one of his disciples named Philippus, from which
  Eusebius (_Præp. Ev._ vi. 10) quotes a passage, the Syrian
  original of which, “The Book of the Laws of the Land,” was only
  recently discovered,[41] astrology and fatalism are combated
  from a Christian standpoint, although the author is still himself
  dominated by many Zoroastrian ideas. Harmonius, the highly gifted
  son of Bardesanes, distinguished himself by the composition of
  hymns in a similar spirit.

  § 27.6. =The Ophites and related Sects.=--The multiform Ophite
  Gnosis is in general characterized by fantastic combinations of
  Syro-Chaldaic myths and Biblical history with Greek mythology,
  philosophy and mysteriosophy. In all its forms the serpent (ὄφις,
  נָחָשׁ) plays an important part, sometimes as Kakodemon, sometimes
  as Agathodemon. This arose from the place that the serpent
  had in the Egyptian and Asiatic cosmology as well as in the
  early biblical history. One of the oldest forms of Ophitism is
  described by Hippolytus, who gives to its representatives the
  name of =Naassenes=, from נָחָשׁ. The formless original essence, ὁ
  προών, revealed himself in the first men, Ἀδάμας, Adam, Cadmon,
  in whom the pneumatic, psychical and hylic principles were still
  present together. As the instrument in creation he is called
  Logos or Hermes. The serpent is revered as Agathodemon; it
  proceeds from the Logos, transmitting the stream of life to all
  creatures. Christ, the redeemer, is the earthly representative of
  the first man, and brings peace to all the three stages of life,
  because he, by his teaching, directs every one to a mode of life
  in accordance with his nature.--The =Sethites=, according to
  Hippolytus, taught that there were two principles: an upper one,
  τὸ φῶς, an under one, τὸ σκότος, and between these τὸ πνεῦμα, the
  atmosphere that moves and causes motion. From a blending of light
  with darkness arose chaos, in which the pneuma awakened life.
  Then from chaos sprang the soul of the world as a serpent, which
  became the Demiurge. Man had a threefold development: hylic or
  material in Cain, psychical in Abel, and pneumatical in Seth, who
  was the first Gnostic.--The founders of the =Perates=, who were
  already known to Clement of Alexandria, are called by Hippolytus
  Euphrates and Celbes. Their name implies that they withdrew from
  the world of sense in order to secure eternal life here below,
  περᾶν τὴν φθοράν. The original divine unity, they taught, had
  developed into a Trinity: τὸ ἀγέννητον, ἀυτογενές and γεννητόν,
  the Father, the Son, and the Hyle. The Son is the world serpent
  that moves and quickens all things (καθολικός ὄφις). It is his
  task to restore everything that has sunk down from the two higher
  worlds into the lower, and is held fast by its Archon. Sometimes
  he turns himself serpent-like to his Father and assumes his
  divine attributes, sometimes to the lower world to communicate
  them to it. In the shape of a serpent he delivers Eve from the
  law of the Archon. All who are outlawed by this Archon, Cain,
  Nimrod, etc., belong to him. Moses, too, is an adherent of his,
  who erected in the wilderness the healing brazen serpent to
  represent him, while the fiery biting serpent of the desert
  represent the demons of the Archon. The =Cainites=, spoken of by
  Irenæus and Epiphanius, were closely connected with the Perates.
  All the men characterized in the Old Testament as godless are
  esteemed by them genuine pneumatical beings and martyrs for the
  truth. The first who distinguished himself in conflict with the
  God of the Jews was Cain; the last who led the struggle on to
  victory, by bringing the psychical Messiah through his profound
  sagacity to the cross, was Judas Iscariot. The Gnostic =Justin=
  is known to us only through Hippolytus, who draws his information
  from a _Book of Baruch_. He taught that from the original essence,
  ὁ Ἀγαθός or Κύριος, יְהוָֹה, emanated a male principle, Ἐλωείμ, אֱלֹהִים,
  which had a pneumatical nature, and a female principle, Ἐδέμ, עֵדֶן,
  which was above man (psychical) and below the serpent (hylic).
  From the union of this pair sprang twelve ἄγγελοι πατρικοί, who
  had in them the father’s nature, and twelve ἄγγελοι μητρικοί,
  on whom the mother’s nature was impressed. Together they formed
  Paradise, in which Baruch, an angel of Elohim, represented the
  tree of life, and Naas, an Edem-angel, represented the tree
  of knowledge. The Elohim-angel formed man out of the dust
  of Paradise; Edem gave him a soul, Elohim gave him a spirit.
  Pressing upward by means of his pneumatical nature Elohim raised
  himself to the borders of the realms of light. The Agathos took
  him and set him at his right hand. The forsaken Edem avenged
  himself by giving power to Naas to grieve the spirit of Elohim
  in man. He tempted Eve to commit adultery with him, and got Adam
  to commit unnatural vice with him. In order to show the grieved
  spirit of man the way to heaven, Elohim sent Baruch first to
  Moses and afterwards to other Prophets of the Old Testament;
  but Naas frustrated all his efforts. Even from among the heathen
  Elohim raised up prophets, such as Hercules whom he sent to fight
  against the twelve Edem-angels (his twelve labours), but one of
  them named Babel or Aphrodite robbed even this divine hero of his
  power (a reminiscence of the story of Omphale). Finally, Elohim
  sent Baruch to the peasant boy Jesus, son of Joseph and Mary.
  He resisted all the temptations of Naas, who therefore got him
  nailed upon the cross. Jesus commended his spirit into the hands
  of the Father, into whose heaven he ascended, leaving his body
  and soul with Edem. So, after his example, do all the pious.

  § 27.7. The Gnosis of the =Ophites=, described by Irenæus, etc.,
  is distinguished from that of the earlier Naasenes [Naassenes]
  by its incorporation of Valentinian and dualistic or Saturninian
  (see § 27, 9) ideas. From the Bythos who, as the primary being,
  is also called the first man, Adam Cadmon, emanates the thought,
  ἔννοια, of himself as the second man or son of man, and from
  him the Holy Spirit or the Ano-Sophia, who in turn bears the
  Ano-Christus and Achamoth. The latter, an imperfect being of
  light, who is also called Προύνικος, which according to Epiphanius
  means πόρνη, drives about through the dark ocean of chaos, over
  which the productive mother, the Holy Spirit, broods, in order
  to found for himself in it an independent world of his own. There
  dense matter unites with the element of light and darkens it to
  such a degree that even the consciousness of its own divine origin
  begins to fade away from it. In this condition of estrangement
  from God she produces the Demiurge, Jaldabaoth, יַלְדָּא בָּהוּת, son
  of chaos; and he, a wicked as well as limited being, full of
  arrogance and pride, determines that he himself alone will be
  lord and master in the world which he creates. This brings
  Achamoth to penitent deliberation. By the vigorous exercise of
  all the powers of light dwelling in her, and strengthened by a
  gleam of light from above, she succeeds in raising herself from
  the realm of chaos into the Τόπος τῆς μεσότητος. Nevertheless
  Jaldabaoth brought forth six star spirits or planets after his
  own image, and placed himself as the seventh at their head. But
  they too think of rebelling. Enraged at this Jaldabaoth glances
  wildly upon the deep-lying slime of the Hyle; his frightfully
  distorted countenance is mirrored in this refuse of chaos; the
  image there comes to life and forms Ophiomorphus or Satan. By
  order of Jaldabaoth the star spirits make man; but they produce
  only an awkward spiritless being that creeps along the ground. In
  order to quicken it and make it stand erect the Demiurge breathes
  into it his own breath, but thereby deprives himself of a great
  part of that pneumatical element which he had from his mother.
  The so-called fall, in which Ophiomorphus or the serpent was only
  the unconscious instrument of Achamoth, is in truth the beginning
  of the redemption of man, the advance to self-consciousness
  and moral freedom. But as a punishment for his disobedience
  Jaldabaoth drove him out of the higher material world, Paradise,
  into the lower, where he was exposed to the annoyances of
  Ophiomorphus, who also brought the majority of mankind, the
  heathens, under his authority, while the Jews served Jaldabaoth,
  and only a small number of pneumatical natures by the help
  of Achamoth kept themselves free from both. The prophets whom
  Jaldabaoth sent to his people, were at the same time unconscious
  organs of Achamoth, who also sent down the Ano-Christus from the
  Pleroma upon the Messiah, whose kingdom is yet to spread among
  all nations. Jaldabaoth now let his own Messiah be crucified,
  but the Ano-Christus was already withdrawn from him and had
  set himself unseen at the right hand of the Demiurge, where he
  deprives him and his angels of all the light element which they
  still had in them, and gathers round himself the pneumatical
  from among mankind, in order to lead them into the Pleroma.--The
  latest and at the same time the noblest product of Ophite
  Gnosticism is the =Pistis Sophia=,[42] appearing in the middle
  of the third century, with a strong tincture of Valentinianism.
  It treats mainly of the fall, repentance, and complaint of
  Sophia, and of the mysteries that purify for redemption, often
  approaching very closely the doctrine of the church.

  § 27.8. =Antinomian and Libertine Sects.=--The later
  representatives of Alexandrian Gnosticism on account of the
  antinomian tendency of their system fell for the most part into
  gross immorality, which excused itself on the ground that the
  pneumatical men must throw contempt upon the law of the Demiurge,
  ἀντιτάσσεσθαι, (whence they were also called Antitactes), and
  that by the practice of fleshly lusts one must weaken and slay
  the flesh, παραχρῆσθαι τῇ σαρκί, so as to overcome the powers
  of the Hyle. The four following sects may be mentioned as those
  which maintained such views.--

    a. =The Nicolaitans=, who in order to give themselves the
       sanction of primitive Christianity sought to trace their
       descent from Nicolaus [Nicolas] the Deacon (Acts vi. 5). But
       while they have really no connection with him, they are just
       as little to be identified with the Nicolaitans of the
       Apocalypse (§ 18, 3).

    b. In a similar way the =Simonians= sought to attach themselves
       to Simon Magus (§ 25, 2). They gave to the fables associated
       with the name of Simon a speculative basis borrowed from
       the central idea of the philosophy of Heraclitus, that
       the principle of all things (ἡ ἀπέραντος δύναμις) is fire.
       From it in three syzygies, νοῦς and ἐπίνοια, φωνή and
       ὄνομα, λογισμός and ἐνθύμησις, proceed the six roots of
       the supersensible world, and subsequently the corresponding
       six roots of the sensible world, Heaven and earth, Sun and
       moon, Air and water, in which unlimited force is present
       as ὁ ἐστώς, στάς, and στησόμενος. Justin Martyr was already
       acquainted with this sect, and also Hippolytus, who quotes
       many passages from their chief treatise, entitled, Ἀπόφασις
       μεγάλη and reports scandalous things about their foul
       worship.

    c. =The Carpocratians.= In the system of their founder
       Carpocrates, who lived at Alexandria in the first half of
       the second century, God is the eternal Mould, the unity
       without distinctions, from whom all being flows and to whom
       all returns again. From Him the ἄγγελοι κοσμοποιοί revolted.
       By the creation of the world they established a distinct
       order of existence apart from God and consolidated it by the
       law issuing from them and the national religions of Jews and
       Gentiles founded by them. Thus true religion or the way of
       return for the human spirit into the One and All consists
       theoretically in Gnosis, practically in emancipation from
       the commands of the Demiurge and in a life κατὰ φύσιν. The
       distinction of good and bad actions rests merely on human
       opinions. Man is redeemed by faith and love. In order to be
       able to overcome the powers that created the world, he is
       in need of magic which is intimately connected with Gnosis.
       Every human spirit who has not fully attained to this end of
       all religious endeavour, is subjected, until he reaches it,
       to the assumption of one bodily form after another. Among
       the heroes of humanity who with special energy and success
       have assailed the kingdom of the Demiurge by contempt
       of his law and spread of the true Gnosis, a particularly
       conspicuous place is assigned to Jesus, the son of Joseph.
       What he was for the Jews, Orpheus, Pythagoras, Plato, etc.,
       were for the Gentiles. To the talented son of Carpocrates,
       named Epiphanes, who died in his seventeenth year, after
       impressing upon his father’s Gnostic system a boundless
       communistic and libertine tendency with community of goods
       and wives, his followers erected a temple at Cephalonia, in
       which they set up for divine honours the statues of Christ
       and the Greek philosophers. At the close of their Agapæ,
       they indulged in _Concubitus promiscuus_.

    d. =The Prodicians= flourished about the time of Clement of
       Alexandria, and were connected, perhaps, through their
       founder Prodicus, with the Carpocratians. In order to prove
       their dominion over the sensible world they were wont to
       appear in their assemblies naked, and hence are also called
       =Adamites=. So soon as they succeeded in thus reaching
       the state of innocence that had preceded the fall, they
       maintained that as pneumatical king’s sons they were raised
       above all law and entitled to indulge in unbridled lust.

  § 27.9. =Saturninus=, or Satornilus of Antioch, according to
  Irenæus, a disciple of Menander, was one of the oldest Syrian
  Gnostics, during the age of Hadrian, and the one in whose system
  of Dualism the most decided traces of Parsee colouring is found.
  From the θεὸς ἄγνωστος the spirit world of the kingdom of light
  emanates in successive stages. On the lowest stage stand the
  seven planet spirits, ἄγγελοι κοσμοκράτορες, at their head the
  creator of the world and the god of the Jews. But from eternity
  over against the realm of light stands the Hyle in violent
  opposition under the rule of Satanas. The seven star spirits
  think to found therein a kingdom free and independent of the
  Pleroma, and for this purpose make an inroad upon the kingdom
  of the Hyle, and seize upon a part of it. Therefore they form
  the sensible world and create man as keeper thereof after a fair
  model sent by the good God of which they had a dim vision. But
  they could not give him the upright form. The supreme God then
  takes pity upon the wretched creature. He sends down a spark
  of light σπινθήρ into it which fills it with pneumatical life
  and makes it stand up. But Satanas set a hylic race of men
  over against this pneumatical race, and persecuted the latter
  incessantly by demons. The Jewish god then plans to redeem the
  persecuted by a Messiah, and inspires prophets to announce his
  coming. But Satan, too, has his prophets, and the Jewish god is
  not powerful enough to make his views prevail over his enemy’s.
  Finally the good God sends to the earth the Aeon [Æon] Νοῦς, in
  what has the appearance of a body, in order that he as σωτήρ may
  teach the pneumatical how to escape, by Gnosis and asceticism,
  abstaining from marriage and the eating of flesh, not only the
  attacks of Satan, but also the dominion of the Jewish god and his
  star spirits, how to emancipate themselves from all connection
  with matter, and to raise themselves into the realm of light.

  § 27.10. =Tatian and the Encratites.=--The Assyrian Tatian,
  converted to Christianity at Rome by Justin Martyr, makes his
  appearance as a zealous apologist of the faith (§ 30, 10). In
  his later years, however, just as in the case of Marcion, in
  consequence of his exaggeration of the Pauline antithesis of
  flesh and spirit, law and grace, he was led to propound a theory
  of the dualistic opposition between the god of the law, the
  Demiurge, and the god of the gospel, which found expression
  in a Gnostic-ascetic system, completely breaking away from the
  Catholic church, and reaching its conclusion in the hyperascetic
  sect of the Encratites that arose in Rome about A.D. 172. He now
  became head and leader of this sect, which, with its fanatical
  demand of complete abstinence from marriage, from all eating of
  flesh and all spirituous liquors, won his approval, and perhaps
  from him received its first dogmatic Gnostic impress. Of Tatian’s
  Gnostic writings, Προβλήματα and Περὶ τοῦ κατὰ τὸν σωτῆρα
  καταρτισμοῦ, only some fragments, with scanty notices of his
  Gnostic system, are preserved. His dualistic opposition of the
  god of the Old Testament and the god of the New Testament cannot
  have meant a thorough hostility, for he makes the Demiurge
  sitting in darkness address himself to the supreme God in
  the language of prayer, “Let there be light.” He declares,
  however, that Adam, as the author of the fall, is incapable
  of redemption.--His followers were also called Ὑδροπαραστάται,
  Aquarii, because at the Supper they used water instead of wine.
  See Lit. at § 30, 10.

  § 27.11. =Marcion and the Marcionites.=--Marcion of Sinope in
  Pontus, who died about A.D. 170, was, according to Tertullian,
  a rich shipmaster who, on his arrival in Rome, in his early
  enthusiasm for the faith, bestowed upon the Church there a rich
  present, but was afterwards excommunicated by it as a heretic.
  According to the Pseudo-Tertullian and others he was the son of a
  bishop who excommunicated him for incontinence with one under the
  vow of virginity. The story may possibly be based upon a later
  misunderstanding of the charge of corrupting the church as the
  pure bride of Christ. He was a man of a fiery and energetic
  character, but also rough and eccentric, of a thoroughly
  practical tendency and with little speculative talent. He was
  probably driven by the hard inward struggles of his spiritual
  life, somewhat similar to those through which Paul had passed, to
  a full and hearty conception of the free grace of God in Christ;
  but conceived of the opposition between law and gospel, which the
  Apostle brought into harmony by his theory of the pædogogical
  office of the law, as purely hostile and irreconcileable.
  At Rome in A.D. 140, the Syrian Gnostic =Cerdo=, who already
  distinguished between the “good” God of Christianity and
  the “just” God of Judaism, gained an influence over him.
  He consequently developed for himself a Gnostic system, the
  dominating idea of which was the irreconcilable opposition of
  righteousness and grace, law and gospel, Judaism and Christianity.
  He repudiated the whole of the Old Testament, and set forth
  the opposition between the two Testaments in a special treatise
  entitled _Antitheses_. He acknowledged only Paul as an Apostle,
  since all the rest had fallen back into Judaism, and of the whole
  New Testament he admitted only ten Pauline epistles, excluding
  the Pastoral Epistles and the Epistles to the Hebrews, and
  admitting the Gospel of Luke only in a mutilated form.[43]
  Marcion would know nothing of a secret doctrine and tradition
  and rejected the allegorical interpretation so much favoured
  by the Gnostics, as well as the theory of emanation and the
  subordination of Pistis under Gnosis. While other Gnostics
  formed not churches but only schools of select bands of
  thinkers, or at most only small gatherings, Marcion, after
  vainly trying to reform the Catholic church in accordance with
  his exaggerated Paulinism, set himself to establish a well
  organised ecclesiastical system, the members of which were
  arranged as _Perfecti_ or _Electi_ and _Catechumeni_. Of the
  former he required a strict asceticism, abstinence from marriage,
  and restriction in food to the simplest and least possible. He
  allowed the Catechumens, however, in opposition to the Catholic
  practice (§ 35, 1), to take part in all the services, which were
  conducted in the simplest possible forms. The moral earnestness
  and the practical tendency of his movement secured him many
  adherents, of whom many congregations maintained their existence
  for a much longer time than the members of other Gnostic sects,
  even down to the seventh century. None of the founders of the old
  Gnostic sects were more closely connected in life and doctrine
  to the Catholic Church than Marcion, and yet, or perhaps just for
  that reason, none of them were opposed by it so often, so eagerly
  and so bitterly. Even Polycarp, on his arrival in Rome (§ 37, 2),
  in reply to Marcion’s question whether he knew him, said:
  Ἐπιγνώσκω τὸν πρωτότοκον τοῦ Σατανᾶ.--The general scope and
  character of =the System of Marcion= have been variously
  estimated. All older ecclesiastical controversialists, Justin,
  Rhodon in Eusebius, Tertullian and Irenæus, in their description
  and refutation of it seem to recognise only two principles
  (ἀρχαί), which stand in opposition to one another, as θεὸς ἀγαθός
  and θεὸς δίκαιος. The latter appears as creator of the world,
  or Demiurge, the god of the Jews, the giver of the law, unable,
  however, by his law to save the Jews and deter them from breaking
  it, or to lead back the Gentiles to the observance of it. Then
  of his free grace the “good” God, previously quite unknown,
  determined to redeem men from the power of the Demiurge. For this
  purpose he sends his Logos into the world with the semblance of a
  body. By way of accommodation he gives himself out as the Messiah
  of the Jewish god, proclaims the forgiveness of sins through free
  grace, communicates to all who believe the powers of the divine
  life, is at the instigation of the angry Demiurge nailed to the
  cross to suffer death in appearance only, preaches to Gentiles
  imprisoned in Hades, banishes the Demiurge to Hades, and
  ordains the Apostle Paul as teacher of believers.--The later
  heresiologists, however, Hippolytus, in his Elenchus, Epiphanius,
  Theodoret, and especially the Armenian Esnig (§ 64, 3), are
  equally agreed in saying that Marcion recognised three principles
  (ἀρχαί); that besides the good God and the righteous God he
  admitted an evil principle, the Hyle concentrated in Satan, so
  that even the pre-Christian development of the world was viewed
  from the standpoint of a dualistic conflict between divine powers.
  The righteous God and the Hyle, as a _quasi_ female principle,
  united with one another in creating the world, and when the
  former saw how fair the earth was, he resolved to people it with
  men created of his own likeness. For this purpose the Hyle at his
  request afforded him dust, from which he created man, inspiring
  him with his own spirit. Both divine powers rejoiced over man as
  parents over a child, and shared in his worship. But the Demiurge
  sought to gain undivided authority over man, and so commanded
  Adam, under pain of death, to worship him alone, and the Hyle
  avenged himself by producing a multitude of idols to whom the
  majority of Adam’s descendants, falling away from the God of
  the law, gave reverence.--The harmonizing of these two accounts
  may be accomplished by assuming that the older Church Fathers,
  in their conflict with Marcion had willingly restricted
  themselves to the most important point in the Marcionite system,
  its characteristic opposition of the Gods of the Old and New
  Testaments, passing over the points in which it agreed more
  or less with other Gnostic systems; or by assuming that later
  Marcionites, such as Prepon (§ 27, 12), in consequence of the
  palpable defectiveness and inadequacy of the original system of
  two principles, were led to give it the further development that
  has been described.[44]

  § 27.12. The speculative weakness and imperfection of his system
  led =Marcion’s Disciples= to expand and remodel it in many ways.
  Two of these, Lucanus and Marcus, are pre-eminent as remodellers
  of the system, into which they imported various elements from
  that of Saturninus. The Assyrian =Prepon= placed the “righteous”
  Logos as third principle between the “good” God and the “evil”
  Demiurge. Of all the more nameful Marcionites, =Apelles=, who
  died about A.D. 180, inclined most nearly to the church doctrine.
  Eusebius tells about a Disputation which took place in Rome
  between him and Rhodon, a disciple of Tatian. At the head of his
  essentially monistic system Apelles places the ἀγέννητος θεός
  as the μία ἀρχή. This God, besides a higher heavenly world, had
  created an order of angels, of whom the first and most eminent,
  the so-called _Angelus inclytus_ or _gloriosus_ as Demiurge made
  the earthly world after the image and to the glory of the supreme
  God. But another angel, the ἄγγελος πυρετός, corrupted his
  creation, which was already in itself imperfect, by bringing
  forth the σὰρξ ἁμαρτίας, with which he clothed the souls enticed
  down from the upper world. It was he, too, who spoke to Moses out
  of the burning bush, and as the god of the Jews gave the law from
  Sinai. The Demiurge soon repented of his ill-fated performance,
  and prayed the supreme God to send his Son as redeemer. Christ
  appeared, lived, wrought and suffered in a real body. It was not,
  however, the σὰρξ ἁμαρτίας that he assumed, but a sinless body
  composed out of the four elements which he gave back to the
  elements on his ascension to heaven. Towards the close of his
  life Apelles seems, under the influence of the mystic revelations
  of a prophetess, Philoumena, whose φανερώσεις he published, to
  have more and more renounced his Gnostic views. He had already
  admitted in his Disputation with Rhodon, that even on the
  Catholic platform one may be saved, for the main thing is faith
  in the crucified Christ and the doing of his works. He would even
  have been prepared to subscribe to the Monotheism of the church,
  had he not been hindered by the opposition between the Old
  Testament and the New.

  § 27.13. The painter =Hermogenes= in North Africa, about A.D. 200,
  whom Tertullian opposed, took offence at the Catholic doctrine of
  creation as well as at the Gnostic theory of emanation, because
  it made God the author of evil. He therefore assumed an eternal
  chaos, from whose striving against the creative and formative
  influence of God he explained the origin of everything evil and
  vile.


              § 28. EBIONISM AND EBIONITIC GNOSTICISM.[45]

  The Jewish-Christianity that maintained separation from
Gentile-Christianity even after the overthrow of the Holy City and its
temple, assumed partly a merely separatist, partly a decidedly heretical
character. Both tendencies had in common the assertion of the continued
obligation to observe the whole of the Mosaic law. But while the former
limited this obligation to the Christians of Jewish descent as the
peculiar stem and kernel of the new Messianic community, and allowed the
Gentile Christians as Proselytes of the Gate to omit those observances,
the latter would tolerate no such concession and outran the Old
Testament monotheism by a barren monarchianism that denied the
divinity of Christ (§ 33, 1). At a later period the two parties were
distinguished as Nazareans and Ebionites. On the other hand, in the
Ebionites described to us by Epiphanius we have a form of Jewish
Christianity permeated by Gnostic elements. These Ebionites, settling
along with the Essenes (§ 8, 4) on the eastern shores of the Dead Sea,
came to be known under the name of Elkesaites. In the Pseudo-Clementine
scheme of doctrine, this Ebionitic Gnosis was carried out in detail and
wrought up into a comprehensive and richly developed system.

  § 28.1. =Nazareans and Ebionites.=--Tertullian and with him most
  of the later Church Fathers derive the name Ebionite from Ebion,
  a founder of the sect. Since the time of Gieseler, however, the
  name has generally been referred to the Hebrew word אֶבְיוֹן meaning
  poor, in allusion partly to the actual poverty of the church of
  Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 10), partly to the association of the terms
  poor and pious in the Psalms and Prophets (comp. Matt. v. 3).
  Minucius Felix, c. xxxvi. testifies that the Gentile Christians
  were also so designated by those without: _Ceterum quod plerique
  “Pauperes” dicimur, non est infamia nostra, sed gloria_. Recently,
  however, Hilgenfeld has recurred to the patristic derivation of
  the name.--In Irenæus the name Ebionæi makes its first appearance
  in literature, and that as a designation of Jewish Christians
  as heretics who admitted only a Gospel according to Matthew,
  probably the so-called Gospel according to the Hebrews (§ 32, 4),
  branded the Apostle Paul as an apostate, insisted upon the
  strict observance of the Jewish law, and taught on Christological
  questions “_consimiliter ut Cerinthus et Carpocrates_”
  (§ 27, 1, 8), while they denied that Christ was born of a virgin,
  and regarded Him as a mere man. Origen († A.D. 243) embraced all
  Jewish Christians under the name Ἐβιωναῖοι but did not deny the
  existence of two very different parties among them (διττοὶ and
  ἀμφότεροι Ἐβιωναῖοι). Eusebius does the same. Jerome again is
  the first to distinguish the more moderate party by the name
  Nazareans (Acts xxiv. 5) from the more extreme who are designated
  Ebionites. This too is the practice of Augustine and Theodoret.
  The former party acknowledged the virgin birth of Christ and
  so His divine origin, assigned to Paul his place as Apostle
  to the Gentiles, and made no demand of Gentile Christians that
  they should observe the ceremonial law of Moses, although they
  believed that they themselves were bound thereby. The latter
  again regarded it as absolutely necessary to salvation, and also
  held that Christ was the Messiah, but only a man, son of Joseph
  by Mary, endowed with divine powers in His baptism. His Messianic
  work, according to them, consisted in His fulfilling by His
  teaching the Mosaic law. His death was an offence to them, but
  they took comfort from the promise of His coming again, when they
  looked for the setting up of an earthly Messianic kingdom. Paul
  was depreciated by them and made of little account. Ebionites
  of both parties continued to exist in small numbers down to the
  fifth century, especially in Palestine and Syria. Both however
  had sunk by the middle of the second century into almost utter
  insignificance. The scanty remains of writings issuing from the
  party prove that especially the non-heretical Jewish Christianity
  before the close of this century had in great part abandoned its
  national Jewish character, and therewith its separate position
  as a religious sect, and by adopting the views of the Pauline
  Gentile Christianity (§ 30, 2) became gradually amalgamated
  with it.[46]

  § 28.2. =The Elkesaites.=--Independent accounts of this sect in
  substantial agreement with one another are given by Hippolytus
  in his _Elenchus_, by Origen as quoted in Eusebius, and by
  Epiphanius. Their designation has also led the Church Fathers
  to assume a sect founder of the name of Elxai or Elchasai,
  who is said to have lived in the time of Hadrian. The members
  of the sect themselves derived their name from חֵיל כְּסָי, δύναμις
  κεκαλυμμένη, the hidden power of God operating in them, that is,
  the Holy Spirit, the δύναμις ἄσαρκος of the Clementine Homilies.
  Probably it was the title of a book setting forth their esoteric
  doctrine, which circulated only among those bound under oath to
  secrecy. Origen says that the book was supposed to have fallen
  down from heaven; Hippolytus says that it was held to have been
  revealed by an angel who was the Son of God himself. Elxai
  obtained it from the Serians in Parthia and communicated it to
  the Sobiai, probably from שֹׁבְעַ; then the Syrian Alcibiades brought
  it from Apamea to Rome in the third century. The doctrinal
  system of the Elkesaites was very variable, and is represented
  by the Church Fathers referred to as a confused mixture of
  Christian elements with the legalism of Judaism, the asceticism
  of Essenism, and the naturalism of paganism, and exhibiting a
  special predilection for astrological and magical fancies. The
  law was regarded as binding, especially the precepts concerning
  the Sabbath and circumcision, but the sacrificial worship was
  abandoned, and the portions of the Old Testament referring to
  it as well as other parts. Their doctrine of baptism varied from
  that of baptism once administered to that of a baptism by oft
  repeated washings on days especially indicated by astrological
  signs. Baptism was for the forgiveness of sins and also for the
  magical cure of the sick. It was administered in the name of the
  Father and the Son, and in addition there were seven witnesses
  called, the five elements, together with oil and salt, the latter
  as representative of the Lord’s Supper, which was celebrated
  with salt and bread without wine. Eating of flesh was forbidden,
  but marriage was allowed and highly esteemed. Their Christology
  presented the appearance of unsettled fermentation. On the one
  hand Christ was regarded as an angel, and indeed as the μέγας
  βασιλεύς, of gigantic size, 96 miles high, and 24 miles broad;
  but on the other hand, they taught also a repeated incarnation of
  Christ as the Son of God, the final One being the Christ born of
  the virgin. He represents the male principle, and by his side, as
  the female principle, stands the Holy Spirit. Denial of Christ in
  times of persecution seemed to them quite allowable. At the time
  of Epiphanius,--who identifies them with the _Sampseans_, whose
  name was derived from שֶׁמֶשׁ the sun, because in prayer they turned
  to the sun, called also Ἡλιακοί,--they had for the most part
  their residence round about the Dead Sea, where they got mixed
  up with the Essenes of that region.--More recently the Elkesaites
  have been brought into connection with the still extant sect
  of the Sabeans or Mandeans (§ 25, 1). These Sabeans, from צבע
  meaning טבע, βαπτίζειν, are designated by the mediæval Arabic
  writers _Mogtasilah_, those who wash themselves, and _Elchasaich_
  is named as their founder, and as teaching the existence of two
  principles a male and a female. [47]

  § 28.3. =The Pseudo-Clementine Series of Writings= forms a
  literature of a romantic historico-didactic description which
  originated between A.D. 160 and 170.

    a. The so-called =Homiliæ XX Clementis=[48] were prefaced by
       two letters to the Apostle James at Jerusalem. The first
       of these is from Peter enjoining secrecy in regard to the
       “Kerugma” sent therewith. The second is from Clement of Rome
       after the death of Peter, telling how he as the founder and
       first bishop of the church of Rome had ordained Clement as
       his successor, and had charged him to draw up those accounts
       of his own career and of the addresses and disputations
       of Peter which he had heard while the Apostle pursued and
       contended with Simon Magus, and to send them to James as
       head of the church, “bishop of bishops, who ruled the church
       of Jerusalem and all the churches,” that they might be
       certified by him. The historical framework of the book
       represents a distinguished Roman of philosophical culture
       and of noble birth, named Clement, as receiving his first
       acquaintance with Christianity at Rome, and then as going
       forth on his travels to Judea as an eager seeker after the
       truth. At Alexandria (§ 16, 4) Barnabas convinces him of the
       truth of Christianity, and Clement follows him to Cæsarea
       where he listens to a great debate between Peter and Simon
       Magus (§ 25, 2). Simon defeated betakes himself to flight,
       but Peter follows him, accompanied by Clement and two who
       had been disciples of the magician, Niceta and Aquila.
       Though he goes after him from place to place, Peter does not
       get hold of Simon, but founds churches all along his route.
       On the way Clement tells him how long before his mother,
       Mattidia, and his two brothers had gone on a journey to
       Athens, and how his father, Faustus, had gone in search of
       them, and no trace of any of them had ever been found. Soon
       thereafter the mother is met with, and then it is discovered
       that Niceta and Aquila are the lost brothers Faustinus and
       Faustinianus. At the baptism of the mother the father also
       is restored. Finally at Laodicea Peter and Simon engage a
       second time in a four-days’ disputation which ends as the
       first. The story concludes with Peter’s arrival at Antioch.

    b. The ten books of the so-called =Recognitiones Clementis=,[49]
       present us again with the Clement of the historical romance,
       the historical here overshadowing the didactic, and a closer
       connection with church doctrine being here maintained.
       Critical examinations of the relations between the two sets
       of writings have more and more established the view that
       an older Jewish-Christian Gnostic work lay at the basis
       of both. This original document seems to have been used
       contemporaneously, but in a perfectly independent manner in
       the composition of both; the Homilies using the materials
       in an anti-Marcionite interest (§ 27, 11), the Recognitions
       using them in such a way as to give as little offence as
       possible to their Catholic readers. Still it is questionable
       whether this original document, which probably bore the
       title of Κηρύγματα Πέτρου, embraced in its earliest form
       the domestic romance of Clement, or only treated of the
       disputation of Peter with Simon at Cæsarea, and was first
       enlarged by addition of the Ἀναγνωρισμοί Κλήμεντος giving
       the story of Peter’s travels (Περίοδοι).

    c. Finally, extracts from the Homilies, worthless and of
       no independent significance, are extant in the form of
       two Greek =Epitomæ= (ed. Dressel, Lps., 1859). Equally
       unimportant is the Syrian Epitome, edited by Lagarde, Lps.,
       1861, a compilation from the Recognitions and the Homilies.
       All the three writers of the Epitomes had an interest only
       in the romantic narrative.

  § 28.4. =The Pseudo-Clementine Doctrinal System= is represented
  in the most complete and most original manner in the Homilies.
  In the conversations, addresses, and debates there reported the
  author develops his own religious views, and by putting them
  in the mouth of the Apostle Peter seeks to get them recognised
  as genuine unadulterated primitive Christianity, while all the
  doctrines of Catholic Paulinism which he objects to, as well
  as those of heretical Gnosticism and especially of Marcionism,
  are put into the mouth of Simon Magus, the primitive heretic;
  and then an attempt is made at a certain reconciliation and
  combination of all these views, the evil being indeed contended
  against, but an element of truth being recognised in them all. He
  directs his Polemics against the polytheism of vulgar paganism,
  the allegorical interpretation by philosophers of pagan myths,
  the doctrine of the creation of the world out of nothing and
  the sacrificial worship of Judaism, against the hypostatic
  Trinity of Catholicism, the chiliasm of the Ebionites, the pagan
  naturalistic element in Elkesaism, the dualism, the doctrine
  of the Demiurge, the Docetism and Antinomianism of the Gentile
  Christian Gnostics. He attempts in his Ironies to point out the
  Ebionitic identity of genuine Christianity with genuine Judaism,
  emphasizes the Essenic-Elkesaitic demand to abstain from eating
  flesh, to observe frequent fasts, divers washings and voluntary
  poverty (through a recommendation of early marriages), as well
  as the Catholic doctrine of the necessity of baptism for the
  forgiveness of sins, and justifies the Gnostic tendency of his
  times by setting up a system of doctrine of which the central
  idea is the connection of Stoical Pantheism with Jewish Theism,
  and is itself thoroughly dualistic: God the eternal pure Being
  was originally a unity of πνεῦμα and σῶμα, and his life consisted
  in extension and contraction, ἔκτασις and συστολή, the symbol
  of which the human heart was a later copy. The result of such
  an ἔκτασις was the separation of πνεῦμα and σῶμα, wherewith a
  beginning of the development of the world was made. The πνεῦμα is
  thus represented as Υἱός, also called Σοφία or Ἄρχων τοῦ αἰῶνος
  τοῦ μέλλοντος; the Σῶμα is represented as Οὐσία or Ὕλη which four
  times parts asunder in twofold opposition of the elements. Satan
  springs from the mixing of these elements, and is the universal
  soul of the Ἄρχων τοῦ αἰῶνος τούτου. The Σῶμα has thereby become
  ἔμψυχον and ζῶον. Thus the Monas has unfolded itself into a Dyas,
  as the first link of a long chain of contrasted pairs or Syzygies,
  in the first series of which the large and male stands opposite
  the small and female, heaven and earth, day and night, etc. The
  last Syzygy of this series is Adam as the true male, and Eve as
  the false female prophet. In the second series that relation had
  come to be just reversed, Cain and Abel, Ishmael and Isaac, etc.
  In the protoplasts this opposition of truth and falsehood, of
  good and evil, was still a physical and necessary one; but in
  their descendants, because both elements of their parents are
  mixed up in them, it becomes an ethical one, conditioning and
  requiring freedom of self-determination. Meanwhile Satan tempted
  men to error and sin; but the true prophet (ὁ ἀληθὴς προφήτης) in
  whom the divine Πνεῦμα dwelt as ἔμφυτον and ἀένναον, always leads
  them back again into the true way of Gnosis and the fulfilment of
  the law. In Adam, the original prophet, who had taught whole and
  full truth, he had at first appeared, returning again after every
  new obscuration and disfigurement of his doctrine under varying
  names and forms, but always anew proclaiming the same truth. His
  special manifestations were in Enoch, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob,
  Moses, and finally, in Christ. Alongside of them all, however,
  stand false prophets inspired by the spirit of lies, to whom even
  John the Baptist belongs, and in the Old Testament many of their
  doctrines and prophecies have slipped in along with the true
  prophecy. The transition from the original pantheistic to the
  subsequent theistic standpoint, in which God is represented as
  personal creator of the world, lawgiver, and governor, seems
  to have been introduced by means of the primitive partition of
  the divine being into Πνεῦμα and Σῶμα. In vain, however, do we
  seek an explanation of the contradiction that, on the one hand,
  the end of the development of the world is represented as the
  separation of the evil from the good for the eternal punishment
  of the former, but on the other hand, as a return, through the
  purification of the one and the destruction of the other, of all
  into the divine being, the ἀνάπαυσις. Equally irreconcilable is
  the assertion of the unconditional necessity of Christian baptism
  with the assertion of the equality of all stages of revelation.


                           § 29. MANICHÆISM.

  Manichæism makes its appearance in Persia about the middle of the
third century, independently of the Gentile-Christian Gnosticism of the
Roman empire, which was more or less under the influence of the Greek
philosophy of the second century, but bearing undoubted connection with
Mandæism (§ 25, 1), and Elkesaism (§ 28, 2). In principle and tendency,
it was at various points, as _e.g._ in its theory of emanation, its
doceticism, etc., connected with Gnosticism, but was distinguished
therefrom pre-eminently by using Christian soteriological ideas
and modes of thought as a mere varnish for oriental pagan or
Babylonian-Chaldaic theosophy, putting this in place of Platonic or
Stoical notions which are quite foreign to it, basing the system on
Persian dualism and impregnating it with elements from Buddhist ethics.
Another point in which it is distinguished from Gnosticism is that it
does not present itself as an esoteric form of religion meant only for
the few specially gifted spirits, but distinctly endeavours to build up
a community of its own with a regularly articulated constitution and a
well organized ritual.

  § 29.1. =The Founder.=--What the Greek and Latin Fathers (Titus
  of Bostra, Epiphanius, Augustine, etc.) say about the person and
  history of the founder of this sect is derived mainly from an
  account of a disputation which a bishop Archelaus of Cascar in
  Mesopotamia is said to have held with Manes or Manichæus. This
  document is written in Syriac and dates about A.D. 320, but it
  is simply a polemical work under the guise of a debate between
  men with historical names. These “Acts” have come down to us in
  a very corrupt Latin version, and contain, especially in their
  historical allusions, much that is incredible and legendary,
  while in their representation of the doctrine of Manes they are
  much more deserving of confidence. According to them the origin
  of Manichæism is to be attributed to a far travelled Saracen
  craftsman, named Scythianus, who lived in the age of the Apostles.
  His disciple, Terebinthus, who subsequently in Babylon took
  the name Buddas, and affirmed that he had been born of a
  virgin, wrote at the master’s dictation four books, _Mysteria_,
  _Capitula_, _Evangelium_, _Thesaurus_, which after his death
  came into the possession of a freed slave, Cubricus or Corbicus.
  This man made the wisdom taught therein his own, developed it
  more fully, appeared in Persia as the founder of a new religion,
  and called himself Manes. He was even received at court, but
  his failure to heal a prince was used by the jealous magicians
  to secure his overthrow. He escaped, however, from prison,
  and found a safe hiding place in Arabion, an old castle in
  Mesopotamia. Meanwhile he had got access to the sacred writings
  of the Christians and borrowed much from them for the further
  development of his system. He now gave himself out as the
  Paraclete promised by Christ, and by means of letters and
  messengers developed a great activity in the dissemination of his
  views, especially among Christians. This led to the disputation
  of Archelaus above referred to, in which Manes suffered utter
  defeat. He was soon thereafter seized by order of the Persian
  king, flayed alive, and his stuffed skin publicly exhibited as
  a warning.

  The reports in Persian documents of the ninth and tenth centuries
  though later seem much more credible, and the dates derivable
  from Manes’ own writings and those of his disciples quoted in
  Arabic documents of the tenth and eleventh centuries, are quite
  worthy of acceptance.[50] According to them Fatak the father
  of Manes, called Πατέκιος in a Greek oath formula still extant,
  was descended from a noble Persian family in Hamadan or Ecbatana,
  married a princess of the Parthian Asarcidae, not long before
  this, in A.D. 226, driven out by the Persian Sassanidæ, and
  settled down with her at Ctesiphon, the Parthian capital. Here
  he met with the Mogtasilah, Mandeans or Elkesaites (§ 28, 2),
  then removed to Southern Chaldea, and trained his son, born in
  A.D. 216, with great care in this faith. But even in his twelfth
  year Manes received a divine revelation, which ordained him to
  be the founder of a new religion, and in his twenty-fourth year
  he was commissioned to preach this religion publicly. On his first
  appearance in Persia, on the coronation day of king Sapor I.,
  in A.D. 242, he met with so little support that he found it
  necessary to keep away from the Persian empire for several
  decades, which he spent in foreign lands developing his system
  and successfully prosecuting missionary work. It was only about
  the end of Sapor’s reign († A.D. 272) that he ventured again to
  return. He won over to his views the king’s brother Peroz and
  through him found favour temporarily with Sapor, which, however,
  soon again turned into dislike. Sapor’s successor, Hormuz or
  Hormisdas I., seemed inclined to be tolerant toward him. For
  this very reason Bahram or Baranes I. showed himself all the more
  hostile, and had him crucified in A.D. 276, his body flayed, and
  the skin stuffed with straw thrown out at the gate of the city.

  The two accounts may, according to Kessler, be brought into
  harmony thus. The name Scythianus was given to Fatak as coming
  from Parthia or Scythia. Terebinthus, a corruption of the Aramaic
  _tarbitha_, sapling, was given originally as _Nomen appell._ to
  the son of Fatak, and was afterwards misunderstood and regarded
  as _Nomen propr._ of an additional member of the family,
  intermediate between Fatak and Manes. In the Latin Cubricus,
  however, we meet with a scornful rendering of his original name,
  which he, on his entering independently on his work, exchanged
  for the name Manes.[51] The name Buddas seems to indicate some
  sort of connection with Buddhism. We also meet with the four
  Terebinthus books among the seven chief works of Manes catalogued
  in the Fihrist. According to a Persian document the _Evangelium_
  bore the title _Ertenki Mani_, was composed by Manes in a cave
  in Turkestan, in which he stayed for a long time during his
  banishment, and was adorned with beautiful illustrations, and
  passed for a book sent down to him direct from heaven.

  § 29.2. =The System.=--The different sets of documents give very
  different accounts of the religious system of Manichæism. This is
  not occasioned so much by erroneous tradition or misconception as
  by the varying stages through which the doctrine of Manes passed.
  In Western and Christian lands it took on a richer Christian
  colouring than in Eastern and pagan countries. In all its forms,
  however, we meet with a groundwork of magical dualism. As in
  Parseeism, Ahriman and his Devas stand opposed to Ormuzd and
  his Ameshaspentas and Izeds, so also here from all eternity a
  luminous ether surrounding the realm of light, the _Terra lucida_,
  of the good God, with his twelve æons and countless beings
  of light, stands opposed to the realm of darkness, the _Terra
  pestifera_, with Satan and his demons. Each of the two kingdoms
  consists of five elements: the former of bright light, quickening
  fire, clear water, hot air, soft wind; the latter of lurid flame,
  scorching fire, grimy slime, dark clouds, raging tempest. In
  the one, perfect concord, goodness, happiness, and splendour
  prevail; in the other, wild, chaotic and destructive waves dash
  confusedly about. Clothing himself in a borrowed ray of light,
  Satan prepared himself for a robber campaign in the realm of
  light. In order to keep him off the Father of Lights caused to
  emanate from him the “Mother of Life,” and placed her as a watcher
  on the borders of his realm. She brought forth the first man
  (ὁ πρῶτος ἄνθρωπος), who armed with the five pure elements engaged
  in battle with the demons. When he sank before their furious
  onslaught, God sent a newly emanated æon for his deliverance, the
  “living spirit” (ζῶον πνεῦμα), who freed him and vanquished the
  demons. But a portion of the ethereal substance of the first man,
  his armour of light, had been already devoured by the demoniac
  Hyle, and as the _Jesus patibilis_, υἱὸς ἀνθρώπου ἐμπαθής,
  remains imprisoned in it. Out of the elements of light which he
  saved the living Spirit now forms the Sun and Moon, and settles
  there the first man as _Jesus impatibilis_, υἱὸς ἀνθρώπου ἀπαθής,
  while out of the Hyle impregnated with elements of light he
  constructs the present earthly world, in order gradually to
  deliver the fragments of light bound up in it, the _Jesus
  patibilis_ or the soul of the world, and to fit them for
  restoration to their eternal home. The first man dwelling in
  the sun and the Holy Spirit enthroned in the luminous ether have
  to further and direct this process of purification. The sun and
  moon are the two light-ships, _lucidæ naves_, which the light
  particles wrenched out of the world further increase. The zodiac
  with its twelve signs operates in this direction like a revolving
  wheel with twelve buckets, while the smaller ship, as new moon,
  receives them, and as full moon empties them again into the sun,
  which introduces them into the realm of light. In order to check
  this process of purification Satan, out of the Hyle and the
  imprisoned particles of light, of which he still had possession,
  made Adam and Eve after his own image and that of the first man,
  and incited them to fleshly lusts and carnal intercourse, so
  that the light of their soul became dim and weak, and more and
  more the body became its gloomy prison. His demons, moreover,
  were continually busying themselves in fastening the chains of
  darkness more tightly about their descendants by means of the
  false religions of Judaism and paganism. Therefore at last the
  _Jesus impatibilis_, clothed with the appearance of a body,
  descended from the sun to the earth, to instruct men about their
  souls and the means and end of their redemption. The sufferings
  and death inflicted upon him by the Prince of Darkness were only
  in appearance. The death of the cross and the resurrection were
  only sensible representations of the overthrow and final victory
  of the _Jesus patibilis_. As in the macrocosm of the earthly
  world there is set forth the emancipation of this suffering
  Christ from the bonds of hylic matter, so also in the microcosm
  represented in each individual man, we have the dominion of the
  spirit over the flesh, the redemption of the soul of light from
  the prison of the body, and its return to the realm of light,
  conceived of as the end and aim of all endeavour. The method
  for attaining this consists in the greatest possible abstinence
  from all connection and intercourse with the world of sense; the
  _Signaculum oris_ in particular demands absolute abstinence from
  all animal food and restriction in the use even of vegetable food,
  for in the slaughtering of the animal all elements of light are
  with the life withdrawn from its flesh, and only hylic elements
  remain, whereas in vegetable fare the substances of light there
  present contribute to the strengthening of the light in the man’s
  own soul. Wine and all intoxicating drinks as “Satan’s gall”
  are strictly forbidden, as well as animal food. The _Signaculum
  manuum_ prohibits all injuring of animal or plant life, all
  avoidable contact with or work upon matter, because the material
  is thereby strengthened. The _Signaculum sinus_ forbids all
  sensual pleasure and carnal intercourse. The souls of those men
  who have perfectly satisfied the threefold injunction, return at
  death immediately into the blessed home of light. Those who only
  partially observe them must, by transmigration of the soul into
  other bodies, of animals, plants or men, in proportion to the
  degree of purification attained unto, that is, by metempsychosis,
  have the purifying process carried to perfection. But all who
  have not entered upon the way of sanctification, are finally
  delivered over unreservedly to Satan and hell. The Apostles
  greatly misunderstood and falsified this doctrine of Christ;
  but in the person of Manes the promised Paraclete appeared, who
  taught it again in its original purity. For the most part Manes
  accepted the Pauline epistles in which the doctrines of the
  groaning creation and the opposition of flesh and spirit must
  have been peculiarly acceptable to him; all the more decidedly
  did he reject the Acts of the Apostles, and vigorously did
  he oppose the account which it gave of the outpouring of the
  Holy Spirit as in conflict with his doctrine of the Paraclete.
  According to the Fihrist, Manes distinguished from the _Jesus
  impatibilis_ who as true redeemer descended to earth in the
  appearance of a body, the historical Jesus as prophet of the
  Devil, and the false Messiah who for the punishment of his
  wickedness suffered actual death on the cross instead of the
  true Jesus. The Old Testament he wholly rejected. The god of the
  Jews was with him the Prince of Darkness; the prophets with Moses
  at their head were the messengers of the Devil. As his own true
  precursors--the precursors of the Paraclete--he named Adam, Seth,
  Noah, Abraham, Buddha, and Zoroaster.

  § 29.3. =Constitution, Worship, and Missionarizing.=--Manes was
  still regarded after his death as the invisibly present head
  (_Princeps_) of the church. At the head of the hierarchical order
  as his visible representative stood an Imam or Pope, who resided
  at Babylon. The first of these, appointed by Manes himself before
  his death, was named Sis or Sisinius. The Manichæan ministry
  was distributed under him into twelve _Magistri_ and seventy-two
  _Bishops_, with presbyters and deacons in numbers as required.
  The congregations consisted of Catechumens (_Auditores_) and
  Elect (_Electi_, _Perfecti_). The latter were strictly bound
  to observe the threefold _Signaculum_. The _Auditores_ brought
  them the food necessary for the support of their life and out
  of the abundance of their holiness they procured pardon to
  these imperfect ones for their unavoidable violation of mineral
  and vegetable life in making this provision. The _Auditores_
  were also allowed to marry and even to eat animal food; but
  by voluntary renunciation of this permission they could secure
  entrance into the ranks of the _Electi_. The worship of the
  Manichæans was simple, but orderly. They addressed their prayers
  to the sun and moon. The Sunday was hallowed by absolute fasting,
  and the day of common worship was dedicated to the honour of
  the spirit of the sun; but on Monday the _Electi_ by themselves
  celebrated a secret service. At their annual chief festival,
  that of the Pulpit (βῆμα), on the day of their founder’s death,
  they threw themselves down upon the ground in oriental fashion
  before a beautifully adorned chair of state, the symbol of their
  departed master. The five steps leading up to it represented
  the five hierarchical decrees of the _Electi_, _Diaconi_,
  _Presbyteri_, _Episcopi_ and _Magistri_. Baptism and the Lord’s
  Supper, the former with oil, the latter with bread without wine,
  belonged to the secret worship of the Perfect. Oil and bread were
  regarded as the most luminous bearers of the universal soul in
  the vegetable world.--Notwithstanding the violent persecution
  which after the execution of Manes was raised against the
  adherents of his doctrine throughout the whole Persian empire,
  their number increased rapidly in all quarters, especially in
  the East, but also in the West, in Syria, Palestine, Egypt, etc.
  Proconsular Africa became the centre of its Western propaganda;
  and thence it spread into Italy and Spain. In A.D. 290 Diocletian
  issued an edict by which the Proconsul of Africa was required to
  burn the leaders of this sect, doubly dangerous as springing from
  the hostile Persian empire, along with their books, to execute
  with the sword its persistent adherents, or send them to work in
  the quarries, and confiscate their goods.--Continuation at § 54, 1.



            III. THE DOCTRINAL DEVELOPMENT AND APOLOGETICAL
                      ACTIVITY OF THE CHURCH.[52]


         § 30. THE THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE OF THE POST-APOSTOLIC
                         AGE, A.D. 70-170.[53]

  The literary remains of the so-called Apostolic Fathers constitute the
first fruits of Patristic-Christian literature. These are in respect of
number and scope insignificant, and, inasmuch as they had their origin,
from the special individual circumstances of their writers, they were
composed for the most part in the form of epistles. The old traditional
view that the authors of these treatises had enjoyed the immediate
fellowship and instruction of the Apostles is at once too narrow
and too wide. Among these writings must be included first of all the
recently discovered “Teaching of the Twelve Apostles.” About A.D. 130,
when Christianity was making its way among the ranks of the cultured,
Christian writers began to feel themselves called upon to engage with
paganism in a literary warfare defensive and offensive, in order to
repel the charges and calumnies raised against their religion and to
demonstrate its inner worth in opposition to the moral and religious
degradation of heathenism. These writings had a more theological and
scientific character than those of the Apostolic Fathers, which had more
of a practical and hortatory tendency. The works of these Apologists
still extant afford interesting and significant glimpses of the life,
doctrine, and thinking of the Christians of that age, which but for
these writings would have been almost unknown.

  § 30.1. =The Beginnings of Patristic Literature.=--According to
  the established rule of the church we have to distinguish between
  New Testament and Patristic literature in this way: to the former
  belongs those writings to which, as composed by Apostles or at
  least under Apostolic authority, the ancient church assigned
  an objectively fundamental and regulative significance for
  further ecclesiastical development; while in the latter we have
  represented the subjective conception and estimation which the
  Church Fathers made of the Christian message of salvation and
  the structure they reared upon this foundation. The so-called
  Apostolic Fathers may be regarded as occupying a position
  midway between the two and forming a transition from the one
  to the other, or as themselves constituting the first fruits
  of Patristic literature. Indeed as regards the New Testament
  writings themselves the ancient church was long uncertain and
  undecided as to the selection of them from the multitude of
  contemporary writings;[54] and Eusebius still designated several
  of the books that were subsequently definitely recognised
  ἀντιλεγόμενα; while modern criticism has not only repeated such
  doubts as to the genuineness of these writings but has extended
  these doubts to other books of the New Testament. But even this
  criticism cannot deny the historical significance assigned above
  to those New Testament books contested by it, even though it may
  feel obliged to reject the account of them given by the ancient
  church, and to assign their composition to the Post-Apostolic
  Age.--When we turn to the so-called Apostolic Fathers, on closer
  examination the usual designation as well as the customary
  enumeration of seven names as belonging to the group will be
  found too narrow because excluding the New Testament writings
  composed by disciples of the Apostles, and too wide because
  including names which have no claim to be regarded as disciples
  or contemporaries of the Apostles, and embracing writings of
  which the authenticity is in some cases clearly disproved, in
  other cases doubtful or at least only problematical. We come upon
  firm ground when we proceed to deal with the Apologists of the
  age of Hadrian. It was not, however, till the period of the Old
  Catholic Church, about A.D. 170, that the literary compositions
  of the Christians became broadened, deepened and universalized
  by a fuller appropriation and appreciation of the elements
  of Græco-Latin culture, so as to form an all-sided universal
  Christian literature representative of Christianity as a universal
  religion.

  § 30.2. =The Theology of the Post-Apostolic Age.=--By far the
  greater number of the ecclesiastical writers of this period
  belong to the Gentile Christian party. Hence we might suppose
  that it would reflect the Pauline type of doctrine, if not in its
  full depth and completeness, yet at least in its more significant
  and characteristic features. This expectation, however, is not
  altogether realised. Among the Church Fathers of this age we
  rather find an unconscious deterioration of the original doctrine
  of Paul revealing itself as a smoothing down and belittling or
  as an ignoring of the genuine Paulinism, which, therefore, as
  the result of the struggle against the Gnostic tendency, only in
  part overcome, was for the first time fully recognised and proved
  finally victorious in the Reformation of the 16th century. On the
  one hand, we see that these writers, if they do not completely
  ignore the position and task assigned to Israel as the chosen
  people of God, minimise their importance and often fail to
  appreciate the pædagogical significance of the Mosaic law
  (Gal. iii. 24), so that its ceremonial parts are referred to
  misunderstanding, want of sense, and folly, or are attributed
  even to demoniacal suggestion. But on the other hand, even
  the gospel itself is regarded again as a new and higher law,
  purified from that ceremonial taint, and hence the task of the
  ante-mundane Son of God, begotten for the purpose of creating the
  world, but now also manifest in the flesh, from whose influence
  upon Old Testament prophets as well as upon the sages of paganism
  all revelations of pre-Christian Judaism as well as all σπέρματα
  of true knowledge in paganism have sprung, is pre-eminently
  conceived of as that of a divine teacher and lawgiver. In this
  way there was impressed upon the Old Catholic Church as it
  grew up out of Pauline Gentile Christianity a legalistic moral
  tendency that was quite foreign to the original Paulinism, and
  the righteousness of faith taught by the Apostle when represented
  as obedience to the “new law” passed over again unobserved into a
  righteousness of works. Redemption and reconciliation are indeed
  still always admitted to be conditioned by the death of Christ
  and their appropriation to be by the faith of the individual;
  but this faith is at bottom nothing more than the conviction
  of the divinity of the person and doctrine of the new lawgiver
  evidencing itself in repentance and rendering of practical
  obedience, and in confident expectation of the second coming
  of Christ, and in a sure confidence of a share in the life
  everlasting.--The introduction of this legalistic tendency into
  the Gentile Christian Church was not occasioned by the influence
  of Jewish Christian legalism, nor can it be explained as
  the result of a compromise effected between Jewish Christian
  Petrinism and Gentile Christian Paulinism, which were supposed
  by Baur, Schwegler, etc., to have been, during the Apostolic
  Age, irreconcilably hostile to one another. This has been already
  proved by Ritschl, who charges its intrusion rather upon the
  inability of Gentile Christianity fully to understand the Old
  Testament bases of the Pauline doctrine. By means of a careful
  analysis of the undisputed writings of Justin Martyr and
  by a comparison of these with the writings of the Apostolic
  Fathers, Engelhardt has proved that anything extra-, un-, or
  anti-Pauline in the Christianity of these Fathers has not so much
  an Ebionitic-Jewish Christian, but rather a pagan-philosophic,
  source. He shows that the prevalent religio-moral mode of thought
  of the cultured paganism of that age reappears in that form
  of Christianity not only as an inability to reach a profound
  understanding of the Old Testament, but also just as much
  as a minimising and depreciating, or disdaining of so many
  characteristic features of the Pauline doctrinal resting on Old
  Testament foundations.

  § 30.3. =The so-called Apostolic Fathers.=[55]--

    a. =Clement of Rome= was one of the first Roman bishops,
       probably the third (§ 16, 1). The opinion that he is to
       be identified with the Clement named in Phil. iv. 3 is
       absolutely unsupported. The sameness of age and residence
       in some small measure favours the identifying him with
       Tit. Flav. Clemens [Clement], the consul, and cousin of the
       Emperor, who on account of his Christianity (?) was executed
       in A.D. 95 (§ 22, 1). Besides a multitude of other writings
       which subsequently assumed his well-known name (§ 28, 3;
       43, 4), there are ascribed to him two so-called Epistles
       to the Corinthians, of which however, the second certainly
       is not his. The First Epistle which in the ancient church
       was considered worthy to be used in public worship, was
       afterwards lost, but fragments of it were recovered in
       A.D. 1628 in the so-called _Codex Alexandrinus_ (§ 152, 2),
       together with a portion of the so-called “Second Epistle.”
       Recently however both writings were found in a complete
       form by Bryennius, Metropolitan of Serrä in Macedonia, in
       a Jerusalem Codex of A.D. 1056 discovered at Constantinople
       and published by him.[56] In the following year a Codex
       of the Syrian New Testament at Cambridge was more closely
       examined,[57] and in it there was found a complete Syriac
       translation of both writings inserted between the Catholic
       and the Pauline Epistles, while in _Codex Alexandrinus_ they
       are placed after the Apocalypse. =The “First” Epistle=, the
       date of which is generally given as A.D. 93-95, does not
       give the author’s name, but is assigned to Clement of Rome
       by Dionysius of Corinth in A.D. 170, as quoted in Eusebius,
       and by Irenæus, Clement of Alexandria, and Origen, and
       described as written from Rome in name of the church of that
       place to the church of Corinth, counselling peace and unity.
       In the passage c. 58-63, formerly wanting but now restored,
       the exhortation passes into a long prayer with intercessions
       for those in authority and for the church according to what
       was perhaps already the customary form of public prayer in
       Rome. Both churches, those of Rome and Corinth, are admitted
       without dispute to have been Gentile Christian churches,
       which had accepted the Pauline type of doctrine, without
       however fully fathoming or understanding it. But Peter also
       occupies a position of equal honour alongside of Paul, and
       nowhere does any trace appear of a consciousness of any
       opposition between the two apostles. The divine sonship
       of the Redeemer and His consequent universal sovereignty
       are the basis of the Christian confession, but no sort
       of developed doctrine of the divinity of Christ is here
       found, and even His pre-existence is affirmed only as the
       presupposition of the view that He was already operative in
       the prophets by His spirit. The Old Testament, allegorically
       and typically interpreted, is therefore the source and
       proof of Christian doctrine. Of a particular election of
       Israel the author knows nothing. Christians as such, whether
       descended from Gentiles or from Jews, are the chosen people
       of God; Abraham by reason of his faith is their father; and
       it is only by faith in the Almighty God that men of all ages
       have been justified before God.--In the so-called =Second
       “Epistle”= the completed form of the second half proves
       what the less complete form rendered probable, that it is
       no Epistle but a sermon, and indeed the oldest specimen of
       a sermon, that we here possess. The author, who delivered it
       somewhere about A.D. 144-150, wrote it out first for his own
       use, and then for the church. As it has in its theological
       views many points of contact with the _Shepherd of Hermas_
       (§ 30, 4), Harnack thinks it probable that a younger
       Clement of Rome mentioned by Hermas may be the author;
       while Hilgenfeld is inclined to regard it as a youthful
       work of Clement of Alexandria (§ 31, 4). It contains a
       forcible exhortation to thorough repentance and conversion
       in accordance with the command of Christ, with a reference
       to the judgment and the future glory. This shows in a
       remarkable way what rapid progress had been made from the
       religio-moral mode of thought of cultured paganism toward
       moralizing legalism, and the smoothing down of Christianity
       thereby introduced into the Gentile-Christian Catholic
       Church, during the half century between the composition of
       the Epistle of Clement and this Clementine discourse. For in
       the latter already the gospel is represented as a new law, a
       higher divine doctrine of virtue and reward, in which alms,
       fasts, and prayer appear as specially meritorious works. The
       righteousness that avails with God is still indeed derived
       from faith, but this faith is reduced to a belief in the
       future recompense of eternal life. Christ as Son of God is
       conceived of by the author as a pneumatical heavenly being,
       created before the world, who, sent by God into the world
       for man’s redemption, took upon Him human σάρξ. But besides
       Him, he also knows a second pneumatical hypostasis created
       before the world, “before sun and moon,” the ἐκκλησία ζῶσα,
       which, as the heavenly body of Christ, is at the same time
       the presupposition for the making of the world restored by
       His work of salvation. For the creation of this divine pair
       of æons, that is, of Christ as the ἄνθρωπος ἐπουράνιος and
       of the church as His heavenly σύζυγος, the author refers
       to the account of the creation in Gen. i. 27. Of passages
       quoted as sayings of Christ several are not to be found in
       our Gospels.

  § 30.4.

    b. The Epistle known by the name of Paul’s travelling companion
       =Barnabas= (Acts iv. 36) was first recovered in the 17th
       century. The first 4½ chapters were added from an old Latin
       translation, till in the 19th century the _Codex Sinaiticus_
       of the New Testament, and recently also the Jerusalem
       Codex of Bryennius above referred to, supplied the complete
       Greek text.[58] The date of the epistle has been variously
       assigned to the age of Domitian, to that of Nerva, to that
       of Hadrian; and is placed by Harnack between A.D. 96 and
       A.D. 125. Its extravagant allegorical interpretation of
       the Old Testament betrays its Alexandrian origin, and in
       Gentile-Christian depreciation of the ceremonial law of the
       Old Testament it goes so far as to attribute the conception
       and actual composition of its books to diabolical inspiration.
       It admits indeed a covenant engagement between God and
       Israel, but maintains that this was immediately terminated
       by Moses’ breaking of the tables of the law. All things
       considered the composition of this Epistle by Barnabas is
       scarcely conceivable. This was acknowledged by Eusebius
       who counted it among the νόθοι, and by Jerome, who placed
       it among the Apocrypha. For the rest, however, its type
       of doctrine is in essential agreement with that of Paul,
       though it fails to penetrate the depths of apostolic
       truth. It is at least decidedly free from any taint of
       that legalistic-moral conception of Christianity which is
       so strongly masked in the discourse of Clement. The divine
       sonship, pre-existence, and world-creating activity of Christ
       is expressly acknowledged and taught, though there is yet no
       reference to the doctrine of the Logos.

    c. The prophetical writing known to us as =Pastor Hermæ
       [Hermas]=,[59] which was first erroneously attributed by
       Origen to Hermas the scholar of Paul at Rome (Rom. xvi. 14),
       was so highly esteemed in the ancient church that it was
       used in public like the canonical books of the New Testament.
       Irenæus quotes it as holy scripture; Clement and Origen
       regarded it as inspired, and the African church of the 3rd
       century included it in the New Testament canon. On the other
       hand, the Muratorian canon (§ 36, 8) had already ranked it
       among the Apocrypha that might be used in private but not in
       public worship. The book owes its title to the circumstance
       that in it an angel appears in the form of a shepherd
       instructing Hermas. It contains four visions, in which the
       church, which πάντων πρώτη ἐκτίσθη, appears to the author
       as an old woman giving instruction (πρεσβυτέρα); it contains
       also twelve _Mandata_ of the angel, and finally, ten
       _Similitudines_ or parables. The Gentile-Christian origin of
       the author is shown by the position which he assigns to the
       church as coeval with the creation of the world and as at
       first embracing all mankind. The sending of the Son of God
       into the world has for its end not the founding but only the
       renewing and perfecting of the church, and the twelve tribes
       to which the Apostles were to preach the gospel are “the
       twelve peoples who dwell on the whole earth” (comp. Deut.
       xxxii. 8). In all the three parts the book takes the form of
       a continuous earnest call to repentance in view of the early
       coming again of Christ, dominated throughout by that same
       legalistic conception of the Gospel that we meet with in the
       discourse of Clement. Indeed this is more fully carried
       out, for it teaches that the true penitent is able not
       only to live a perfectly righteous life, but also in good
       works, such as fasts, alms, etc., to do more than fulfil the
       commands of God, and in this way to win for himself a higher
       measure of the divine favour and eternal blessedness. In
       Hermas we find no trace of any application of the doctrine
       of the Logos to the person of Christ, and the ideas of the
       Son of God and the Holy Spirit are confused with one another.
       The Son of God as the Holy Spirit is προγενέστερος πάσης
       τῆς κτίσεως; at His suggestion and by His means God created
       the world; through Him He bears, sustains, and upholds it;
       and by Him He redeems it by means of His incarnation, for
       the Son of God as the Holy Spirit descends upon the man
       Jesus in His baptism. From its prophetical utterances,
       its eager expectation of the early return of the Lord,
       and its promises of a new outpouring of the Spirit for the
       quickening of the church already become too worldly, the
       book may be characterized as a precursor of the Montanist
       movement (§ 40), although on questions of practical morality,
       such as second marriages, martyrdom, fasting, etc., it
       exhibits a milder tendency than that of Montanistic rigorism,
       and in reference to penitential discipline (§ 39, 2), while
       acknowledging the inadmissibility of absolution for a mortal
       sin committed after baptism, it nevertheless, owing to
       the nearness of the second coming, allows to be proclaimed
       by the angel a repeated, though only short, space for
       repentance. The date of the composition of this book is
       still matter of controversy. Since Hermas is commanded in
       the second vision to send a copy of his book to “Clement” in
       order to secure its further circulation, most of the earlier
       scholars, and among the moderns specially Zahn, identifying
       this Clement with the celebrated Roman Presbyter-Bishop
       of that name, fix its date at somewhere about A.D. 100.
       Recently, however, Harnack, v. Gebhardt, and others have
       rightly assigned much greater importance to the testimony
       of the Muratorian canon, according to which it was written
       somewhere between A.D. 130-160, “_nuperrime temporibus
       nostris in urbe Roma_,” by Hermas, the brother of the Roman
       bishop Pius (A.D. 139-154).

  § 30.5.

    d. =Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch=, is said to have been a
       pupil of the Apostle John, though no evidence of this can
       be produced from the Epistles ascribed to him. The _Acta
       martyrii sancti Ignatii_, extant in five parts, are purely
       legendary and full of contradictory statements. According
       to a later document, that of the Byzantine chronographer
       Joh. Malalas, at the time of the Parthian war during the
       visit of Trajan to Antioch in A.D. 115, soon after an
       earthquake had been experienced there, he was torn asunder
       by lions in the circus as a despiser of the gods. According
       to the martyrologies he was transported to Rome and suffered
       this fate there, as usually supposed in A.D. 115, in the
       opinion of Wieseler and others in A.D. 107 (Lightfoot says
       between A.D. 100-118), according to Harnack soon after
       A.D. 130.[60] The epistles to various churches and one
       to Polycarp ascribed to him have come down to us in three
       recensions differing from one another in extent, number and
       character. There is a shorter Greek recension containing
       seven, a larger Greek form, with expansions introduced for a
       purpose, containing thirteen epistles, twelve by and one to
       Ignatius, and the shortest of all in a Syriac translation
       containing three epistles, those to the Romans, to the
       Ephesians, and to Polycarp.[61] According to the first-named
       recension, Ignatius is represented as writing all his
       epistles during his martyr journey to Rome, but no reference
       to this is made in the Syrian recension. Vigorous polemic
       against Judaistic and Docetic heresy, undaunted confession
       of the divinity of Christ, and unwearied exhortation to
       recognise the bishop as the representative of Christ,
       while the presbyters are described as the successors of the
       Apostles, distinguish these epistles from all other writings
       of this age, especially in the two Greek recensions, and
       have led many critics to question their genuineness. Bunsen,
       Lipsius, Ritschl, etc., regarded the Syrian recension, in
       which the hierarchical tendency was more in the background,
       as the original and authentic form. Uhlhorn, Düsterdieck,
       Zahn, Funk, Lightfoot, Harnack, etc., prefer the shorter
       Greek recension, and view the Syrian form as abbreviated
       perhaps for liturgical purposes, Baur, Hilgenfeld, Volkmar,
       etc., deny the genuineness of all three. But even on this
       assumption, in determining the date of the composition of
       the two shorter recensions, to whichever of them we may
       ascribe priority and originality, we cannot on internal
       grounds put them later than the middle of the second century,
       whereas the larger Greek recension paraphrased and expanded
       into thirteen epistles belongs certainly to a much later
       date (§ 43, 4).[62]

  § 30.6.

    e. =Polycarp, Bishop of Smyrna=, had also been according to
       Irenæus ordained to this office by the Apostle John. He
       died at the stake under Marcus Aurelius (Antoninus Pius?)
       in A.D. 166 (or A.D. 155) at an extreme old age (§ 22, 3).
       We possess an epistle of his to the Philippians of
       practical contents important on account of its New Testament
       quotations. Its genuineness, however, has been contested
       by modern criticism. It stands and falls with the seven
       Ignatian epistles, as it occupies common ground with them.
       We have a legendary biography of Polycarp by Pionius dating
       from the 4th century, which is reproduced in Lightfoot’s
       work.

    f. =Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis= in Galatia, was also,
       according to Irenæus, a pupil of the Apostle John. This
       statement, however, in the opinion of Eusebius and many
       moderns, rests upon a confusion between the Apostle and
       another John, whom Papias himself distinguishes by the title
       πρεσβύτερος (§ 16, 2). He is said to have suffered death
       as a martyr under Marcus Aurelius, about A.D. 163. With
       great diligence he collected mediately and immediately
       from the mouths of the πρεσβύτεροι, that is, from such as
       had intercourse with the Apostles, or had been, like the
       above-mentioned John the Presbyter, μαθηταὶ τοῦ κυρίου, oral
       traditions about the discourses of the Lord, and set down
       the results of his inquiries in a writing entitled Λογίων
       κυριακῶν ἐξήγησις. A passage quoted by Eusebius in his
       _Ch. Hist._, iii. 29, from the preface of this treatise has
       given rise to a lively controversy as to whether Papias was a
       pupil of the Apostle John and was acquainted with the fourth
       Gospel. Another fragment on the history of the origin of
       the Gospels of Matthew and Mark has occasioned a dispute
       as to whether only these two Gospels were known to him.
       Finally, there is preserved in Irenæus a passage giving a
       reputed saying of Christ regarding the fantastically rich
       fruitfulness of the earth during the thousand years’ reign
       (§ 33, 9). He so revels in fantastic and sensuous chiliastic
       dreams that Eusebius, who had previously spoken of him as
       a learned and well-read man, is driven to pass upon him the
       harsh judgment: σφόδρα γάρ τοι σμικρὸς ὢν τὸν νοῦν.[63]

    g. Finally, we must here include an epistle to a certain
       =Diognetus= by an unknown writer, who has described himself
       as μαθητὴς τῶν ἀποστόλων. Justin Martyr, among whose
       writings this epistle got inserted, cannot possibly have
       been the author, as both his style and his point of view
       are different. The epistle controverts in a spirited manner
       the objections of Diognetus to Christianity, views the
       pagan deities not, like the other Church Fathers, as demons,
       but as unsubstantial phantoms, explains the Old Testament
       institutions as human, and so in part foolish enactments,
       and maintains keenly and determinedly the opinion that
       God for the first time revealed Himself to man in Christ.
       He thus, as Dräseke thinks, to some extent favours the
       Marcionite view of the Old Testament, so that he regards
       it as not improbable that our epistle was composed by a
       disciple of Marcion, one perhaps like Apelles, who in the
       course of the later development of the school had rejected
       many of his master’s crudities (§ 27, 12). He addresses
       his discourse to Diognetus, the stoical philosopher who
       boasts of Marcus Aurelius as his master. On the other hand,
       Overbeck assigns its composition to the Post-Constantine
       Age, and the French scholar Doulcet, setting it down to the
       age of Hadrian, thinks he has discovered the author to be
       the Athenian philosopher Aristides. This idea has been more
       fully carried out by Kihn, who endeavours to make out not
       only the identity of the author, but that of him to whom the
       epistle is addressed: Κράτιστε Διόγνητε, “Almighty son of
       Zeus,” that is, Hadrian.

  § 30.7. =The Didache or Teaching of the Twelve Apostles.=--The
  celebrated little treatise bearing the title Διδαχὴ κυρίου διὰ
  τῶν δώδεκα ἀποστόλων τοῖς ἔθνεσιν was discovered by Bryennius
  (then metropolitan of Serrä, now of Nicomedia) in the Jerusalem
  Codex, to which we also owe the perfect text of the two so-called
  Epistles of Clement, and it was edited by this scholar with
  prolegomena and notes in Greek, at Constantinople in 1883. It at
  once set in motion many learned pens in Germany, France, Holland,
  England, and North America.--Eusebius, who first expressly names
  it in his list of New Testament writings as τῶν ἀποστόλων αἱ
  λεγόμεναι διδαχαί, which Rufinus renders by _Doctrina quæ dicitur
  App._, places it in the closest connection with the Epistle of
  Barnabas among the ἀντιλεγόμενα νόθα (§ 36, 8). Four years later
  Athanasius ranks it as διδαχὴ καλουμένη τῶν ἀπ. along with the
  Shepherd of Hermas, giving it the first place, as a New Testament
  supplement corresponding to the Old Testament ἀναγινωσκόμενα
  (§ 59, 1). Clement of Alexandria quoting a passage from it uses
  the formula, ὑπὸ τῆς γραφῆς εἴρηται, and thus treats it as holy
  scripture. In Origen again no sort of reference to it has as
  yet been found. From the 39th Festival Epistle of Athanasius,
  A.D. 367, which ranks it, as we have just seen, as a New Testament
  supplement like the Old Testament Anaginoskomena, we know that
  it like these were used at Alexandria παρὰ τῶν πατέρων in the
  instruction of catechumens. In the East, according to Rufinus,
  when enumerating in his _Expos. Symb. Ap._ the Athanasian
  Anaginoskomena, we find alongside of Hermas, instead of
  the Didache, the “Two Ways,” _Duæ viæ vel Judicium secundum
  Petrum_. Jerome, too, in his _De vir. ill._, mentions among the
  pseudo-Petrine writings a _Judicium Petri_. We have here no doubt
  a Latin translation or recension of the first six chapters of
  the Didache beginning with the words: Ὅδοι δύο εἰσι, these two
  ways being the way of life and the way of death. The second title
  instead of the twelve Apostles names their spokesman Peter as the
  reputed author of the treatise. Soon after the time of Athanasius
  our tract passed out of the view of the Church Fathers, but it
  reappears in the Ecclesiastical Constitutions of the 4th century
  (§ 43, 4, 5), of which it formed the root and stem. The Didache
  itself, however, should not be ranked among the pseudepigraphs,
  for it never claims to have been written by the twelve Apostles
  or by their spokesman Peter.--Bryennius and others, from the
  intentional prominence given to the twelve Apostles in the
  title and from the legalistic moralizing spirit that pervades
  the book, felt themselves justified in seeking its origin in
  Jewish-Christian circles. But this moralizing character it shares
  with the other Gentile-Christian writings of the Post-Apostolic
  Age (§ 30, 2), and the restriction of the term “Apostles” by the
  word “twelve” was occasioned by this, that the itinerant preachers
  of the gospel of that time, who in the New Testament are called
  Evangelists (§ 17, 5) were now called Apostles as continuators of
  the Apostles’ missionary labours, and also the exclusion of the
  Apostle Paul is to be explained by the consideration that the
  book is founded upon the sayings of the Lord, the tradition
  of which has come to us only through the twelve. It has been
  rightly maintained on the other hand by Harnack, that the author
  must rather have belonged to Gentile-Christian circles which
  repudiated all communion with the Jews even in matters of mere
  form; for in chap. viii. 1, 2, resting upon Matt. vi. 5, 16,
  he forbids fasting with the hypocrites, “the Jews,” or perhaps
  in the sense of Gal. ii. 13, the Jewish-Christians, on Monday
  and Thursday, instead of Wednesday and Friday according to the
  Christian custom (§ 37, 3), and using Jewish prayers instead
  of the Lord’s Prayer. The address of the title: τοῖς ἔθνεσιν
  is to be understood according to the analogy of Rom. xi. 13;
  Gal. ii. 12-14; and Eph. iii. 1. The author wishes in as brief,
  lucid, easily comprehended, and easily remembered form as
  possible, to gather together for Christians converted from
  heathenism the most important rules for their moral, religious
  and congregational life in accordance with the precepts of
  the Lord as communicated by the twelve Apostles, and in doing
  so furnishes us with a valuable “commentary on the earliest
  witnesses for the life, type of doctrine, interests and
  ordinances of the Gentile-Christian churches in the pre-Catholic
  age.” As to the date of its composition, its connection with
  the Epistle of Barnabas and the Shepherd of Hermas indicates the
  period within which it must fall, for the connection is so close
  that it must have employed them or they must have employed it.
  However, not only is the age of the Epistle of Barnabas, as well
  as that of the Shepherd of Hermas, still undetermined, but it is
  also disputed whether one or other of these two or the Didache
  has priority and originality. On the other hand, the Didache
  itself in almost all its data and presuppositions bears so
  distinct an impress of an archaic character that one feels
  obliged to assign its date as near the Apostolic Age as possible.
  Harnack who feels compelled to ascribe priority not only to the
  Pseudo-Barnabas, but also to the Shepherd of Hermas, fixes its
  date between A.D. 140-165, after Hermas and before Marcion. On
  the other hand, Zahn and Funk, Lechler, Taylor, etc., give the
  Didache priority even over the Epistle of Barnabas. The place
  as well as the time of the composition of this work is matter
  of dispute. Those who maintain its Jewish-Christian origin think
  of the southern lands to the east or west of the Jordan; others
  think of Syria. On account of its connection with the Epistle
  of Barnabas, and with reference to Clement and Athanasius (see
  above), Harnack has decided for Egypt, and, on account of its
  agreement with the Sahidic translation of the New Testament in
  omitting the doxology from Matt. v. 13, he fixes more exactly upon
  Upper Egypt. The objection that the designation of the grain of
  which the bread for the Lord’s Supper is made in the eucharistic
  prayer given in chap. ix. 4 as ἐπάνω τῶν ὀρέων, does not
  correspond with that grown there, is sought to be set aside
  with the scarcely satisfactory remark that “the origin of the
  eucharistic prayer does not decide the origin of the whole
  treatise.” That the book, however, does not bear in itself
  any specifically Alexandrian impress, such as, _e.g._, is
  undeniably met with in the Epistle of Barnabas, has been admitted
  by Harnack.[64]

  § 30.8. =The Writings of the Earliest Christian Apologists=[65]
  are lost. At the head of this band stood =Quadratus= of Athens,
  who addressed a treatise in defence of the faith to Hadrian, in
  which among other things he shows that he himself was acquainted
  with some whom Jesus had cured or raised from the dead. No trace
  of this work can be found after the 7th century. His contemporary,
  =Aristides= the philosopher, in Athens after his conversion
  addressed to the same emperor an Apology that has been praised by
  Jerome. A fragment of an Armenian translation of this treatise,
  which according to its superscription belongs to the 5th century,
  was found in a codex of the 10th century by the Mechitarists at
  S. Lazzaro, and was edited by them along with a Latin translation.
  This fragment treats of the nature of God as the eternal creator
  and ruler of all things, of the four classes of men,--barbarians
  who are sprung from Belos, Chronos, etc., Greeks from Zeus,
  Danaus, Hellenos, etc., Jews from Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob,
  and Christians from Christ,--and of Jesus Christ as the Son of
  God born of a Jewish virgin, who sent His twelve Apostles into
  all the world to teach the nations wisdom. This probably formed
  the beginning of the Apology. The antique character of its point
  of view and the complete absence of any reference to the Logos
  doctrine or to any heretical teaching, lends great probability
  to the authenticity of this fragment, although the designation
  of the mother of Jesus as the “bearer of God” must be a
  later interpolation (comp. § 52, 3). The genuineness of the
  second piece, however, taken from another Armenian Codex,--an
  anti-docetic homily, _De Latronis clamore et Crucifixi
  responsione_ (Luke xxiii. 42), which from the words of Christ
  and those crucified with Him proves His divinity--is both on
  external and on internal grounds extremely doubtful. According
  to the Armenian editor this Codex has the title: By the Athenian
  philosopher Aristeas. This is explained as a corruption of the
  name Aristides, but recently another Catholic scholar, Dr. Vetter,
  on close examination found that the name was really that of
  Aristides.--To a period not much later must be assigned the
  apologetic dialogue between the Jewish Christian Jason and the
  Alexandrian Jew Papiscus, in which the proof from prophecy was
  specially emphasized, and the _in principio_ of Gen. i. 1 was
  interpreted as meaning _in filio_. The pagan controversialist
  Celsus is the first to mention this treatise. He considers it, on
  account of its allegorical fancies, not so much fitted to cause
  laughter as pity and contempt, and so regards it as unworthy of
  any serious reply. Origen, too, esteemed it of little consequence.
  Subsequently, however, in the 5th century, it obtained high
  repute and was deemed worthy of a Latin translation by the
  African bishop Celsus. The controversialist Celsus, and also
  Origen, Jerome, and the Latin translator, do not name the writer.
  His name is first given by Maximus Confessor as =Ariston of
  Pella=. Harnack has rendered it extremely probable that in the
  “_Altercatio Simonis Judæi et Theophili Christiani_” discovered
  in the 18th century, reported on by Gennadius (§ 47, 16), and
  ascribed by him to a certain Evagrius, we have a substantially
  correct Latin reproduction of the old Greek dialogue, in which
  everything that is told us about the earlier document is met
  with, and which, though written in the 5th century, in its ways
  of looking at things and its methods of proof moves within the
  circle of the Apologists of the 2nd century. In it, just as in
  those early treatises the method of proof is wholly in accordance
  with the Old Testament; by it every answer of the Christian
  to the Jew is supported; at last the Jew is converted and asks
  for baptism, while he regards the Christians as _lator salutis_
  and _ægrotorum bone medice_ with a play probably upon the word
  Ἰάσων=ἰατρός and from this it is conceivable how Clement of
  Alexandria supposed Luke, the physician, to be the author of
  the treatise. Harnack’s conclusion is significant inasmuch as
  it lends a new confirmation to the fact that the non-heretical
  Jewish Christianity of the middle of the second century had
  already completely adopted the dogmatic views of Gentile
  Christianity. =Claudius Apollinaris=, bishop of Hierapolis,
  and the rhetorician =Miltiades of Athens= addressed very famous
  apologies to the emperor Marcus Aurelius. =Melito of Sardis= was
  also a highly esteemed apologist, and a voluminous writer in many
  other departments of theological literature.[66] The elaborate
  introduction to the mystical interpretation of scripture by
  investigating the mystical meaning of biblical names and words
  published in Pitra’s “Spicileg. Solesm.” II. III., as “_Clavis
  Melitonis_,” belongs to the later period of the middle ages.
  Melito’s six books of Eclogues deal with the Old Testament as a
  witness for Christ and Christianity, where he takes as his basis
  not the LXX. but the Hebrew canon (§ 36, 1).[67]

  § 30.9. =Extant Writings of Apologists of the Post-Apostolic Age.=

    a. The earliest and most celebrated of these is =Justin
       Martyr=.[68] Born at Shechem (Flavia Neapolis) of Greek
       parents, he was drawn to the Platonic doctrine of God and to
       the Stoical theory of ethics, more than to any of the other
       philosophical systems to which, as a pagan, he turned in
       the search after truth. But full satisfaction he first found
       in the prophets and apostles, to whom he was directed by an
       unknown venerable old man, whom he once met by the sea-side.
       He now in his thirtieth year cast off his philosopher’s
       cloak and adopted Christianity, of which he became a
       zealous defender, but thereby called down upon himself
       the passionate hatred of the pagan sages. His bitterest
       enemy was the Cynic Crescens in Rome, who after a public
       disputation with him, did all he could to compass his
       destruction. In A.D. 165, under Marcus Aurelius, Justin
       was condemned at Rome to be scourged and beheaded.--His two
       Apologies, addressed to Antoninus Pius and his son Marcus
       Aurelius are certainly genuine. Of these, however, the
       shorter one, the so-called second Apology is probably only
       a sort of appendix to the first. His _Dialogus cum Tryphone
       Judæo_ is probably a free rendering of a disputation which
       actually occurred. Except a few fragments, his Σύνταγμα κατὰ
       Μαρκίωνος have been lost. It is disputed whether that was an
       integral part of the Σύνταγμα κατὰ πασῶν αἱρέσεων of which
       he himself makes mention, or a later independent work. The
       following are of more than doubtful authenticity: the Λόγος
       παραινετικὸς πρὸς Ἕλληνας (_Cohortatio ad Græcos_), which
       seeks to prove that not by the poets nor by the philosophers,
       but only by Moses and the prophets can the true knowledge
       of God be found, and that whatever truth is spoken by
       the former, they had borrowed from the latter; also, the
       shorter Λόγος πρὸς Ἕλληνας (_Oratio ad Græcos_), on the
       irrationality and immorality of the pagan mythology; further,
       the short treatise Περὶ μοναρχίας, which proves the vanity
       of polytheism from the admissions of heathen poets and
       philosophers; and a fragment Περὶ ἀναστάσεως.--Justin’s
       theology is of the Gentile Christian type, quite free from
       any Ebionitic taint, inclining rather to the speculation and
       ethics of Greek philosophy and to an Alexandrian-Hellenistic
       conception and exposition of scripture. To these sources
       everything may be traced in which he unconsciously departs
       from biblical Paulinism and Catholic orthodoxy. Then in
       his idea of God and creation, he has not quite overcome the
       partly pantheistic, partly dualistic, principles derived
       from the Platonic philosophy. He shows traces of Alexandrian
       influences in his conception of the person and work of
       Christ, to whom he assigns merely the role of a divine
       teacher, who has made known the true idea of God the Creator,
       of righteousness, and of eternal life, and has won power by
       death, resurrection and ascension, and will give evidence
       of it by His coming again to reward the righteousness
       of the saints with immortal blessedness. He was also led
       into doctrinal aberrations in the anthropological domain,
       because his idea of freedom and virtue borrowed from Greek
       philosophy prevented him from fully grasping the Pauline
       doctrine of sin. His theory of morals, with its legalistic
       tendency and its righteousness of works, was grounded
       not in Judaism but in Stoicism. His chiliasm, too, is not
       Ebionitic but is immediately derived from scripture, and
       has less significance for his speculation than the other
       eschatological principles of Resurrection, Judgment, and
       Recompence. His Christianity consists essentially of only
       three elements: Worship of the true God, a virtuous life
       according to the commandments of Christ, and belief in
       rewards and punishments hereafter. Over against the pagan
       philosophy it represents itself as the true philosophy,
       and over against the Mosaic law as the new law freed from
       the fetters of ceremonialism. Even in the natural man, in
       consequence of the divine reason that is innate in him,
       there dwells the power of living as a Christian: Abraham
       and Elias, Socrates and Heraclitus, etc., have to such a
       degree lived according to reason that they must be called
       Christians. But even they possessed only σπέρματα Λόγου,
       only a μέρος Λόγου; for the divine reason dwells in men
       only as Λόγος σπερματικός; in Christ alone as the incarnate
       Logos it dwells as ὁ πᾶς Λόγος or τὸ Λογικὸν τὸ ὅλον. He is
       the only true Son of God, pre-mundane but not eternal, the
       πρῶτον γέννημα τοῦ θεοῦ, or the πρωτότοκος τοῦ θεοῦ, by whom
       God in the beginning created all things. The Father alone is
       ὄντως θεός, and the Logos only a divine being of the second
       rank, a ἕτερος θεὸς παρὰ τὸν ποιητὴν τῶν ὅλων, to whom,
       however, as such, worship should be rendered. In Justin’s
       theological speculation the Holy Spirit stands quite in
       the background, though the baptismal and congregational
       Trinitarian confession obliged him to assign to the Spirit
       the rank of an independent divine being, whom the Logos had
       used for the enlightening of His prophets. Justin too knows
       nothing of a particular election of Israel as the people of
       God; with him the Christians as such are the true Israel,
       the people of God, the children of the faith of Abraham.
       From the Old Testament he proves the divinity of the person
       and doctrine of Christ, and from the Ἀπομνημονεύματα τῶν
       ἀποστόλων (§ 36, 7) he derives his information about the
       historical life, teaching, and works of Jesus. The Gospel
       of John, although never mentioned, was not unknown to him,
       but it appeared to him more as a doctrinal and hortatory
       treatise than as a historical document, and undoubtedly
       his Logos doctrine is connected with that of John. He shows
       himself familiar with the Epistles of Paul, although he
       never expressly quotes from them.

  § 30.10.

    b. =Tatian=, a Greek born in Assyria (according to Zahn, a
       Semite) while engaged as a rhetorician at Rome, was won to
       Christianity by Justin Martyr, according to Harnack about
       A.D. 150. As the fruit of youthful zeal, he published an
       Apologetical Λόγος πρὸς Ἕλληνας, in which he treats the
       Greek paganism and its culture with withering scorn for
       even its noblest manifestations, and shared with his teacher
       the hatred and persecution of the philosopher Crescens.
       His later written Εὐαγγέλιον διὰ τεσσάρων (§ 36, 7) was a
       Gospel harmony, in which the removal of all reference to
       the descent of Jesus from the seed of David, according
       to the flesh, objected to by Theodoret, was occasioned
       perhaps more by antipathy to Ebionism than by any sympathy
       with Gnosticism. Zahn affirms, while Harnack decidedly
       denies, that this work was originally composed in Syriac. The
       exclusive use by the Syrians of the Greek name _Diatessaron_
       seems to afford a strong argument for a Greek original.
       Its general agreement with the readings of the so-called
       Itala (§ 36, 8) witnesses to the West as the place of its
       composition. The introduction of a Syriac translation of it
       into church use in the East is to be explained by a longer
       residence of the author in his eastern home; and its neglect
       on the part of many of the Greek and Latin Church Fathers,
       and even their complete ignorance of it, may be accounted
       for by the fact that, while in the far East it was
       unsuspected, elsewhere it came to be branded as heretical
       (§ 27, 10).[69]

    c. =Athenagoras=, about whose life we have no authentic
       information, in A.D. 177 addressed his Πρεσβεία
       (_Intercessio_) περὶ Χριστιανῶν to Marcus Aurelius, in
       which he clearly and convincingly disproves the hideous
       calumnies of Atheism, Ædipodean atrocities, Thyestean feasts
       (§ 22), and extols the excellence of Christianity in life and
       doctrine. In the treatise Περὶ ἀναστάσεως νέκρων he proves,
       from the general philosophical rather than distinctively
       Christian standpoint, the necessity of resurrection from the
       vocation of man in connection with the wisdom, omnipotence
       and righteousness of God.

    d. =Theophilus, Bishop of Antioch= († after A.D. 180), was
       by birth a pagan. His writing Πρὸς Αὐτόλυκον περὶ τῆς τῶν
       Χριστιανῶν πίστεως is one of the most excellent apologetical
       treatises of this period. Autolycus was one of his heathen
       acquaintances. His commentaries and controversial works have
       been lost. Zahn, indeed, has sought to prove that an extant
       Latin Commentary on selected passages from the four Gospels
       in the allegorical style belonging to the first half of the
       3rd century, and bearing the name of Theophilus of Antioch,
       is a substantially faithful translation of the authentic
       Greek original of A.D. 170. He has also called attention
       to the great importance of this commentary, not only for
       the oldest history of the Canon, Text and Exposition,
       but also for that of the church life, the development of
       doctrine and the ecclesiastical constitution, especially of
       the monasticism already appearing in those early times. But
       while Zahn reached those wonderful results from a conviction
       that the verbal coincidences of the Latin Church Fathers of
       the 3rd to the 5th centuries with the supposed Theophilus
       commentary were examples of their borrowing from it, Harnack
       has convincingly proved that this so-called commentary is
       rather to be regarded as a compilation from these same Latin
       Church Fathers made at the earliest during the second half
       of the 5th century.

    e. Finally, an otherwise unknown author =Hermias= wrote under
       the title Διασυρμὸς τῶν ἔξω φιλοσόφων (_Irrisio gentilium
       philos._) a short abusive treatise, in a witty but
       superficial style, of which the fundamental principle is
       to be found in 1 Cor. iii. 19.


       § 31. THE THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE OF THE OLD CATHOLIC AGE,
                             A.D. 170-323.

  From about A.D. 170, during the Old Catholic Age, scientific theology
in conflict with Judaizing, paganizing and monarchianistic heretics
progressed in a more vigorous and comprehensive manner than in the
apologetical and polemical attempt at self-defence of Post-Apostolic
Times. Throughout this period, however, the zeal for apologetics
continued unabated, but also in other directions, especially in
the department of dogmatics, important contributions were made to
theological science. While these developments were in progress, there
arose within the Catholic church three different theological schools,
each with some special characteristic of its own, the Asiatic, the
Alexandrian, and the North African.

  § 31.1. =The Theological Schools and Tendencies.=--=The School
  of Asia Minor= was the outcome of John’s ministry there, and
  was distinguished by firm grasp of scripture, solid faith,
  conciliatory treatment of those within and energetic polemic
  against heretics. Its numerous teachers, highly esteemed in the
  ancient church, are known to us only by name, and in many cases
  even the name has perished. Only two of their disciples resident
  in the West--Irenæus and Hippolytus--are more fully known. A
  yet greater influence, more widely felt and more enduring, was
  that of the =Alexandrian School=.[70] Most of its teachers were
  distinguished by classical culture, a philosophical spirit,
  daring speculativeness and creative power. Their special task
  was the construction of a true ecclesiastical gnosis over against
  the false heretical gnosis, and so the most celebrated teachers
  of this school have not escaped the charge of unevangelical
  speculative tendencies. The nursery of this theological tendency
  was especially this Catechetical School of Alexandria which from
  an institution for the training of educated Catechumens had grown
  up into a theological seminary. =The North African School= by
  its realism, a thoroughly practical tendency, formed the direct
  antithesis of the idealism and speculative endeavours of the
  Alexandrian. It repudiated classical science and philosophy
  as fitted to lead into error, but laid special stress upon the
  purity of Apostolic tradition, and insisted with all emphasis
  upon holiness of life and strict asceticism.--Finally, our period
  also embraces the first beginnings of the =Antiochean School=,
  whose founders were the two presbyters Dorotheus and Lucian.
  The latter especially gave to the school in its earlier days
  the tendency to critical and grammatico-historical examination
  of scripture. At =Edessa=, too, as early as the end of the 2nd
  century, we find a Christian school existing.


                  1. CHURCH FATHERS WRITING IN GREEK.

  § 31.2. =Church Teachers of the Asiatic Type.=

    a. =Irenæus=, a pupil of Polycarp, was a native of Asia Minor.
       According to the _Vita Polycarpi_ of Pionius he lived in
       Rome at the time of Polycarp’s death as a teacher, and it
       is not improbable that he had gone there in company with
       his master (§ 37, 2). Subsequently he settled in Gaul, and
       held the office of presbyter at Lyons. During his absence at
       Rome as the bearer of a tract by the imprisoned confessors
       of Lyons on the Montanist controversy to the Roman bishop
       Eleutherus, Pothinus, the aged bishop of Lyons, fell a
       victim to the dreadful persecution of Marcus Aurelius which
       raged in Gaul. Irenæus succeeded him as bishop in A.D. 178.
       About the time and manner of his death nothing certain is
       known. Jerome, indeed, once quite casually designates him
       a martyr, but since none of the earlier Church Fathers, who
       speak of him, know anything of this, it cannot be maintained
       with any confidence. Gentleness and moderation, combined
       with earnestness and decision, as well as the most lively
       interest in the catholicity of the church and the purity of
       its doctrine according to scripture and tradition, were the
       qualities that make him the most important and trustworthy
       witness to his own age, and led to his being recognised in
       all times as one of the ablest and most influential teachers
       of the church and a most successful opponent of heretical
       Gnosticism. His chief work against the Gnostics: Ἔλεγχος καὶ
       ἀνατροπὴ τῆς ψευδονύμου γνώσεως (_Adv. hæreses_) in 5 books,
       is mainly an _ex professo_ directed against the Valentinians
       and the schools of Ptolemy and Marcus There is appended to
       it, beyond what had been proposed at the beginning, a short
       discussion of the views of other Gnostics, the basis of
       which may be found in an older treatise, perhaps in the
       Syntagma of Justin. The last four books give the express
       scripture proofs to sustain the general confutation, without
       doing this, however, in a complete manner; at the same time
       there is rapid movement amid many digressions and excursuses.
       This work has come down to us in a complete form only
       in an old translation literally rendered in barbarous
       Latin, even to the reproduction of misunderstood words,
       which was used as early as by Tertullian in his treatise
       against the Valentinians. We are indebted to the writings
       of the heresiologists Hippolytus and Epiphanius for the
       preservation of many remarkable fragments of the original,
       with or without the author’s name. Of his other writings
       we have only a few faint reminiscences. Two epistles
       addressed to the Roman presbyter Florinus combat the
       Valentinian heresy to which Florinus was inclined. During the
       controversy about Easter (§ 37, 2) he wrote several epistles
       of a conciliatory character, especially one to Blastus in
       Rome, an adherent of the Asiatic practice, and in the name
       of the whole Gallic church, he addressed a letter to the
       Roman bishop, Victor, and afterwards a second letter in his
       own name.[71]

  § 31.3.

    b. =Hippolytus=, a presbyter and afterwards schismatical bishop
       at Rome, though scarcely to be designated of Asia Minor, but
       rather a Lyonese, if not a Roman pupil of Irenæus, belonged
       to the same theological school. He was celebrated for his
       comprehensive learning and literary attainments, and yet
       his career until quite recently was involved in the greatest
       obscurity. Eusebius, who is the first to refer to him,
       places him in the age of Alex. Severus (A.D. 222-235),
       calls him a bishop, without, however, naming his supposed
       oriental diocese, which even Jerome was unable to determine.
       The Liberian list of Popes of A.D. 354, describes him
       as _Yppolytus presbyter_ who was burnt in Sardinia about
       A.D. 235 along with the Roman bishop, Pontianus (§ 41, 1).
       In the fifth century, the Roman church gave him honour as a
       martyr. The poet Prudentius († A.D. 413) who himself saw the
       crypt in which his bones were laid and which in the book of
       his martyrdom was pictorially represented, celebrated his
       career in song. According to him Hippolytus was an adherent
       of the Novatian schism (§ 41, 3), but returned to the
       Catholic church and suffered martyrdom at Portus near Rome.
       According to his own statement quoted by Photius he was
       a hearer of the doctrinal discourses of Irenæus. A statue
       representing him in a sitting posture which was exhumed at
       Rome in A.D. 1551, has on the back of the seat a list of
       his writings along with an Easter cycle of sixteen years
       drawn up by him (§ 56, 3). Finally, there was found among
       the works of Origen a treatise on the various philosophical
       systems entitled _Philosophoumena_, which professes to be
       the first book of a writing in ten books found in Greece in
       A.D. 1842, Κατὰ πασῶν αἱρέσεων ἔλεγχος. Starting from the
       position, and seeking to establish it, that the heretics
       have got their doctrines not from holy scripture, but from
       astrology, pagan mysteries and the Greek philosophers, this
       treatise is generally of great importance not only for the
       history of the heresies of the Gnostics and Monarchians,
       but also for the history of philosophy. The English editor,
       E. Miller (Oxon., 1851), attributed the authorship of the
       whole to Origen, which, however, from the complete difference
       of style, point of view and position was soon proved to be
       untenable. Since the writer admits that he was himself the
       author of a book Περὶ τῆς τοῦ πάντος οὐσίας, and Photius
       ascribes a book with the same title to the Roman Caius
       (§ 31, 7), Baur attributes to the latter the composition of
       the Elenchus. Photius, however, founds his opinion simply
       upon an apocryphal note on the margin of his copy of the
       book. Incomparably more important are the evidences for
       the Hippolytus authorship, which is now almost universally
       admitted. The Elenchus is not, indeed, enumerated in
       the list of works on the statue. The book Περὶ τῆς τοῦ
       πάντος οὐσίας, however, appears there, and it contains
       the statement that its author also wrote the Elenchus. The
       author of the Elenchus also states that he had previously
       written a similar work in a shorter form, and Photius
       describes such a shorter writing of Hippolytus, dating
       from the time of his intercourse with Irenæus, under the
       title Σύνταγμα κατὰ πασῶν αἱρέσεων. Lipsius has made it
       appear extremely probable that in the _Libellus adv. omnes
       hæreticos_ appended to Tertullian’s _De præscriptione
       hæreticorum_, and so usually styled a treatise of the
       Pseudo-Tertullian, we have an abbreviated Latin reproduction
       of that work; for this one as well as the other begins
       with Dositheus and ends with Noëtus, and both deal with
       thirty-two heresies. Epiphanius and Philastrius [Philaster]
       have used it largely in their heresiological works. The
       discussion in the Elenchus agrees therewith in many passages
       but also in many is essentially different, which, however,
       when we consider the much later date of the first named
       treatise affords no convincing evidence against the theory
       that both are by one author. The Elenchus thereby wins a
       high importance as giving information about the condition of
       the Roman church during the first decades of the 3rd century,
       about the position of the author who describes himself in
       his treatise as a pupil of Irenæus, about his own and his
       opponents’ way of viewing things, and about his conflict
       with them leading to schism, though all is told from
       the standpoint of an interested party (§§ 33, 5; 41, 1).
       A considerable fragment directed against the errors of
       Noëtus (§ 33, 5) was perhaps originally a part of his
       Syntagma,--though not perhaps of the anonymous, so-called
       Little Labyrinth against the Artemonites (§ 33, 3) or
       probably against the Monarchians generally, from which
       Eusebius makes extensive quotations, especially about the
       Theodotians. This work is ascribed by Photius to the Roman
       Caius, but without doubt wrongly. Great probability has been
       given to the recently advanced idea that this book too may
       have been written by Hippolytus.[72]

  § 31.4. =The Alexandrian Church Teachers.=

    a. The first of the teachers of the catechetical school at
       Alexandria known by name was =Pantænus=, who had formerly
       been a Stoic philosopher. About A.D. 190 he undertook
       a missionary journey into Southern Arabia or India, and
       died in A.D. 202 after a most successful and useful life.
       Jerome says of him: _Hujus multi quidem in s. Scri. exstant
       Commentarii, sed Magis viva voce ecclesiis profuit_. Of his
       writings none are preserved.

    b. =Titus Flavius Clemens [Clement]= was the pupil of Pantænus
       and his successor at the catechetical school in Alexandria.
       On his travels undertaken in the search for knowledge he
       came to Alexandria as a learned pagan philosopher, where
       probably Pantænus gained an influence over him and was
       the means of his conversion. During the persecution under
       Septimius Severus in A.D. 202 he sought in flight to escape
       the rage of the heathens, in accordance with Matt. x. 23.
       But he continued unweariedly by writing and discourse
       to promote the interests of the church till his death in
       A.D. 220. The most important and most comprehensive of his
       writings is the work in three parts of which the first part
       entitled Λόγος προτρεπτικὸς πρὸς Ἕλληνας (_Cohortatio ad
       Græcos_) with great expenditure of learning seeks to prepare
       the minds of the heathen for Christianity by proving the
       vanity of heathenism; the second part, Ὁ παιδαγωγός in
       three books, with a _Hymnus in Salvatorem_ attached, gives
       an introduction to the Christian life; and the third part,
       Στρωματείς (_Stromata_), that is, patchwork, so-called from
       the aphoristic style and the variety of its contents, in
       eight books, setting forth the deep things of Christian
       gnosis, but in the form rather of a collection of materials
       than a carefully elaborated treatise. The little tractate
       Τίς ὁ σωζόμενος πλούσιος (_Quis dives salvetur_) shows how
       even wealth may be made contributory to salvation. Among
       his lost treatises the most important was the Ὑποτυπώσεις
       in eight books, an expository review of the contents of holy
       scripture.[73]

  § 31.5.

    c. Great as was the reputation of Clement, he was far
       outstripped by his pupil and successor =Origen=,
       acknowledged by pagan and Christian contemporaries to be
       a miracle of scholarship. On account of his indomitable
       diligence, he was named Ἀδαμάντιος. Celebrated as a
       philosopher, philologist, critic, exegete, dogmatist,
       apologist, polemist, etc., posterity has with equal right
       honoured him as the actual founder of an ecclesiastical and
       scientific theology, and reproached him as the originator
       of many heretical opinions (§§ 51; 52, 6). He was born of
       Christian parents at Alexandria about A.D. 185, was educated
       under his father Leonidas, Pantænus and Clement, while still
       a boy encouraged his father when he suffered as a martyr
       under Septimius Severus in A.D. 202, became the support
       of his helpless mother and his six orphaned sisters, and
       was called in A.D. 203 by bishop Demetrius to be teacher
       of the catechetical school. In order to qualify himself
       for the duties of his new calling, he engaged eagerly in
       the study of philosophy under the Neo-Platonist Ammonius
       Saccas. His mode of life was extremely simple and from
       his youth he was a strict ascetic. In his eager striving
       after Christian perfection he had himself emasculated,
       from a misunderstanding of Matt. xix. 12, but afterwards
       he admitted that that was a wrong step. His fame advanced
       from day to day. About A.D. 211 he visited Rome. Accepting
       an honourable invitation in A.D. 215 he wrought for a long
       time as a missionary in Arabia, he was then appointed by the
       celebrated Julia Mammæa (§ 22, 4) to Antioch in A.D. 218;
       and in A.D. 230 undertook in the interest of the church
       a journey to Greece through Palestine, where the bishops
       of Cæsarea and Jerusalem admitted him to the rank of a
       presbyter. His own bishop, Demetrius, jealous of the daily
       increasing fame of Origen and feeling that his episcopal
       rights had been infringed upon, recalled him, and had him
       at two Alexandrian Synods, in A.D. 231 and 232, arraigned
       and excommunicated for heresy, self-mutilation and contempt
       of the ecclesiastical laws of his office. Origen now
       went to Cæsarea, and there, honoured and protected by the
       Emperor, Philip the Arabian, opened a theological school.
       His literary activity here reached its climax. But under
       Decius he was cast into prison at Tyre, in A.D. 254,
       and died in consequence of terrible tortures which he
       endured heroically.--Of his numerous writings[74] only a
       comparatively small number, but those of great value, are
       preserved; some in the original, others only in a Latin
       translation.

        1. To the department of =Biblical Criticism= belongs the
           fruit of twenty-seven years’ labour, the so-called
           Hexapla, that is, a placing side by side the Hebrew text
           of the O.T. (first in Hebr. and then in the Gr. letters)
           and the existing Greek translations of the LXX., Aquila,
           Symmachus and Theodotion; by the addition in some
           books of other anonymous translations, it came to be
           an Octopla or Enneapla. By critical marks on the margin
           all variations were carefully indicated. The enormous
           bulk of fifty volumes hindered its circulation by means
           of transcripts; but the original lay in the library
           at Cæsarea open to the inspection of all, until lost,
           probably in the sack of the city by the Arabians in
           A.D. 653.[75]

        2. His =Exegetical works= consist of Σημειώσεις or
           short scholia on separate difficult passages, Τόμοι
           or complete commentaries on whole books of the bible,
           and Ὁμιλίαι or practical expository lectures. Origen,
           after the example of the Rabbinists and Hellenists,
           gave a decided preference to the allegorical method
           of interpretation. In every scripture passage he
           distinguished a threefold sense, as σῶμα, ψυχή, πνεῦμα,
           first a literal, and then a twofold higher sense, the
           tropical or moral, and the pneumatical or mystical.
           He was not just a despiser of the literal sense, but
           the unfolding of the mystical sense seemed to him
           of infinitely greater importance. All history in the
           bible is a picture of things in the higher world. Most
           incidents occurred as they are told; but some, the
           literal conception of which would be unworthy or
           irrational, are merely typical, without any outward
           historical reality. The Old Testament language is
           typical in a twofold sense: for the New Testament
           history and for the heavenly realities. The New
           Testament language is typical only of the latter.
           He regarded the whole bible as inspired, with the
           exception of the books added by the LXX., but the New
           Testament in a higher degree than the Old. But even the
           New Testament had defects which will only be overcome
           by the revelation of eternity.

        3. To the department of =Dogmatics= belongs his four books
           Περὶ ἀρχῶν (_De Principiis_), which have come down to
           us in a Latin translation of Rufinus with arbitrary
           interpolations. His Στρωματεῖς in ten books which
           sought to harmonize the Christian doctrine with Greek
           philosophy is lost, and also his numerous writings
           against the heretics. His comprehensive apologetical
           work in eight books, _Contra Celsum_ (§ 23, 3), has
           come down to us complete.[76] Gregory of Nazianzus
           [Nazianzen] and Basil the Great made a book entirely
           from his writings under the title Φιλοκαλία, which
           contains many passages from lost treatises, and a
           valuable original fragment from his Περὶ ἀρχῶν. His
           principal doctrinal characteristics are the following:
           There is a twofold revelation, the primitive revelation
           in conscience to which the heathen owe their σπέρματα
           ἀληθείας, and the historical revelation in holy
           scripture; there are three degrees of religious
           knowledge, that of the ψιλὴ πίστις, an unreasoned
           acceptance of the truth, wrought by God immediately in
           the heart of men, that of γνῶσις or ἐπιστήμη to which
           the reasoning mind of man can reach by the speculative
           development of scripture revelation in his life, and
           finally, that of σοφία or θεωρία, the vision of God,
           the full enjoyment of which is attained unto only
           hereafter. For his doctrine of the Trinity, see § 33, 6.
           His cosmological, angelological and anthropological
           views represent a mixture of Platonic, Gnostic
           and spiritualistic ideas, and run out into various
           heterodoxies; thus, he believes in timeless or eternal
           creation, an ante-temporal fall of human souls,
           their imprisonment in earthly bodies, he denies the
           resurrection of the body, he believed in the animation
           and the need and capacity of redemption of the stars
           and star-spirits, in the restoration of all spirits to
           their original, ante-temporal blessedness and holiness,
           ἀποκατάστασις τῶν πάντων.

        4. Of his =Ascetical Works=, the treatise Περὶ εὐχῆς with
           an admirable exposition of the Lord’s prayer, and a
           Λόγος προτρεπικὸς εἰς μαρτύριον have been preserved.
           Of his numerous epistles, the _Epistola ad Julium
           Africanum_ defends against his correspondent the
           genuineness of the history of Susannah.

  § 31.6.

    d. Among the successors of Origen in the school of Alexandria
       the most celebrated, from about A.D. 232, was =Dionysius
       Alexandrinus= [of Alexandria]. He was raised to the rank
       of bishop in A.D. 247, and died in A.D. 265. In speculative
       power he was inferior to his teacher Origen. His special
       gift was that of κυβέρνησις. He was honoured by his own
       contemporaries with the title of The Great. During the
       Decian persecution he manifested wisdom and good sense
       as well as courage and steadfastness. The ecclesiastical
       conflicts of his age afforded abundant opportunities for
       testing his noble and gentle character, as well as his
       faithful attachment to the church and zeal for the purity of
       its doctrine, and on all hands his self-denying amiability
       wrought in the interests of peace. Of his much-praised
       writings, exegetical, ascetical, polemical (Περὶ ἐπαγγελιῶν
       § 33, 9), apologetical (Περὶ φύσεως against the Atomism
       of Democritus and Epicurus), and dogmatical (§ 33, 7),
       only fragments are preserved, mostly from his Epistles
       in quotations by Eusebius. We have, however, one short
       tract complete addressed to Novatian at Rome (§ 31, 12),
       containing an earnest entreaty that he should abandon his
       schismatic rigorism.

    e. =Gregory Thaumaturgus= was one of Origen’s pupils at Cæsarea.
       Origen was the means of converting the truth-seeking heathen
       youth to Christianity, and Gregory clung to his teacher with
       the warmest affection. He subsequently became bishop of his
       native city of Neo-Cæsarea, and was able on his death-bed
       in A.D. 270 to comfort himself with the reflection that he
       left to his successor no more unbelievers in the city than
       his predecessor had left him of believers (their number was
       seventeen). He was called the second Moses and the power of
       working miracles was ascribed to him. We have from his pen
       a panegyric on Origen, an Epistle on Church Discipline, a
       Μετάφρασις εἰς Ἐκκλησιάστην, a Confession of Faith important
       for the history of the Ante-Nicene period (§ 50, 1): Ἔκθεσις
       πίστεως. Two other tracts in a Syrian translation are
       ascribed to him: To Philagrius on Consubstantiality, and
       To Theopompus on the Passibility of God. Dräseke, however,
       identifies the first-named with Oratio 45 of Gregory
       Nazianzus [Nazianzen] and assigns to him the authorship.[77]

    f. The learned presbyter =Pamphilus= of Cæsarea, the friend
       of Eusebius (§ 47, 2) and founder of a theological seminary
       and the celebrated library of Cæsarea, who died as a martyr
       under Maximinus, belongs to this group. His Old Testament
       Commentaries have been lost. In prison he finished his work
       in five books which he undertook jointly with Eusebius, the
       Apology for Origen, to which Eusebius independently added a
       sixth book. Only the first book is preserved in Rufinus’
       Latin translation.

  § 31.7. =Greek-speaking Church Teachers in other Quarters.=

    a. =Hegesippus= wrote his five books Ὑπομνήματα, about A.D. 180,
       during the age of the Roman bishop Eleutherus. From his
       knowledge of the Hebrew language, literature and traditions
       Eusebius concludes that he was a Jew by birth. He himself
       says distinctly that in A.D. 155 during the time of bishop
       Anicetus he was staying in Rome, and that on his way thither
       he visited Corinth. The opinion formerly current that
       his Hypomnemata consisted of a collection of historical
       traditions from the time of the Apostles down to the age of
       the writer, and so might be called a sort of Church History,
       arose from the historical character of the contents of eight
       quotations made from this treatise by Eusebius in his own
       Church History. It is, however, not borne out by the fact
       that what Hegesippus tells in his detailed narrative of the
       end of James the Just (§ 16, 3) occurs, not in the first
       or second but in the fifth and last book of his treatise.
       Moreover, among writers against the heretics or Gnostics,
       Eusebius enumerates in the first place one Hegesippus,
       having it would seem his Hypomnemata in view. From this
       circumstance, in conjunction with everything else quoted
       from and told about him by Eusebius, we may with great
       probability conclude that the purpose of his writing was
       to confute the heresies of his age. In doing so he traces
       them partly to Gentile sources, but partly and mainly to
       pre-Christian Jewish heresies, seven of which are enumerated.
       He treats in the first three books of the so-called Gnostics
       and their relations to heathenism and false Judaism. Then in
       the fourth book he discusses the heretical Apocrypha and, as
       contrasted with them, the orthodox ecclesiastical writings,
       mentioning among them expressly the Epistle of Clemens
       [Clement] Romanus [of Rome] to the Corinthians. Finally,
       in the fifth book, he proves from the Apostolic succession
       of the leaders of the church, the unity and truth of
       ecclesiastically transmitted doctrine. The historical value
       of his writing, owing to the confusion and want of critical
       power shown in the instances referred to, cannot be placed
       very high. The school of Baur, more particularly Schwegler
       (see § 20), attached greater importance to him as a supposed
       representative of the anti-Pauline Judaism of his time.
       The value of his testimony in this direction, however, is
       reduced by his acknowledgment of the Epistle of Clement that
       accords so high a place to the Apostle Paul. His relations
       to Rome and Corinth, with his judgment on the general unity
       of faith in the church of his age, prove that he would be by
       no means disposed to repudiate the Apostle Paul in favour of
       any Ebionitic tendency.

    b. =Caius of Rome=, a contemporary of bishop Zephyrinus
       about A.D. 210, was one of the most conspicuous opponents
       of Montanism. Eusebius who characterizes him as ἀνὴρ
       ἐκκλησιαστικός and λογιώτατος, quotes four times from
       his now lost controversial tract in dialogue form against
       Proclus the Roman Montanist leader.

  § 31.8.

    c. =Sextus Julius Africanus=, according to Suidas a native of
       Libya, took part, as he says himself in his Κεστοῖς, in the
       campaign of Septimius Severus against Osrhoëne in A.D. 195,
       became intimate with the Christian king Maanu VIII. of
       Edessa, whom in his Chronographies he calls ἱερὸς ἀνὴρ,
       and was often companion in hunting to his son and successor
       Maanu IX. About A.D. 220 we find him, according to Eusebius
       and others, in Rome at the head of an embassy from Nicopolis
       or Emmaus in Palestine petitioning for the restoration of
       that city. In consequence of Origen addressing him about
       A.D. 227 as ἀγαπητὸς ἀδελφός it has been rashly concluded
       that he was then a presbyter or at least of clerical rank.
       The five books, Χρονογραφίαι, were his first and most
       important work. This work which was known partly in the
       original, partly in the citations from it in the Eusebian
       Chronicle (§ 47, 2), together with its Latin continuation
       by Jerome proved a main source of information in general
       history during the Byzantine period and the Latin Middle
       Age. Beginning with the creation of the world and fixing
       the whole course of the world’s development at 6,000 years,
       he set the middle point of this period to the age of Peleg
       (Gen. x. 25), and in accordance with the chronology of the
       LXX. and reckoning by Olympiads, proceeded to synchronize
       biblical and profane history. He assigned the birth of
       Christ to the middle of the sixth of the thousand year
       periods, at the close of which he probably expected the
       beginning of the millennium. From the fragments preserved
       by later Byzantine chroniclers, Gelzer has attempted to
       reproduce as far as possible the original work, carefully
       indicating its sources and authorities. Of the other works
       of Africanus we have in a complete form only an Epistle
       to Origen, “a real gem of brilliant criticism spiced with
       a gentle touch of fine irony” (Gelzer), which combats the
       authenticity and credibility of the Pseudo-Daniel’s history
       of Susannah. We have also a fragment quoted in Eusebius
       from an Epistle to a certain Aristides, which attempts
       a reconciliation of the genealogies in Matt. and Luke by
       distinguishing παῖδες νόμῳ and παῖδες φύσει with reference
       to Deut. xxv. 5. According to Eusebius “the chronologist
       Julius Africanus,” according to Suidas “Origen’s friend
       Africanus with the prænomen Sextus,” is also the author of
       the so called Κεστοί (_embroidery_), a great comprehensive
       work of which only fragments have been preserved, in which
       all manner of wonderful things from the life of nature and
       men, about agriculture, cattle breeding, warfare, etc.,
       were recorded, so that it had the secondary title Παράδοξα.
       The excessive details of pagan superstition here reported,
       much of which, such as that relating to the secret worship
       of Venus, was distinctly immoral, and its dependence on
       the secret writings of the Egyptians seem now as hard to
       reconcile with the standpoint of a believing Christian, as
       with the sharpness of intellect shown in his criticism of
       the letter of Susannah. It has therefore been assumed that
       alongside of the Christian chronologist Julius Africanus
       there was a pagan Julius Africanus who wrote the Κεστοί,--or,
       seeing the identity of the two is strongly evidenced both
       on internal and external grounds, the composition of the
       Κεστοί is assigned to a period when the author was still a
       heathen. The facts, however, that the Chronicles close with
       A.D. 221 and that the Κεστοί is dedicated to Alex. Severus
       (A.D. 222-235), seem to guarantee the earlier composition
       of the Chronicles. The author of the Κεστοί, too, by his
       quotation of Ps. xxxiv. 9 with the formula θεία ῥήματα,
       shows himself a Christian, and on the other hand, the author
       of the Chronicles says that at great cost he had made himself
       acquainted in Egypt with a celebrated secret book.

  § 31.9.

    d. =Methodius= bishop of Olympus in Lycia, subsequently at
       Tyre, a man highly esteemed in his day, died as a martyr
       in A.D. 311. He was a decided opponent of the spiritualism
       prevailing in the school of Origen. His Συμπόσιον τῶν δέκα
       παρθένων is a dialogue between several virgins regarding
       the excellence of virginity written in eloquent and glowing
       language (transl. in Ante-Nicene Lib., Edin., 1870). Of his
       other works only outlines and fragments are preserved by
       Epiphanius and Photius. To these belong Περὶ αὐτεξουσίου καὶ
       ποθὲν κακά, a polemic against the Platonic-Gnostic doctrine
       of the eternity of matter as the ultimate ground and cause
       of sin, which are to be sought rather in the misuse of
       human freedom; the dialogues Περὶ ἀναστάσεως and Περὶ τῶν
       γεννητῶν, the former of which combats Origen’s doctrine of
       the resurrection, and the latter his doctrine of creation.
       His controversial treatise against Porphyry (§ 23, 3) has
       been completely lost.

    e. The martyr =Lucian of Samosata=, born and brought up in
       Edessa, was presbyter of Antioch and co-founder of the
       theological school there that became so famous (§ 47, 1),
       where he, deposed by a Syrian Synod of A.D. 269, and
       persecuted by the Emperor Aurelian in A.D. 272, as supporter
       of bishop Paul of Samosata (§ 33, 8), maintained his
       position under the three following bishops (till A.D. 303)
       apart from the official church, and died a painful martyr’s
       death under the Emperor Maximinus in A.D. 312. That
       secession, however, was occasioned less perhaps through
       doctrinal and ecclesiastical, than through national and
       political, anti-Roman and Syrian sympathies with his
       heretical countrymen of Samosata. For though in the Arian
       controversy (§ 50, 1) Lucian undoubtedly appears as the
       father of that Trinitarian-Christological view first
       recognised and combated as heretical in his pupil Arius in
       A.D. 318, this was certainly essentially different from the
       doctrine of the Samosatian. About Lucian’s literary activity
       only the scantiest information has come down to us. His most
       famous work was his critical revision of the Text of the Old
       and New Testaments, which according to Jerome was officially
       sanctioned in the dioceses of the Patriarchs of Antioch
       and Constantinople, and thus probably lies at the basis of
       Theodoret’s and Chrysostom’s exegetical writings. Rufinus’
       Latin translation of Eusebius’ Church History gives an
       extract from the “Apologetical Discourse” in which he seems
       to have openly confessed and vindicated his Christian faith
       before his heathen judge.


                  2. CHURCH FATHERS WRITING IN LATIN.

  § 31.10. =The Church Teachers of North Africa.=--=Quintus
  Septimius Florens Tertullianus [Tertullian]= was the son of a
  heathen centurion of Carthage, distinguished as an advocate and
  rhetorician, converted somewhat late in life, about A.D. 190,
  and, after a long residence in Rome, made presbyter at Carthage
  in A.D. 220. He was of a fiery and energetic character, in his
  writings as well as in his life pre-eminently a man of force,
  with burning enthusiasm for the truth of the gospel, unsparingly
  rigorous toward himself and others. His “Punic style” is terse,
  pictorial and rhetorical, his thoughts are original, brilliant
  and profound, his eloquence transporting, his dialectic clear
  and convincing, his polemic crushing, enlivened with sharp wit
  and biting sarcasm. He shows himself the thoroughly accomplished
  jurist in his use of legal terminology and also in the acuteness
  of his deductions and demonstrations. Fanatically opposed to
  heathen philosophy, though himself trained in the knowledge of it,
  a zealous opponent of Gnosticism, in favour of strict asceticism
  and hostile to every form of worldliness, he finally attached
  himself, about A.D. 220, to the party of the Montanists (§ 40, 3).
  Here he found the form of religion in which his whole manner of
  thought and feeling, the energy of his will, the warmth of his
  emotions, his strong and forceful imagination, his inclination to
  rigorous asceticism, his love of bald realism, could be developed
  in all power and fulness, without let or hindrance. If amid
  all his enthusiasm for Montanism he kept clear of many of its
  absurdities, he had for this to thank his own strong common sense,
  and also, much as he affected to despise it, his early scientific
  training. He at first wrote his compositions in Greek, but
  afterwards exclusively in Latin, into which he also translated
  the most important of his earlier writings. He is perhaps not
  the first who treated of the Christian truth in this language
  (§ 31, 12a), but he has been rightly recognised as the actual
  creator of ecclesiastical Latin. His writings may be divided into
  three groups.

    a. =Apologetical and Controversial Treatises against Jews and
       Pagans=, which belong to his pre-Montanist period. The most
       important and instructive of these is the _Apologeticus adv.
       Gentes_, addressed to the Roman governor. A reproduction of
       this work intended for the general public, less learned, but
       more vigorous, scathing and uncompromising, is the treatise
       in two books entitled _Ad Nationes_. In the work _Ad
       Scapulam_, who as Proconsul of Africa under Septimius
       Severus had persecuted the Christians with unsparing cruelty,
       he calls him to account for this with all earnestness and
       plainness of speech. In the book, _De testimonio animæ_
       he carries out more fully the thought already expressed in
       the _Apologeticus c. 17_ of the _Anima humana naturaliter
       christiana_, and proves in an ingenious manner that
       Christianity alone meets the religious needs of humanity.
       The book _Adv. Judæos_ had its origin ostensibly in a public
       disputation with the Jews, in which the interruptions of his
       audience interferes with the flow of his discourse.

    b. =Controversial Treatises against the Heretics.= In the tract
       _De præscriptione hæreticorum_ he proves that the Catholic
       church, because in prescriptive possession of the field
       since the time of the Apostles, is entitled on the legal
       ground of _præscriptio_ to be relieved of the task of
       advancing proof of her claims, while the heretics on the
       other hand are bound to establish their pretensions. A
       heresiological appendix to this book has been erroneously
       attributed to Tertullian (see § 31, 3). He combats the
       Gnostics in the writings: _De baptismo_ (against the Gnostic
       rejection of water baptism); _Adv. Hermogenem_; _Adv.
       Valentinianos_; _De anima_ (an Anti-Gnostic treatise,
       which maintains the creatureliness, yea, the materiality of
       the soul, traces its origin to sexual intercourse, and its
       mortality to Adam’s sin); _De carne Christi_ (Anti-Docetic):
       _De resurrectione carnis Scorpiace_ (an antidote to the
       scorpion-poison of the Gnostic heresy); finally, the five
       books, _Adv. Marcionem_. The book _Adv. Praxeam_ is directed
       against the Patripassians (§ 33, 4). In this work his
       realism reaches its climax at c. 7 in the statement: “_Quis
       enim negabit, Deum corpus esse, etsi Deus spiritus est?
       Spiritus enim corpus sui generis in sua effigie_,”--where,
       however, he is careful to state that with him _corpus_ and
       _substantia_ are identical ideas, so that he can also say in
       c. 10 _de carne Christi_: “_Omne quod est, corpus est sui
       generis. Nihil est incorporate nisi quod non est._”

    c. =Practical and Ascetical Treatises.= His pre-Montanist
       writings are characterized by moderation as compared with
       the fanatical rigorism and scornful bitterness against the
       Psychical, _i.e._ the Catholics, displayed in those of the
       Montanist period. To the former class belong: _De oratione_
       (exposition of the Lord’s Prayer); _De baptismo_ (necessity
       of water baptism, disapproval of infant baptism); _De
       pœnitentia_; _De idolatria_; _Ad Martyres_; _De spectaculis_;
       _De cultu feminarum_ (against feminine love of dress); _De
       patientia_; _Ad uxorem_ (a sort of testament for his wife,
       with the exhortation after his death not to marry again,
       but at least in no case to marry an unbeliever). To the
       Montanist period belong: _De virginibus velandis_; _De
       corona militis_ (defending a Christian soldier who suffered
       imprisonment for refusing to wear the soldier’s crown);
       _De fuga in persecutione_ (which with fanatical decision
       is declared to be a renunciation of Christianity); _De
       exhortatione castitatis_ and _De monogamia_ (both against
       second marriages which are treated as fornication and
       adultery); _De pudicitia_ (recalling his milder opinion
       given in his earlier treatise _De pœnitentia_, that
       every mortal sin is left to the judgment of God, with the
       possibility of reconciliation); _De jejuniis adv. Psychicos_
       (vindication of the fasting discipline of the Montanists,
       § 40, 4); _De pallio_ (an essay full of wit and humour
       in answer to the taunts of his fellow-citizens about his
       throwing off the toga and donning the philosopher’s mantle,
       _i.e._ the Pallium, which even the Ascetics might wear).[78]

  § 31.11. =Thascius Cæcilius Cyprianus= [Cyprian], descended from
  a celebrated pagan family in Carthage, was at first a teacher
  of rhetoric, then, after his conversion in A.D. 245, a presbyter
  and from A.D. 248 bishop in his native city. During the Decian
  persecution the hatred of the heathen mob expressed itself in
  the cry _Cyprianum ad leonem_; but he withdrew himself for a
  time in flight into the desert in A.D. 250, from whence he guided
  the affairs of the church by his Epistles, and returned in the
  following year when respite had been given. The disturbances that
  had meanwhile arisen afforded him abundant opportunity for the
  exercise of that wisdom and gentleness which characterized him,
  and the earnestness, energy and moderation of his nature, as well
  as his Christian tact and prudence all stood him in good stead in
  dealing, on the one hand, with the fallen who sought restoration,
  and on the other, the rigorous schismatics who opposed them
  (§ 41, 2). When persecution again broke out under Valerian in
  A.D. 257 he was banished to the desert Curubis, and when he
  returned to his oppressed people in A.D. 258, he was beheaded.
  His epoch-making significance lies not so much in his theological
  productions as in his energetic and successful struggle for the
  unity of the church as represented by the monarchical position
  of the episcopate, and in his making salvation absolutely
  dependent upon submission to episcopal authority, as well
  as in the powerful impetus given by him to the tendency to
  view ecclesiastical piety as an _opus operatum_ (§ 39). As a
  theologian and writer he mainly attaches himself to the giant
  Tertullian, whose thoughts he reproduces in his works, with
  the excision, however, of their Montanist extravagances. Jerome
  relates that no day passed in which he did not call to his
  amanuensis: _Da magistrum_! In originality, profundity, force
  and fulness of thought, as well as in speculative and dialectic
  gifts, he stands indeed far below Tertullian, but in lucidity and
  easy flow of language and pleasant exposition he far surpasses
  him. His eighty-one Epistles are of supreme importance for the
  Ch. Hist. of his times, and next to them in value is the treatise
  “De unitate ecclesiæ” (§ 34, 7). His _Liber ad Donatum s. de
  gratia Dei_, the first writing produced after his conversion,
  contains treatises on the leadings of God’s grace and the
  blessedness of the Christian life as contrasted with the
  blackness of the life of the pagan world. The Apologetical
  writings _De idolorum vanitate_ and _Testimonia adv. Judæos_,
  II. iii., have no claims to independence and originality. This
  applies also more or less to his ascetical tracts: _De habitu
  virginum_, _De mortalitate_, _De exhortatione martyrii_,
  _De lapsis_, _De oratione dominica_, _De bono patientiæ_,
  _De zelo et livore_, etc. His work _De opere et eleemosynis_
  specially contributed to the spread of the doctrine of the merit
  of works.[79]

  § 31.12. =Various Ecclesiastical Writers using the Latin Tongue.=

    a. The Roman attorney =Minucius Felix=, probably of Cirta in
       Africa, wrote under the title of _Octavius_ a brilliant
       Apology, expressed in a fine Latin diction, in the form of a
       conversation between his two friends the Christian Octavius
       and the heathen Cæcilius, which resulted in the conversion
       of the latter. It is matter of dispute whether it was
       composed before or after Tertullian’s Apologeticus, and
       to which of the two the origin of thoughts and expressions
       common to both is to be assigned. Recently Ebert has
       maintained the opinion that Minucius is the older, and
       this view has obtained many adherents; whereas the contrary
       theory of Schultze has reached its climax in assigning the
       composition of the _Octavius_ to A.D. 300-303, so that he is
       obliged to ascribe the Octavius as well as the Apologeticus
       to a compiler of the fourth or fifth century, plagiarizing
       from Cyprian’s treatise _De idolorum vanitate_!

    b. =Commodianus= [Commodus], born at Gaza, was won to
       Christianity by reading holy scripture, and wrote about
       A.D. 250 his _Instructiones adv. Gentium Deos_, consisting
       of eighty acrostic poems in rhyming hexameters and scarcely
       intelligible, barbarous Latin. His _Carmen apologeticum adv.
       Jud. et Gent._ was first published in 1852.

    c. The writings of his contemporary the schismatical =Novatian=
       of Rome (§ 41, 3) show him to have been a man of no ordinary
       dogmatical and exegetical ability. His _Liber de Trinitate
       s. de Regula fidei_ is directed in a subordinationist
       sense against the Monarchians (§ 33). The _Epistola de
       cibis Judaici_ repudiates any obligation on the part of
       Christians to observe the Old Testament laws about food;
       and the _Epistola Cleri Romani_ advocates milder measures
       in the penitential discipline.

    d. =Arnobius= was born at Sicca in Africa, where he was engaged
       as a teacher of eloquence about A.D. 300. For a long time he
       was hostilely inclined toward Christianity, but underwent a
       change of mind by means of a vision in a dream. The bishop
       distrusted him and had misgivings about admitting him
       to baptism, but he convinced him of the honesty of his
       intentions by composing the seven books of _Disputationes
       adv. Gentes_. This treatise betrays everywhere defective
       understanding of the Christian truth; but he is more
       successful in combating the old religion than in defending
       the new.

    e. The bishop =Victorinus of Pettau= (Petavium in Styria), who
       died a martyr during the Diocletian persecution in A.D. 303,
       wrote commentaries on the Old and New Testament books that
       are no longer extant. Only a fragment _De fabrica mundi_ on
       Gen. i. and Scholia on the Apocalypse have been preserved.

    f. =Lucius Cœlius Firmianus Lactantius= († about A.D. 330),
       probably of Italian descent, but a pupil of Arnobius
       in Africa, was appointed by Diocletian teacher of Latin
       eloquence at Nicomedia. At that place about A.D. 301 he
       was converted to Christianity and resigned his office
       on the outbreak of the persecution. Constantine the Great
       subsequently committed to him the education of his son
       Crispus, who, at his father’s command, was executed in
       A.D. 326. From his writings he seems to have been amiable
       and unassuming, a man of wide reading, liberal culture
       and a warm heart. The purity of his Latin style and the
       eloquence of his composition, in which he excels all the
       Church Fathers, has won for him the honourable name of the
       Christian Cicero. We often miss in his writings grip, depth
       and acuteness of thinking; especially in their theological
       sections we meet with many imperfections and mistakes.
       He was not only carried away by a fanatical chiliasm,
       but adopted also many opinions of a Manichæan sort. The
       _Institutiones divinæ_ in seven bks., a complete exposition
       and defence of the Christian faith, is his principal work.
       The _Epitome div. inst._ is an abstract of the larger works
       prepared by himself with the addition of many new thoughts.
       His book _De mortibus persecutorum_ (Engl. trans. by
       Dr. Burnett, “Relation of the Death of the Primitive
       Persecutors.” Amsterdam, 1687), contains a rhetorically
       coloured description of the earlier persecutions as well
       as of those witnessed by himself during his residence in
       Nicomedia. It is of great importance for the history of the
       period but must be carefully sifted owing to its strongly
       partisan character. Not only the joy of the martyrs but
       also the proof of a divine Nemesis in the lives of the
       persecutors are regarded as demonstrating the truth of
       Christianity. The tract _De ira Dei_ seeks to prove the
       failure of Greek philosophy to combine the ideas of justice
       and goodness in its conception of God. The book _De opificio
       Dei_ proves from the wonderful structure of the human body
       the wisdom of divine providence. Jerome praises him as a
       poet; but of the poems ascribed to him only one on the bird
       phœnix, which, as it rises into life out of its own ashes
       is regarded as a symbol of immortality and the resurrection,
       can lay any claim to authenticity.


       § 32. THE APOCRYPHAL AND PSEUDEPIGRAPHICAL LITERATURE.[80]

  The practice, so widely spread in pre-Christian times among pagans
and Jews, of publishing treatises as original and primitive divine
revelations which had no claim to such a title found favour among
Christians of the first centuries, and was continued far down into the
Greek and Latin Middle Ages. The majority of the apocryphal or anonymous
and pseudepigraphic writings were issued in support of heresies Ebionite
or Gnostic. Many, however, were free from heretical taint and were
simply undertaken for the purpose of glorifying Christianity by what
was then regarded as a harmless _pia fraus_ through a _vaticinia post
eventum_, or of filling up blanks in the early history with myths and
fables already existing or else devised for the occasion. They took the
subjects of their romances partly from the field of the Old Testament,
and partly from the field of the New Testament in the form of Gospels,
Acts, Apostolic Epistles and Apocalypses. A number of them are
professedly drawn from the prophecies of old heathen seers. Of greater
importance, especially for the history of the constitution, worship and
discipline of the church are the Eccles. Constitutions put forth under
the names of Apostles. Numerous apocryphal Acts of Martyrs are for the
most part utterly useless as historical sources.

  § 32.1. =Professedly Old Heathen Prophecies.=--Of these the
  =Sibylline Writings= occupy the most conspicuous place. The
  Græco-Roman legend of the Sibyls, σιοῦ βούλη (Æol. for θεοῦ
  βούλη), _i.e._ prophetesses of pagan antiquity, was wrought up
  at a very early period in the interests of Judaism and afterwards
  of Christianity, especially of Ebionite heresy. The extant
  collection of such oracles in fourteen books were compiled in the
  5th or 6th century. It contains in Greek verses prophecies partly
  purely Jewish, partly Jewish wrought up by a Christian hand,
  partly originally Christian, about the history of the world, the
  life and sufferings of Christ, the persecutions of His disciples
  and the stages in the final development of His kingdom. The
  Christian participation in the composition of the Sibylline
  oracles began in the first century, soon after the irruption of
  Vesuvius in A.D. 79, and continued down to the 5th century. The
  Apologists, especially Lactantius, made such abundant use of
  these prophecies that the heathens nicknamed them Sibyllists.--Of
  the prophecies about the coming of Christ ascribed to an ancient
  Persian seer, =Hystaspes=, none have been preserved.

  § 32.2. =Old Testament Pseudepigraphs.=[81]--These are mostly of
  =Jewish Origin=, of which, however, many were held by the early
  Christians in high esteem.

    a. To this class belongs pre-eminently the =Book of Enoch=,
       written originally in Hebrew in the last century before
       Christ, quoted in the Epistle of Jude, and recovered only in
       an Ethiopic translation in A.D. 1821. In its present form in
       which a great number of older writings about Enoch and Noah
       have been wrought up, the book embraces accounts of the fall
       of a certain part of the angels (Gen. vi. 1-4; Jude 6; and
       2 Pet. ii. 4), also statements of the holy angels about the
       mysteries of heaven and hell, the earth and paradise, about
       the coming of the Messiah, etc.

    b. The =Assumptio Mosis= (ἀνάληψις), from which, according to
       Origen, the reference to the dispute between Michael and
       Satan about the body of Moses in the Epistle of Jude is
       taken, was discovered by the librarian Ceriani at Milan.
       He found the first part of this book in an old Latin
       translation and published it in A.D. 1860. In the exercise
       of his official gift Moses prophesies to Joshua about the
       future fortunes of his nation down to the appearing of the
       Messiah. The second part, which is wanting, dealt with the
       translation of Moses. The exact date of its composition is
       not determined, but it may be perhaps assigned to the first
       Christian century.

    c. The so-called =Fourth Book of Ezra= is first referred to by
       Clement of Alexandria. It is an Apocalypse after the manner
       of the Book of Daniel. It was probably written originally in
       Greek but we possess only translations: a Latin one and four
       oriental ones--Ethiopic, Arabic, Syriac and Armenian. From
       these oriental translations the blanks in the Latin version
       have been supplied, and its later Christian interpolations
       have been detected. The angel Uriel in seven visions makes
       known to the weeping Ezra the signs of the approaching
       destruction of Jerusalem, the decay of the Roman empire,
       the founding of the Messianic kingdom, etc. The fifth vision
       of the eagle with twelve wings and three heads seems to fix
       the date of its composition to the time of Domitian.

    d. In the year 1843 the missionary Krapff sent to Tübingen
       the title of an Ethiopic Codex, in which Ewald recognised
       the writing referred to frequently by the Church Fathers as
       the =Book of Jubilees= (Ἰωβελαῖα) or the =Little Genesis=
       (Λεπτογένεσις). This book, written probably about A.D. 50
       or 60, is a complete summary of the Jewish legendary matter
       about the early biblical history from the creation down to
       the entrance into Canaan, divided into fifty jubilee periods.
       The name _Little Genesis_ was given it, notwithstanding
       its large dimensions, as indicating a Genesis of the second
       rank.[82]

  § 32.3. The following Pseudepigraphs are of =Christian Origin=.

    a. The short romantic =History of Assenath=, daughter of
       Potiphar and wife of Joseph (Gen. xli. 45). Its main point
       is the conversion of Assenath by an angel.

    b. =The Testaments of the XII. Patriarchs=, after the style of
       Gen. xlix., written in Greek in the 2nd cent., and quoted
       by Origen. As in the chapter of Gen. referred to parting
       counsels are put in the mouth of Jacob, they are here
       ascribed to his twelve sons. These discourses embrace
       prophecies of the coming of Christ and His atoning
       sufferings and death, statements about baptism and the
       Lord’s supper, about the great Apostle of the Gentiles,
       the rejection of the O.T. covenant people and the election
       of the Gentiles, the destruction of Jerusalem and the
       final completion of the kingdom of God. The book is thus a
       cleverly compiled and comprehensive handbook of Christian
       faith, life and hope.

    c. Of the =Ascensio Isaiæ= (Ἀναβατικόν) and the =Visio Isaiæ=
       (Ὅρασις) traces are to be found as early as in Justin
       Martyr and Tertullian. The Greek original is lost. Dillmann
       published an old Ethiopic version (Lps., 1877), and Gieseler
       an old Lat. text (Gött., 1832). Its Cabbalistic colouring
       commended it to the Gnostics. In its first part, borrowed
       from an old Jewish document, it tells about the martyrdom of
       Isaiah who was sawn asunder by King Manasseh; in its second
       part, entitled _Visio Isaiæ_ it is told how the prophet in
       an ecstasy was led by an angel through the seven heavens and
       had revealed to him the secrets of the divine counsels
       regarding the incarnation of Christ.

    d. A collection in Syriac belonging perhaps to the 5th or 6th
       century in which other legends about early ages are kept
       together, is called =Spelunca thesaurorum=. We are here
       told about the sepulchre of the patriarch Lamech and the
       treasures preserved there from which the wise men obtained
       the gifts which they presented to the infant Saviour. The
       Ethiopic _Vita Adami_ is an expansion of the book just
       referred to. This book is manifestly a legendary account of
       the changes wrought upon all relations of life in our first
       parents by means of the fall (hence the title: “Conflict
       of Adam and Eve”), and Golgotha is named as Adam’s burying
       place. A second and shorter part treats of the Sethite
       patriarchs down to Noah. The still shorter third part
       relates the post-diluvian history down to the time of
       Christ.[83]

  § 32.4. =New Testament Apocrypha and Pseudepigraphs.=--The
  Gnostics especially produced these in great abundance. Epiphanius
  speaks of them as numbering thousands. But the Catholics, too,
  were unable to resist the temptation to build up the truth by
  these doubtful means.

    I. =Apocryphal Gospels.=

        1. =Complete Gospels= existed in considerable numbers,
           _i.e._ embracing the period of Christ’s earthly
           labours, more or less corrupted in the interests of
           Gnostic or Ebionitic heresy, or independently composed
           Gospels; but only of a few of these do we possess any
           knowledge.[84] The most important of these are the
           following: _The Gosp. of the Egyptians_, esteemed by
           the Encratites, according to Origen one of the writings
           referred to in Luke i. 1; also _the Gosp. of the XII.
           Apostles_, generally called by the Fathers Εὐαγγ. καθ’
           Ἑβραίους originally written in Aramaic; and finally,
           _the Gosp. of Marcion_ (§ 27, 11). The most important
           of these is the Gospel of the Hebrews, on account of
           its relation to our canonical Gospel of Matthew, which
           is generally supposed to have been written originally
           in Aramaic.[85] Jerome who translated the Hebrew Gospel
           says of it: _Vocatur a plerisque Matthæi authenticum_;
           but this is not his own opinion, nor was it that of
           Origen and Eusebius. The extant fragments show many
           divergences as well as many similarities, partly in
           the form of apocryphal amplifications, partly of changes
           made for dogmatic reasons.

        2. Gospels dealing with particular Periods--referring to
           the days preceding the birth of Jesus and the period of
           the infancy or to the closing days of His life, where
           the heretical elements are wanting or are subordinated
           to the general interests of Christianity. Of these
           there was a large number and much of their legendary or
           fabulous material, especially about the family history
           of the mother of Jesus (§ 57, 2), has passed over into
           the tradition of the Catholic Church. Among them may be
           mentioned;

            a. _The Protevangel. Jacobi minoris_, perhaps the
               oldest, certainly the most esteemed and most widely
               spread, written in Greek, beginning with the story
               of Mary’s birth and reaching down to the death of
               the children of Bethlehem;

            b. The _Ev. Pseudo Matthæi_, similar in its contents,
               but continued down to the period of Jesus’ youth,
               and now existing only in a Lat. translation;

            c. The _Ev. de nativitate Mariæ_, only in Lat.,
               containing the history of Mary down to the birth of
               Jesus;

            d. The _Hist. Josephi fabri lignarii_ down to his death,
               dating probably from the 4th cent., only now in an
               Arabic version;

            e. The _Ev. Infantiæ Salvatoris_, only in Arabic, a
               compilation with no particular dogmatic tendency;

            f. Also the so-called _Ascension of Mary_ (§ 57, 2)
               soon became the subject of apocryphal treatment,
               for which John was claimed as the authority (John
               xix. 26), and is preserved in several Greek, Syriac,
               Arabic and Latin manuscripts;

            g. The _Ev. Nicodemi_ (John xix. 39) in Greek and Lat.
               contains two Jewish writings of the 2nd century.
               The first part consists of the _Gesta_ or _Acta
               Pilati_. There can be no doubt of its identity with
               the _Acta Pilati_ quoted by Justin, Tert., Euseb.,
               Epiph. It contains the stories of the canonical
               Gospels variously amplified and an account of
               the judicial proceedings evidently intended to
               demonstrate Jesus’ innocence of the charges brought
               against Him by His enemies. The second part,
               bearing the title _Descensus Christi ad inferos_,
               is of much later origin, telling of the descent
               of Christ into Hades along with two of the saints
               who rose with him (Matt. xxvii. 52), Leucius and
               Carinus, sons of Simeon (Luke ii. 25).[86]

  § 32.5.

   II. The numerous =Apocryphal Histories and Legends of the
       Apostles= were partly of heretical, and partly of Catholic,
       origin. While the former have in view the establishing of
       their heretical doctrines and peculiar forms of worship,
       constitution and life by representing them as Apostolic
       institutions, the latter arose mostly out of a local
       patriotic intention to secure to particular churches the
       glory of being founded by an Apostle. Those inspired by
       Gnostic influences far exceed in importance and number
       not only the Ebionitic but also the genuinely Catholic.
       The Manichæans especially produced many and succeeded in
       circulating them widely. The more their historico-romantic
       contents pandered to the taste of that age for fantastic
       tales of miracles and visions the surer were they to find
       access among Catholic circles.--A collection of such
       histories under the title of Περίοδοι τῶν ἀποστόλων was
       received as canonical by Gnostics and Manichæans, and even
       by many of the Church Fathers. Augustine first named as
       its supposed author one Leucius. We find this name some
       decades later in Epiphanius as that of a pupil of John and
       opponent of the Ebionite Christology, and also in Pacianus
       of Barcelona as that of one falsely claimed as an authority
       by the Montanists. According to Photius this collection
       embraced the Acts of Peter, John, Andrew, Thomas and Paul,
       and the author’s full name was Leucius Carinus, who also
       appears in the second part of the _Acta Pilati_, but in
       quite other circumstances and surroundings. That all the
       five books were composed by one author is not probable;
       perhaps originally only the Acts of John bore the name of
       Leucius, which was subsequently transferred to the whole.
       Zahn’s view, on the other hand, is, that the Περίοδοι τῶν
       ἀποστόλων, especially the _Acts of John_, was written under
       the falsely assumed name of John’s pupil Leucius, about
       A.D. 130, at a time when the Gnostics had not yet been
       separated from the Church as a heretical sect, was even at
       a later period accepted as genuine by the Catholic church
       teachers notwithstanding the objectionable character of much
       of its contents, its modal docetic Christology and encratite
       Ethics with contempt of marriage, rejection of animal food
       and the use of wine and the demand of voluntary poverty, and
       held in high esteem as a source of the second rank for the
       Apostolic history. Lipsius considers that it was composed in
       the interests of the vulgar Gnosticism (§ 27) in the second
       half of the 2nd, or first half of the 3rd cent., and proves
       that from Eusebius down to Photius, who brands it as πασῆς
       αἱρέσεως πηγὴν καὶ μητέρα, the Catholic church teachers
       without exception speak of it as heretical and godless,
       and that the frequent patristic references to the _Historiæ
       ecclesiasticiæ_ do not apply to it but to Catholic
       modifications of it, which were regarded as the genuine
       and generally credible original writing of Leucius which
       were wickedly falsified by the Manichæans.--Catholic
       modifications of particular Gnostic Περίοδοι, as well as
       independent Catholic writings of this sort in Greek are
       still preserved in MS. in great numbers and have for the
       most part been printed. The _Hist. certaminis apostolici_ in
       ten books, which the supposed pupil of the Apostles Abdias,
       first bishop of Babylon, wrote in Hebrew, was translated by
       his pupil Eutropius into Greek and by Julius Africanus into
       Latin.[87]--They are all useless for determining the history
       of the Apostolic Age, although abundantly so used in the
       Catholic church tradition. For the history of doctrines and
       sects, the history of the canon, worship, ecclesiastical
       customs and modes of thought during the 2nd-4th cents., they
       are of the utmost importance.

  § 32.6.

       From the many apocryphal monographs still preserved on the
       life, works and martyrdom of the biblical Apostles and their
       coadjutors, in addition to the Pseudo-Clementines already
       discussed in § 28, 3, the following are the most important.

        a. The Greek =Acta Petri et Pauli=. These describe the
           journeys of Paul to Rome, the disputation of the
           two Apostles at Rome with Simon Magus, and the Roman
           martyrdom of both, and constitute the source of the
           traditions regarding Peter and Paul which are at the
           present day regarded in the Roman Catholic Church as
           historical. These Acts, however, as Lipsius has shown,
           are not an original work, but date from about A.D. 160,
           and consist of a Catholic reproduction of Ebionite
           or Anti-Pauline, _Acts of Peter_, with additions from
           Gentile-Christian traditions of Paul. The _Acts of Peter_
           take up the story where the Pseudo-Clementines end, as
           may be seen even from their Catholic reproduction, for
           they make Simon Magus, followed everywhere and overcome
           by the Apostle Peter, at last seek refuge in Rome,
           where, again unmasked by Peter, he met a miserable end
           (§ 25, 2). As the Κηρύγματα Πέτρου which formed the
           basis of the Pseudo-Clementine writings combats the
           specifically Pauline doctrines as derived from Simon
           Magus (§ 28, 4), so the Acts of Peter identify him
           even personally with Paul, for they maliciously and
           spitefully assign well-known facts from the Apostle’s
           life to Simon Magus, which are _bona fide_ in the
           Catholic reproduction assumed to be genuine works
           of Simon.--The Gnostic _Acts of Peter_ and _Acts
           of Paul_ had wrought up the current Ebionite and
           Catholic traditions about the doings and martyr deaths
           of the two Apostles with fanciful adornments and
           embellishments after the style and in the interests of
           Gnosticism. A considerable fragment of these, purified
           indeed by Catholic hands, is preserved to us in
           the _Passio Petri et Pauli_, to which is attached
           the name of Linus, the pretended successor of
           Peter. The fortunes of the two Apostles are related
           quite independently of one another: Paul makes his
           appearance at Rome only after the death of Peter. Of the
           _non-heretical Acts of Paul_ which according to Eusebius
           were in earlier times received in many churches as holy
           scripture (§ 36, 8), no trace has as yet been discovered.

        b. Among the Greek =Acts of John=, the remnants of the
           Leucian Περίοδοι Ἰωάννου preserved in their original
           form deserve to be first mentioned. According to
           Zahn, they are one of the earliest witnesses for
           the genuineness of the Gospel of John, and give the
           deathblow to the theory that with and after the Apostle
           John, there was in Ephesus another John the Presbyter
           distinct from him (§ 16, 2). Lipsius, on the other
           hand, places their composition in the second half of
           the 2nd cent., and deprives them of that significance
           for the life of the Apostle, but admits their great value
           for a knowledge of doctrines, principles and forms of
           worship of the vulgar Gnosticism then widely spread. The
           Πράξεις Ἰωάννου, greatly esteemed in the Greek church,
           and often translated into other languages, written
           in the 5th cent. by a Catholic hand and ascribed to
           Prochoros [Prochorus] the deacon of Jerusalem (Acts
           vi. 5), is a poetic romance with numerous raisings from
           the dead, exorcisms, etc., almost wholly the creation
           of the writer’s own imagination, without a trace of any
           encratite tendency like the Leucian Περίοδοι and without
           any particular doctrinal significance.

        c. To the same age and the same Gnostic party as the Leucian
           Acts of John, belong the =Acts of Andrew= preserved
           in many fragments and circulated in various Catholic
           reproductions. Of these latter the most esteemed were
           the _Acts of Andrew and Matthew_ in the city of the
           cannibals.

        d. The Catholic reproductions in Greek and Syriac that
           have come down to us of the Leucian =Acts of Thomas= are
           of special value because of the many Gnostic elements
           which, particularly in the Greek, have been allowed to
           remain unchanged in the very imperfectly purified text.
           The scene of the Apostle’s activity is said to be India.
           The central point in his preaching to sinners is the
           doctrine that only by complete abstinence from marriage
           and concubinage can we become at last the partner of
           the heavenly bridegroom (§ 27, 4). A highly poetical
           hymn on the marriage of Sophia (Achamoth) is left
           in the Greek text unaltered, while the Syriac text
           puts the church in place of Sophia. Then we have two
           poetical consecration prayers for baptism and the
           eucharist, in which the Syriac substituted Christ
           for Achamoth. But besides, even in the Syriac text,
           a grandly swelling hymn, which is wanting in the Greek
           text, romances about the fortunes of the soul, which,
           sent from heaven to earth to fetch a pearl watched by
           the serpent forgets its heavenly origin and calling,
           and only remembers this after repeated reminders from
           heaven, etc. Gutschmied has shown it to be probable
           that the history groundwork of the Acts of Thomas is
           borrowed from older Buddhist legends (§ 68, 6).

        e. =The Acta Pauli et Thecla=, according to Tertullian and
           Jerome, were composed by a presbyter of Asia Minor who,
           carried away by the mania for literary forging, excused
           himself by saying that he had written _Pauli amore_,
           but was for this nevertheless deprived of his office.
           According to these Acts Thecla, the betrothed bride
           of a young man of importance at Iconium, was won to
           Christianity by a sermon of Paul on continence as a
           condition of a future glorious resurrection, forsook
           her bridegroom, devoted herself to perpetual virginity,
           and attached herself forthwith to the Apostle whose
           bodily presence is described as contemptible,--little,
           bald-headed, large nose, and bandy legs,--but lighted
           up with heavenly grace. Led twice to martyrdom she was
           saved by miraculous divine interposition, first from
           the flames of the pile, then, after having baptized
           herself in the name of Christ by plunging into a pit
           full of water, from the rage of devouring animals;
           whereupon Paul, recognising that sort of baptism in an
           emergency as valid, sent her forth with the commission:
           Go hence and teach the word of God! After converting
           and instructing many, she died in peace in Seleucia.
           Although Jerome treats our book as apocryphal, the
           legends of Thecla as given in it were regarded in the
           West as genuine, and St. Thecla was honoured throughout
           the whole of the Latin middle ages next to the mother
           of Jesus as the most perfect pattern of virginity.
           In the Greek church where we meet with the name first
           in the Symposium of Methodius, the book remained
           unsuspected and its heroine, as ἡ ἀπόστολος and ἡ
           πρωτομάρτυς, was honoured still more enthusiastically
           than in the West.

        f. The Syriac =Doctrina Addæi Apost.= was according to
           its own statement deposited in the library of Edessa,
           but allusions to later persons and circumstances show
           that it could not have been written before A.D. 280
           (according to Zahn about A.D. 270-290; acc. to Lipsius
           not before A.D. 360). It assigns the founding of the
           church of Edessa, which is proved to have been not
           earlier than A.D. 170, according to local tradition
           to the Apostle Addai [Addæi] (in Euseb. and elsewhere,
           Thaddeus: comp. Matt. x. 3; Mark iii. 18), whom it
           represents as one of the seventy disciples and as
           having been sent by Thomas to Abgar Uchomo in accordance
           with Christ’s promise (§ 13, 2).[88]

  § 32.7.

  III. =Apostolic Epistles.= The apocryphal _Epistle of Paul to
       the Laodiceans_ (Col. iv. 16), and that to the _Corinthians_
       suggested by the statement in 1 Cor. v. 9, are spiritless
       compilations from the canonical Epistles. From the
       _Correspondence of Paul with Seneca_, quotations are made by
       Jerome and Augustine. It embraces fourteen short epistles.
       The idea of friendly relations between these two men
       suggested by Acts xviii. 12, Gallio being Seneca’s brother,
       forms the motive for the fiction.

   IV. =The apocryphal Apocalypses= that have been preserved are of
       little value. An _Apocalypsis Petri_ was known to Clement of
       Alexandria. The _Apoc. Pauli_ is based on 2 Cor. xii. 2.

    V. =Apostolical Constitutions=, comp. § 43, 4, 5.[89]

  § 32.8. =The Acts of the Martyrs.=--Of the numerous professedly
  contemporary accounts of celebrated martyrs of the 2nd and 3rd
  cents., those adopted by Eusebius in his Church History may be
  accepted as genuine; especially the _Epistle of the Church of
  Smyrna to the Church at Philomelium_ about the persecution which
  it suffered (§ 22, 3); also the _Report of the Church at Lyons
  and Vienne_ to the Christians in Asia and Phrygia about the
  persecution under Marcus Aurelius in A.D. 177 (§ 22, 3); and an
  _Epistle of Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria_ to Fabian of Antioch
  about the Alexandrian martyrs and confessors during the Decian
  persecution. The Acts of the Martyrs of Scillita are also genuine
  (§ 22, 3); so too the Montanistic History of the sufferings of
  Perpetua, Felicitas, and their companions (§§ 22, 4; 40, 3); as
  well as the _Acta s. Cypriani_. The main part of the _Martyrdom
  of Justin Martyr_ by Simeon Metaphr. (§ 68, 4) belongs
  probably to the 2nd cent. The _Martyrdom of Ignatius_ (§ 30, 5)
  professedly by his companions in his last journey to Rome, and
  the _Martyrdom of Sympherosa_ in the Tiber, who was put to death
  with her seven sons under Hadrian, as well as all other Acts of
  the Martyrs professedly belonging to the first four centuries,
  are of more than doubtful authenticity.


                § 33. THE DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES OF THE
                         OLD CATHOLIC AGE.[90]

  The development of the system of Christian doctrine must become a
necessity when Christianity meeting with pagan culture in the form of
science is called upon to defend her claim to be the universal religion.
In the first three centuries, however, there was as yet no official
construction and establishment of ecclesiastical doctrine. There
must first be a certain measure of free subjective development and
wrestling with antagonistic views. A universally acknowledged organ is
wanting, such as that subsequently found in the Œcumenical Councils.
The persecutions allowed no time and peace for this; and the church had
enough to do in maintaining what is specifically Christian in opposition
to the intrusion of such anti-Christian, Jewish and Pagan elements
as sought to gain a footing in Ebionism and Gnosticism. On the other
hand, friction and controversy within the church had already begun
as a preparation for the construction of the ecclesiastical system of
doctrine. The _Trinitarian_ controversy was by far the most important,
while the _Chiliastic_ discussions were of significance for Eschatology.

  § 33.1. =The Trinitarian Questions.=--The discussion was mainly
  about the relation of the divine μοναρχία (the unity of God) to
  the οἰκονομία (the Trinitarian being and movement of God). Then
  the relation of the Son or Logos to the Father came decidedly
  to the front. From the time when the more exact determination of
  this relationship came to be discussed, toward the end of the 2nd
  cent., the most eminent teachers of the Catholic church maintained
  stoutly the personal independence of the Logos--=Hypostasianism=.
  But the necessity for keeping this view in harmony with the
  monotheistic doctrine of Christianity led to many errors and
  vacillations. Adopting Philo’s distinction of λόγος ἐνδιάθετος
  and λόγος προφορικός (§ 10, 1), they for the most part regarded
  the hypostasizing as conditioned first by the creating of the
  world and as coming forth not as a necessary and eternal element
  in the very life of God but as a free and temporal act of the
  divine will. The proper essence of the Godhead was identified
  rather with the Father, and all attributes of the Godhead were
  ascribed to the Son not in a wholly equal measure as to the
  Father, for the word of Christ: “the Father is greater than I”
  (John xiv. 28), was applied even to the pre-existent state of
  Christ. Still greater was the uncertainty regarding the Holy
  Spirit. The idea of His personality and independence was far less
  securely established; He was much more decidedly subordinated,
  and the functions of inspiration and sanctification proper to
  Him were ascribed to Christ, or He was simply identified with
  the Son of God. The result, however, of such _subordinationist
  hypostasianism_ was that, on the one hand, many church teachers
  laid undue stress on the fundamental anti-pagan doctrine of the
  unity of God, just as on the other hand, many had indulged in
  exaggerated statements about the divinity of Christ. It seemed
  therefore desirable to set aside altogether the question of the
  personal distinction of the Son and Spirit from the Father. This
  happened either in the way clearly favoured by the Ebionites who
  regarded Christ as a mere man, who, like the prophets, though
  in a much higher measure, had been endued with divine wisdom and
  power (_dynamic_ =Monarchianism=), or in a way more accordant
  with the Christian mode of thought, admitting that the fulness
  of the Godhead dwelt in Christ, and either identifying the
  Logos with the Father (_Patripassianism_), or seeing in Him
  only a mode of the activity of the Father (_modal Monarchianism_).
  Monarchianism in all these forms was pronounced heretical by all
  the most illustrious fathers of the 3rd cent., and hypostasianism
  was declared orthodox. But even under hypostasianism an
  element of error crept in at a later period in the form of
  subordinationism, and modal Monarchianism approached nearer
  to the church doctrine by adopting the doctrine of sameness
  of essence (ὁμοουσία) in Son and Father. The orthodox combination
  of the two opposites was reached in the 3rd cent, in _homoousian
  hypostasianism_, but only in the 4th cent. attained universal
  acceptance (§ 50).

  § 33.2. =The Alogians.=--Soon after A.D. 170 in Asia Minor we
  meet with the Alogians as the first decided opponents from within
  the church of Logos doctrine laid down in the Gospel by John
  and the writings of the Apologists. They started in diametrical
  opposition to the chiliasm of the Montanists and their claims
  to prophetic gifts, and were thus led not only to repudiate the
  Apocalypse but also the Gospel of John; the former on account of
  its chiliast-prophetic contents which embraced so much that was
  unintelligible, yea absurd and untrue; the latter, first of all
  on account of the use the Montanists made of its doctrine of the
  Paraclete in support of their prophetic claims (§ 40, 1), but
  also on account of its seeming contradictions of and departures
  from the narratives of the Synoptists, and finally, on account
  of its Logos doctrine in which the immediate transition from the
  incarnation of the Logos to the active life of Christ probably
  seemed to them too closely resembling docetic Gnosticism. They
  therefore attributed to the Gnosticizing Judaist, Cerinthus, the
  authorship both of the Fourth Gospel and of the Apocalypse. Of
  their own Christological theories we have no exact information.
  Irenæus and Hippolytus deal mildly with them and recognise
  them as members of the Catholic church. It is Epiphanius who
  first gives them the equivocal designation of Alogians (which
  may either be “deniers of the Logos” or “the irrational”),
  denouncing them as heretical rejecters of the Logos doctrine
  and the Logos-Gospel. This is the first instance which we have of
  historical criticism being exercised in the Church with reference
  to the biblical books.

  § 33.3. =The Theodotians and Artemonites.=--Epiphanius describes
  the sect of the Theodotians at Rome as an ἀπόσπασμα τῆς ἀλόγου
  αἱρέσεως. The main source of information about them is the Little
  Labyrinth (§ 31, 3), and next to it Hippolytus in his Syntagma,
  quoted by the Pseudo-Tertullian and Epiphanius, and in his
  Elenchus. The founder of this sect, =Theodotus= ὁ σκυτεύς, _the
  Tanner_, a man well trained in Greek culture, came A.D. 190 to
  Byzantium where, during the persecution, he denied Christ, and
  on this account changed his residence to Rome and devoted himself
  here to the spread of his dynamic Monarchianism. He maintained
  ψιλὸν ἄνθρωπον εἶναι τὸν Χριστόν,--_Spiritu quidem sancto
  natum ex virgine, sed hominem nudum nulla alia præ cæteris nisi
  sola justitæ auctoritate_. He sought to justify his views by
  a one-sided interpretation of scripture passages referring to
  the human nature of Christ.[91] But since he acknowledged the
  supernatural birth of Christ as well as the genuineness of the
  Gospel of John, and in other respects agreed with his opponents,
  he could still represent himself as standing on the basis of
  the Old Catholic _Regula fidei_ (§ 35, 2). Nevertheless the
  Roman bishop Victor (A.D. 189-199) excommunicated him and his
  followers. The most distinguished among his disciples was a
  _second_ =Theodotus= ὁ τραπεζίτης, the _Money-changer_. By an
  exegesis of Heb. v. 6, 10; vi. 20; vii. 3, 17, he sought to prove
  that Melchisedec was δύναμις τίς μεγίστη and more glorious than
  Christ; the former was the original type, the latter only the
  copy; the former was intercessor before God for the angels,
  the latter only for men; the origin of the former is secret,
  because truly heavenly, that of Christ open, because born of
  Mary. The later heresiologists therefore designate his followers
  Melchisedecians. Laying hold upon the theory φύσει τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ
  θεοῦ ἐν ἰδέᾳ ἀνθρώπου τότε τῷ Ἀβραὰμ πεφηνέναι which, according
  to Epiphanius, was held even by Catholics, and also, like the
  Shepherd of Hermas, identifying the Son of God with the Holy
  Spirit that descended in baptism on the man Jesus, Theodotus
  seems from those two points of view to have proceeded to
  teach, that the historical Christ, because operated upon only
  dynamically by the Holy Spirit or the Son of God, was inferior to
  the purely heavenly Melchisedec who was himself the very eternal
  Son of God. The reproaches directed against the Theodotians by
  their opponents were mainly these: that instead of the usual
  allegorical exegesis they used only a literal and grammatical,
  that they practised an arbitrary system of Textual criticism, and
  that instead of holding to the philosophy of the divine Plato,
  they took their wisdom from the empiricists (Aristotle, Euclid,
  Galen, etc.), and sought by such objectionable means to support
  their heretical views. We have thus probably to see in them a
  group of Roman theologians, who, towards the close of the 2nd
  cent. and the beginning of the 3rd cent. maintained exegetical
  and critical principles essentially the same as those which the
  Antiochean school with greater clearness and definiteness set
  forth toward the end of the 3rd cent. (§§ 31, 1; 47, 1). The
  attempt, however, which they made to found an independent sect
  in Rome about A.D. 210 was an utter failure. According to the
  report of the Little Labyrinth, they succeeded in getting for
  their bishop a weak-minded confessor called Natalius. Haunted
  by visions of judgment and beaten sore one night by good angels
  till in a miserable plight, he hasted on the following morning
  to cast himself at the feet of bishop Zephyrinus (A.D. 199-217),
  successor of Victor, and showing his stripes he begged for
  mercy and restoration.--The last of the representatives of the
  Theodotians in Rome, and that too under this same Zephyrinus, was
  a certain =Artemon= or Artemas. He and his followers maintained
  that their own doctrine (which cannot be very exactly determined
  but was also of the dynamic order) had been recognised in Rome
  as orthodox from the time of the Apostles down to that of bishop
  Victor, and was first condemned by his successor Zephyrinus. This
  assertion cannot be said to be altogether without foundation in
  view, on the one hand, of the agreement above referred to between
  Theodotus the younger and the Roman Hermas, and on the other hand,
  of the fact that the Roman bishops Zephyrinus and Callistus had
  passed over to Noëtian _Modalism_. Artemon must have lived at
  least until A.D. 260, when Paul of Samosata (§ 33, 8), who also
  maintained fellowship with the excommunicated Artemonites in
  Rome, conducted a correspondence with him.

  § 33.4. =Praxeas and Tertullian.=--Patripassianism, which
  represented the Father Himself as becoming man and suffering in
  Christ, may be characterized as the precursor and first crude
  form of Modalism. It also had its origin during the 2nd cent.,
  in that same intellectually active church of Asia Minor, and
  from thence the movement spread to Rome, where after a long and
  bitter struggle it secured a footing in the 3rd cent.--=Praxeas=,
  a confessor of Asia Minor and opponent of Montanism, was its first
  representative at Rome, where unopposed he expounded his views
  about A.D. 190. As he supported the Roman bishop Victor in his
  condemnation of Montanism (§ 40, 2), so he seems to have won
  the bishop’s approval for his Christological theory.[92] Perhaps
  also the excommunication which was at this time uttered against
  the dynamic Monarchian, Theodotus the Elder, was the result of
  the bishop’s change of views. From Rome Praxeas betook himself,
  mainly in the interest of his Anti-Montanist crusade, to Carthage,
  and there also won adherents to his Christology. Meanwhile,
  however, Tertullian returned to Carthage, and as a convert
  to Montanism, hurled against Praxeas and his followers a
  controversial treatise, in which he laid bare with acute
  dialectic the weaknesses and inconsistencies, as well as the
  dangerous consequences of their theory. Just like the Alogians,
  Praxeas and his adherents refused to admit the doctrine of the
  Logos into their Christology, and feared that it in connection
  with the doctrine of the hypostasis would give an advantage to
  Gnosticism. In the interests of monotheism, as well as of the
  worship of Christ, they maintained the perfect identity of Father
  and Son. God became the Son by the assumption of the flesh;
  under the concept of the Father therefore falls the divinity,
  the spirit; under that of the Son, the humanity, the flesh of
  the Redeemer.--=Tertullian= himself in his Hypostasianism had not
  wholly got beyond the idea of subordinationism, but he made an
  important advance in this direction by assuming three stages in
  the hypostasizing of the Son (_Filiatio_). The first stage is
  the eternal immanent state of being of the Son in the Father; the
  second is the forthcoming of the Son alongside of the Father for
  the purpose of creating the world; and the third is the going
  forth of the Son into the world by means of the incarnation.

  § 33.5. =The Noëtians and Hippolytus.=--The Patripassian
  standpoint was maintained also by =Noëtus= of Smyrna, who summed
  up his Christological views in the sentence: the Son of God is
  His own, and not another’s Son. One of his pupils, _Epigonus_,
  in the time of bishop Zephyrinus brought this doctrine to Rome,
  where a Noëtian sect was formed with Cleomenes at its head.
  Sabellius too, who in A.D. 215 came to Rome from Ptolemais in
  Egypt, attached himself to it, but afterwards constructed an
  independent system of doctrine in the form of a more speculative
  Modalism. The most vigorous opponent of the Noëtians was the
  celebrated presbyter =Hippolytus= (§ 31, 3). He strongly insisted
  upon the hypostasis of the Son and of the Spirit, and claimed
  for them divine worship. But inasmuch as he maintained in all
  its strictness the unity of God, he too was unable to avoid
  subordinating the Son under the Father. The Son, he taught, owed
  His hypostasizing to the will of the Father; the Father commands
  and the Son obeys; the perfect Logos was the Son from eternity,
  but οὐ λόγος ὡς φωνὴ, ἀλλ’ ἐνδιάθετος τοῦ πάντος λογισμός,
  therefore in a hypostasis, which He became only at the creation
  of the world, so that He became perfect Son first in the
  incarnation. Bishop Zephyrinus, on the other hand, was not
  inclined to bear hard upon the Noëtians, but sought in the
  interests of peace some meeting-point for the two parties. The
  conflagration fairly broke out under his successor, Callistus
  (A.D. 217-222; comp. § 41, 1). Believing that truth and error
  were to be found on both sides he defined his own position thus:
  God is a spirit without parts, filling all things, giving life
  to all, who as such is called Logos, and only in respect of name
  is distinguished as Father and Son. The Pneuma become incarnate
  in the Virgin is personally and essentially identical with the
  Father. That which has thereby become manifest, the man Jesus,
  is the Son. It therefore cannot be said that the Father as such
  has suffered, but rather that the Father has suffered in and
  with the Son. Decidedly Monarchian as this formula of compromise
  undoubtedly is, it seems to have afforded the bridge upon which
  the official Roman theology crossed over to the homoousian
  Hypostasianism which forty years later won the day (§ 33, 7).
  Among the opposing parties it found no acceptance. Hippolytus
  denounced the bishop as a Noëtian, while the Noëtians nicknamed
  him a Dytheist. The result was that the two party leaders,
  Sabellius and Hippolytus, were excommunicated. The latter formed
  the company of his adherents in Rome into a schismatic sect.

  § 33.6. =Beryllus and Origen.=--=Beryllus of Bostra=[93] in
  Arabia also belonged to the Patripassians; but he marks the
  transition to a nobler Modalism, for though he refuses to the
  deity of Christ the ἰδία θεότης, he designates it πατρικὴ θεότης,
  and sees in it a new form of the manifestation (πρόσωπον) of
  God. In regard to him an Arabian Synod was held in A.D. 244,
  to which =Origen= was invited. Convinced by him of his error,
  Beryll [Beryllus] retracted.--All previous representatives of
  the hypostasis of the Logos had understood his hypostatizing
  as happening in time for the purpose of the creation and the
  incarnation. =Origen= removed this restriction when he enunciated
  the proposition: The Son is from eternity begotten of the Father
  and so from eternity an hypostasis. The generation of the Son
  took not place simply as the condition of creation, but as of
  itself necessary, for where there is light there must be the
  shedding forth of rays. But because the life of God is bound
  to no time, the objectivizing of His life in the Son must also
  lie outside of all time. It is not therefore an act of God
  accomplished once and for ever, but an eternally continued
  exercise of living power (ἀεὶ γεννᾲ τὸν υἱόν). Origen did not
  indeed get beyond subordinationism, but he restricted it within
  the narrowest possible limits. He condemns the expression that
  the Son is ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ πατρός, but only in opposition
  to the Gnostic theories of emanation. He maintained a ἑτερότης
  τῆς οὐσίας, but only in opposition to the ὁμοούσιος in the
  Patripassian sense. He teaches a generation of the Son ἐκ τοῦ
  θελήματος θεοῦ, but only because he sees in Him the objectified
  divine will. He calls Him a κτίσμα, but only in so far as He is
  θεοποιούμενος, not αὐτόθεος, though indeed the Son is αὐτοσοφία,
  αὐτοαλήθεια, δεύτερος θεός. Thus what he teaches is not a
  subordination of essence or nature, but only of existence or
  origin.

  § 33.7. =Sabellius and Dionysius of Alex. and Dionysius of
  Rome.=--We have already seen that =Sabellius= had founded in
  Rome a speculative Manichæan system, which found much favour
  among the bishops of his native region. His assigning an essential
  and necessary place in his system to the Holy Spirit indicates
  an important advance. God is a unity (μονάς) admitting of no
  distinctions, resting in Himself as θεὸς σιωπών coming forth
  out of Himself (for the purpose of creation) as θεὸς λαλῶν. In
  the course of the world’s development the Monas for the sake of
  redemption assumes necessarily three different forms of being
  (ὀνόματα πρόσωπα), each of which embraces in it the complete
  fulness of the Monas. They are not ὑποστάσεις, but πρόσωπα, masks,
  we might say roles, which the God who manifests Himself in the
  world assumes in succession. After the _prosopon_ of the Father
  accomplished its work in the giving of the law, it fell back into
  its original condition; advancing again through the incarnation
  as Son, it returns by the ascension into the absolute being of
  the Monas; it reveals itself finally as the Holy Spirit to return
  again, after securing the perfect sanctification of the church,
  into the Monas that knows no distinctions, there to abide through
  all eternity. This process is characterized by Sabellius as
  an expansion (ἔκτασις) and contraction (συστολή). By way of
  illustration he uses the figure of the sun ὄντος μὲν ἐν μίᾳ
  ὑποστάσει, τρεῖς δὲ ἔχοντος τὰς ἐνεργείας, namely τὸ τῆς
  περιφερείας σχῆμα, τὸ φωτιστικὸν καὶ τὸ θάλπον.--At a Synod of
  Alexandria in A.D. 261 =Dionysius the Great= (§ 31, 6) entered
  the lists against the Sabellianism of the Egyptian bishops, and
  with well-intentioned zeal employed subordinationist expressions
  in a highly offensive way (ξένον κατ’ οὐσίαν αὐτὸν εἶναι τοῦ
  Πατρὸς ὥσπερ ἐστὶν ὁ γεωργὸς πρὸς τὴν ἄμπελον καὶ ὁ ναυπηγὸς πρὸς
  τὸ σκάφος,--ὡς ποίημα ὢν οὐκ ἦν πρὶν γέννηται). When bishop
  =Dionysius of Rome= (A.D. 259-268) was informed of these
  proceedings he condemned his Alexandrian colleague’s modes of
  expression at a Synod at Rome in A.D. 262, and issued a tract
  (Ἀνατροπή), in which against Sabellius he affirmed hypostasianism
  and against the Alexandrians, notwithstanding the suspicion of
  Manichæanism that hung about it, the doctrine of the ὁμοουσία
  and the eternal generation of the Son. With a beautiful modesty
  Dionysius of Alexandria retracted his unhappily chosen phrases
  and declared himself in thorough agreement with the Roman
  exposition of doctrine.

  § 33.8. =Paul of Samosata.=--In Rome and throughout the West
  general dynamical Monarchianism expired with Artemon and his
  party. In the East, however, it was revived by Paul of Samosata,
  in A.D. 260 bishop of the Græco-Syrian capital Antioch, which,
  however, was then under the rule of Queen Zenobia of Palmyra.
  Attaching himself to the other dynamists, especially the
  Theodotians and Artemonites, he went in many respects beyond them.
  Maintaining as they did the unipersonality of God (ἓν πρόσωπον),
  he yet admitted a distinction of Father, Son (λόγος) and Spirit
  (σοφία) the two last, however, being essentially identical
  attributes of the first, and also the distinction of the
  λόγος προφορικός from the λόγος ἐνδιάθετος, the one being the
  ἐπιστήμη ἀνυπόστατος operative in the prophets, the other the
  ἐπ. ἀνυπ. latent in God. Further, while placing like the dynamists
  the personality of Christ in His humanity and acknowledging
  His supernatural birth from the Holy Spirit by the Virgin, he
  conceived of Him, like the modern Socinians, as working the
  way upward, ἐκ προκοπῆς τεθεοποιῆσθαι, _i.e._ by reason of His
  unique excellence to divine rank and the obtaining of the divine
  name.--Between A.D. 264-269 the Syrian bishops held three large
  Synods in regard to him at Antioch, to which also many other
  famous bishops of the East were invited. The first two were
  without result, for he knew how to conceal the heterodox character
  of his views. It was only at the third that the presbyter Malchion,
  a practised dialectician and formerly a rhetorician, succeeded
  in unmasking him at a public disputation. The Synod now declared
  him excommunicated and deprived him of his office, and also
  transmitted to all the catholic churches, first of all to Rome
  and Alexandria, the records of the disputation together with
  a complete report in which he was described as a proud, vain,
  pompous, covetous and even immoral man (§ 39, 3). Nevertheless
  by the favour of the Queen he kept possession of his bishopric,
  and holding a high office at the court he exercised not only
  spiritual functions but also great civil authority. But when
  Zenobia was overcome by Aurelian in A.D. 272, the rest of the
  bishops accused him before the pagan emperor, who decided that
  the ecclesiastical buildings should be made over to that one
  of the contending bishops whom the Christian bishops of Rome
  and Italy should recognise. In these conflicts undoubtedly a
  national and political antagonism lay behind the dogmatic and
  ecclesiastical dispute (§ 31, 9 e).--At the Synod of A.D. 269
  the expression ὁμοούσιος, which since it had been first used by
  Sabellius was always regarded with suspicion in church circles,
  was dragged into the debate and expressly condemned; and so it is
  doubtful whether Paul himself had employed it, or whether, on the
  contrary, he wished to charge his opponents with heresy as being
  wont to use this term.

  § 33.9. =Chiliasm= or the doctrine of an earthly reign of the
  Messiah in the last times full of splendour and glory for His
  people arose out of the literal and realistic conception of the
  Messianic prophecies of the Old Testament. The adoption of the
  period of a thousand years for its duration rested on the idea
  that as the world had been created in six days, so, according
  to Ps. xc. 4 and 2 Pet. iii. 8, its history would be completed
  in six thousand years. Under the oppression of the Roman rule
  this notion came to be regarded as a fundamental doctrine of
  Jewish faith and hope (Matt. xx. 21; Acts i. 6). The Apocalypse
  of St. John was chiefly influential in elaborating the Christian
  chiliastic theory. In chap. xx. under the guise of vision the
  doctrine is set forth that after the finally victorious conflict
  of the present age there will be a first and partial resurrection,
  the risen saints shall reign with Christ a thousand years, and
  then after another revolt of Satan that is soon suppressed the
  present age will be closed in the second universal resurrection,
  the judgment of the world and the creation of new heavens and a
  new earth. What fantastic notions of the glory of the thousand
  years’ reign might be developed from such passages, is seen in
  the traditional saying of the Lord given by Papias (_Iren._,
  v. 33) about the wonderful fruitfulness of the earth during the
  millennium: one vine-stock will bear 10,000 stems (palmites),
  each stem will have 10,000 branches (bracchia), each branch
  10,000 twigs (flagella), each twig 10,000 clusters (botrus), each
  cluster 10,000 grapes, and every grape will yield 25 measures
  of wine; “_et quum eorum apprehenderit aliquis Sanctorum,
  alius clamabit: Botrus ego melior sum, me sume, per me Dominum
  benedic_!” After the time of Papias Chiliasm became the favourite
  doctrine of the Christians who under the severe pressure of
  pagan persecution longed for the early return of the Lord. The
  Apologists of the 2nd century do indeed pass it over in silence,
  but only perhaps because it seemed to them impolitic to give
  it a marked prominence in works directly addressed to the pagan
  rulers; at least Justin Martyr does not scruple in the _Dialog.
  c. Tryph._ addressed to another class of readers to characterize
  it as a genuinely orthodox doctrine. Asia Minor was the chief
  seat of these views, where, as we have seen (§ 40), Montanism
  also in its most fanatical and exaggerated form was elevated
  into a fundamental article of the Christian faith. Irenæus
  enthusiastically adopted chiliastic views and gave a full though
  fairly moderate exposition of them in his great work against the
  Gnostics (v. 24-36). Tertullian also championed these notions,
  at the same time rejecting many outgrowths of a grossly carnal
  nature (_Adv. Marc._, iii. 24, and in a work no longer extant,
  _De spe fidelium_). The most vigorous opposition is shown to
  Chiliasm by the Alogians, Praxeas the Patripassian and Caius
  of Rome, who were also the determined opponents of Montanism.
  The last named indeed went so far in his controversial writing
  against Proclus the Montanist, as to ascribe the authorship of
  the Johannine Apocalypse to the heretic Cerinthus (§ 27, 1).
  The Alexandrian spiritualists too, especially Origen (_De Prin._,
  ii. 11), were decided opponents of every form of Chiliasm and
  explained away the Scripture passages on which it was built by
  means of allegorical interpretation. Nevertheless even in Egypt
  it had numerous adherents. At their head about the middle of
  the 3rd cent. stood the learned bishop Nepos of Arsinoe, whose
  Ἔλεγχος τῶν ἀλληγοριστῶν directed against the Alexandrians is no
  longer extant. After his death his party under the leadership of
  the presbyter Coracion separated from the church of Alexandria,
  the bishop Dionysius the Great going down himself expressly
  to Arsinoe in order to heal the breach. In a conference of the
  leaders of the parties continued for three days he secured the
  sincere respect of the dissentients by his counsels, and even
  Coracion was induced to make a formal recantation. Dionysius
  then wrote for the confirmation of the converts his book: Περὶ
  ἐπαγγελιῶν. But not long after, opposition to the spiritualism of
  the school of Origen made Methodius, the bishop of Olympus, play
  the part of a new herald of Chiliasm, and in the West, Commodian,
  Victor of Poitiers, and especially Lactantius, became its zealous
  advocates in a particularly materialistic form. Its day, however,
  was already past. What tended most to work its complete overthrow
  was the course of events under Constantine. Amid the rejoicings
  of the national church as a present reality, interest in the
  expectation of a future thousand years’ reign was lost. Among
  post-Constantine church teachers only Apollinaris the Younger
  favoured Chiliasm (§ 47, 5). Jerome indeed, in deference to the
  cloud of witnesses from the ancient church, does not venture to
  pronounce it heretical, but treats it with scornful ridicule;
  and Augustine (_De civ. Dei_), though at an earlier period not
  unfavourable to it, sets it aside by showing that the scriptural
  representations of the thousand years’ reign are to be understood
  as referring to the church obtaining dominion through the
  overthrow of the pagan Roman empire, the thousand years being a
  period of indefinite duration, and the first resurrection being
  interpreted of the reception of saints and martyrs into heaven
  as sharers in the glory of Christ.--See Candlish, “The Kingdom of
  God.” Edin., 1884. Especially pp. 409-415, “Augustine on the City
  of God.”



          IV. CONSTITUTION, WORSHIP, LIFE AND DISCIPLINE.[94]


            § 34. THE INNER ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH.[95]

  From the beginning of the 2nd cent. the episcopal constitution
was gradually built up, and the superiority of one bishop over the
whole body of the other presbyters (§ 17, 6) won by degrees universal
acceptance. The hierarchical tendency inherent in it gained fresh
impetus from two causes: (1) from the gradual disappearance of the
charismatic endowments which had been continued from the Apostolic
Age far down into post-Apostolic times, and the disposition of
ecclesiastical leaders more and more to monopolise the function
of teaching; and (2) from the reassertion of the idea of a special
priesthood as a divine institution and the adoption of Old Testament
conceptions of church officers. The antithesis of _Ordo_ or κλῆρος
(sc. τοῦ θεοῦ) and _Plebs_ or λαός (λαϊκοί) when once expression had
been given to it, tended to become even more marked and exclusive. In
consequence of the successful extension of the churches the functions,
rights and duties of the existing spiritual offices came to be more
precisely determined and for the discharge of lower ecclesiastical
service new offices were created. Thus arose the partition of the
clergy into _Ordines majores_ and _Ordines minores_. As it was in the
provincial capital that common councils were held, which were convened,
at first in consequence of the requirements of the hour, afterwards as
regular institutions (Provincial Synods), the bishop of the particular
capital assumed the president’s chair. Among the metropolitans
pre-eminence was claimed by churches founded by Apostles (_sedes
apostolicæ_), especially those of Rome, Antioch, Jerusalem, Alexandria,
Ephesus and Corinth. To the idea of the =unity and catholicity of
the church=, which was maintained and set forth with ever increasing
decision, was added the idea of the Apostle Peter being the single
individual representative of the church. This latter notion was founded
on the misunderstood word of the Lord, Matt. xvi. 18, 19. Rome, as the
capital of the world, where Peter and Paul suffered death as martyrs
(§ 16, 1), arrogated to itself the name of _Chair_ (Cathedra) _of Peter_
and transferred the idea of the individual representation of the church
to its bishops as the supposed successors of Peter.

  § 34.1. =The Continuation of Charismatic Endowments into
  Post-Apostolic Times= has, by means of the Apostolic Didache
  recently rendered accessible to us (§ 30, 7), not only received
  new confirmation, but their place in the church and their relation
  to it has been put in a far clearer light. In essential agreement
  with 1 Cor. xii. 28, and Eph. iv. 11 (§ 17, 5), it presents to
  us the three offices of Apostle, Prophet and Teacher. The Pastors
  and Teachers of the Epistle to the Ephesians, as well as of
  the passage from Corinthians, are grouped together in one; and
  the Evangelists, that is, helpers of the Apostles, appear now
  after the decease of the original Apostles, as their successors
  and heirs of their missionary calling under the same title of
  Apostles. Hermas indeed speaks only of Apostles and Teachers;
  but he himself appears as a Prophet and so witnesses to the
  continuance of that office. The place and task of the three
  offices are still the same as described in § 17, 5 from Eph.
  iv. 11, 12 and ii. 20. These three were not chosen like the
  bishops and deacons by the congregations, but appointment and
  qualifications for office were dependent on a divine call,
  somewhat like that of Acts xiii. 2-4, or on a charism that had
  evidently and admittedly been bestowed on them. They are further
  not permanent officials in particular congregations but travel
  about in the exercise of their teaching function from church to
  church. Prophets and Teachers, however, but not Apostles, might
  settle down permanently in a particular church.--In reference
  exclusively to the =Apostles= the Didache teaches as follows:
  In the case of their visiting an already constituted church
  they should stay there at furthest only two days and should
  accept provision only for one day’s journey but upon no account
  any money (Matt. x. 9, 10). Eusebius too, in his Ch. Hist.,
  iii. 37, tells that after the death of the twelve the gospel was
  successfully spread abroad in all lands by means of itinerating
  Apostolic men, whom he designates, however, by the old name of
  evangelists, and praises them for having according to the command
  of the Lord (Matt. x. and Luke x.) parted their possessions among
  the poor, and having adhered strictly to the rule of everywhere
  laying only the foundations of the faith and leaving the further
  care of what they had planted to the settled pastors.--The
  Didache assigns the second place to the =Prophets=: they too,
  inasmuch as like the Apostles they are itinerants, are without
  a fixed residence; but they are distinguished from the latter by
  having their teaching functions directed not to the founding of
  a church but only to its edification, and in this respect they
  are related to the Teachers. Their distinguishing characteristic,
  however, is the possession of the charism of prophesying in the
  wider sense, whereas the Teachers’ charism consisted in the λόγος
  σοφίας and the λόγος γνώσεως (§ 17, 1). When they enter into a
  church as ἐν πνεύματι λαλοῦντες, that church may not, according
  to the Didache, in direct opposition to 1 Thess. v. 21; 1 Cor.
  xii. 10; xiv. 29; 1 John iv. 1, exercise the right of trying
  their doctrine, for that would be to commit the sin against the
  Holy Ghost who speaks through them, but the church may inquire
  of their life, and thus distinguish true prophets from the
  false. If they wish to settle down in a particular church, that
  church should make provision for their adequate maintenance by
  surrendering to them, after the pattern of the Mosaic law, all
  firstlings of cattle, and first fruits of grain and oil and wine,
  and also the first portion of their other possessions, “for they
  are your high priests.” This phrase means either, that for them
  they are with their prophetic gift what the high priests of the
  old covenant with their Urim and Thummim were to ancient Israel,
  or, as Harnack understands it on the basis of chap. x. 7: τοῖς
  προφήταις ἐπιτρέπετε εὐχαριστεῖν ὅσα θέλουσιν, while ordinary
  ministers had to confine themselves to the usual formularies,
  that they were pre-eminently entrusted with the administration of
  the Lord’s Supper which was the crowning part of the worship. If,
  however, there were no Prophets present, these first fruits were
  to be distributed among the poor.--The rank also of =Teachers=
  (διδάσκαλοι, Doctores) is still essentially the same as described
  in § 17, 5. As their constant association with the Apostles
  and Prophets would lead us to expect, they also were properly
  itinerant teachers, who like the Prophets had to minister to
  the establishment of existing churches in the Christian life,
  in faith and in hope. But when they settled down in a particular
  church, whether in consequence of that church’s special needs, or
  with its approval in accordance with their own wish, that church
  had to provide for their maintenance according to the principle
  that the labourer is worthy of his reward. The author of the
  Didache, as appears from the whole tenor of his book, was himself
  such a teacher. Hermas, who at the same time makes no mention of
  the Prophets, speaks only twice and that quite incidentally of
  the Teachers, without indicating particularly their duties and
  privileges.--The continuance of those three extraordinary offices
  down to the end of the 2nd cent. was of the utmost importance.
  The numerous churches scattered throughout all lands had not
  as yet a firmly established New Testament Canon nor any one
  general symbol in the form of a confession of faith, and so
  were without any outward bond of union: but these Teachers, by
  means of their itinerant mode of life and their authoritative
  position, which was for the first time clearly demonstrated by
  Harnack, contributed powerfully to the development of the idea
  of ecclesiastical unity. According to Harnack, the composition
  of the so-called Catholic Epistles and similar early Christian
  literature is to be assigned to them, and in this way he would
  account for the Apostolic features which are discoverable
  in these writings. He would not, however, attribute to them
  the fiction of claiming for their works an Apostolic origin,
  but supposes that the subsequently added superscriptions
  and the author’s name in the address rest upon an erroneous
  tradition.--The gradual disappearance of charismatic offices was
  mainly the result of the endeavour, that became more and more
  marked during the 2nd cent., after the adoption of current social
  usages and institutions, which necessarily led to a repression
  of the enthusiastic spirit out of which those offices had sprung
  and which could scarcely reconcile itself with what seemed
  to it worldly compromises and concessions. The fanatical and
  eccentric pretension to prophetic gifts in Montanism, with its
  uncompromising rigour (§ 40) and its withdrawal from church
  fellowship, gave to these charismatic offices their deadly blow.
  A further cause of their gradual decay may certainly be found in
  their relation to the growing episcopal hierarchy. At the time of
  the Didache, which knows nothing of a subordination of presbyters
  under the bishop (indeed like Phil. i. 1, it makes no mention
  of presbyters), this relation was one of thoroughly harmonious
  co-ordination and co-operation. In the 13th chap. the exhortation
  is given to choose only faithful and approved men as bishops
  and deacons, “for they too discharge for you τὴν λειτουργίαν τῶν
  προφητῶν καὶ διδασκάλων and so they represent along with those
  the τετιμημένοι among you.” The service of prophets, according
  to the Didache, was pre-eminently that of the ἀρχιερεῖς and so
  there was entrusted to them the consecration of the elements
  in the Lord’s Supper. This service the bishops and deacons
  discharged, inasmuch as, in addition to their own special duties
  as presidents of the congregation charged with its administration
  and discipline, they were required in the absence of prophets
  to conduct the worship. Then also they had to officiate as
  Teachers (1 Tim. v. 17) when occasion required and the necessary
  qualifications were possessed. But this peaceful co-operating
  of the two orders undoubtedly soon and often gave place to
  unseemly rivalry, and the hierarchical spirit obtruding itself
  in the _Protepiscopate_ (§ 17, 6), which first of all reduced
  its colleagues from their original equality to a position of
  subordination soon asserted itself over against the extraordinary
  offices which had held a place co-ordinate with and in the
  department of doctrine and worship even more authoritative and
  important than that of the bishops themselves. They were only too
  readily successful in having their usurpation of their offices
  recognised as bearing the authority of a divine appointment.
  These soon completed the theory of the hierarchical and
  monarchical rank of the clergy and the absurd pretension to
  having obtained from God the absolute fulness of His Spirit and
  absolute sovereign power.

  § 34.2. =The Development of the Episcopal Hierarchy= was the
  result of an evolution which in existing circumstances was not
  only natural but almost necessary. In the deliberations and
  consultations of the college of presbyters constituting the
  ecclesiastical court, just as in every other such assembly, it
  must have been the invariable custom to confer upon one of their
  number, generally the eldest, or at least the one among them most
  highly esteemed, the presidency, committing to him the duty of
  the orderly conduct of the debates, as well as the formulating,
  publishing and enforcing of their decrees. This president must
  soon have won the pre-eminent authority of a _primus inter pares_,
  and have come to be regarded as an ἐπίσκοπος of higher rank.
  From such a primacy to supremacy, and from that to a monarchical
  position, the progress was natural and easy. In proportion as the
  official authority, the ἐπισκοπή, concentrated itself more and
  more in the president, the official title, ἐπίσκοπος, at first by
  way of eminence, then absolutely, was appropriated to him. This
  would be all the more easily effected since, owing to the twofold
  function of the office (§ 17, 5, 6), he who presided in the
  administrative council still bore the title of πρεσβύτερος. It
  was not accomplished, however, without a long continued struggle
  on the part of the presbyters who were relegated to a subordinate
  rank, which occasioned keen party contentions and divisions
  lasting down even into the 3rd century (§ 41). But the need of
  the churches to have in each one man to direct and control was
  mightier than this opposition. That need was most keenly felt
  when the church was threatened with division and dissolution
  by the spread of heretical and separatist tendencies. The need
  of a single president in the local churches was specially felt
  in times of violent persecution, and still more just after the
  persecution had ceased when multitudes who had fallen away during
  the days of trial sought to be again restored to the membership
  of the church (§ 39, 2), in order to secure the reorganization
  of the institution which, by violence from without and weakness
  within, had been so sorely rent. Both in the Old and in the New
  Testament there seemed ground for regarding the order of things
  that had grown up in the course of time as _jure divino_ and
  as existing from the beginning. After the idea of a distinct
  sacerdotal class had again found favour, the distribution of
  the clergy in the Old Testament into High priest, priests and
  Levites was supposed to afford an exact analogy to that of
  the episcopate, presbyterate and diaconate. To effect this the
  charismatic offices of teaching had to be ignored and their
  divinely ordained functions had to be set aside. It was even
  supposed that the relative ranks in the offices of the Christian
  church must be determined by the corresponding orders in the Old
  Testament. Then in the gospels, it seemed as if the relations of
  Christ to His disciples corresponded to that of the bishop to the
  presbyters; and from the Acts of the Apostles the preponderating
  authority of James at the head of the Jerusalem presbytery or
  eldership (§ 17, 2) might be used as a witness for the supremacy
  of the bishop. The oldest and most important contender for the
  monarchical rank of the bishop is the author of the _Ignatian
  Epistles_ (§ 30, 5). In every bishop he sees the representative
  of Christ, and in the college of presbyters the representatives
  of the Apostles. In the _Clementines_ too the bishop appears
  as ἐπὶ τῆς Χριστοῦ καθέδρας καθεσθείς. This view also finds
  expression in the _Apostolic Constitutions_ (2, 26), and even in
  the writings of _Dionysius the Areopagite_ (§ 47, 11). Another
  theory, according to which the bishops are successors of the
  Apostles and as such heirs of the absolute dominion conferred in
  Matt. xiv. 18, 19 upon Peter and through him on all the Apostles,
  sprang up in the West and gained currency by means of Cyprian’s
  eloquent enunciation of it (§ 34, 7).

  § 34.3. =The Regular Ecclesiastical Offices of the Old Catholic
  Age.= The =Ordines Majores= embraced the Bishops, Presbyters
  and Deacons. Upon the =Bishop=, elected by the people and the
  clergy in common, there devolved in his monarchical position the
  supreme conduct of all the affairs of the church. The exclusively
  episcopal privileges were these: the ordination of presbyters
  and deacons, the absolving of the penitent, according to strict
  rule also the consecration of the eucharistic elements, in later
  times also the right of speaking at Synods, and in the West also
  the confirmation of the baptised. In large cities where a single
  church was no longer sufficient daughter churches were instituted.
  Country churches founded outside of the cities were supplied
  with presbyters and deacons from the city. If they increased
  in importance, they chose for themselves their own bishop, who
  remained, however, as Χωρεπίσκοπος dependent upon the city bishop.
  Thus distinctly official episcopal dioceses came to be formed.
  And just as the city bishops had a pre-eminence over the country
  bishops, so also the bishops of the chief cities of provinces
  soon came as metropolitans to have a pre-eminence over those
  of other cities. To them was granted the right of calling and
  presiding at the Synods, and of appointing and ordaining the
  bishops of their province. The name Metropolitan, however, was
  first used in the Acts of the Council of Nicæa in A.D. 325.--The
  =Presbyters= were now only the advisers and assistants of the
  bishop, whose counsel and help he accepted just in such ways and
  at such times as seemed to him good. They were employed in the
  directing of the affairs of the church, in the administration of
  the sacrament, in preaching and in pastoral work, but only at the
  bidding or with the express permission of the bishop. During the
  following period for the first time, when demands had multiplied,
  and the episcopal authority was no longer in need of being
  jealously guarded, were their functions enlarged to embrace
  an independent pastoral care, preaching and dispensation of the
  sacraments for which they were personally responsible.--In regard
  to official position the =Deacons= had a career just the converse
  of this; for their importance increased just as the range
  of their official functions was enlarged. Seeing that in the
  earliest times they had occupied a position subordinate to the
  presbyter-bishops, they could not be regarded in this way as
  their rivals; and the development of the proto-presbyterate into
  a monarchical episcopate was too evidently in their own interests
  to awaken any opposition on their part. They therefore stood in a
  far closer relation to the bishops than did the presbyters. They
  were his confidants, his companions in travel, often also his
  deputies and representatives at the Synods. To them he committed
  the distribution of the church’s alms, for which their original
  charge of the poor qualified them. To these duties were added
  also many of the parts of divine service; they baptised under the
  commission of the bishop, obtained and prepared the sacramental
  elements, handed round the cup, at the close of the service
  carried to the sick and imprisoned the body and blood of the Lord,
  intimated the beginning and the close of the various parts of
  divine service, recited the public prayers, read the gospels, and
  kept order during worship. Often, too, they preached the sermon.
  In consequence of the preponderating position given to the Old
  Testament idea of the priesthood the bishop was compared to the
  high priest, the presbyters to the priests, and the deacons to
  the Levites, and so too did they already assume the name, from
  which the German word “Priester,” English “Priest,” French
  “Prêtre,” Italian “Prête,” is derived.

  Among the =Ordines Minores= the oldest was the office of =Reader=,
  Ἀναγνώστης. In the time of Cyprian this place was heartily
  accorded to the Confessors. In later times it was usual to begin
  the clerical career with service in the readership. The duties
  of this office were the public reading of the longer scripture
  portions and the custody of the sacred books. Somewhat later than
  the readership the office of the =Subdiaconi=, ὑποδιάκονοι was
  instituted. They were assistants to the Deacons, and as such
  took first rank among the _Ordines Minores_, and of these were
  alone regarded as worthy of ordination. Toward the end of the 3rd
  century the office of the =Cantores=, ψαλταί, was instituted for
  the conducting of the public service of praise. The =Acolytes=,
  who are met with in Rome first about the middle of the 3rd
  century, were those who accompanied the bishop as his servants.
  The =Exorcists= discharged the spiritual function of dealing with
  those possessed of evil spirits, ἐνεργούμενοι, δαιμονιζόμενοι,
  over whom they had to repeat the public prayers and the formula
  of exorcism. As there was also an exorcism associated with
  baptism, the official functions of the exorcists extended to
  the catechumens. The =Ostiarii= or =Janitores=, θυρωροί, πυλωροί,
  occupied the lowest position.--In the larger churches for the
  instruction of the catechumens there were special =Catechists=
  appointed, _Doctores audientium_, and where the need was
  felt, especially in the churches of North Africa speaking
  the Punic tongue, there were also =Interpreters= whose duty
  it was to translate and interpret the scripture lessons. To
  the =Deaconesses=, for the most part widows or virgins, was
  committed the care of the poor and sick, the counselling of
  inexperienced women and maidens, the general oversight of
  the female catechumens. They had no clerical character.--The
  =Ordination= of the clergy was performed by the laying on
  of hands. Those were disqualified who had just recently been
  baptised or had received baptism only during severe illness
  (_Neophyti_, _Clinici_), also all who had been excommunicated
  and those who had mutilated themselves.--Continuation, § 45, 3.

  § 34.4. =Clergy and Laity.=--The idea that a priestly mediation
  between sinful men and a gracious deity was necessary had been so
  deeply implanted in the religious consciousness of pre-Christian
  antiquity, pagan as well as Jewish, that a form of public worship
  without a priesthood seemed almost as inconceivable as a religion
  without a god. And even though the inspired writings of the New
  Testament decidedly and expressly taught that the pre-Christian
  or Old Testament institution of a special human priesthood
  had been abolished and merged in the one eternal mediation
  of the exalted Son of God and Son of man, and that there was
  now a universal spiritual priesthood of all Christians with
  the right and privilege of drawing near even to the heavenly
  throne of grace (Heb. iv. 16; 1 Pet. ii. 5, 9; Rev. i. 6), yet,
  in consequence of the idea of the permanence of Old Testament
  institutions which prevailed, even in the Post-Apostolic Age,
  the sacerdotal theory came more and more into favour. This
  relapse to the Old Testament standpoint was moreover rendered
  almost inevitable by the contemporary metamorphosis of the
  ecclesiastical office which existed as the necessary basis of
  human organisation (§ 17, 4) into a hierarchical organisation
  resting upon an assumed divine institution. For clericalism,
  with its claims to be the sole divinely authorised channel for
  the communication of God’s grace, was the correlate and the
  indispensable support of hierarchism, with its exclusive claims
  to legislative, judicial, disciplinary and administrative
  precedence in the affairs of the church. The reaction which
  Montanism (§ 40) initiated in the interests of the Christian
  people against the hierarchical and clerical tendencies spreading
  throughout the church, was without result owing to its extreme
  extravagance. Tertullian emphasised indeed very strongly the
  Apostolic idea of the universal priesthood of all Christians, but
  in Cyprian this is allowed to fall quite behind the priesthood
  of the clergy and ultimately came to be quite forgotten.--The Old
  Catholic Age, however, shows many reminiscences of the original
  relation of the congregation to the ecclesiastical officers,
  or as it would now be called, of the laity to the clergy. That
  the official teaching of religion and preaching in the public
  assemblies of the church, although as a rule undertaken by the
  _Ordines majores_, might even then in special circumstances and
  with due authorisation be discharged by laymen, was shown by
  the Catechetical institution at Alexandria and by the case
  of Origen who when only a Catechist often preached in the
  church. The Apostolic Constitutions, too, 8, 31, supported the
  view that laymen, if only they were skilful in the word and of
  irreproachable lives, should preach by a reference to the promise:
  “They shall be all taught of God.” The repeated expressions of
  disapproval of the administration of the eucharist by laymen
  in the Ignatian Epistles presupposes the frequent occurrence
  of the practice; Tertullian would allow it in case of necessity,
  for “_Ubi tres, ecclesia est, licet laici_.” Likewise in
  reference to the administration of baptism he teaches that under
  ordinary circumstances _propter ecclesiæ honorem_ it should be
  administered only by the bishop and the clergy appointed by him
  to the work, _alioquin_ (_e.g._ in times of persecution) _etiam
  laicis jus est_. This, too, is the decision of the Council
  of Elvira in A.D. 306. The report which Cyprian gives of his
  procedure in regard to the vast number of the _Lapsi_ of his time
  (§ 39, 2; 41, 2) affords evidence that at least in extraordinary
  and specially difficult cases of discipline the whole church was
  consulted. The people’s right to take part in the choice of their
  minister had not yet been questioned, and their assistance at
  least in the Synods was never refused.

  § 34.5. =The Synods.=--The Council of Apostles at Jerusalem
  (Acts xv.) furnished an example of Synodal deliberation and
  issuing of decrees. But even in the pagan world such institutions
  had existed. The old religio-political confederacies in Greece
  and Asia Minor had indeed since the time of the Roman conquest
  lost their political significance; but their long accustomed
  assemblies (κοιναὶ σύνοδοι, _Concilia_) continued to meet in
  the capitals of the provinces under the presidency of the Roman
  governor. The fact that the same nomenclature was adopted seems
  to show that they were not without formal influence on the
  origin of the institution of the church synod. The first occasion
  for such meetings was given by the Montanist movements in Asia
  Minor (§ 40, 1); and soon thereafter by the controversies about
  the observance of Easter (§ 37, 2). In the beginning of the 3rd
  century the Provincial Synods had already assumed the position
  of fixed and regularly recurring institutions. In the time of
  Cyprian, the presbyters and deacons took an active part in the
  Synods alongside of the bishops, and the people generally were
  not prevented from attending. No decision could be arrived at
  without the knowledge and the acquiescence of the members of the
  church. From the time of the Nicene Council, in A.D. 325, the
  bishops alone had a vote and the presence of the laity was more
  and more restricted. The decrees of Synods were communicated
  to distant churches by means of Synodal rescripts, and even
  in the 3rd century the claim was made in these, in accordance
  with Acts xv., to the immediate enlightenment of the Holy
  Spirit.--Continuation, § 43, 2.

  § 34.6. =Personal and Epistolary Intercourse.=--From the very
  earliest times the Christian churches of all lands maintained
  a regular communication with one another through messengers
  or itinerating brethren. The _Teaching of the XII. Apostles_
  furnishes the earliest account of this: Any one who comes from
  another place in the name of the Lord shall be received as a
  brother; one who is on his journey, however, shall not accept the
  hospitality of the church for more than two, or at furthest than
  three days; but if he chooses to remain in the place, he must
  engage in work for his own support, in which matter the church
  will help him; if he will not so conduct himself he is to be sent
  back as a χριστέμπορος, who has been seeking to make profit out
  of his profession of Christ. The Didache knows nothing as yet of
  the letters of authentication among the earlier messengers of the
  church which soon became necessary and customary. As a guarantee
  against the abuse of this custom such συστατικαὶ ἐπιστολαί (2 Cor.
  iii. 1) had come into use even in Tertullian’s time, who speaks
  of a _Contesseratio hospitalitatis_, in such a form that they
  were understood only by the initiated as recognisable tokens of
  genuineness, and were hence called _Litteræ formatæ_, or γράμματα
  τετυπωμένα. The same care was also taken in respect of important
  epistolary communications from one church to another or to other
  churches. Among these were included, _e.g._ the Synodal rescripts,
  the so-called γράμματα ἐνθρονιστικά by which the newly-chosen
  bishops intimated their entrance upon office to the other bishops
  of their district, the _Epistolæ festales_ (paschales) regarding
  the celebration of a festival, especially the Easter festival
  (§ 56, 3), communications about important church occurrences,
  especially about martyrdoms (§ 32, 8), etc. According to Optatus
  of Mileve (§ 63, 1): “_Totus orbis_” could boast of “_comnmercio
  formatarum in una communionis societate concordat_.”

  § 34.7. =The Unity and Catholicity of the Church.=--The fact
  that Christianity was destined to be a religion for the world,
  which should embrace all peoples and tongues, and should permeate
  them all with one spirit and unite them under one heavenly
  head, rested upon the presupposition that the church was one and
  universal or catholic. The inward unity of the spirit demanded
  also a corresponding unity in manifestation. It is specially
  evident from the _Teaching of the XII. Apostles_ that the
  consciousness of the unity of the church had deeply rooted itself
  even in the Post-Apostolic Age (§ 20, 1). “The points which
  according to it prove the unity of Christendom are the following:
  firstly, the _disciplina_ in accordance with the ethical
  requirements of the Lord, secondly, baptism in the name of the
  Father, Son and Holy Spirit, thirdly, the order of fasting and
  prayer, especially the regular use of the Lord’s Prayer, and
  fourthly and lastly, the eucharist, _i.e._ the sacred meal in
  partaking of which the church gives thanks to God, the creator of
  all things, for the revelation imparted to it through Jesus, for
  faith and knowledge and immortality, and implores the fulfilment
  of its hope, the overthrow of this world, the coming again of
  Christ, and reception into the kingdom of God. He who has this
  doctrine and acts in accordance with it is a ‘Christian,’ belongs
  to ‘the saints,’ is a ‘brother,’ and ought to be received even
  as the Lord” (Harnack). The struggle against the Gnostics had
  the effect of transforming this primitive Christian idea of
  unity into a consciousness of the necessity of adopting a common
  doctrinal formula, which again this controversy rendered much
  more definite and precise, to which a concise popular expression
  was given in one common _Regula fidei_ (§ 35, 2), and by
  means of which the specific idea of catholicity was developed
  (§ 20, 2).--The misleading and dangerous thing about this
  construction and consolidation of one great Catholic church was
  that every deviation from external forms in the constitution and
  worship as well as erroneous doctrine, immorality and apostasy,
  was regarded as a departing from the one Catholic church, the
  body of Christ, and consequently, since not only the body was
  put upon the same level with the head, but even the garment of
  the body was identified with the body itself, as a separating
  from the communion of Christ, involving the loss of salvation
  and eternal blessedness. This notion received a powerful
  impulse during the 2nd century when the unity of the church
  was threatened by heresies, sects and divisions. It reached
  its consummation and won the _Magna Charta_ of its perfect
  enunciation in Cyprian’s book _De Unitate Ecclesiæ_. In
  the monarchical rank of the bishop of each church, as the
  representative of Christ, over the college of presbyters, as
  representatives of the Apostles, Ignatius of Antioch sees the
  guarantee of the church’s unity. According to Cyprian, this unity
  has its expression in the Apostolate; in the Episcopate it has
  its support. The promise of Christ, Matt. xvi. 18, is given to
  Peter, not as the head but as the single representative of the
  Apostles (John xx. 21). The Apostolic office, with the promise
  attached to it, passed from the Apostles by means of ordination
  to the bishops. These, through their monarchical rank, represent
  continuously for the several churches (_Ecclesia est in episcopo_),
  and through their combined action, for the whole of Christendom,
  the unity of the church; _Episcopatus unus est, cujus a singulus
  in solidum, pars tenetur_. All the bishops, just as all the
  Apostles, have perfect parity with one another; _pares consortio,
  jure et honore_. Each of them is a successor of Peter and heir
  of the promise given first to Peter but for all.--He who cuts
  himself off from the bishops, cuts himself off from the church.
  _Habere non potest Deum patrem, qui ecclesiam non habet matrem....
  Extra ecclesiam nulla spes salutis._ Alongside of the Apostolic
  writings, the tradition which prevailed among the Apostolic
  churches (_Sedes apostolicæ_) was regarded as a standard of
  catholicity in constitution, worship and doctrine; indeed, it
  must even have ranked above the Apostolic writings themselves
  in settling the question of the New Testament Canon (§ 36, 8),
  until these had secured general circulation and acceptance.

  § 34.8. =The Roman Primacy.=--The claims of the Roman bishopric
  to the primacy over the whole church, which reached its fuller
  development in the 4th and 5th centuries (§ 46, 7), were founded
  originally and chiefly on the assertion that the promise of
  Matt. xvi. 18, 19, was given only and exclusively to the Apostle
  Peter as the Primate of the Apostles and the head of the church.
  This assumption overlooked the fact that in Matt. xviii. 18 and
  John xx. 21 ff., this promise was given with reference to all
  the Apostles. These claims were further supposed to be supported
  by the words addressed to Peter, “strengthen thy brethren”
  (Luke xxii. 31), which seemed to accord to Peter a primacy
  over his fellow Apostles; and also by the interpretation given
  of John xxi. 15 ff., where “lambs” were understood of laymen
  and “sheep” of the Apostles. It was likewise assumed that
  the bishop of Rome was the successor of Peter, and so the
  legitimate and only heir of all his prerogatives. The fable of
  the Roman bishopric of Peter (§ 16, 1) was at an early period
  unhesitatingly adopted, all the more because no one expected the
  results which in later times were deduced from a quite different
  understanding of Matt. xvi. 18. During this whole period such
  consequences were never dreamt of either by a Roman bishop or by
  anybody else. Only this was readily admitted at least by the West
  that Rome was the foremost of all the Apostolic churches, that
  there the Apostolic tradition had been preserved in its purest
  form, and that, therefore, its bishops should have a particularly
  influential voice in all questions that were to be judged of
  by the whole episcopate, and the Roman bishops were previously
  content with taking advantage of this concession in the largest
  measure possible.[96]


                § 35. THE ADMINISTRATION OF BAPTISM.[97]

  As an indispensable means to participation in salvation and as
a condition of reception into the communion of the church, baptism
was practised from the earliest times. Infant baptism, though not
universally adopted, was yet in theory almost universally admitted to
be proper. Tertullian alone is found opposing it. All adults who desired
baptism had, as Catechumens, to pass through a course of training under
a Christian teacher. Many, however, voluntarily and purposely postponed
their baptism, frequently even to a deathbed, in order that all the
sins of their lives might be certainly removed by baptismal grace. After
a full course of instruction had been passed through, the Catechumens
prepared themselves for baptism by prayer and fasting, and before the
administration of the sacred ordinance they were required to renounce
the devil and all his works (_Abrenuntiare diabolo et pompæ et angelis
ejus_) and to recite a confession of their faith. The controversy as to
whether baptism administered by heretics should be regarded as valid was
conducted with great bitterness during the 3rd century.

  § 35.1. =The Preparation for Receiving Baptism.=--After a
  complete exposition of the evangelical moral code in chap. 1-6,
  the _Teaching of the XII. Apostles_ proceeds thus: Ταῦτα πάντα
  προειπόντες βαπτίσατε εἰς τὸ ὄνομα, etc. At this time, therefore,
  besides the necessarily presupposed acquaintance with the chief
  points in the gospel history, the initiation into the moral
  doctrine of the gospel of the person receiving baptism was
  regarded as most essential in the baptismal instruction. In this
  passage there is no mention of a doctrinal course of teaching
  based upon a symbol. But what here is still wanting is given in
  a summary way in chaps. 7 ff. in the instructions about baptism
  and the Lord’s supper attached to the baptismal formula and the
  eucharistic prayers. This therefore was reserved for that worship
  from which the candidates for baptism and the newly baptized had
  to gather their faith and hope as to the future completion of the
  kingdom of God. First the struggle against Gnosticism obliged the
  church to put more to the front the doctrines of faith which were
  thereby more fully developed, and to concern itself with these
  questions even in the instruction of the Catechumens. The custom,
  which the Didache and Justin Martyr show to have been prevalent
  in post-Apostolic times, of the baptiser together with others
  voluntarily offering themselves taking part with the candidate
  for baptism in completing the preparation for the holy ordinance
  by observing a two days’ fast, seems soon, so far as the baptiser
  and the others were concerned, to have fallen into desuetude,
  and is never again mentioned.--Since the development of the
  Old Catholic church the preparation of candidates for baptism
  has been divided into two portions of very unequal duration,
  namely, that of instruction, for which on an average a period
  of two years was required, and that of immediate preparation by
  prayer and fasting after the instructions had been completed.
  During the former period the aspirants were called κατηχοῦμενοι,
  _Catechumeni_; during the latter, φωτιζόμενοι, _Competentes_.
  As to their participation in the public divine service, the
  Catechumens were first of all as ἀκροώμενοι admitted only to the
  hearing of the sermon, and had thus no essential privileges over
  the unbelievers. They first came into closer connection with
  the church only when it was permitted them to take part in
  the devotional exercises, yet only in those portions which had
  reference to themselves, kneeling as γονυκλίνοντες, while also
  the congregation prayed kneeling. Only in cases of dangerous
  illness could baptism be given before the Catechumen had
  completed his full course (_Baptismus Clinicorum_). The Council
  of Neo-Cæsarea soon after A.D. 314 ordained that a Catechumen
  who as a γονυκλίνων had been guilty of an open sin, should be
  put back to the first stage of the Catechumenate, namely, to that
  of the ἀκροᾶσθαι, and if he then again sinned he should be cast
  off altogether; and the Œcumenical Council of Nicæa in A.D. 325
  demanded that offending (παραπέσοντες) Catechumens should remain
  ἀκροώμενοι for three years and only then should be allowed to
  take part in the devotional service of the church.[98]

  § 35.2. =The Baptismal Formula.=--In close connection with the
  words of institution of baptism (Matt. xxviii. 19) and hence in
  a trinitarian framework, an outline of the doctrine common to all
  the churches, introduced first of all as a confession of faith
  professed by candidates for baptism, obtained currency at a very
  early date. Only a few unimportant modifications were afterwards
  made upon it, and amid all the varieties of provincial and local
  conditions, the formula remained essentially the same. Hence it
  could always be properly characterized with Irenæus as ἀκλινής,
  and with Tertullian as _immobilis et irreformabilis_. As a token
  of membership in the Catholic church it is called the Baptismal
  Formula or =Symbolum=. After the introduction of the _Disciplina
  arcani_ (§ 36, 4) it was included in that, and hence was kept
  secret from heathens and even from catechumens, and first
  communicated to the _competentes_. As the “unalterable and
  inflexible” test and standard of the faith and doctrine, as
  well as an intellectual bond of union between churches scattered
  over all the earth, it was called =Regula fidei= and Κανὼν τῆς
  ἀληθείας. That we never find it quoted in the Old Catholic Age,
  is to be explained from its inclusion in the _disciplina arcani_
  and by this also, that the ancient church in common with Jeremiah
  (xxxi. 33), laid great stress upon its being engraven not with
  pen and ink on paper, but with the pen of the Holy Spirit on the
  hearts of believers. Instead then of literal quotation we find
  among the fathers of the Old Catholic Age (Irenæus, Tertullian,
  Origen, Novatian, etc.) only paraphrastic and explanatory
  references to it which, seeing that no sort of official sanction
  was accorded them in the church, are erroneously spoken of
  as _Regulæ fidei_. These paraphrases, however, are valuable
  as affording information about the creed of the early church,
  because what is found the same in them all must be regarded as an
  integral part of the original document. In harmony with this is
  the testimony of Rufinus, about A.D. 390, who in his _Expositio
  Symb. apost._ produces three different recensions, namely, the
  Roman, the Aquileian and the Oriental. The oldest and simplest
  was that used in Rome, traces of which may be found as early
  as the middle of the 2nd century. In the time of Rufinus there
  was a tradition that this Roman creed had been composed by the
  XII. Apostles in Jerusalem at the time of their scattering, as
  a universal rule of faith, and had been brought to Rome by Peter.
  It is not quite the same as that known among us as the =Apostles’
  Creed=. It wants the phrases “Creator of heaven and earth,”
  “suffered, dead, descended into hell,” “catholic, communion of
  saints, eternal life.” The creed of Aquileia adopted the clause
  “_Descendit ad infera_,” and intensified the clause _Carnis
  resurrectio_ by the addition of “_hujus_” and the phrase _Deus
  pater omnipotens_ by the addition of the anti-Patripassian
  predicate (§ 33, 4) _invisibilis et impassibilis_.

  § 35.3. =The Administration of Baptism.=--According to the
  showing of the _Teaching of the XII. Apostles_ baptism was
  ordinarily administered by a thrice-repeated immersion in flowing
  water in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit.
  If there be no flowing water at hand, any other kind, even warm
  water, may be used, and in case of necessity sprinkling may be
  substituted for the thrice-repeated immersion. At a later time
  sprinkling was limited to the baptism of the sick, _Baptismus
  clinicorum_. We hear nothing of a consecration of the water to
  its holy use, nor is there any mention of the renunciation and
  exorcism which became customary first in the 3rd century through
  the use of a form of adjuration previously employed only in cases
  of possession. Upon immersion followed an anointing, χρίσμα
  (still unknown to the Didache), as a symbol of consecration to a
  spiritual priesthood (1 Pet. ii. 9), and then, in accordance with
  Acts viii. 16 f., the laying on of hands as the vehicle for the
  communication of the Holy Spirit. Soon the immersion came to be
  regarded as the negative part of the ordinance, the putting away
  of sin, and the anointing with the laying on of hands as the
  positive part, the communication of the Spirit. In the Eastern
  church presbyters and deacons were permitted to dispense baptism
  including also the anointing. Both, therefore, continued there
  unseparated. In the West, however, the bishops claimed the laying
  on of hands as their exclusive right, referring in support of
  their claim to Acts viii. Where then the bishop did not himself
  dispense the baptism, the laying on of hands as well as the
  chrismatic anointing was given separately and in addition by him
  as =Confirmation=, _Confirmatio_, _Consignatio_, which separation,
  even when the baptism was administered by a bishop, soon became
  the usual and legal practice. Nevertheless even in the Roman
  church there was at the baptism an anointing with oil which had
  canonical sanction and was designated _chrism_, without prejudice
  to confirmation as an independent act at a later time. The usual
  seasons for administering baptism were Easter, especially the
  Sabbath of Passion week, baptism into the death of Christ,
  Rom. vi. 3, and Pentecost, and in the East also the Epiphany.
  The place for the administration of baptism was regarded as
  immaterial. With infant baptism was introduced the custom of
  having sponsors, ἀνάδοχοι, _sponsores_, who as sureties repeated
  the confession of faith in the name of the unconscious infant
  receiving the baptism.--Continuation, § 58, 1.

  § 35.4. =The Doctrine of Baptism.=--The Epistle of Barnabas says:
  Ἀναβαίνομεν καρποφοροῦντες ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ. Hermas says: _Ascendunt
  vitæ assignati_. With Justin the water of baptism is a ὕδωρ τῆς
  ζωῆς, ἐξ οὗ ἀναγεννήθημεν, According to Irenæus it effects a
  ἕνωσις πρὸς ἀφθαρσίαν. Tertullian says: _Supervenit spiritus de
  cœlis,--caro spiritualiter mundatur_. Cyprian speaks of an _unda
  genitalis_, of a _nativitas secunda in novum hominem_. Firmilian
  says: _Nativitas, quæ est in baptismo, filios Dei generat_.
  Origen calls baptism χαρισμάτων θείων ἀρχὴν καὶ πηγήν.--Of the
  bloody baptism of martyrdom Tertullian exclaims: _Lavacrum non
  acceptum repræsentat et perditum reddit_. Hermes and Clement of
  Alexandria maintain that there will be in Hades a preaching and
  a baptism for the sake of pious Gentiles and Jews.

  § 35.5. =The Controversy about Heretics’ Baptism.=--The church of
  Asia Minor and Africa denied the validity of baptism administered
  by heretics; but the Roman church received heretics returning to
  the fold of the Catholic church, if only they had been baptized
  in the name of Christ or of the Holy Trinity, without a second
  baptism, simply laying on the hands as in the case of penitents.
  Stephen of Rome would tolerate no other than the Roman custom and
  hastened to break off church fellowship with those of Asia Minor
  (A.D. 253). Cyprian of Carthage whose ideal of the unity of that
  church in which alone salvation was to be obtained seemed to be
  overthrown by the Roman practice, and Firmilian of Cæsarea in
  Cappadocia, were the most vigorous supporters of the view
  condemned by Rome. Three Carthaginian Synods, the last and most
  important in A.D. 256, decided unequivocally in their favour.
  Dionysius of Alexandria sought to effect a reconciliation by
  writing a tenderly affectionate address to Stephen. To this end
  even more effectively wrought the Valerian persecution, which
  soon afterwards broke out, during which Stephen himself suffered
  martyrdom (A.D. 257). Thus the controversy reached no conclusion.
  The Roman practice, however, continued to receive more and more
  acceptance, and was confirmed by the first Œcumenical Council at
  Nicæa in A.D. 325, with the exclusion only of the Samosatians (§
  33, 8); likewise also at the Council at Constantinople in A.D.
  381, with the exclusion of the Montanists (§ 40, 1), the
  Eunomians (§ 50, 3) and the Sabellians (§ 33, 7). These
  exceptions, therefore, referred mostly to the Unitarian heretics,
  the Montanists being excluded on account of their doctrine of the
  Paraclete. Augustine’s successful polemic against the Donatists
  (§ 63, 1), in his treatise in seven books _De baptismo_ first
  overcame all objections hitherto waged against the validity of
  baptism administered by heretics derived from the objectivity of
  the sacrament, and henceforth all that was required was that it
  should be given in the name of the three-one God.


           § 36. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND ITS VARIOUS PARTS.[99]

  There was a tendency from the 2nd century onwards more and more to
dissolve the connection of the Lord’s Supper with the evening _Agape_
(§ 17, 7). Trajan’s strict prohibition of secret societies, _hetæræ_
(§ 22, 2) seems to have given the first occasion for the separation
of these two and for the temporary suppression of the love-feasts.
The Lord’s Supper was now observed during the Sunday forenoon service
and the mode of its observance is described even by Justin Martyr. In
consideration of the requirements of the Catechumens the service was
divided into two parts, a _homiletical_ and a _sacramental_, and from
the latter all unbaptized persons, as well as all under discipline
and those possessed of evil spirits, were excluded. Each part of the
service was regularly closed by a concluding benediction, and in the
West bore the designations respectively of _Missa catechumenorum_
and _Missa fidelium_, while in the East they were distinguished as
λειτουργία τῶν κατηχουμένων and λειτουργία τῶν πιστῶν. In connection
with this there grew up a notion that the sacramental action had
a mysterious character, _Disciplina arcani_. Owing to the original
connection of the Supper with the Agape it became customary to
provide the elements used in the ordinance from the voluntary gifts
brought by the members of the church, which were called _Oblationes_,
προσφοραί,--a designation which helped to associate the idea of
sacrifice with the observance of the Lord’s Supper.

  § 36.1. =The Agape.=--That in consequence of the imperial
  edict against secret societies, at least in Asia Minor, the
  much suspected and greatly maligned love-feasts (§ 22) were
  temporarily abandoned, appears from the report of Pliny to
  the Emperor, according to which the Christians of whom he made
  inquiries assured him that they had given up the _mos coeundi
  ad capiendum cibum promiscuum_. But in Africa they were still
  in use or had been revived in the time of Tertullian, who in his
  _Apology_ makes mention very approvingly of them, although at
  a later period, after he had joined the Montanists, he lashes
  them in his book _De Jejuniis_ with the most stinging sarcasm.
  Clement of Alexandria too is aware of flagrant abuses committed
  in connection with those feasts. They continued longest to be
  observed in connection with the services in commemoration of
  the dead and on the festivals of martyrs. The Council of Laodicæa,
  about the middle of the 4th century, forbade the holding of these
  in the churches and the Second Trullan Council in A.D. 692 renewed
  this prohibition. After this we find no further mention of them.

  § 36.2. =The Missa Catechumenorum.=--The reading of scripture
  (ἀνάγνωσις, _Lectio_,--comp. § 36, 7) formed the chief exercise
  during this part of the service. There was unrestricted liberty
  as to the choice of the portions to be read. It was the duty of
  the Readers, Ἀναγνώσται, to perform this part of the worship,
  but frequently Evangelists on the invitation of the Deacons
  would read, and the whole congregation showed their reverence
  by standing up. At the close of the reading an expository and
  practical address (ὁμιλία, λόγος, _Sermo_, _Tractatus_) was given
  by the bishop or in his absence by a presbyter or deacon, or even
  by a Catechist, as in the case of Origen, and soon, especially in
  the Greek church, this assumed the form of an artistic, rhetorical
  discourse. The reading and exposition of God’s word were followed
  by the prayers, to which the people gave responses. These were
  uttered partly by the bishop, partly by the deacons, and were
  extemporary utterances of the heart, though very soon they
  assumed a stereotyped form. The congregation responded to each
  short sentence of the prayer with Κύριε ἐλέησον. In the fully
  developed order of public worship of the 3rd century the prayers
  were arranged to correspond to the different parts of the service,
  for Catechumens, energumens (possessed), and penitents. After
  all these came the common prayer of the church for all sorts of
  callings, conditions, and needs in the life of the brethren.

  § 36.3. =The _Missa Fidelium_.=--The centre of this part of the
  service was the celebration of the Lord’s Supper. In the time of
  Justin Martyr the liturgy connected therewith was very simple. The
  brotherly kiss followed the common prayer, then the sacramental
  elements were brought in to the ministrant who consecrated
  them by the prayer of praise and thanksgiving (εὐχαριστία). The
  people answered Amen, and thereupon the consecrated elements
  were distributed to all those present. From that prayer the whole
  ordinance received the name εὐχαριστία, because its consecrating
  influence made common bread into the bread of the Supper. Much
  more elaborate is the liturgy in the 8th Book of the _Apostolic
  Constitutions_ (§ 43, 4), which may be regarded as a fair sample
  of the worship of the church toward the end of the 3rd century.
  At the close of the sermon during the prayers connected with
  that part of the service began the withdrawal successively of
  the Catechumens, the energumens and the penitents. Then the _Missa
  fidelium_ was commenced with the common intercessory prayer of
  the church. After various collects and responses there followed
  the brotherly kiss, exhortation against participation in unworthy
  pleasures, preparation of the sacramental elements, the sign of
  the cross, the consecration prayer, the words of institution, the
  elevation of the consecrated elements, all accompanied by suitable
  prayers, hymns, doxologies and responses. The bishop or presbyter
  distributed the bread with the words, Σῶμα Χριστοῦ; the deacon
  passed round the cup with the words, Αἷμα Χριστοῦ, ποτήριον ζωῆς.
  Finally the congregation kneeling received the blessing of the
  bishop, and the deacon dismissed them with the words, Ἀπολύεσθε
  ἐν εἰρήνῃ.--The bread was that commonly used, _i.e._, leavened
  bread (κοινὸς ἄρτος); the wine also was, according to the custom
  of time, mixed with water (κρᾶμα), in which Cyprian already
  fancied a symbol of the union of Christ and the church. In the
  African and Eastern churches, founding on John vi. 53, children,
  of course, those who had already been baptised, were allowed to
  partake of the communion. At the close of the service the deacons
  carried the consecrated sacramental elements to the sick and
  imprisoned. In many places a portion of the consecrated bread
  was taken home, that the family might use it at morning prayer
  for the consecration of the new day. No formal act of confession
  preceded the communion. The need of such an act in consequence
  of the existing disciplinary and liturgical ordinance had not yet
  made itself felt.

  § 36.4. =The Disciplina Arcani.=--The notion that the
  sacramental part of the divine service, including in this
  the prayers and hymns connected therewith, the Lord’s prayer,
  administration of baptism and the baptismal formula, as well as
  the anointing and the consecration of the priest, was a _mystery_
  (μυστικὴ λατρεία, τελετή) which was to be kept secret from all
  unbaptised persons (ἀμύητοι) and only to be practised in presence
  of the baptised (συμμύσται), is quite unknown to Justin Martyr
  and also to Irenæus. Justin accordingly describes in his Apology,
  expressly intended for the heathen, in full detail and without
  hesitation, all the parts of the eucharistic service. It was in
  Tertullian’s time that this notion originated, and it had its
  roots in the catechumenate and the consequent partition of the
  service into two parts, from the second of which the unbaptised
  were excluded. The official Roman Catholic theology, on the other
  hand, regards the _disciplina arcani_ as an institution existing
  from the times of the Apostles, and from it accounts for the want
  of patristic support to certain specifically Roman Catholic dogmas
  and forms of worship, in order that they may, in spite of the
  want of such support, maintain that these had a place in primitive
  Christianity.

  § 36.5. =The Doctrine of the Lord’s Supper.=--Though the idea
  was not sharply and clearly defined, there was yet a widespread
  and profound conviction that the Lord’s Supper was a supremely
  holy mystery, spiritual food indispensable to eternal life,
  that the body and blood of the Lord entered into some mystical
  connection with the bread and wine, and placed the believing
  partaker of them in true and essential fellowship with Christ.
  It was in consequence of the adoption of such modes of expression
  that the pagan calumnies about _Thyestian feasts_ (§ 22) first
  gained currency. Ignatius calls the Lord’s Supper a φάρμακον
  ἀθανασίας, the cup a ποτήριον εἰς ἕνωσιν τοῦ αἵματος Χριστοῦ,
  and professes εὐχαριστίαν σάρκα εἶναι τοῦ σωτῆρος. Justin Martyr
  says: σάρκα καὶ αἷμα ἐδιδάχθημεν εἶναι. According to Irenæus,
  it is not _communis panis, sed eucharistia ex duabus rebus
  constans, terrena et cœlesti_, and our bodies by means of its
  use become _jam non corruptibilia, spem resurrectionis habentia_.
  Tertullian and Cyprian, too, stoutly maintain this doctrine, but
  incline sometimes to a more symbolical interpretation of it. The
  spiritualistic Alexandrians, Clement and Origen, consider that
  the feeding of the soul with the divine word is the purpose of
  the Lord’s Supper.[100]--Continuation § 58, 2.

  § 36.6. =The Sacrificial Theory.=--When once the sacerdotal
  theory had gained the ascendancy (§ 34, 4) the correlated notion
  of a sacrifice could not much longer be kept in the background.
  And it was just in the celebration of the Lord’s Supper that the
  most specious grounds for such a theory were to be found. First
  of all the prayer, which formed so important a part of this
  celebration that the whole service came to be called from it the
  Eucharist, might be regarded as a spiritual sacrifice. Then again
  the gifts brought by the congregation for the dispensation of the
  sacrament were called προσφοραί, _Oblationes_, names which were
  already in familiar use in connection with sacrificial worship.
  And just as the congregation offered their contributions to the
  Supper, so also the priests offered them anew in the sacramental
  action, and also to this priestly act was given the name
  προσφέρειν, ἀναφέρειν. Then again, not only the prayer but the
  Supper itself was designated a θυσία, _Sacrificium_, though at
  first indeed in a non-literal, figurative sense.--Continuation
  § 58, 3.

  § 36.7. =The Use of Scripture.=--In consequence of their
  possessing but few portions of Scripture, the references of the
  Apostolic Fathers to the New Testament books must necessarily be
  only occasional. The synoptic gospels are most frequently quoted,
  though these are referred to only as a whole under the name τὸ
  εὐαγγέλιον. In Justin Martyr the references become more frequent,
  yet even here there are no express citation of passages; only
  once, in the Dialogue, is the Revelation of John named. He
  mentions as his special source for the life and works of Jesus
  the Ἀπομνημονεύματα τῶν ἀποστόλων. What he borrows from this
  source is for the most part to be found in our Synoptic Gospels;
  but we have not in this sufficient ground for identifying the one
  with the other. On the contrary, we find that the citations of our
  Lord’s words do not correspond to the text of our gospels, but are
  sometimes rather in verbal agreement with the Apocryphal writings,
  and still further, that he adopts Apocryphal accounts of the life
  of Jesus, _e.g._, the birth of Christ in a cave, the coming of
  the Magi from Arabia, the legend that Jesus as a carpenter made
  ploughs and yokes, etc., borrowing them from the Ἀπομνημονεύματα
  τῶν ἀποστόλων. If one further considers Justin’s account of the
  Sunday service as consisting of the reading of the Ἀπομνημονεύματα
  or the writings of the Prophets, and thereafter closed by the
  expository and hortatory address of the president (προεστώς), he
  will be led to the conclusion that his “Apostolic Memoirs” must
  have been a Gospel Harmony for church use, probably on the basis
  of Matthew’s Gospel drawn from our Synoptic Gospels, with the
  addition of some apocryphal and traditional elements. The author
  of the Didache too does not construct his “commands of the Lord
  communicated by the Apostles” directly from our Synoptic Gospels,
  but from a εὐαγγέλιον τοῦ κυρίου which presented a text of
  Matthew enriched by additions from Luke. The Diatessaron of
  Tatian (§ 30, 10) shows that soon after this the gospel of John,
  which was not regarded by Justin or the author of the Didache
  as a source for the evangelical history, although there are not
  wanting in both manifold references to it, came to be regarded
  as a work to be read in combination with these. It was only after
  a New Testament Canon had been in the Old Catholic Age gradually
  established, and from the vast multitude of books on gospel
  history, which even Luke had found existing (i. 1) and which
  had been multiplied to an almost incalculable extent both in the
  interests of heresy and of church doctrine, our four gospels were
  universally recognised as alone affording authentic information
  of the life and doctrines of the Lord, that the eclectic gospels
  hitherto in use had more and more withdrawn from them the favour
  of the church. =Tatian’s Diatessaron= maintained its place longest
  in the Syrian Church. Theodoret, † A.D. 457, testifies that in his
  diocese he had found and caused to be put away about two hundred
  copies. Aphraates (about A.D. 340, § 47, 13) still used it as the
  text of his homilies. At the time of publication of the _Doctrina
  Addæi_ (§ 32, 6) it was still used in the church of Edessa, and
  Ephraim Syrus in A.D. 360 refers to a commentary in the form of
  scholia on it in an Armenian translation, in which the passages
  commented on are literally reproduced, Theodoret’s charge against
  it of cutting out passages referring to the descent of Christ
  after the flesh from David, especially the genealogies of Matthew
  and Luke, is confirmed by these portions thus preserved. Otherwise
  however, it is free from heretical alterations, though not wholly
  without apocryphal additions. All the four gospels are in brief
  summary so skilfully wrought into one another that no joining
  is ever visible. What cannot be incorporated is simply left out,
  and the whole historical and doctrinal material is distributed
  over the one working year of the synoptists.

  § 36.8. =Formation of a New Testament Canon.=--The oldest
  collection of a New Testament Canon known to us was made by the
  Gnostic _Marcion_ (§ 27, 11) about A.D. 150. Some twenty years
  later in the so-called _Muratorian Canon_, a fragment found by
  Muratori in the 18th century with a catalogue in corrupt Latin
  justifying the reception of the New Testament writings received
  in the Roman church. For later times the chief witnesses are
  Irenæus, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, Origen and Eusebius.
  The Muratorian Canon and Eusebius are witnesses for the fact that
  in the 2nd century, besides the Gospels, the Apostolic Epistles
  and the Revelation of John, other so-called Apostolic Epistles
  were read at worship in the churches, for instance, the _1st
  Ep. of Clement of Rome_, _the Ep. of Barnabas_, _the Shepherd
  of Hermas_, in some churches also the apocryphal _Apocalypse
  of Peter_ and _Acts of Paul_, in Corinth, an Ep. of the Roman
  bishop Soter (A.D. 166-174) to that church, and also _Acts of the
  Martyrs_. Montanist as well as Gnostic excesses gave occasion for
  the definite fixing of the New Testament Canon by the Catholic
  church (§ 40). Since the time of Irenæus, the four Gospels, the
  Acts, the 13 Epp. of Paul, the Ep. to the Hebrews (which some
  in the West did not regard as Pauline), 1st Peter, and 1st John,
  along with the Revelation of John, were universally acknowledged.
  Eusebius therefore calls these ὁμολογούμενα. There was still some
  uncertainty as to the Ep. of James, 2nd Peter, 2nd and 3rd John
  and Jude (ἀντιλεγόμενα). The antilegomena of a second class,
  which have no claim to canonicity, although in earlier times they
  were much used in churches just like the canonical scriptures,
  were called by him νόθα, viz. the Acts of Paul, the Shepherd of
  Hermas, the Apocalypse of Peter, the Ep. of Barnabas, and the
  Didache. He would also very willingly have included among these
  the Revelation of John (§ 33, 9), although he acknowledged
  that elsewhere that is included in the Homologoumena.--=The Old
  Testament Canon= was naturally regarded as already completed. But
  since the Old Testament had come to the Greek and Latin Church
  Teachers in the expanded form of the LXX., they had unhesitatingly
  assumed that its added books were quite as sacred and as fully
  inspired as those of the Hebrew Canon. Melito of Sardis, however,
  about A.D. 170, found it desirable to make a journey of research
  through Palestine in order to determine the limits of the Jewish
  Canon, and then to draw up a list of the Holy Scriptures of the
  Old Testament essentially corresponding therewith. Origen too
  informs us that the Jews, according to the number of letters in
  their alphabet acknowledged only 22 books, which, however, does
  not lead him to condemn this reception of the additional books of
  the church. From the end of the 2nd century, the Western church
  had =Latin Translations= of the biblical books, the origin of
  which is to be sought in North Africa, where in consequence
  of prevailing ignorance of the Greek language the need of
  such translations was most deeply felt. Even so early as the
  beginning of the 5th century we find Jerome († 420) complaining
  of _varietas_ and _vitiositas_ of the _Codices latini_, and
  declaring: _Tot sunt exemplaria_ (=forms of the text) _paene
  quot codices_. Augustine[101] gives preference to the _Itala_
  over all others. The name =Itala= is now loosely given to all
  fragments of Latin translations previous to that of Jerome.--The
  Syriac translation, =the Peshito=, plain or simple (so-called
  because it exactly and without paraphrasing renders the words
  of the Hebrew and Greek originals) belongs to the 3rd century,
  although first expressly referred to by Ephraim. In it 2 Peter,
  2 and 3 John and Jude are not found.

  § 36.9. =The Doctrine of Inspiration.=--In earlier times it
  was usual, after the example of Philo, to regard the prophetic
  inspiration of the sacred writers as purely passive, as ἔκστασις.
  Athenagoras compares the soul of the prophet while prophesying
  to a flute; Justin Martyr in his _Cohort. ad Græc._ to a lyre,
  struck by the Holy Spirit as the _plectrum_, etc. The Montanist
  prophets first brought this theory into disrepute. The Apologist
  Miltiades of Asia Minor was the first Church Teacher who
  vindicated over against the Montanists the proposition: προφήτην
  μὴ δεῖν ἐν ἐκστάσει λαλεῖν. The Alexandrians who even admitted
  an operation of the Holy Spirit upon the nobler intellects of
  paganism, greatly modified the previously accepted doctrine
  of inspiration. Origen, for example, teaches a gradual rising
  or falling in the measure of inspiration even in the bible,
  and determines this according to the more or less prominence
  secured by the human individuality of the writers of scripture.

  § 36.10. =Hymnology.=--The _Carmen Christo quasi Deo dicere
  secum invicem_ in the report of Pliny (§ 22, 2), may be classed
  with the antiphonal responsive hymns of the church. Tertullian
  bears witness to a rich use of song in family as well as
  congregational worship. So too does Origen. In the composition
  of church hymns the heretics seem for a long while to have kept
  abreast of the Catholics (Bardesanes and Harmonius, § 27, 5),
  but the latter were thereby stirred up to greater exertions.
  The Martyr Athenogenes and the Egyptian bishop Nepos are named
  as authors of church hymns. We have still a hymn εἰς Σωτῆρα by
  Clement of Alexandria. Socrates ascribes to Ignatius, bishop
  of Antioch, the introduction of the alternate-song (between
  different congregational choirs). More credible is Theodoret’s
  statement that the Antiochean monks Flavian and Diodorus had
  imported it, about A.D. 260, from the National Syrian into the
  Greek-Syrian church.--Continuation § 59, 4, 5.


               § 37. FEASTS AND FESTIVAL SEASONS.[102]

  Sunday as a day of joy was distinguished by standing at prayer,
instead of kneeling as at other times, and also by the prohibition
of fasting. Of the other days of the week, Wednesday, the day on
which the Jewish Council decided to put Jesus to death and Judas had
betrayed him, and Friday, as the day of his death, were consecrated
to the memory of Christ’s suffering; hence the _Feria quarta et sexta_
were celebrated as watch days, _dies stationum_, after the symbolism
of the _Militia christiana_ (Eph. vi. 10-17), by public meetings
of the congregation. As days of the Passion, penitence and fasting
they formed a striking contrast to the Sunday. The chief days of the
Christian festival calendar, which afterwards found richer and more
complete expression in the cycle of the Christian year, were thus
at first associated with the weekly cycle. A long continued and wide
spread controversy as to the proper time for celebrating Easter arose
during the 2nd century.

  § 37.1. =The Festivals of the Christian Year.=--The thought
  of Christ’s suffering and death was so powerful and engrossing
  that even in the weekly cycle one day had not been sufficient.
  Still less could one festal day in the yearly cycle satisfy
  the hearts of believers. Hence a long preparation for the
  festival was arranged, which was finally fixed at forty days,
  and was designated the season _Quadragesima_ (τεσσαρακοστή). Its
  conclusion and acme was the so-called Great Week, beginning with
  the Sunday of the entrance into Jerusalem, culminating in the day
  of the crucifixion, Good Friday, and closing with the day of rest
  in the tomb. This Great Week or Passion Week was regarded as the
  antitype of the Old Testament Passover feast. The Old Catholic
  church did not, however, transfer this name to the festival
  of the resurrection (§ 56, 4). The day of the resurrection
  was rather regarded as the beginning of a new festival cycle
  consecrated to the glorification of the redeemer, viz. the season
  of _Quinquagesima_ (πεντηκοστή), concluding with the festival
  of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit on the anniversary of the
  founding of the Christian church, which has now come to be known
  _par excellence_ as _Pentecost_. The fifty intervening days were
  simply days of joy. There was daily communion, no fasting, only
  standing and not kneeling at prayer. The fortieth day, the day
  of the _Ascension_, had a special pre-eminence as a day of festal
  celebrations. The festival of Epiphany on 6th January originated
  in the East to celebrate the baptism of Christ in Jordan, as the
  manifestation of his Messianic rank. As yet there is nowhere any
  trace of the Christmas festival.--Continuation, § 56.

  § 37.2. =The Paschal Controversies.=--During the 2nd century,
  there were three different practices prevalent in regard to the
  observance of the Paschal festival. The Ebionite Jewish Christians
  (§ 28, 1) held the Paschal feast on the 14th Nisan according to
  the strict literal interpretation of the Old Testament precepts,
  maintaining also that Christ, who according to the synoptists
  died on the 15th, observed the Passover with his disciples on
  the 14th. Then again the church of Asia Minor followed another
  practice which was traced back to the Apostle John. Those of Asia
  Minor attached themselves indeed in respect of date to the Jewish
  festival, but gave it a Christian meaning. They let the passover
  alone, and pronounced the memorial of Christ’s death to be the
  principal thing in the festival. According to their view, based
  upon the fourth Gospel, Christ died upon the 14th Nisan, so that
  He had not during the last year of His life observed a regular
  Passover. On the 14th Nisan, therefore, they celebrated their
  Paschal festival, ending their fast at the moment of Christ’s
  death, three o’clock in the afternoon, and then, instead of the
  Jewish Passover, having an Agape with the Lord’s Supper. Those who
  adopted either of those two forms were at a later period called
  _Quartodecimans_ or _Tessareskaidekatites_. Different from both
  of these was a third practice followed in all the West, as also
  in Egypt, Palestine, Pontus and Greece, which detached itself
  still further from the Jewish Passover. This Western usage
  disregarded the day of the month in order to secure the observance
  of the great resurrection festival on the first day of the week.
  The πάσχα σταυρώσιμον, then, if the 14th did not happen to be a
  Friday, was always celebrated on the first Friday after the 14th,
  and the Easter festival with the observance of the Lord’s Supper
  on the immediately following Sunday. The Westerns regarded the
  day of Christ’s death as properly a day of mourning, and only
  at the end of the pre-Easter fast on the day of the Resurrection
  introduced the celebration of the Agape and the Lord’s Supper.
  These divergent practices first awakened attention on the
  appearing of Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna at Rome in A.D. 155.
  The Roman bishop Anicetus referred to the tradition of the Roman
  Church; Polycarp laid stress upon the fact that he himself had
  celebrated the Paschal festival after the manner followed in
  Asia Minor along with the Apostle John. No common agreement was
  reached at this time; but, in token of their undisturbed church
  fellowship, Anicetus allowed Polycarp to dispense the communion
  in his church. Some fifteen years later a party, not distinctly
  particularised, obtained at Laodicea in Phrygia sanction for
  the Ebionite practice with strict observance of the time of
  the Passover, and awakened thereby a lively controversy in the
  church of Asia Minor, in which opposite sides were taken by the
  Apologists, Apollinaris and Melito (§ 30, 7). The dispute assumed
  more serious dimensions about A.D. 196 through the passionate
  proceedings of the Roman bishop Victor. Roused probably by the
  agitation of a Quartodeciman named Blastus then in Rome, he urged
  upon the most distinguished bishops of the East and West the
  need of holding a Synod to secure the unequivocal vindication
  of the Roman practice. On this account many Synods were held,
  which almost invariably gave a favourable verdict. Only those
  of Asia Minor with Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus at their head,
  entered a vigorous protest against the pretensions of Rome, and
  notwithstanding all the Roman threatenings determined to stand
  by their own well established custom. Victor now went the length
  of breaking off church fellowship with them, but this extreme
  procedure met with little favour. Even Irenæus expressed himself
  to the Gallican bishops as opposed to it.--Continuation § 56, 3.

  § 37.3. =The Ecclesiastical Institution of Fasting.=--The
  Didache gives evidence that even at so early a date, the regular
  fasts were religiously observed on the _Dies stationum_ by
  expressly forbidding fasting “with hypocrites” (Jews and Jewish
  Christians, Luke xviii. 12) on Monday and Thursday, instead of
  the Christian practice of so observing Wednesday and Friday. The
  usual fast continued as a rule only till three o’clock in the
  afternoon (Semijejunia, Acts x. 9, 30; iii. 1). In Passion week
  the Saturday night, which, at other times, just like the Sunday,
  was excluded from the fasting period, as part of the day during
  which Christ lay buried, was included in the forty-hours’ fast,
  representing the period during which Christ lay in the grave.
  This was afterwards gradually lengthened out into the forty-days’
  fast of Lent (Exod. xxxiv. 28; 1 Kings xix. 8; Matt. iv. 2), in
  which, however, the _jejunium_ proper was limited to the _Dies
  Stationum_, and for the rest of the days only the ξηροφαγίαι,
  first forbidden by the Montanists (§ 40, 4), _i.e._ all fattening
  foods, such as flesh, eggs, butter, cheese, milk, etc., were
  abstained from.--On fasting preparatory to baptism, see § 35, 1.
  The Didache, c. i. 3, adds to the gospel injunction that we should
  pray for our persecutors (Matt. v. 44) the further counsel that
  we should fast for them. The meaning of the writer seems to be
  that we should strengthen our prayers for persecutors by fasting.
  Hermas, on the other hand, recommends fasting in order that we may
  thereby spare something for the poor; and Origen says that he read
  _in quodam libello_ as _ab apostolis dictum: Beatus est, qui etiam
  jejunat pro eo ut alat pauperem_.


            § 38. THE CHURCH BUILDINGS AND THE CATACOMBS.

  The earliest certain traces of special buildings for divine worship
which had been held previously in private houses of Christians are met
with in Tertullian about the end of the 2nd century. In Diocletian’s
time Nicomedia became a royal residence and hard by the emperor’s
palace a beautiful church proudly reared its head (§ 22, 6), and even
in the beginning of the 3rd century Rome had forty churches. We know
little about the form and arrangement of these churches. Tertullian
and Cyprian speak of an altar or table for the preparation of the
Lord’s supper and a desk for the reading, and in the _Apostolic
Constitutions_ it is required that the building should be oblong in
shape. The wide-spread tradition that in times of sore persecution
the worshippers betook themselves to the Catacombs is evidently
inconsistent with the limited space which these afforded. On the
other hand, the painter whose works, by a decree of a Spanish Council
in A.D. 306, were banished from the churches, found here a suitable
place for the practice of sacred art.

  § 38.1. =The Catacombs.=--The Christian burying places were
  generally called κοιμητήρια, _Dormitoria_. They were laid out
  sometimes in the open fields (_Areæ_), sometimes, where the
  district was suitable for that, hewn out in the rock (κρύπται,
  crypts). This latter term was, by the middle of the 4th century,
  quite interchangeable with the name _Catacumbæ_, (κατὰ κύμβας=in
  the caves). The custom of laying the dead in natural or rock-hewn
  caves was familiar to pagan antiquity, especially in the East.
  But the recesses used for this purpose were only private or family
  vaults. Their growth into catacombs or subterranean necropolises
  for larger companies bound together by their one religion without
  distinctions of rank (Gal. iii. 28), first arose on Christian
  soil from a consciousness that their fellowship transcended death
  and the grave. For the accomplishment of this difficult and costly
  undertaking, Christian burial societies were formed after the
  pattern of similar institutions of paganism (§ 17, 3). Specially
  numerous and extensive necropolises have been found laid out in
  the immediate neighbourhood of Rome. But also in Malta, in Naples,
  Syracuse, Palermo, and other cities, this mode of sepulchre
  found favour. The Roman catacombs, of which in the hilly district
  round about the eternal city fifty-eight have been counted in
  fourteen different highways, are almost all laid out in the white
  porous tufa stone which is there so abundant, and useful neither
  for building nor for mortar. It is thus apparent that these are
  neither wrought-out quarries nor gravel pits (_Arenariæ_), but
  were set in order from the first as cemeteries. A few _Arenariæ_
  may indeed have been used as catacombs, but then the sides with
  the burial niches consist of regularly built walls. The Roman
  Catacombs in the tufa stone form labyrinthine, twisting, steep
  galleries only 3 or 4 feet broad, with rectangular corners caused
  by countless intersections. Their perpendicular sides varied
  greatly in height and in them the burial niches, _Loculi_, were
  hewn out one above the other, and on the reception of the body
  were built up or hermetically sealed with a stone slab bearing
  an inscription and a Christian symbol. The wealthy laid their
  dead in costly marble sarcophagi or stone coffins ornamented with
  bas-reliefs. The walls too and the low-arched roofs were adorned
  with symbols and pictures of scripture scenes. From the principal
  passages many side paths branched off to so-called burial
  chambers, _Cubicula_, which were furnished with shafts opening
  up to the surface and affording air and light, _Luminaria_. In
  many of these chambers, sometimes even in the passages, instead
  of simple _Loculi_ we meet with the so-called _Arcosolium_ as the
  more usual form; one or more coffin-shaped grooves hewn out in the
  rocky wall are covered with an altar-shaped marble plate, and over
  this plate, _Mensa_, is a semicircular niche hewn out spreading
  over it in its whole extent. These chambers are often held
  in reverence as “catacomb churches,” but they are so small in
  size that they could only accommodate a very limited number,
  such as might gather perhaps at the commemoration of a martyr or
  the members of a single family. And even where two or three such
  chambers adjoin one another, connected together by doors and
  having a common lighting shaft, accommodating at furthest about
  twenty people, they could not be regarded as meeting-places for
  public congregations properly so called.--Where the deposit of
  tufa stone was sufficiently large, there were several stories
  (_Piani_), as many as four or five connected by stairs, laid
  out one above the other in galleries and chambers. According to
  _de Rossi’s_[103] moderate calculation there have been opened
  altogether up to this time so many passages in the catacombs
  that if they were put in a line they would form a street of
  120 geographical miles. Their oldest inscriptions or epitaphs date
  from the first years of the second century. After the destruction
  of Rome by the hordes of Alaric in A.D. 410, the custom of burying
  in them almost entirely ceased. Thereafter they were used only
  as places of pilgrimage and spots where martyr’s relics were
  worshipped. From this time the most of the so-called _Graffiti_,
  _i.e._ scribblings of visitors on the walls, consisting of pious
  wishes and prayers, had their origin. The marauding expedition of
  the Longobard Aistulf into Roman territory in A.D. 756, in which
  even the catacombs were stripped of their treasures, led Pope
  Paul I. to transfer the relics of all notable martyrs to their
  Roman churches and cloisters. Then pilgrimages to the catacombs
  ceased, their entrances got blocked up, and the few which in later
  times were still accessible, were only sought out by a few novelty
  hunting strangers. Thus the whole affair was nigh forgotten until
  in A.D. 1578 a new and lively interest was awakened by the chance
  opening up again of one of those closed passages. Ant. Bosio from
  A.D. 1593 till his death in A.D. 1629, often at the risk of his
  life, devoted all his time and energies to their exploration. But
  great as his discoveries were, they have been completely outdone
  by the researches of the Roman nobleman, Giov. Battista de Rossi,
  who, working unweariedly at his task since A.D. 1849 till the
  present time, is recognised as the great master of the subject,
  although even his investigations are often too much dominated
  by Roman Catholic prejudices and by undue regard for traditional
  views.[104]

  § 38.2. =The Antiquities of the Catacombs.=--The custom widely
  spread in ancient times and originating in piety or superstition
  of placing in the tombs the utensils that had been used by
  the deceased during life was continued, as the contents of
  many burial niches show among the early Christians. Children’s
  toys were placed beside them in the grave, and the clothes,
  jewels, ornaments, amulets, etc., of grown up people. Quite a
  special interest attaches to the so-called Blood Vases, _Phiolæ
  rubricatæ_, which have been found in or near many of these niches,
  _i.e._ crystal, rarely earthenware, vessels with Christian symbols
  figured on a red ground. The _Congregation of rites and relics_
  in A.D. 1668, asserted that they were blood-vessels, in which the
  blood of the martyrs had been preserved and stood alongside of
  their bones; and the existence of such jars, as well as every
  pictorial representation of the palm branch (Rev. vii. 9),
  was supposed to afford an indubitable proof that the niches
  in question contained the bones of martyrs. But the Reformed
  theologian Basnage shows that this assumption is quite untenable,
  and he has explained the red ground from the dregs of the red
  sacramental wine which may have been placed in the burial niches
  as a protection against demoniacal intrusion. Even many good
  Roman Catholic archæologists, Mabillon, Papebroch, Tillemont,
  Muratori, etc., contest or express doubts as to the decree of the
  _Congregation_. At the instigation probably of the Belgian Jesuit
  Vict. de Buck, Pius IX. in A.D. 1863 confirmed and renewed the
  old decree, and among others, Xav. Kraus has appeared as its
  defender. But a great multitude of unquestionable facts contradict
  the official decree of the church; _e.g._ the total absence
  of any support to this view in tradition, the silence of such
  inscriptions as relate to the martyrs, above all the immense
  number of these jars, their being found frequently alongside the
  bones of children of seven years old, the remarkable frequency
  of them in the times of Constantine and his successors which were
  free from persecution, the absence of the red dregs in many jars,
  etc. Since dregs of wine, owing to their having the vegetable
  property of combinableness could scarcely be discernible down
  to the present day, it has recently been suggested that the red
  colour may have been produced by a mineral-chemical process as
  oxide of iron.

  § 38.3. =Pictorial Art and the Catacombs.=--Many of the earliest
  Christians may have inherited a certain dislike of the pictorial
  arts from Judaism, and may have been confirmed therein by their
  abhorrence of the frivolous and godless abuse of art in heathenism.
  But this aversion which in a Tertullian grew from a Montanistic
  rigorism into a fanatical hatred of art, is never met with as a
  constituent characteristic of Christianity. Much rather the great
  abundance of paintings on the walls of the Roman and Neapolitan
  catacombs, of which many, and these not the meanest, belong
  to the 2nd century, some indeed perhaps to the last decades of
  the 1st century, serves to show how general and lively was the
  artistic sense among the earliest Christians at least in the
  larger and wealthier communities. Yet from its circumstances the
  Christian church in its appreciation of art was almost necessarily
  limited on two sides; for, on the one hand, no paintings were
  tolerated in the churches, and on the other hand, even in private
  houses and catacombs they were restricted almost exclusively to
  symbolico-allegorical or typical representations. The 36th Canon
  of the Council of Elvira in A.D. 306 is a witness for the first
  statement when it says: _Placuit picturas in ecclesia non esse
  debere, ne quod colitur et adoratur in parietibus depingatur_.
  The plain words of the Canon forbid any other interpretation
  than this: From the churches, as places where public worship is
  regularly held, all pictorial representations must be banished,
  in order to make certain that in and under them there might not
  creep in those images, forbidden in the decalogue, of Him who
  is the object of worship and adoration. The Council thus assumed
  practically the same standpoint as the Reformed church in the
  16th century did in opposition to the practice of the Roman
  Catholic and Lutheran churches. It cannot, however, be maintained
  that the Canon of this rigorous Council (§ 45, 2) found general
  acceptance and enforcement outside of Spain--Proof of the
  second limitation is as convincingly afforded by what we find
  in the catacombs. On the positive side, it has its roots in the
  fondness which prevailed during these times for the mystical and
  allegorical interpretation of scripture; and on the negative side,
  in the endeavour, partly in respect for the prohibition of images
  contained in the decalogue, partly, and perhaps mainly, in the
  interests of the so-called _Disciplina arcani_, fostered under
  pressure of persecution, to represent everything that pertained
  to the mysteries of the Christian faith as a matter which only
  Christians have a right fully to understand. From the prominence
  given to the point last referred to it may be explained how
  amid the revolution that took place under Constantine the age of
  Symbolism and Allegory in the history of Christian art also passed
  away, and henceforth painters applied themselves pre-eminently to
  realistic historical representations.

    § 38.4. The pictorial and artistic representations of
    the pre-Constantine age may be divided into the six following
    groups:--

    a. =Significant Symbols.=--To these belong especially _the
       cross_,[105] though, for fear of the reproaches of Jews
       and heathens (§ 23, 2), not yet in its own proper form but
       only in a form that indicated what was meant, namely in
       the form of the Greek Τ, very frequently in later times in
       the monogram of the name of Christ, _i.e._ in a variously
       constructed combination of its first two letters Χ and Ρ,
       while the Χ, as _crux dissimulatæ_, has very often on
       either side the letters α and ω.

    b. =Allegorical Figures.=--In the 4th century a particularly
       favourite figure was that of the _Fish_, the name of
       which, ἰχθύς, formed a highly significant monogrammatic
       representation of the sentence, Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς Θεοῦ Υἱὸς
       Σωτήρ, and which pointed strikingly to the new birth from
       the water of baptism. Then there is the _lamb_ or _sheep_,
       as symbol of the soul, which still in this life seeks
       after spiritual pastures; and the _dove_ as symbol of
       the pious believing soul passing into eternal rest, often
       with an _olive branch_ in its mouth (Gen. viii. 11), as
       symbol of the eternal peace won. Also we have the _hart_
       (Ps. xlii. 1), the _eagle_ (Ps. ciii. 5), the _chicken_,
       symbol of Christian growth, the _peacock_, symbol of
       the resurrection on account of the annual renewal of its
       beautiful plumage, the _dolphin_, symbol of hastiness
       or eagerness in the appropriation of salvation, _the
       horse_, symbol of the race unto the goal of eternal life,
       _the hare_, as symbol of the Christian working out his
       salvation with fear and trembling, _the ship_, with
       reference to Noah’s ark as a figure of the church, _the
       anchor_ (Heb. vi. 19), _the lyre_ (Eph. v. 19), _the palm
       branch_ (Rev. vii. 9), _the garland_ (or crown of life,
       Rev. ii. 9), _the lily_ (Matt. vi. 28), _the balances_,
       symbol of divine righteousness, _fishes and bread_,
       symbol of spiritual nourishment with reference to Christ’s
       miracle of feeding in the wilderness, etc.

    c. =Parabolic Figures.=--These are illustrations borrowed from
       the parables of the Gospels. To these belong conspicuously
       the figure of the _Good Shepherd_, who bears on His
       shoulder the lost sheep that He had found (Luke xv. 5),
       the _Vine Stock_ (John xv.), the _Sower_ (Matt. xiii. 3),
       the _Marriage Feast_ (Matt. xxii.), the _Ten Virgins_
       (Matt. xxv.), etc.

    d. =Historical Pictures of O. T. Types.=--Among these we
       have Adam and Eve, the Rivers of Paradise (as types of
       the four evangelists), Abel and Cain, Noah in the Ark, the
       Sacrifice of Isaac, Scenes from Joseph’s History, Moses at
       the Burning Bush, the Passage of the Red Sea, the Falling
       of the Manna, the Water out of the Rock, History of Job,
       Samson with the Gates of Gaza (the gates of Hell), David’s
       Victory over Goliath, Elijah’s Ascension, Scenes from the
       History of Jonah and Tobit, Daniel in the Lion’s Den, the
       Three Children in the Fiery Furnace, etc. Also typical
       material from heathen mythology had a place assigned them,
       such as the legends of Hercules, Theseus, and especially
       of Orpheus who by his music bewitched the raging elements
       and tamed the wild beasts, descended into the lower world
       and met his death through the infuriated women of his own
       race.

    e. =Figures from the Gospel History.=--These, _e.g._ the
       Visit of the Wise Men from the East, and the Resurrection
       of Lazarus, are throughout this period still exceedingly
       rare. We do not find a single representation of the
       Passion of our Lord, nor any of the sufferings of Christian
       martyrs. Pictorial representations of the person of Christ,
       as a beardless youth with a friendly mild expression,
       are met with in the catacombs from the first half of the
       2nd century, but without any claim to supply the likeness
       of a portrait, such as might be claimed for the figures of
       Christ in the temple of the Carpocratians (§ 27, 8) and in
       the Lararium of the Emperor Alexander Severus (§ 22, 4).
       Clement of Alexandria and Tertullian, in accordance with
       the literal interpretation of Isa. liii. 2, 3, thought
       that Christ had an unattractive face; the post-Constantine
       fathers, on the contrary, resting upon Ps. xlv. 3 and
       John i. 14, thought of Him as beautiful and gracious.

    f. =Liturgical Figures.=--These were connected only with the
       ordinances of baptism and the Lord’s Supper.


              § 39. LIFE, MANNERS, AND DISCIPLINE.[106]

  When the chaff had been so relentlessly severed from the wheat
by the persecutions of that age, a moral earnestness and a power of
denying the world and self must have been developed, sustained by
the divine power of the gospel and furthered by a strict and rigorous
application of church discipline to the Christian life, such as the
world had never seen before. What most excited and deserved wonder
in the sphere of heathendom, hitherto accustomed only to the reign
of selfishness, was the brotherly love of the Christians, their
systematic care of the poor and sick, the widespread hospitality,
the sanctity of marriage, the delight in martyrdom, etc. Marriages
with Jews, heathens and heretics were disapproved, frequently even the
celebration of a second marriage after the death of the first wife was
disallowed. Public amusements, dances, and theatres were avoided by
Christians as _Pompa diaboli_. They thought of the Christian life,
in accordance with Eph. vi. 10 ff., as _Militia Christi_. But even
in the Post-Apostolic Age we come upon indications of a tendency to
turn from the evangelical spirituality, freedom and simplicity of the
Apostolic Age toward a pseudo-catholic externalism and legalism in the
fundamental views taken of ethical problems, and at the same time and
in the same way in the departments of the church constitution (§ 34),
worship (§ 36) and exposition of doctrine (§ 30, 2). The teachers of
the church do still indeed maintain the necessity of a disposition
corresponding to the outward works, but by an over-estimation of
these they already prepare the way for the doctrine of merit and the
_opus operatum_, _i.e._ the meritoriousness of works in themselves.
Even the _Epistle of Barnabas_ and the _Didache_ reckon almsgiving
as an atonement for sins. Still more conspicuously is this tendency
exhibited by _Cyprian_ (_De Opere et eleemosynis_) and even in
the _Shepherd of Hermas_ (§ 30, 4) we find the beginnings of the
later distinction, based upon 1 Cor. vii. 25, 26; Matt. xxv. 21, and
Luke xviii. 10, between the divine commands, _Mandata_ or _Præcepta_,
which are binding upon all Christians, and the evangelical counsels,
_Consilia evangelica_, the non-performance of which is no sin, but the
doing of which secures a claim to merit and more full divine approval.
Among the Alexandrian theologians, too, under the influence of the
Greek philosophy a very similar idea was developed in the distinction
between higher and lower morality, after the former of which the
Christian sage (ὁ γνωστικός) is required to shine, while the ordinary
Christian may rest satisfied with the latter. On such a basis a
special order of Ascetics very early made its appearance in the
churches. Those who went the length of renouncing the world and
going out into the wilderness were called Anchorets. This order
first assumed considerable dimensions in the 4th century (§ 44).

  § 39.1. =Christian Morals and Manners.=--The Christian spirit
  pervaded the domestic and civil life and here formed for itself
  a code of Christian morals. It expressed itself in the family
  devotions and family communions (§ 36, 3), in putting the sign
  of the cross upon all callings in life, in the Christian symbols
  (§ 38, 3) with which dwellings, garments, walls, lamps, cups,
  glasses, rings, etc. were adorned. As to private worship the
  Didache requires without fixing the hours that the head of the
  household shall have prayers three times a day (Dan. vi. 30),
  meaning probably, as with Origen, morning, noon, and night.
  Tertullian specifies the 3rd, 6th, and 9th hours as the hours
  of prayer, and distinctly demands a separate morning and evening
  prayer.--The concluding of marriage according to the then existing
  Roman law had to be formally carried through by the expressed
  agreement of the parties in the presence of witnesses, and this
  on the part of the church was regarded as valid. The Christian
  custom required that there should be a previous making of it
  known, _Professio_, to the bishop, and a subsequent going to the
  church of the newly married pair in order that, amid the church’s
  intercessions and the priestly benediction, a religious sanction
  might be given to their marriage covenant, by the oblation
  and common participation of the Lord’s Supper at the close of
  the public services. Tertullian’s Montanistic rigorism shows
  itself in regarding marriages where these are omitted, _occultæ
  conjunctiones_, as no better than _mœchia_ and _fornicatio_. The
  crowning of the two betrothed ones and the veiling of the bride
  were still disallowed as heathenish practices; but the use of the
  wedding ring was sanctioned at an early date and had a Christian
  significance attached to it. The burning of dead bodies prevalent
  among the heathens reminded them of hell fire; the Christians
  therefore preferred the Jewish custom of burial and referred in
  support to 1 Cor. xv. 36. The day of the deaths of their deceased
  members were celebrated in the Christian families by prayer and
  oblations in testimony of their fellowship remaining unbroken by
  death and the grave.--Continuation § 61, 2, 3.

  § 39.2. =The Penitential Discipline.=--According to the
  Apostolic ordinance (§ 17, 8) notorious sinners were excluded
  from the fellowship of the church, _Excommunicatio_, and only
  after prolonged trial of their penitence, _Exomologesis_,
  were they received back again, _Reconciliatio_. In the time
  of Cyprian, about A.D. 250, there was already a well defined
  order of procedure in this matter of restoring the lapsed which
  continued in force until the 5th century. Penance, _Pœnitentia_,
  must extend through four stages, each of which according to
  circumstances might require one or more years. During the first
  stage, the πρόσκλαυσις, _Fletio_, the penitents, standing at
  the church doors in mourning dress, made supplication to the
  clergy and the congregation for restoration; in the second,
  the ἀκρόασις, _Auditio_, they were admitted again to the reading
  of the scriptures and the sermon, but still kept in a separate
  place; in the third, ὑπόπτωσις, _Substratio_, they were allowed
  to kneel at prayer; and finally, in the fourth, σύστασις,
  _Consistentia_, they took part again in the whole of the public
  services, with the exception of the communion which they were
  only allowed to look at standing. Then they received Absolution
  and Reconciliation (=_pacem dare_) in presence of the assembled
  and acquiescing congregation by the imposition of the hands
  of the bishop and the whole of the clergy, together with
  the brotherly kiss and the partaking of the communion. This
  procedure was directed against open and demonstrable sins
  of a serious nature against the two tables of the decalogue,
  against so called _deadly sins_, _Peccata_ or _crimina mortalia_,
  1 John v. 16. Excommunication was called forth, on the one
  side, against idolatry, blasphemy, apostasy from the faith and
  abjuration thereof; on the other, against murder, adultery and
  fornication, theft and lying, perfidy and false swearing. Whether
  reconciliation was permissible in the case of any mortal sin at
  all, and if so, what particular sins might thus be treated, were
  questions upon which teachers of the church were much divided
  during the 3rd century. But only the Montanists and Novatians
  (§§ 40, 41) denied the permissibility utterly and that in
  opposition to the prevailing practice of the church, which
  refused reconciliation absolutely only in cases of idolatry
  and murder, and sometimes also in the case of adultery.
  Even Cyprian at first held firmly by the principle that all
  mortal sins committed “against God” must be wholly excluded
  from the range of penitential discipline, but amid the horrors
  of the Decian persecution, which left behind it whole crowds
  of fallen ones, _Lapsi_ (§ 22, 5), he was induced by the
  passionate entreaties of the church to make the concession that
  reconciliation should be granted to the _Libellatici_ after a
  full penitential course, but to the _Sacrificati_ only when in
  danger of death. All the teachers of the church, however, agree
  in holding that it can be granted only once in this life, and
  those who again fall away are cut off absolutely. But excessive
  strictness in the treatment of the penitents called forth the
  contrary extreme of undue laxity (§ 41, 2). The _Confessors_
  frequently used their right of demanding the restoration of the
  fallen by means of letters of recommendation, _Libelli pacis_,
  to such an extent as to seriously interfere with a wholesome
  discipline.[107]--Continuation § 61, 1.

  § 39.3. =Asceticism.=--The Ascetism (_Continentia_, ἐγκρατεία)
  of heathenism and Judaism, of Pythagoreanism and Essenism,
  resting on dualistic and pseudo-spiritualistic views, is
  confronted in Christianity with the proposition: Πάντα ὑμῶν
  ἐστιν (1 Cor. iii. 21; vi. 12). Christianity, however, also
  recognised the ethical value and relative wholesomeness of a
  moderate asceticism in proportion to individual temperament,
  needs and circumstances (Matt. ix. 12; 1 Cor. vii. 5-7), without
  demanding it or regarding it as something meritorious. This
  evangelical moderation we also find still in the 2nd century,
  _e.g._ in Ignatius. But very soon a gradual exaggeration becomes
  apparent and an ever-advancing over estimation of asceticism as a
  higher degree of morality with claims to be considered peculiarly
  meritorious. The negative requirements of asceticism are directed
  first of all to frequent and rigid fasts and to celibacy or
  abstinence from marital intercourse; its positive requirements,
  to the exercise of the spiritual life in prayer and meditation.
  The most of the =Ascetics=, too, in accordance with Luke xviii. 24,
  voluntarily divested themselves of their possessions. The number
  of them, men and women, increased, and even in the first half
  of the 2nd century, they formed a distinct order in the church,
  though they were not yet bound to observe this mode of life by any
  irrevocable vows. The idea that the clergy were in a special sense
  called to an ascetic life resulted in their being designated the
  κλῆρος Θεοῦ. Owing to the interpretation given to 1 Tim. iii. 2,
  second marriages were in the 2nd century prohibited among the
  clergy, and in the 3rd century it was regarded as improper for
  them after ordination to continue marital intercourse. But it was
  first at the Council of Elvira, in A.D. 306, that this opinion was
  elevated into a law, though it could not even then be rigorously
  enforced (§ 45, 2).--The immoral practice of ascetics or clerics
  having with them virgins devoted to God’s service as _Sorores_,
  ἀδελφαί on the ground of 1 Cor. ix. 5, with whom they were united
  in spiritual love, in order to show their superiority to the
  temptations of the flesh, seems to have been introduced as early
  as the 2nd century. In the middle of the 3rd century it was
  already widespread. Cyprian repeatedly inveighs against it.
  We learn from him that the so-called _Sorores_ slept with the
  Ascetics in one bed and surrendered themselves to the tenderest
  caresses. For proof of the purity of their relations they referred
  to the examinations of midwives. Among bishops, Paul of Samosata
  in Antioch (§ 33, 8) seems to have been the first who favoured
  this evil custom by his own example. The popular wit of the
  Antiochenes [Antiocheans] invented for the more than doubtful
  relationship the name of the γυναίκες συνεισάκτοι, _Subintroductæ_,
  _Agapetæ_, _Extreneæ_. Bishops and Councils sent forth strict
  decrees against the practice.--The most remarkable among the
  celebrated ascetics of the age was =Hieracas=, who lived at
  Leontopolis in Egypt toward the end of the 3rd and beginning of
  the 4th century and died there when ninety years old. A pupil
  of Origen, he was distinguished for great learning, favoured
  the allegorical interpretation of Scripture, a spiritualistic
  dogmatics and strict asceticism. Besides this he was a physician,
  astronomer and writer of hymns, could repeat by heart almost all
  the Old and New Testaments, wrote commentaries in Greek and Coptic,
  and gathered round him a numerous society of men and women, who
  accepted his ascetical principles and heterodox views. Founding
  upon Matt. xix. 12; 1 Cor. vii. and Heb. xii. 14, he maintained
  that celibacy was the only perfectly sure way to blessedness
  and commended this doctrine as the essential advance from the
  Old Testament to the New Testament morality. He even denied
  salvation to Christian children dying in infancy because they had
  not yet fought against sensuality, referring to 2 Tim. ii. 5. Of
  a sensible paradise he would hear nothing, and just as little of
  a bodily resurrection; for the one he interprets allegorically
  and the other spiritually. Epiphanius, to whom we owe any precise
  information that we have about him, is the first to assign him
  and his followers a place in the list of heretics.

    § 39.4. =Paul of Thebes.=--The withdrawal of particular
  ascetics from ascetical motives into the wilderness, which was
  a favourite craze for a while, may have been suggested by Old
  and New Testament examples, _e.g._ 1 Kings xvii. 3; xix. 4;
  Luke i. 80; iv. 1; but it was more frequently the result of sore
  persecution. Of a regular professional institution of anchorets
  with life-long vows there does not yet appear any authentic trace.
  According to Jerome’s _Vita Pauli monachi_ a certain =Paul of
  Thebes= in Egypt, about A.D. 250, during the Decian persecution,
  betook himself, when sixteen years old, to the wilderness, and
  there forgotten by all the world but daily fed by a raven with
  half a loaf (1 Kings xvii. 4), he lived for ninety-seven years
  in a cave in a rock, until St. Anthony (§ 44, 1), directed
  to him by divine revelation and led to him first by a centaur,
  half man, half horse, then by a fawn, and finally by a she-wolf,
  came upon him happily just when the raven had brought him as
  it never did before a whole loaf. He was just in time to be
  an eye-witness, not indeed of his death, but rather of his
  subsequent ascension into heaven, accompanied by angels, prophets
  and apostles, and to arrange for the burial of his mortal remains,
  for the reception of which two lions, uttering heart-breaking
  groans, dug a grave with their claws. These lions after earnestly
  seeking and obtaining a blessing from St. Anthony, returned back
  to their lair.--Contemporaries of the author, as indeed he himself
  tells, declared that the whole story was a tissue of lies. Church
  history, however, until quite recently, has invariably maintained
  that there must have been some historical foundation, though it
  might be very slight, for such a superstructure. But seeing that
  no single writer before Jerome seems to know even the name of Paul
  of Thebes and also that the _Vita Antonii_ ascribed to Athanasius
  knows nothing at all of such a wonderful expedition of the saint,
  Weingarten (§ 44) has denied that there ever existed such a man
  as this Paul, and has pronounced the story of Jerome to be a
  monkish Robinson Crusoe, such as the popular taste then favoured,
  which the author put forth as true history _ad majorem monachatus
  gloriam_. We may simply apply to this book itself what Jerome
  at a later period confessed about his epistles of that same
  date _ad Heliodorum:--sed in illo opere pio ætate tunc lusimus
  et celentibus adhuc Rhetorum studiis atque doctrinis quædam
  scholastico flore depinximus_.

  § 39.5. =Beginning of Veneration of Martyrs.=--In very early
  times a martyr death was prized as a sin-atoning _Lavacrum
  sanguinis_, which might even abundantly compensate for the want
  of water baptism. The day of the martyr’s death which was
  regarded as the day of his birth into a higher life, γενέθλια,
  _Natalitia martyrum_, was celebrated at his grave by prayers,
  oblations and administration of the Lord’s Supper as a testimony
  to the continuance of that fellowship with them in the Lord that
  had been begun here below. Their bones were therefore gathered
  with the greatest care and solemnly buried; so _e.g._ Polycarp’s
  bones at Smyrna (§ 22, 2), as τιμιώτερα λίθων πολυτελῶν καὶ
  δωκιμώτερα ὑπὲρ χρυσίον, so that at the spot where they were
  laid the brethren might be able to celebrate his γενέθλιον ἐν
  ἀγαλλιάσει καὶ χαρᾷ, εἴς τε τῶν προηθληκότων μνήμην καὶ τῶν
  μελλόντων τε καὶ ἑτοιμασίαν. Of miracles wrought by means of
  the relics, however, we as yet find no mention. The _Graffiti_
  on the walls of the catacombs seem to represent the beginning
  of the invocation of martyrs. In these the pious visitors seek
  for themselves and those belonging to them an interest in the
  martyr’s intercessions. Some of those scribblings may belong
  to the end of our period; at least the expression “_Otia petite
  pro_,” etc. in one of them seem to point to a time when they
  were still undergoing persecution. The greatest reverence, too,
  was shown to the _Confessors_ all through their lives, and great
  influence was assigned them in regard to all church affairs,
  _e.g._ in the election of bishops, the restoration of the fallen,
  etc.--Continuation, § 57.

  § 39.6. =Superstition.=--Just as in later times every great
  Christian missionary enterprise has seen religious ideas
  transferred from the old heathenism into the young Christianity,
  and, consciously or unconsciously, secretly or openly, acquiesced
  in or contended against, securing for themselves a footing, so
  also the Church of the first centuries did not succeed in keeping
  itself free from such intrusions. A superstition forcing its
  entrance in this way can either be taken over _nude crude_ in its
  genuinely pagan form and, in spite of its palpable inconsistency
  with the Christian faith, may nevertheless assert itself side
  by side with it, or it may divest itself of that old pagan form,
  and so unobserved and uncontested gain an entrance with its not
  altogether extinguished heathenish spirit into new Christian
  views and institutions and thus all the more dangerously make its
  way among them. It is especially the magico-theurgical element
  present in all heathen religions, which even at this early period
  stole into the Christian life and the services of the church
  and especially into the sacraments and things pertaining thereto
  (§ 58), while it assumed new forms in the veneration of martyrs
  and the worship of relics. One can scarcely indeed accept as a
  convincing proof of this the statement of the Emperor Hadrian
  in his correspondence regarding the religious condition of
  Alexandria as given by the historian Vopiscus: _Illic qui
  Serāpem colunt Christiani sunt, et devoti sunt Serapi qui se
  Christi episcopos dicunt; nemo illic archisynagogus Judæorum,
  nemo Samarites, nemo Christianorum presbyter non mathematicus,
  non haruspex, non aliptes_. This statement bears on its face
  too evidently the character of superficial observation, of vague
  hearsay and confused massing together of sundry reports. What
  he says of the worship of Serapis, may have had some support
  from the conduct of many Christians in the ascetic order, the
  designating of their presbyters _aliptæ_ may have been suggested
  by the chrism in baptism and the anointing at the consecration
  of the clergy, perhaps also in the anointing of the sick
  (Matt. vi. 13; Jas. v. 14); so too the characterizing of them
  as _mathematici_ may have arisen from their determining the date
  of Easter by means of astronomical observations (§ 37, 2; 56, 3),
  though it could not be specially wonderful if there actually
  were Christian scholars among the Alexandrian clergy skilled
  in astronomy, notwithstanding the frequent alliance of this
  science with astrology. But much more significant is the gross
  superstition which in many ways shows itself in so highly
  cultured a Christian as Julius Africanus in his _Cestæ_ (§ 31, 8).
  In criticising it, however, we should bear in mind that this book
  was written in the age of Alexander Severus, in which, on the one
  hand, a wonderful mixture of religion and theurgical superstition
  had a wonderful fascination for men, while on the Christian side
  the whirlwind of persecution had not for a long time blown its
  purifying breeze. The catacombs, too, afford some evidences of a
  mode of respect for the departed that was borrowed from heathen
  practices, but these on the whole are wonderfully free from
  traces of superstition.


               § 40. THE MONTANIST REFORMATION.[108]

  Earnest and strict as the moral, religious and ascetical requirements
of the church of the 2nd and 3rd centuries generally were in regard
to the life and morals of its members, and rigidly as these principles
were carried out in its penitential discipline, there yet appeared
even at this early date, in consequence of various instances of the
relaxation of such strictness, certain eager spirits who clamoured
for a restoration or even an intensification of the earlier rules of
discipline. Such a movement secured for itself a footing about the
middle of the 2nd century in Montanism, a growth of Phrygian soil, which
without traversing in any way the doctrine of the church, undertook
a thorough reformation of the ecclesiastical constitution on the
practical side. Montanism, in opposition to the eclecticism of heretical
Gnosticism, showed the attitude of Christianity to heathenism to be
exclusive; against the spiritualizing and allegorizing tendencies of the
church Gnosticism it opposed the realism and literalism of the doctrines
and facts of the scripture revelation; against what seemed the excessive
secularization of the church it presented a model of church discipline
such as the nearness of the Lord’s coming demanded; against hierarchical
tendencies that were always being more and more emphasized it maintained
the rights of the laity and the membership of the church; while in order
to secure the establishment of all these reforms it proclaimed that a
prophetically inspired spiritual church had succeeded to Apostolic
Christianity.

  § 40.1. =Montanism in Asia Minor.=--According to Epiphanius as
  early as A.D. 156, according to Eusebius in A.D. 172, according
  to Jerome in A.D. 171, a certain Montanus appeared as a prophet
  and church reformer at Pepuza in Phrygia. He was formerly a
  heathen priest and was only shortly before known as a Christian.
  He had visions, preached while unconscious in ecstasy of the
  immediate coming again of Christ (_Parousia_), fulminated against
  the advancing secularisation of the church, and, as the supposed
  organ of the _Paraclete_ promised by Christ (John xiv. 16)
  presented in their most vigorous form the church’s demands in
  respect of morals and discipline. A couple of excited women
  _Prisca_ and _Maximilla_ were affected by the same extravagant
  spirit by which he was animated, fell into a somnambulistic
  condition and prophesied as he had done. On the death of
  Maximilla about A.D. 180, Montanus and Prisca having died
  before this, the supposed prophetic gift among them seems to
  have been quenched. At least an anonymous writer quoted in
  Eusebius (according to Jerome it was Rhodon, § 27, 12), in
  his controversial treatise published thirteen years afterwards,
  states that the voices of the prophets were then silent. So
  indeed she herself had declared: Μεθ’ ἐμὲ προφῆτης οὐκέτι ἔσται,
  ἀλλὰ συντέλεια. The Montanist prophecies occasioned a mighty
  commotion in the whole church of Asia Minor. Many earnest
  Christians threw themselves eagerly into the movement. Even
  among the bishops they found here and there favour or else mild
  criticism, while others combated them passionately, some going
  so far as to regard the prophesying women as possessed ones and
  calling exorcism to their aid. By the end of the year 170 several
  synods, the first synods regularly convened, had been held
  against them, the final result of which was their exclusion from
  the catholic church. Montanus now organized his followers into an
  independent community. After his death, his most zealous follower,
  Alcibiades, undertook its direction. It was also not without
  literary defenders. Themison, Alcibiades’ successor, issued “in
  imitation of the Apostle” (John?) a Καθολικὴ ἐπιστολή, and the
  utterances of the prophets were collected and circulated as
  holy scripture. On the other hand during this same year 170 they
  were attacked by the eminent apologists Claudius Apollinaris
  and Miltiades (§ 36, 9) probably also by Melito. Their radical
  opponents were the so-called _Alogi_ (§ 33, 2). Among their later
  antagonists, who assumed more and more a passionately embittered
  tone, the most important according to Eusebius were one
  Apollinaris, whom Tertullian combats in the VII. Bk. of his
  work, _De ecstasi_, and Serapion. At a Synod at Iconium about
  the middle of the 3rd century at which also Firmilian of Cæsarea
  (§ 35, 5) was present and voted, the baptism of the Montanists,
  although their trinitarian orthodoxy could not be questioned,
  was pronounced to be like heretical baptism null, because
  administered _extra ecclesiam_, and a second baptism declared
  necessary on admission to the Catholic church. And although at the
  Council of Nicæa in A.D. 325 and of Constantinople in A.D. 381,
  the validity of heretics’ baptism was admitted if given orderly
  in the name of the Holy Trinity, the baptism of the Montanists was
  excluded because it was thought that the Paraclete of Montanism
  could not be recognised as the Holy Spirit of the church.--Already
  in the time of Constantine the Great the Montanists were spreading
  out from Phrygia over all the neighbouring provinces, and were
  called from the place where they originated Κατάφρυγες and
  Pepuziani. The Emperor now forbade them holding any public
  assemblies for worship and ordered that all places for public
  service should be taken from them and given over to the Catholic
  church. Far stricter laws than even these were enforced against
  them by later emperors down to the 5th century, _e.g._ prohibition
  of all Montanist writings, deprivation of almost all civil rights,
  banishment of their clergy to the mines, etc. Thus they could only
  prolong a miserable existence in secret, and by the beginning of
  the sixth century every trace of them had disappeared.

  § 40.2. =Montanism at Rome.=--The movement called forth by
  Montanism in the East spread by and by also into the West. When
  the first news reached Gaul of the synodal proceedings in Asia
  Minor that had rent the church, the Confessors imprisoned at
  Lyons and Vienne during the persecution of Marcus Aurelius, of
  whom more than one belonged to a colony that had emigrated from
  Phrygia to Gaul, were displeased, and, along with their report
  of the persecution they had endured (§ 32, 8), addressed a letter
  to those of Asia Minor, not given by Eusebius, but reckoned pious
  and orthodox, exhorting to peace and the preservation of unity.
  At the same time (A.D. 177) they sent the Presbyter Irenæus to
  Rome in order to win from Bishop Eleutherus (A.D. 174-189), who
  was opposed to Montanism, a mild and pacific sentence. Owing,
  however, to the arrival of Praxeas, a Confessor of Asia Minor and
  a bitter opponent of Montanism, a formal condemnation was at last
  obtained (§ 33, 4). Tertullian relates that the Roman bishop, at
  the instigation of Praxeas, revoked the letters of peace which
  had been already prepared in opposition to his predecessors.
  It is matter of controversy whether by this unnamed bishop
  Eleutherus is meant, who then was first inclined to a peaceable
  decision by Irenæus and thereafter by the picture of Montanist
  extravagances given by Praxeas was led again to form another
  opinion; or that it was, what seems from the chronological
  references most probable, his successor Victor (A.D. 189-199), in
  which case Eleutherus is represented as having hardened himself
  against Montanism in spite of the entreaties of Irenæus, while
  Victor was the first who for a season had been brought to think
  otherwise.--Yet even after their condemnation a small body of
  Montanists continued to exist in Rome, whose mouthpiece during
  the time of bishop Zephyrinus (A.D. 199-217) was Proclus, whom
  the Roman Caius (§ 31, 7) opposed by word and writing.

  § 40.3. =Montanism in Proconsular Africa.=--When and how
  Montanism gained a footing in North Africa is unknown, but
  very probably it spread thither from Rome. The movement issuing
  therefrom first attracted attention when Tertullian, about
  A.D. 201 or 202, returned from Rome to Carthage, and with the
  whole energy of his character decided in its favour, and devoted
  his rich intellectual gifts to its advocacy. That the Montanist
  party in Africa at that time still continued in connection with
  the Catholic church is witnessed to by the Acts of the Martyrs
  Perpetua and Felicitas (§ 32, 8), composed some time after this,
  which bear upon them almost all the characteristic marks of
  Montanism, while a vision communicated there shows that division
  was already threatened. The bishop and clergy together with the
  majority of the membership were decided opponents of the new
  ecstatic-visionary prophecy already under ecclesiastical ban in
  Asia Minor. They had not yet, however, come to an open breach
  with it, which was probably brought about in A.D. 206 when quiet
  had been again restored after the cessation of the persecution
  begun about A.D. 202 by Septimius Severus. Tertullian had stood
  at the head of the sundered party as leader of their sectarian
  services, and defended their prophesyings and rigorism in
  numerous apologetico-polemical writings with excessive bitterness
  and passion, applying them with consistent stringency to all the
  relations of life, especially on the ethical side. From the high
  esteem in which, notwithstanding his Montanist eccentricities,
  Tertullian’s writings continued to be held in Africa, _e.g._
  by Cyprian (§ 31, 11), and generally throughout the West, the
  tendency defended by him was not regarded in the church there as
  in the East as thoroughly heretical, but only as a separatistic
  overstraining of views allowed by the church. This mild estimate
  could all the easier win favour, since to all appearance the
  extravagant visionary prophesying, which caused most offence, had
  been in these parts very soon extinguished.--Augustine reports
  that a small body of “Tertullianists” continued in Carthage
  down to his time († 430), and had by him been induced to return
  to the Catholic church; and besides this, he also tells us
  that Tertullian had subsequently separated himself from the
  “Cataphrygians,” _i.e._ from the communion of the Montanists of
  Asia Minor, whose excesses were only then perhaps made known to
  him.

  § 40.4. =The Fundamental Principle of Montanism.=--Montanism
  arose out of a theory of a divinely educative revelation
  proceeding by advancing stages, not finding its conclusion in
  Christ and the Apostles, but in the age of the Paraclete which
  began with Montanus and in him reached its highest development.
  The times of the law and the prophets in the Old Covenant is
  the childhood of the kingdom of God; in the gospel it appears in
  its youth; and by the Montanist shedding forth of the Spirit it
  reaches the maturity of manhood. Its absolute perfection will be
  attained in the millennium introduced by the approaching Parousia
  and the descent of the heavenly Jerusalem at Pepuza (Rev. xx. 21).
  The Montanist prophecy did not enrich or expand but only
  maintained and established against the heretics, the system of
  Christian doctrine already exclusively revealed in the times of
  Christ. Montanism regarded as its special task a reformation of
  Christian life and Church discipline highly necessary in view of
  the approaching Parousia. The defects that had been borne with
  during the earlier stages of revelation were to be repaired or
  removed by the _Mandata_ of the Paraclete. The following are some
  of the chief of these prescriptions: Second marriage is adultery;
  Fasting must be practised with greater strictness; On _dies
  stationum_ (§ 37, 3) nothing should be eaten until evening, and
  twice a year for a whole week only water and bread (ξηροφαγίαι);
  The excommunicated must remain their whole lifetime in _status
  pœnitentiæ_; Martyrdom should be courted, to withdraw in any way
  from persecution is apostasy and denial of the faith; Virgins
  should take part in the worship of God only when veiled; Women
  generally must put away all finery and ornaments; secular science
  and art, all worldly enjoyments, even those that seem innocent,
  are only snares of the devil, etc. An anti-hierarchical tendency
  early showed itself in Montanism from the circumstance that
  it arrogated to itself a new and high authority to which
  the hierarchical organs of the church refused to submit
  themselves. Yet even Montanism, after repudiating it, for its
  own self-preservation was obliged to give itself an official
  congregational organization, which, according to Jerome, had
  as its head a patriarch resident at Pepuza, and, according to
  Epiphanius, founding on Gal. iii. 28, gave even women admission
  into ecclesiastical offices. Its worship was distinguished
  only by the space given to the prophesyings of its prophets and
  prophetesses. Epiphanius notes this as a special characteristic
  of the sect, that often in their assemblies seven white-robed
  virgins with torches made their appearance prophesying; evidently,
  as the number seven itself shows, as representatives of the seven
  spirits of God (Rev. iv. 5, etc.), and not of the ten virgins
  who wait for the coming of the Lord. According to Philaster they
  allowed even unbaptized persons to attend all their services and
  were in the habit of baptizing even the dead, as is elsewhere
  told also of certain Gnostic sects. Epiphanius too speaks of a
  Montanist party which celebrated the Lord’s Supper with bread and
  cheese, _Artotyrites_, according to Augustine, because the first
  men had presented offerings of the fruits of the earth and sheep.

  § 40.5. =The Attitude of Montanism toward the Church.=--The
  derivation of Montanism from Ebionism, contended for by Schwegler,
  has nothing in its favour and much against it. To disprove this
  notion it is enough to refer to the Montanist fundamental idea
  of a higher stage of revelation above Moses and the prophets as
  well as above the Messiah and His Apostles. Neither can we agree
  with Neander in regarding the peculiar character of the Phrygian
  people, as exhibited in their extravagant and fanatical worship
  of Cybele, as affording a starting point for the Montanist
  movement, but at most as a predisposition which rendered the
  inhabitants of this province peculiarly susceptible in presence
  of such a movement. The origin of Montanism is rather to be
  sought purely among the specifically Catholic conditions and
  conflicts within the church of Asia which at that time was
  pre-eminently gifted and active. In regard to dogma Montanism
  occupied precisely the same ground as the Catholic church;
  even upon the trinitarian controversies of the age it took up
  no sectarian position but went with the stream of the general
  development. Not on the dogmatical but purely on the practical
  side, namely, on that of the Christian life and ecclesiastical
  constitution, discipline and morals, lay the problems which by
  the action of the Montanists were brought into conflict. But
  even upon this side Montanism, with all its eccentricities, did
  not assume the attitude of an isolated separatistic sect, but
  rather as a quickening and intensifying of views and principles
  which from of old had obtained the recognition and sanction of
  the church,--views which on the wider spread of Christianity
  had already begun to be in every respect toned down or even
  obliterated, and just in this way called forth that reaction of
  enthusiasm which we meet with in Montanism. From the Apostles’
  time the expectation of the early return of the Lord had stood
  in the foreground of Christian faith, hope and yearning, and
  this expectation continued still to be heartily entertained.
  Nevertheless the fulfilment had now been so long delayed that men
  were beginning to put this coming into an indefinitely distant
  future (2 Pet. iii. 4). Hence it happened that even the leaders
  of the church, in building up its hierarchical constitution and
  adjusting it to the social circumstances and conditions of life
  by which they were surrounded, made their arrangements more and
  more deliberately in view of a longer continuance of the present
  state of things, and thus the primitive Christian hope of an
  early Parousia, though not expressly denied, seemed practically
  to have been set aside. Hence the Montanist revivalists
  proclaimed this hope as most certain, giving a guarantee for it
  by means of a new divine revelation. Similarly too the moral,
  ascetic and disciplinary rigorism of the Montanist prophecy is
  to be estimated as a vigorous reaction against the mild practice
  prevailing in the church with its tendency to make concessions
  to human weakness, in favour of the strict exercise of church
  discipline in view of the nearness of the Parousia. Montanism
  could also justify the reappearance of prophetic gifts among
  its founders by referring to the historical tradition which from
  the Apostolic Age (Acts xi. 27 f.; xxi. 9) presented to view a
  series of famous prophets and prophetesses, endowed with ecstatic
  visionary powers. The exclusion of Montanism from the Catholic
  Church could not, therefore, have been occasioned either by its
  proclaiming an early Parousia or by its rigorism, or finally,
  even by its prophetic claims, but purely by its doctrine of the
  Paraclete. Under the pretence of instituting a new and higher
  stage of revelation, it had really undertaken to correct the
  moral and religious doctrines of Christ and the Apostles as
  defective and incomplete, and had thereby proved itself to the
  representatives of the church to be undoubtedly a pseudo-prophecy.
  The spiritual pride with which the Montanists proclaimed
  themselves to be the privileged people of the Holy Spirit,
  Πνευματικοὶ, _Spirituales_ and characterized the Catholics as,
  on the contrary, Ψυχικοὶ, _Carnales_, as also the assumption
  that chose their own obscure Pepuza for the site of the heavenly
  Jerusalem, and the manifold extravagances committed by their
  prophets and prophetesses in their ecstatic trances, must
  have greatly tended to create an aversion to every form of
  spiritualistic manifestation. The origin of Montanism, the
  contesting of it and its final expulsion, constitute indeed a
  highly significant crisis in the historical development of the
  church, conditioned not so much by a separatistic sectarian
  tendency, but rather by the struggle of two tendencies existing
  within the church, in which the tendency represented by Montanism
  and honestly endeavouring the salvation of the church, went
  under, while that which was victorious would have put an end
  to all enthusiasm. The expulsion of Montanism from the church
  contributed greatly to freeing the church from the reproach
  so often advanced against it of being a narrow sect, made its
  consenting to the terms, demands and conditions of everyday
  life in the world easier, gave a freer course and more powerful
  impulse to its development in constitution and worship dependent
  upon these, as well as in the further building up of its
  practical and scientific endeavours, and generally advanced
  greatly its expansion and transformation from a sectarian close
  association into a universal church opening itself up more and
  more to embrace all the interests of the culture of the age;--a
  transformation which indeed in many respects involved a
  secularizing of the church and imparted to its spiritual
  functions too much of an official and superficial character.


             § 41. SCHISMATIC DIVISIONS IN THE CHURCH.

  Even after the ecclesiastical sentence had gone forth against
Montanism, the rigoristic penitential discipline in a form more or less
severe still found its representatives within the Catholic church. As
compared with the advocates of a milder procedure these were indeed
generally in the minority, but this made them all the more zealously
contend for their opinions and endeavour to secure for them universal
recognition. Out of the contentions occasioned thereby, augmented by
the rivalry of presbyter and episcopus, or episcopus and metropolitan,
several ecclesiastical divisions originated which, in spite of the
pressing need of the time for ecclesiastical unity, were long continued
by ambitious churchmen in order to serve their own selfish ends.

  § 41.1. =The Schism of Hippolytus at Rome about A.D. 220.=--On
  what seems to have been the oldest attempt to form a sect at Rome
  over a purely doctrinal question, namely that of the Theodotians,
  about A.D. 210, see § 33, 3.--Much more serious was the schism of
  Hippolytus, which broke out ten years later. In A.D. 217, after
  an eventful and adventurous life, a freedman Callistus was raised
  to the bishopric of Rome, but not without strong opposition on
  the part of the rigorists, at whose head stood the celebrated
  presbyter Hippolytus. They charged the bishop with scoffing at
  all Christian earnestness, conniving at the loosening of all
  church discipline toward the fallen and sinners of all kinds, and
  denounced him especially as a supporter of the Noetian [Noëtian]
  heresy (§ 33, 5). They took great offence also at his previous
  life which his opponent Hippolytus (_Elench._, ix. 11 ff.) thus
  describes: When the slave of a Christian member of the imperial
  household, Callistus with the help of his lord established
  a bank; he failed, took to flight, was brought back, sprang into
  the sea, was taken out again and sent to the treadmill. At the
  intercession of Christian friends he was set free, but failing to
  satisfy his urgent creditors, he despairingly sought a martyr’s
  death, for this end wantonly disturbed the Jewish worship, and
  was on that account scourged and banished to the Sardinian mines.
  At the request of bishop Victor the imperial concubine Marcia
  (§ 22, 3) obtained the freedom of the exiled Christian confessors
  among whom Callistus, although his name had been intentionally
  omitted from the list presented by Victor, was included. After
  Victor’s death he wormed himself into the favour of his weak
  successor Zephyrinus, who placed him at the head of his clergy,
  in consequence of which he was able by intrigues and craft
  to secure for himself the succession to the bishopric.--An
  opportunity of reconciliation was first given, it would seem,
  under Pontianus, the second successor of Callistus, by banishing
  the two rival chiefs to Sardinia. Both parties then united in
  making a unanimous choice in A.D. 235.[109]

  § 41.2. =The Schism of Felicissimus at Carthage in
  A.D. 250.=--Several presbyters in Carthage were dissatisfied with
  the choice of Cyprian as bishop in A.D. 248 and sought to assert
  their independence. At their head stood Novatus. Taking the
  law into their own hands they chose Felicissimus, the next
  head of the party, as a deacon. When Cyprian during the Decian
  persecution withdrew for a time from Carthage, they charged him
  with dereliction of duty and faint-heartedness. Cyprian, however,
  soon returned, A.D. 251, and now they used his strictness toward
  the _Lapsi_ as a means of creating a feeling against him. He
  expressed himself very decidedly as to the recklessness with
  which many confessors gave without examination _Libelli pacis_
  to the fallen, and called upon these to commit their case to a
  Synod that should be convened after the persecution. A church
  visitation completed the schism; the discontented presbyters
  without more ado received all the fallen and, notwithstanding
  that Cyprian himself on the return of persecution introduced
  a milder practice, they severed themselves from him under an
  opposition bishop Fortunatus. Only by the unwearied exercise of
  wisdom and firmness did Cyprian succeed in putting down the
  schism.[110]

  § 41.3. =The Schism of the Presbyter Novatian at Rome in
  A.D. 251.=--In this case the rigorist and presbyterial interests
  coincide. After the martyrdom of bishop Fabian under Decian in
  A.D. 250, the Roman bishopric remained vacant for more than a
  year. His successor Cornelius (A.D. 251-253) was an advocate
  of the milder practice. At the head of his rigorist opponents
  stood his unsuccessful rival, Novatian, a learned but ambitious
  presbyter (§ 31, 12). Meanwhile Novatus, excommunicated by Cyprian
  at Carthage, had also made his way to Rome. Notwithstanding his
  having previously maintained contrary principles in the matter
  of church discipline, he attached himself to the party of the
  purists and urged them into schism. They now chose Novatian as
  bishop. Both parties sought to obtain the recognition of the most
  celebrated churches. In doing so Cornelius described his opponent
  in the most violent and bitter manner as a mere intriguer,
  against whose reception into the number of presbyters as one
  who had received clinical baptism (§ 35, 3) and especially
  as an energoumenon under the care of the exorcists, he had
  already protested; further as having extorted a sham episcopal
  consecration from three simple Italian bishops, after he had
  attached them to himself by pretending to be a peacemaker, then
  locking them up and making them drunk, etc. Cyprian, as well as
  Dionysius of Alexandria, expressed himself against Novatian, and
  attacked the principles of his party, namely, that the church has
  no right to give assurance of forgiveness to the fallen or such
  as have broken their baptismal vows by grievous sin (although
  the possibility of finding forgiveness through the mercy of
  God was indeed admitted), and that the church as a communion of
  thoroughly pure members should never endure any impure ones in
  its bosom, nor receive back any excommunicated ones, even after
  a full ecclesiastical course of penitence. The Novatianists had
  therefore called themselves the Καθαροί. The moral earnestness of
  their fundamental principles secured for them even from bishops
  of contrary views an indulgent verdict, and Novatianist churches
  sprang up over almost all the Roman empire. The Œcumenical
  Council at Nicæa in A.D. 325 maintained an attitude toward them
  upon the whole friendly, and in the Arian controversy (§ 50) they
  stood faithfully side by side with their ecclesiastical opponents
  in the defence of Nicene orthodoxy, and with them suffered
  persecution from the Arians. Later on, however, the Catholic
  church without more ado treated them as heretics. Theodosius
  the Great sympathizing with them because of such unfair treatment,
  took them under his protection; but Honorius soon again withdrew
  these privileges from them. Remnants of the party continued
  nevertheless to exist down to the 6th century.[111]

  § 41.4. =The Schism of Meletius in Egypt in A.D. 306.=--Meletius,
  bishop of Lycopolis in the Thebaid, a representative of the
  rigorist party, during the Diocletian persecution claimed to
  confer ordinations and otherwise infringed upon the metropolitan
  rights of Peter, bishop of Alexandria, a supporter of the
  milder practice who for the time being lived in retirement. All
  warnings and admonitions were in vain. An Egyptian Synod under
  the presidency of Peter issued a decree of excommunication and
  deposition against him. Then arose the schism, A.D. 306, which
  won the whole of Egypt. The General Synod at Nicæa in A.D. 325
  confirmed the Alexandrian bishop in his rights of supremacy
  (§ 46, 3) and offered to all the Meletian bishops an amnesty
  and confirmation in the succession on the death of the catholic
  anti-bishop of their respective dioceses. Many availed themselves
  of this concession, but others persisted in their schismatical
  course and finally attached themselves to the Arian party
  (§ 50, 2).



                            SECOND SECTION.

               The History of the Græco-Roman Church from
                         the 4th-7th centuries.
                             A.D. 323-692.


                          I. CHURCH AND STATE.


     § 42. THE OVERTHROW OF PAGANISM IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE.[112]

  After the overthrow of Licinius (§ 22, 7) Constantine identified
himself unreservedly with Christianity, but accepted baptism only
shortly before his death in A.D. 337. He was tolerant toward paganism,
though encouraging its abandonment in all possible ways. His sons,
however, began to put it down by violence. Julian’s short reign was
a historical anomaly which only proved that paganism did not die a
violent death, but rather gradually succumbed to a _Marasmus senilis_.
Succeeding emperors reverted to the policy of persecution and
extermination.--Neoplatonism, notwithstanding the patronage of
Julian and the brilliant reputation of its leading representatives,
could not reach the goal arrived at, but from the ethereal heights of
philosophical speculation sank ever further and further into the misty
region of fantastic superstition (§ 24, 2). The attempts at regeneration
made by the _Hypsistarians_, _Euphemites_, _Cœlicolæ_, in which paganism
strove after a revival by means of a barren Jewish monotheism or an
effete Sabaism, proved miserable failures. The literary conflict between
Christianity and paganism had almost completely altered its tone.

  § 42.1. =The Romish Legend of the Baptism of Constantine.=--That
  Constantine the Great only accepted baptism shortly before his
  death in Nicomedia, from Eusebius, bishop of that place, and a
  well-known leader of the Arian party (§ 50, 1, 2), is put beyond
  question by the evidence of his contemporary Eusebius of Cæsarea
  in his _Vita Const._, of Ambrose, of Jerome in his Chronicle,
  etc. About the end of the 5th century, however, a tradition,
  connecting itself with the fact that a Roman baptistery bore
  the name of Constantine, gained currency in Rome, to the effect
  that Constantine had been baptised at this baptistery more than
  twenty years before his death by Pope Sylvester (A.D. 314-335).
  According to this purely fabulous legend Constantine, who
  had up to that time been a bitter enemy and persecutor of the
  Christians, became affected with leprosy, for the cure of which
  he was recommended to bathe in a tub filled with the blood
  of an innocent child. Moved by the tears of the mother the
  emperor rejected this means of cure, and under the direction of
  a heavenly vision applied to the Pope, who by Christian baptism
  delivered him from his malady, whereupon all the members of the
  Roman senate still heathens, and all the people were straightway
  converted to Christ, etc. This legend is told in the so-called
  _Decretum Gelasii_ (§ 47, 22), but is first vindicated as
  historically true in the _Liber pontificalis_ (§ 90, 6), and
  next in A.D. 729, in Bede’s Chronicle (§ 90, 2). In the notorious
  _Donatio Constantini_ (§ 87, 4) it is unhesitatingly accepted.
  Since then, at first with some exceptions but soon without
  exceptions, all chroniclers of the Middle Ages and likewise since
  the 9th century the _Scriptores hist. Byzant._, have adopted
  it. And although in the 15th century Æneas Sylvius and Nicolaus
  [Nicolas] of Cusa admitted that the legend was without foundation,
  yet in the 16th century in Baronius and Bellarmine, and in
  the 17th in Schelstraate, it found earnest defenders. The
  learned French Benedictines of the 17th century were the first
  to render it utterly incredible even in the Roman Catholic
  church.[113]

  § 42.2. =Constantine the Great and his Sons.=--Constantine’s
  profession of Christianity was not wholly the result of political
  craft, though his use of the name _Pontifex Maximus_ and in
  this capacity the continued exercise of certain pagan practices,
  gave some colour to such an opinion. Outbursts of passion,
  impulsiveness exhibited in deeds of violence and cruelty, as in
  the order for the execution of his eldest son Crispus in A.D. 326
  and his second wife Fausta, are met with even in his later years.
  Soon after receiving baptism he died without having ever attended
  a complete divine service. His toleration of paganism must be
  regarded purely as a piece of statecraft. He only prohibited
  impure rites and assigned to the Christians but a few of the
  temples that had actually been in use. Aversion to the paganism
  still prevalent among the principal families in Rome may partly
  have led him to transfer his residence to Byzantium, since called
  Constantinople, in A.D. 330. His three sons divided the Empire
  among them. Constantius (A.D. 337-361) retained the East, and
  became, after the death of Constantine II. in A.D. 340 and of
  Constans in A.D. 350, sole ruler. All the three sought to put
  down paganism by force. Constantius closed the heathen temples
  and forbade all sacrifices on pain of death. Multitudes of
  heathens went over to Christianity, few probably from conviction.
  Among the nobler pagans there was thus awakened a strong
  aversion to Christianity. Patriotism and manly spirit came to
  be identified with the maintenance of the old religion.[114]

  § 42.3. =Julian the Apostate (A.D. 361-363).=--The sons of
  Constantine the Great began their reign in A.D. 337 with the
  murder of their male relatives. The brothers Julian and Gallus,
  nephews of Constantine, alone were spared; but in A.D. 345 they
  were banished to a Cappadocian castle where Julian officiated for
  a while as reader in the village church. Having at last obtained
  leave to study in Nicomedia, then in Ephesus, and finally in
  Athens, the chief representatives of paganism fostered in him the
  conviction that he was specially raised up by the gods to restore
  again the old religion of his fathers. As early as A.D. 351
  in Nicomedia he formally though still secretly returned to
  paganism, and at Athens in A.D. 355 he took part in the Eleusinian
  mysteries. Soon thereafter Constantius, harassed by foreign wars,
  assigned to him the command of the army against the Germans. By
  affability, personal courage and high military talent, he soon
  won to himself the enthusiastic attachment of the soldiers.
  Constantius thought to weaken the evident power of his cousin
  which seemed to threaten his authority, by recalling the best
  of the legions, but the legions refused obedience and proclaimed
  Julian emperor. Then the emperor refused to ratify the election
  and treated Julian himself as a rebel. The latter advanced at
  the head of his army by forced marches upon the capital, but
  ere he reached the city, he received the tidings of the opposing
  emperor’s death. Acknowledged now as emperor throughout the
  whole empire without any opposition, Julian proceeded with zeal,
  enthusiasm and vigour to accomplish his long-cherished wish, the
  restoring of the glory of the old national religion. He used no
  violent measures for the subversion and overthrow of Christianity,
  nor did he punish Christian obstinacy with death, except where it
  seemed to him the maintenance of his supremacy required it. But
  he demanded that temples which had been converted into churches
  should be restored to the heathen worship, those destroyed should
  be restored at the cost of the church exchequer and the money for
  the state that had been applied to ecclesiastical purposes had to
  be repaid. He scornfully referred the clergy thus robbed of their
  revenues to the blessedness of evangelical poverty. He also
  fomented as much as possible dissension in the church, favoured
  all sectaries and heretics, excluded Christians from all the
  higher, and afterwards from all the lower, civil and military
  offices, and loaded them on every occasion with reproach and
  shame, and by these means he actually induced many to apostatise.
  In order to discredit Christ’s prophecy in Matt. xxiv. 2, he
  resolved on the restoration of the Jewish temple at Jerusalem,
  but after having been begun it was destroyed by an earthquake. He
  excluded all Christian teachers from the public schools, and also
  forbade them in their own schools from explaining the classical
  writers who were objected to and contested by them only as
  godless; so that Christian boys and youths could obtain a higher
  classical education only in the pagan schools. By petty artifices
  he endeavoured to get Christian soldiers to take part, if
  only even seemingly, in the heathen sacrifices. Indeed at a
  later period in Antioch he was not ashamed to stoop to the mean
  artifice of Galerian (§ 22, 6) of sprinkling with sacrificial
  water the necessaries of life exposed in the public market, etc.
  On the other hand, he strove in every way to elevate and ennoble
  paganism. From Christianity he borrowed Benevolent Institutions,
  Church Discipline, Preaching, Public Service of Song, etc.; he
  gave many distinctions to the heathen priesthood, but required
  of them a strict discipline. He himself sacrificed and preached
  as _Pontifex Maximus_, and led a strictly ascetic, almost a
  cynically simple life. The ineffectiveness of his attempts and
  the daring, often even contemptuous, resistance of many Christian
  zealots embittered him more and more, so that there was now
  danger of bloody persecution when, after a reign of twenty
  months, he was killed from a javelin blow in a battle against the
  Persians in A.D. 363. Shortly before in answer to the scornful
  question of a heathen, “What is your Carpenter’s Son doing now?”
  it had been answered, “He is making a coffin for your emperor.”
  At a later period the story became current that Julian himself,
  when he received the deadly stroke, exclaimed, _Tandem vicisti
  Galilæe_! His military talents and military virtues had shed a
  glory around the throne of the Cæsars such as it had not known
  since the days of Marcus Aurelius, and yet his whole life’s
  struggle was and remained utterly fruitless and vain.[115]

  § 42.4. =The Later Emperors.=--After Julian’s death, Jovian,
  and then on his death in A.D. 364, Valentinian I. († 375),
  were chosen emperors by the army. The latter resigned to his
  brother Valens the empire of the East (A.D. 364-378). His son and
  successor Gratian (A.D. 375-383) at the wish of the army adopted
  his eldest half-brother of four years old, Valentinian II., as
  colleague in the empire of the West, and upon the death of Valens
  resigned the government of the West to the Spaniard Theodosius I.,
  or the Great (A.D. 379-395), who, after the assassination of
  Valentinian II. in A.D. 392, became sole ruler. After his death
  his sons again divided the empire among them: Honorius († 423)
  took the West, Arcadius († 408) the East, and now the partitioned
  empire continued in this condition until the incursions of the
  barbarians had broken up the whole West Roman division (A.D. 476).
  Belisarius and Narses, the victorious generals of Justinian I.,
  were the first to succeed, between A.D. 533-553, in conquering
  again North Africa and all Italy along with its islands. But in
  Italy the Byzantine empire from A.D. 569 was reduced in size from
  time to time by the Longobards, and in Africa from A.D. 665 by
  the Saracens, while even earlier, about A.D. 633, the Saracens
  had secured to themselves Syria, Palestine, and Egypt.--Julian’s
  immediate successors tolerated paganism for a time. It was,
  however, a very temporary respite. No sooner had =Theodosius I.=
  quieted in some measure political disorders, than he proceeded
  in A.D. 382 to accomplish the utter overthrow of paganism.
  The populace and the monks combined in destroying the temples.
  The rhetorician Libanius († 395) then addressed his celebrated
  discourse Περὶ τῶν ἱερῶν to the emperor; but the remaining
  temples were closed and the people were prohibited from visiting
  them. In Alexandria, under the powerful bishop Theophilus, there
  were bloody conflicts, in consequence of which the Christians
  destroyed the beautiful Serapeion in A.D. 391. In vain did
  the pagans look for the falling down of the heavens and the
  destruction of the earth; even the Nile would not once by causing
  blight and barrenness take vengeance on the impious. In the West,
  =Gratian= was the first of the emperors who declined the rank of
  _pontifex maximus_; he also deprived the heathen priests of their
  privileges, removed the foundations of the temple of Fiscus,
  and commanded that the altar of Victory should be taken away
  from the hall of the Senate in Rome. In vain did Symmachus,
  _præfectus urbi_, entreat for its restoration, if not “_numinis_”
  yet “_nominis causa_.” =Valentinian II.=, urged on by Ambrose,
  sent back four times unheard the deputation that came about this
  matter. So soon as =Theodosius I.= became sole ruler the edicts
  were made more severe. On his entrance into Rome in A.D. 394 he
  addressed to the Roman Senate a severe lecture and called them
  to repentance. His sons, Honorius in the West and Arcadius in the
  East, followed the example of their father. Under the successor
  of the latter, =Theodosius II.= (A.D. 408-450), monks with
  imperial authority for the suppression of heathenism traversed
  the provinces, and in A.D. 448, in common with =Valentinian III.=
  (A.D. 425-455), the western emperor, he issued an edict
  which strictly enjoined the burning of all pagan polemical
  writings against Christianity, especially those of Porphyry “the
  crack-brained,” wherever they might be found. This period is
  also marked by deeds of bloody violence. The most horrible of
  these was the murder of the noble pagan philosopher Hypatia,
  the learned daughter of Theon the mathematician, at Alexandria
  in A.D. 415. Officially paganism may be regarded as no longer
  existent. Branded long even before this as the religion of the
  peasants (such is the derivation of the word paganism), it was
  now almost wholly confined to remote rural districts. Its latest
  and solitary stronghold was the University of Athens raised to
  the summit of its fame under Proclus (§ 24, 2). =Justinian I.=
  (A.D. 527-565) decreed the suppression of this school in
  A.D. 529. Its teachers fled into Persia, and there laid the
  first foundations of the later literary period of Islam under the
  ruling family of the Abassidæ at Bagdad (§ 65, 2). This was the
  death hour of heathenism in the Roman empire. The Mainottæ in the
  mountains of the Peloponnesus still maintained their political
  independence and the heathen religion of their fathers down
  to the 9th century. In the Italian islands, too, of Sardinia,
  Corsica, and Sicily, there were still many heathens even in the
  time of Gregory the Great († 604).[116]

  § 42.5. =Heathen Polemics and Apologetics.=--=Julian’s=
  controversial treatise Κατὰ Γαλιλαίων λόγοι, in 3 bks. according
  to Cyril, in 7 bks. according to Jerome, is known only from the
  reply of Cyril of Alexandria (§ 47, 6) which follows it section
  by section, the rest of the answers to it having been entirely
  lost. Of Cyril’s book only the first ten λόγοι have come down to
  us in a complete state, and from these we are able almost wholly
  to restore the first book of Julian’s treatise. Only fragments
  of the second decade of Cyril’s work are extant, and not even
  so much of the third, so that of Julian’s third book we may be
  said to know nothing.[117] Julian represented Christianity as a
  deteriorated Judaism, but Christolatry and the worship of martyrs
  as later falsifications of the doctrine of Christ.--The later
  advocates of heathenism, Libanius and Symmachus, were content
  with claiming toleration and religious freedom. But when from
  the 5th century, under the influence of the barbarians, signs of
  the speedy overthrow of the Roman empire multiplied, the heathen
  polemics assumed a bolder attitude, declaring that this was
  the punishment of heaven for the contempt of the old national
  religion, under which the empire had flourished. Such is the
  standpoint especially of the historians Eunapius and Zosimus. But
  history itself refuted them more successfully than the Christian
  apologists; for even these barbarous peoples passed over in
  due course to Christianity, and vied with the Roman emperors in
  their endeavours to extirpate heathenism. In the 5th century,
  the celebrated Neo-Platonist Proclus wrote “eighteen arguments
  (ἐπιχειρήματα) against the Christians” in vindication of the
  Platonic doctrine of the eternity of the world and in refutation
  of the Christian doctrine of creation. The Christian grammarian
  John Philoponus (§ 47, 11) answered them in an exhaustive and
  elaborate treatise, which again was replied to by the philosopher
  =Simplicius=, one of the best teachers in the pagan University
  of Athens.--The dialogue =Philopatris=, “the Patriot,” included
  among the works of Lucian of Samosata, but certainly not composed
  by him, is a feeble imitation of the famous scoffer, in which the
  writer declares that he can no longer fitly swear at the Olympic
  gods with their many unsavoury loves and objectionable doings,
  and with a satirical reference to Acts xvii. 23 recommends
  for this purpose “the unknown God at Athens,” whom he further
  scurrilously characterizes as ὑψιμέδων θεὸς, υἵος πατρὸς, πνεῦμα
  ἐκ πατρὸς ἐκπορευόμενον ἓν ἐκ τριῶν καὶ ἐξ ἑνὸς τρία (§ 50, 1, 7).
  Finally he tells of some closely shaven men (§ 45, 1) who were
  treated as liars, because, having in consequence of a ten days’
  fast and singing had a vision foreboding ill to their fatherland,
  their prophecy was utterly discredited by the arrival of an
  account of the emperor’s successes in the war against the
  Persians. The impudence with which the orthodox Christianity
  and the Nicene orthodox formula are sneered at, as well as the
  allusions to the spread of monasticism and a victorious war
  against the Persians, fix the date of the dialogue in the reign
  of Julian, or rather, since the writer would scarcely have had
  Julian’s approval in his scoffing at the gods of Olympus, in
  the time of the Arian Valens (§ 50, 4). But since the overthrow
  of Egypt and Crete is spoken of in this treatise, Niebuhr has
  put its date down to the time of the Emperor Nicephoras Phocas
  (A.D. 963-969), understanding by Persians the Saracens and by
  Scythians the Bulgarians.

  § 42.6. The religion of the =Hypsistarians= in Cappadocia was,
  according to Gregory Nazianzen, whose father had belonged to the
  sect, a blending of Greek paganism with bald Jewish monotheism,
  together with the oriental worship of fire and the heavenly
  bodies, with express opposition to the Christian doctrine
  of the trinity. Of a similar nature were the vagaries of the
  =Euphemites=, “Praise singers,” in Asia, who were also called
  _Messalians_, “Petitioners,” or _Euchites_, and in Africa bore
  the name of =Cœlicolæ=.


         § 43. THE CHRISTIAN EMPIRE AND THE ECCLESIASTICAL LAW.

  As in earlier times the supreme direction of all religious matters
belonged to the Roman Emperor as Pontifex Maximus, so now that
Christianity had become the state religion he claimed for himself
the same position in relation to the church. Even Constantine the
Great regarded himself as ἐπίσκοπος τῶν ἔξω τῆς ἐκκλησίας, and all his
successors exercised the _Jus circa sacra_ as their unquestioned right.
Only the Donatists (§ 63, 1) denied to the state all and any right
over the church. There was no clear consciousness of the limits of this
jurisdiction, but this at least in theory was firmly maintained, that
in all ecclesiastical matters, in worship, discipline and doctrine, the
emperors were not of themselves entitled to issue conclusive decisions.
For this purpose they called Œcumenical Synods, the decrees of which
had legal validity throughout the empire when ratified by the emperor.
But the more the Byzantine empire degenerated and became a centre of
intrigues, the more hurtful did contact with the court become, and
more than once the most glaring heresy for a time prevailed by means
of personal passion, unworthy tricks and open violence, until at last
orthodoxy again secured the ascendency.--From the ordinances issued by
the recognised ecclesiastical and civil authorities upon ecclesiastical
rights, duties and conditions, as well as from the pseudo-epigraphic
apostolic writings already being secretly introduced in this department,
there sprang up during this period a rich and varied literature on canon
law.

  § 43.1. The =Jus circa sacra= gave to the =Emperors= the right of
  legally determining all the relations between church and state,
  but assigned to them also the duty of caring for the preservation
  or restoration of peace and of unity in the church, guarding
  orthodoxy with a strong arm, looking after the interests of
  the church and the clergy, and maintaining the authority of
  ecclesiastical law. Even Constantine the Great excluded all
  heretics from the privileges which he accorded to the church,
  and regarded it as a duty forcibly to prevent their spread.
  The destruction or closing of their churches, prohibition of
  public meetings, banishment of their leaders, afterwards seizure
  of their possessions, were the punishments which the state
  invariably used for their destruction. The first death sentence
  on a heretic was issued and executed so early as A.D. 385 by
  the usurper Maximus (§ 54, 2), but this example was not imitated
  during this period. Constans II. in A.D. 654 gave the first
  example of scourging to the effusion of blood and barbarous
  mutilation upon a persistent opponent of his union system of
  doctrine (§ 52, 8). The fathers of the 4th century were decidedly
  opposed to all compulsion in matters of faith (comp. however
  § 63, 1). The right of determining by imperial edict what was
  to be believed and taught in the empire was first asserted by
  the usurper Basilicus in A.D. 476 (§ 52, 5). The later emperors
  followed this example; most decidedly Justinian I. (§ 52, 6)
  and the court theologians justified such assumptions from
  the emperor’s sacerdotal rank, which was the antitype of that
  of Melchizedec [Melchisedec]. The emperor exercised a direct
  influence upon the choice of bishops especially in the capital
  cities; at a later period the emperor quite arbitrarily appointed
  these and set them aside. The church’s power to afford protection
  secured for it generally a multitude of outward privileges and
  advantages. The state undertook the support of the church partly
  by rich gifts and endowments from state funds, partly by the
  making over of temples and their revenues to the church, and
  Constantine conferred upon the church the right of receiving
  bequests of all kinds. The churches and their officers were
  expressly exempted from all public burdens. The distinct
  judicial authority of the bishops recognised of old was
  formally legitimized by Constantine under the name of _Audentia
  episcopalis_. The clergy themselves were exempted from the
  jurisdiction of civil tribunals and were made subject to an
  ecclesiastical court. The right of asylum was taken from the
  heathen temples and conferred upon the Christian churches. With
  this was connected also the right of episcopal intercession or
  of interference with regard to decisions already come to by the
  civil courts which were thus in some measure subject to clerical
  control.

  § 43.2. =The Institution of Œcumenical Synods.=--The σύνοδοι
  οἰκουμενικαί, _Concilia universalia s. generalia_, owe their
  origin to Constantine the Great (§ 50, 1). The calling of
  councils was an unquestioned right of the crown. A prelate
  chosen by the emperor or the council presided; the presence
  of the imperial commissioner, who opened the Synod by reading
  the imperial edict, was a guarantee for the preservation of
  the rights of the state. The treasury bore the expense of
  board and travelling. The decisions generally were called ὅροι,
  _Definitiones_; if they were resolutions regarding matters of
  faith, δόγματα; if in the form of a confession, σύμβολα; if they
  bore upon the constitution, worship and discipline, κανόνες. On
  doctrinal questions there had to be unanimity; on constitutional
  questions a majority sufficed. Only the bishops had the right
  of voting, but they allowed themselves to be influenced by the
  views of the subordinate clergy. As a sort of substitute for
  the œcumenical councils which could not be suddenly or easily
  convened we have the σύνοδοι ἐνδημοῦσα at Constantinople, which
  were composed of all the bishops who might at the time be present
  in the district. At Alexandria, too, these _endemic_ Synods
  were held. The _Provincial Synods_ were convened twice a year
  under the presidency of the metropolitan; as courts of higher
  instances we have the _Patriarchal_ or _Diocesan Synods_ (comp.
  § 46, 1).[118]

  § 43.3. =Canonical Ordinances.=--As canonical decrees
  acknowledged throughout the whole of the Catholic national
  church or at least throughout the more important ecclesiastical
  districts the following may be named.

    1. The Canons of the Œcumenical Councils.

    2. The Decrees of several important Particular Synods.

    3. The _Epistolæ canonicæ_ of distinguished bishops, especially
       those of the _Sedes apostolicæ_, § 34, preeminently of Rome
       and Alexandria, pertaining to questions which have had a
       determining influence on church practice, which were at a
       later time called at Rome _Epistt. decretales_.

    4. The canonical laws of the emperors, νόμοι (Codex
       Theodosianus in A.D. 440, Codex Justinianæus in A.D. 534,
       Novellæ Justiniani).

  The first systematically arranged collection of the Greek church
  known to us was made by Johannes Scholasticus, then presbyter
  at Antioch, afterwards Patriarch at Constantinople († 578). A
  second collection, also ascribed to him, to which were added
  the canonical νόμοι of Justinian, received the name of the
  _Nomocanon_. In the West all earlier collections were put out
  of sight by the _Codex canonum_ of the Roman abbot Dionysius the
  Little (§ 47, 23), to which were also added the extant _Decretal
  Epistles_ about A.D. 520.

  § 43.4. =Pseudepigraphic Church Ordinances.=--Even so early
  as the 2nd and 3rd centuries there sprang up no inconsiderable
  number of writings upon church law, with directions about ethical,
  liturgical and constitutional matters for the instruction of the
  church members as well as the clergy, the moral precepts of which
  are of importance in church procedure as affording a standard
  for discipline. The oldest probably of these has lately been
  made again accessible to us in the Teaching of the XII. Apostles,
  the Didache (§ 30, 7). It designates its contents, even where
  these are taken not from the Old Testament or the “Gospel,” but
  from the so-called church practice, as apostolic, with the honest
  conviction that by means of oral apostolic tradition it may be
  traced back to the immediate appointment of the Lord, without,
  however, pseudepigraphically claiming to have been written by
  the Apostles. Many treatises of the immediately following period,
  no longer known to us or known only by fragments, occupied the
  same standpoint. But even so early as the end of the 3rd century
  pseudepigraphic apostolic fiction makes its appearance in
  the so-called _Apostolic Didascalia_, and some sixty years
  later, it reached its climax in the eight bks. of the so-called
  =Constitutiones Apostolicæ=, Διαταγαὶ τῶν ἀπ. διὰ Κλήμεντος. The
  first six bks. correspond to the previously named _Didascalia_
  expanded and variously altered.[119] It assumes the form of a
  prolix epistolary discourse of the Apostle, communicated through
  Clement of Rome, about everything pertaining to the Christian
  life, the Catholic system of doctrine, liturgical practice and
  hierarchical constitution which may be necessary and useful for
  the laity as well as the clergy to know, with the exclusion,
  however, of everything which belonged to the department of what
  was then regarded as the _Disciplina arcani_ (§ 36, 4). Of older
  writings, so far as known, those principally used are the seven
  Ignatian Epistles (§ 30, 5). It is post-Novatianist (§ 41, 3)
  and belongs to a time pre-Constantine but free from persecution
  (§ 22, 6), and may therefore be placed somewhere between A.D. 260
  and A.D. 302. It was written probably in Syria.--While the first
  six bks. of the Apostolic Constitutions may be compared to the
  Syrian recension as a contemporary rendition of the Didascalia,
  the =seventh book= from an examination of the Didache seems
  a rendition of that little work, in which the assumption of
  apostolic authorship is made, and from which everything offensive
  to the forger and his age is cut out, the old text being
  otherwise literally reproduced, while into it is cleverly
  smuggled from his own resources whatever would contribute to
  the support of his own peculiar views as well as the prevailing
  practice of the church. The Eusebian symbol, which is given in
  the 41st chap., is an anti-Nicene, anti-Marcellianist, Arianizing
  formula, fixing the date of the forgery at the period of the
  Arian controversy, somewhere between A.D. 340 and A.D. 350
  (§ 50, 2).--The =eighth book= is in great part an unmistakeable
  forgery compiled from older sources belonging to the 3rd century,
  some of which are still to be found, and forms a handbook for
  the discharge of clerical, especially episcopal, duties in
  the conducting of worship and other clerical functions, _e.g._
  ordination, baptism, etc., together with the relative liturgical
  formularies, drawn up in a thoroughly legal-like style, in
  which the Apostles one by one give their contribution with the
  formula Διατάσσομαι. The composition is probably ante-Nicene,
  but the date of its incorporation with the other seven books
  is uncertain.--In most, though not in all, MSS. the =Canones
  Apostolorum=, sometimes 50, sometimes 85, in number, are appended
  to the eighth book as its last chapter. Their standpoint is that
  common to the canons of the early councils from which they are
  chiefly borrowed. In respect of contents they treat mainly of
  the moral behaviour and official functions of the clergy. The
  85th contains a Scripture canon of the Old and New Testaments,
  including the two Epp. of the Roman Clement (§ 30, 3), as well
  as the Apost. Constitutions, but omitting the Apocalypse of John
  (comp. § 33, 9). The collection of the apostolic canon cannot
  have been made before the beginning of the 5th century, and most
  likely in Syria. Dionysius the Little admitted only the first 50
  as _Canones qui dicuntur Apostolorum_, but Johannes Scholasticus
  quite unhesitatingly ascribes all the 85 to Clement of Rome. The
  Second Trullan Council in A.D. 692 (§ 63, 2) acknowledged the
  genuineness of the 85, but rejected the Apostolic Constitutions
  as a heretical forgery which had found no general acceptance in
  the West.--While hitherto it has been surmised that the 7th bk.
  of the Apost. Constit., as an independent and original work,
  should be assigned to another and a much later author than the
  first six bks., Harnack, founding upon his study of the Didache,
  has come to a clear understanding of their mutual relations. He
  shows that the original documents lying at the basis respectively
  of the Didache and the Didascalia are fundamentally distinct in
  respect of composition and character, but the two in the form in
  which they lie before us in the Apost. Constit. are undoubtedly
  the work of one and the same interpolator. We further obtain
  the equally convincing and surprising result that the author of
  this forgery is also identical with the author of the =thirteen
  Pseudo-Ignatian Epistles= (§ 30, 5), and had in the one case and
  in the other the same object in view. Finally, he characterizes
  him as a Syrian cleric well versed in Scripture, especially
  the Old Testament, but also a shrewd worldly politician,
  opposed to all strict asceticism, who sought by his forgeries
  to win apostolic sanction and justification not only for the
  constitutional and liturgical institutions of the church, as well
  as the milder practice of his age, but also for his own semi-Arian
  doctrinal views.

  § 43.5. =The Apostolic Church Ordinances=[120] are, according
  to Harnack’s careful analysis, a compilation executed in a most
  scholarly fashion of extracts from four old writings: the Didache,
  the Ep. of Barnabas, from which the moral precepts are taken,
  a κατάστασις τοῦ κλήρου from the beginning of the 3rd century,
  and a κατάστασις τῆς ἐκκλησίας from the end of the 2nd century,
  with many clumsy alterations and excursuses after the style of
  the church tradition of its own period, the beginning of the
  4th century. Its introduction consists of a formula of greeting
  modelled upon the Ep. of Barnabas from the twelve Apostles who
  are designated by name. The list, which begins with the name of
  John, wants one of the two Jameses and the late chosen Matthias,
  and the number of twelve is made up by the addition of the name
  of Nathanael and that of Cephas in addition to that of Peter.
  Then the Apostles tell that Christ had commanded them to divide
  among them by lot the Eparchies, Episcopates, Presbyterates,
  Diaconates, etc., of all lands, and to send forth οἱ λόγοι into
  the whole οἰκουμένη; then follow these λόγοι, first the moral
  rules, then the constitutional enactments, both being divided
  among the several Apostles (Ἰωάννης εἶπεν, Ματθαίος εἶπεν,
  etc.). The compilation had its origin in Egypt, not, however,
  at Alexandria, where Athanasius was still unacquainted with it,
  or at least did not think it worthy of being mentioned among the
  church manuals (§ 59, 1), while at a later period it was held in
  the highest esteem by the Copts, Ethiopians, Arabians, etc., and
  took the first rank among their books on ecclesiastical procedure.



             II. MONASTICISM, CLERICALISM AND HIERARCHISM.


                      § 44. MONASTICISM.[121]

  Disgusted with worldly pursuits and following an impulse of the
oriental character in favour of the contemplative life, many ascetics
withdrew into deserts and solitudes, there as Anchorets (ἐρεμίται,
μοναχοί, μονάζοντες), amid prayer and labour, privation and self-denial,
wringing out of the wilderness their scanty support, they strove after
holiness of life which they thought they could reach only by forsaking
the accursed world. The place where this extravagant extreme of the
old ascetism arose was the Thebaid in Upper Egypt (§ 39, 3). The first,
and for a long time isolated, examples of such professional abandonment
of the world may be traced back to the 3rd century; but they had wider
spread first in the post-Constantine Age. The example of St. Anthony was
specially influential in leading a number of like-minded men to betake
themselves to isolated dwellings, λαῦραι, in his neighbourhood and to
place themselves under his spiritual direction. In this we have already
the transition from a solitary anchoret life to a communal cœnobite
life (κοινὸς βίος), and this reached maturity when Anthony’s disciple
Pachomius gathered the scattered residents in his district into one
common dwelling, _Claustrum_, _Cœnobium_, _Monasterium_, _Mandra_=fold,
and bound them under a common system of ascetic practice in prayer and
labour, especially basket making and carpet weaving. This arrangement,
without, however, any tendency to displace the anchoret life properly
so-called, won great favour, and this went on for some decades until
first of all in the East, then also in the West about A.D. 370, the land
was covered over with monasteries. The monastic life under its twofold
aspect was now esteemed as βὶος ἀγγελικός (Matt. xxii. 30), φιλοσοφία
ὑψηλή, _melior vita_. Yet even here corruption soon spread. Not merely
the feeling of spiritual need, but ambition, vanity, slothfulness
and especially the desire to avoid military service and villainage,
taxes and imposts, induced men to enter the monasteries. The Emperor
Valens therefore issued an order in A.D. 365 that such men should be
dragged out by force from their retreats. Spiritual vices too were not
wanting--extravagance and fanaticism, spiritual pride, etc. All the
more did the most distinguished bishops, _e.g._ Basil the Great, feel
it their duty to take the monasteries under their special supervision
and care. Under such direction, besides serving their own special
purpose, they became extremely important and beneficial as places of
refuge for the oppressed and persecuted, and as benevolent institutions
for the sick and the poor. Sometimes also by the introduction of
theological studies as seminaries to prepare candidates for the higher
ecclesiastical offices. Other prelates, however, preferred to use their
monks as a trusty horde for the accomplishment of their own ambitious
party ends. The monks were always reckoned among laymen, but were
distinguished from the _Seculares_ as _Religiosi_ or _Conversi_.

  § 44.1. =The Biography of St. Anthony.=--According to the _Vita
  s. Antonii_ ascribed to Athanasius, Anthony was sprung from a
  wealthy Coptic family of the country town of Coma in Upper Egypt,
  and was born in A.D. 251. At the age of eighteen he lost his
  parents, and, being powerfully affected by hearing the story of
  the rich young ruler in the gospel read in church, he gave away
  all his goods to the poor and withdrew into the desert (A.D. 285).
  Amid terrible inward struggles, which took the form of daily
  conflicts with demons, who sprang upon him from the sides of his
  cave in the shape of all sort of beasts and strange creatures,
  he spent a long time in a horrible tomb, then twenty years in the
  crumbling ruins of a castle, and finally he chose as his constant
  abode a barren mountain, afterwards called Anthony’s Mount,
  where a well and some date palms afforded him the absolutely
  indispensable support. His clothing, a sheep’s skin and a hairy
  cloak, was on his body day and night, nor did he ever wash
  himself. The fame of his holiness attracted a multitude of
  like-minded ascetics who settled in his neighbourhood and
  put themselves under his spiritual direction. But also men of
  the world of all ranks made pilgrimages to him, seeking and
  finding comfort. Even Constantine and his sons testified in
  correspondence with him their veneration, and he answered “like
  a Christian Diogenes to the Christian Alexander.” Pointing to
  Christ as the only miracle worker, he healed by his prayers
  bodily maladies and by his conversations afflictions of the soul.
  Amid the distress of the persecution of Maximian in A.D. 311 he
  went to Alexandria, but found not the martyrdom which he courted.
  Again, in A.D. 351, during the bitter Arian controversy (§ 50),
  he appeared suddenly in the great capital, this time gazed at
  by Christians and pagans as a divine wonder, and converting
  crowds of the heathen. In his last days he resigned the further
  direction of the society of hermits gathered about him to his
  disciple Pachomius, himself withdrawing along with two companions
  into an unknown solitude, where he, bequeathing to the author his
  sheepskin, died in A.D. 356, in his 105th year, after exacting a
  promise that no one should know the place of his burial.--Until
  the appearance of this book, which was very soon translated into
  Latin by a certain Evagrius, no single writer, neither Lactantius,
  nor Eusebius, nor even Athanasius in any of his other undoubtedly
  genuine writings, mentions the name of this patriarchal monk
  afterwards so highly esteemed, and all later writers draw only
  from this one source. Weingarten has now not only proved that
  this _Vita s. Ant._ is not a biography in the proper sense, but
  a romance with a purpose which was intended “to represent the
  ideal of a monkish life dovetailed into the ecclesiastical system
  and raised notwithstanding all popular and vital elements into
  a spiritual atmosphere,” but has also disproved the Athanasian
  authorship of the book, without, however, seeking to deny the
  historical existence of St. Anthony and his importance in the
  establishment of monasticism, as this is already vouched for
  by the fact that even in the 4th century in the days of Rufinus
  pilgrimages were made to _Mons Antonii_.--The most important
  witness for the Athanasian authorship is Gregory Nazianzen, who
  begins his panegyric on Athanasius delivered in Constantinople
  only a few years after that father’s death, which occurred in
  A.D. 373, with the wish that he could describe brilliantly the
  life of the highly revered man, as he himself had portrayed the
  ideal of monasticism in the person of St. Anthony. But, on the
  other hand, Jerome in his _Vita Pauli_ and Rufinus in his _Hist.
  eremit._ seem not yet to have known the author of the book,
  and the former, first in his _De scriptoribus ecclst._, written
  twenty years later, knows that Athanasius was the author. Internal
  reasons, too, seem with no small weight to tell against the
  authenticity of the book, the biographical contents of which are
  largely intermixed with fabulous and legendary elements.

  § 44.2. =The Origin of Christian Monasticism.=--From the fact
  that not only Lactantius, but also Eusebius, whose history
  reaches down to A.D. 324, have nothing to say of a monasticism
  already developed or then first in process of development, it
  may perhaps be concluded that although in a general way such
  an institution was already in existence, it had not yet become
  known beyond the bounds of the Thebaid where it originated.
  But from the fact that Eusebius, who died in A.D. 340, in his
  _Vita Constantini_ reaching down to A.D. 337, never makes any
  mention of monasticism, we cannot with like probability infer
  a continuance of such ignorance down to the above-mentioned
  year, but must attribute it to the limited range of the book
  in question. In his commentary on Ps. lxviii. 7 and lxxxiv. 4
  he distinctly speaks of a Christian monasticism. The fugitive
  Athanasius, too, so early as A.D. 356 betakes himself to the
  monks of the Thebaid, and stays for a year with them (§ 50, 2, 4),
  which presupposes a certain measure of organization and celebrity
  on the part of the community of that region. In his _Hist.
  Arianorum ad monachos_, written about A.D. 360, he declares that
  already monasticism had spread through all the τόποι or districts
  of Egypt. Of a monasticism outside of Egypt, however, even this
  writing still knows nothing. We shall not, therefore, greatly
  err if we assume that the latter years of Constantine’s reign
  are to be taken as the period of the essential origin of Egyptian
  monasticism; though from this it is not to be concluded that
  the first isolated beginnings of it, which had not yet won
  any special recognition, are not to be assigned to a very much
  earlier period. Even the Old and New Testaments, in the persons
  of Elijah, John the Baptist, and our Lord Himself, tell of
  temporary withdrawals, from religious and ascetical motives, into
  the wilderness. But even the life-long professional anchoretism
  and cœnobitism had their precursors in the Indian _gymnosophists_,
  in the East-Asiatic Buddhism and the Egyptian Serapis worship,
  and to a certain extent also in the Essenism of Palestine
  (§ 8, 4). From the place of its origin and the character of
  its development, however, Christian monasticism can have been
  influenced only by the Egyptian Serapis worship, and that in
  a very general sort of way. That this actually was the case,
  Weingarten especially has sought to prove from various analogies
  based upon the learned researches of French Academicians.

  § 44.3. =Oriental Monasticism.=--For centuries Egypt continued
  the central seat and training school of Christian monasticism
  both for the East and for the West. The most celebrated of all
  the Egyptian hermit colonies was that founded by Pachomius,
  formerly perhaps a monk of Serapis, († 348), at Tabennæ, an
  island of the Nile. To the mother monastery were soon attached
  numerous daughter monasteries. Each of these institutions was
  under the direction of a president called the abbot, _Abbas_,
  _i.e._ “father,” or Archimandrite; while all of them together
  were under the superior of the parent monastery. Similar unions
  were established by Ammonius among the Nitrian mountains, and by
  Macarius the Elder (§ 47, 7) in the Scetic desert. Hilarion, a
  disciple of St. Anthony († 371), is celebrated by Jerome as the
  founder of Palestinian monasticism. The _Vita Hilarionis_ of
  the latter, richly adorned with records of adventurous travels
  and wonderful events, most extravagant wonders and demoniacal
  apparitions, like the life of Paul of Thebes (§ 39, 4), has
  been recently shown to be a romance built upon certain genuine
  reminiscences. Basil the Great and Gregory Nazianzen with
  youthful enthusiasm sought to introduce monasticism into their
  native Asia Minor, while Eustathius, Bishop of Sebaste († 380),
  carried it still further east. But though among the Syrian
  discourses of Aphraates (§ 47, 13) there is found one on
  monasticism, which thus would seem to have been introduced into
  Mesopotamia by A.D. 340, this is in contradiction to all other
  witnesses and awakens a suspicion of the ungenuineness of the
  discourse, which is further confirmed by its being wanting
  in the Armenian translation, as well as in the enumeration
  of Gennadius.--The zeal especially of Basil was successful in
  ennobling monasticism and making it fruitful. The monastic rules
  drawn up by him superseded all others in the East, and are to
  this day alone recognised in the orthodox Greek Church. According
  to these every monastery had one or more clerics for conducting
  worship and administering the sacrament. Basil also advanced
  the development and influence of monasticism by setting down
  the monasteries in the neighbourhood of the cities. In the
  5th century two of the noblest, most sensible and talented
  representatives of ancient monasticism did much for its elevation
  and ennobling; namely, Isidore, who died about A.D. 450,
  abbot and priest of a cloister at Pelusium in Egypt, and his
  contemporary Nilus, who lived among the monks of Sinai. The not
  inconsiderable remnants of their numerous letters still extant
  testify to their far-reaching influence, as well as to the noble
  and liberal spirit which they manifested (§ 47, 6, 10).[122] A
  peculiar kind of cœnobite life is found amongst the =Acoimetæ=,
  for whom the Roman Studius founded about A.D. 46O the afterwards
  very celebrated monastery _Studion_ at Constantinople, in which
  as many as a thousand monks are said to have lived together
  at one time. They took their name from the divine service
  uninterruptedly continued in their cloister night and day. From
  the 5th century the legislative Synods undertook the care of the
  monasteries. The Council of Chalcedon in A.D. 451 put them under
  the jurisdiction of the bishop. Returning to the world was at
  first freely permitted, but was always regarded as discreditable
  and demanding submission to penance. From the 6th century,
  however, monastic vows were regarded as of life-long obligation,
  and therefore a regular canonical age was fixed and a long
  novitiate prescribed as a time of testing and consideration.
  About this time, too, besides the _propria professio_, the
  _paterna devotio_ was also regarded as binding in accordance
  with the example of 1 Sam. i. 11.

  § 44.4. =Western Monasticism.=--The West did not at first take
  kindly to the monastic idea, and only the combined exhortations
  of the most respected bishops and teachers of the Church, with
  Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine at their head, secured for it
  acceptance there. The idea that already the universally revered
  Athanasius who from A.D. 341 resided a long time in Rome (§ 50, 2),
  had brought hither the knowledge of Egyptian monasticism and
  first awakened on behalf of it the sympathies of the Westerns,
  is devoid of any sure foundation. Owing, however, to the free
  intercourse which even on the side of the Church existed between
  East and West, it is on the other hand scarcely conceivable that
  the first knowledge of Eastern monasticism should have reached
  Italy through Jerome on his return in A.D. 373 from his Eastern
  travels. But it is certain that Jerome from that time most
  zealously endeavoured to obtain recruits for it in the West,
  applying himself specially to conspicuous pious ladies of Rome
  and earning for this scant thanks from their families. The
  people’s aversion, too, against monasticism was so great that
  even in A.D. 384, when a young female ascetic called Blasilla,
  the daughter of St. Paula, died in Rome as some supposed from
  excessive fasting, an uproar was raised in which the indignant
  populace, as Jerome himself relates, cried out, _Quousque genus
  detestabile monachorum non urbe pellitur? Non lapidibus obruitur?
  non præcipitatur in fluctus?_ But twenty years later Jerome could
  say with exultation, _Crebra virginum monasteria, monachorum,
  innumerabilis multitudo, ut ... quod prius ignominiæ fuerat,
  esset postea gloriæ_. Popular opposition to the monks was longest
  and most virulently shown in North Africa. Even so late as
  about A.D. 450, Salvianus reports the expressions of such hate:
  _Ridebant, ... maledicebant ... insectabantur ... detestabantur
  ... omnia in monacho pœne fecerunt quæ in Salvatorem nostrum
  Judæorum impietas_, etc. Nevertheless monasticism continued
  to spread and therewith also the institution grew in popular
  esteem in the West. Martin of Tours (§ 47, 14) established it
  in Northern Gaul in A.D. 370; and in Southern Gaul, Honoratus
  [Honorius] about A.D. 400 founded the celebrated monastery of
  Serinum, on the uninhabited island of Lerina, and John Cassianus
  (§ 47, 21), the still more celebrated one at Massilia, now
  Marseilles. The inroads of the invaders well nigh extinguished
  Western monachism. It was Benedict of Nursia who first, in
  A.D. 529, gave to it unity, order, and a settled constitution,
  and made it for many centuries the pioneer of agricultural
  improvement and literary culture throughout the Western empire
  that had been hurled into confusion by the wars of the barbarians
  (§ 85).

  § 44.5. =Institution of Nunneries.=--Virgins devoted to God, who
  repudiated marriage, are spoken of as early as the 2nd century.
  The limitations of their sex forbade them entering on the life
  of anchorets, but all the more heartily did they adopt the idea
  of the cloister life. St. Anthony himself is said to have laid
  its first foundations when he was hastening away into solitude,
  by establishing at Coma for the sake of his sister whom he
  was leaving behind, an association of virgins consecrated unto
  God. Pachomius founded the first female cloister with definite
  rules, the superior of which was his own sister. From that time
  there sprang up a host of women’s cœnobite unions. The lady
  superior was called _Ammas_, “mother;” the members, μοναχαί,
  _sanctimoniales_, _nonnæ_, which was a Coptic word meaning chaste.
  The patroness of female monachism in the West was St. Paula
  of Rome, who was the scholar and friend of Jerome. Accompanied
  by her daughter Eustochium, she followed him to Palestine, and
  founded three nunneries at Bethlehem.

  § 44.6. =Monastic Asceticism.=--Although the founders of the
  Eastern monastic rules subjected themselves to the strictest
  asceticism and performed them to a remarkable extent, especially
  in fasting and enduring privations, yet the degree of asceticism
  which they enjoined upon their monks in fasting, watching, prayer
  and labour, was in general moderate and sensible. Valorous acts
  of self mortification, so very congenial to the oriental spirit,
  are thus met with in the proper monastic life seldomer than among
  ascetics living after their own fancy in deserts and solitudes.
  This accounts for the rare appearance of the =Stylites= or pillar
  saints, by whom expression was given in an outward way to the
  idea of elevation above the earthly and of struggle toward heaven.
  The most celebrated of these was _Simeon Stylites_, who lived in
  the neighbourhood of Antioch for thirty years on a pillar seventy
  feet high, and preached repentance to the people who flocked to
  him from every side. Thousands of Saracens who roamed through
  those regions sought baptism, overcome, according to the legend,
  by the power of his discourse. He died A.D. 459. After him the
  most celebrated pillar saints were one _Daniel_ who died at
  Constantinople in A.D. 489, and a younger _Simeon_ who died at
  Antioch in A.D. 596.

  § 44.7. =Anti-Ecclesiastical and Heretical Monasticism.=--Even
  after the regulating of monachism by Pachomius and Basil, there
  were still isolated hermit societies which would be bound by no
  rules. Such were the =Sarabaites= in Egypt and the =Remoboth=
  in Syria. Crowds of monks, too, under no rule swarmed about,
  called Βοσκοί, _Pabulatores_ or Grazers, because they supported
  themselves only on herbs and roots. In Italy and Africa from
  the 5th century we hear of so-called =Gyrovagi=, who under the
  pretence of monachism led a useless vagabond life. Monasticism
  assumed a decidedly heretical and schismatical character among
  the Euchites and Eustathianists in the second half of the 4th
  century. The =Euchites=, called also from their mystic dances
  _Messalians or Chorentes_, not to be confounded with the pagan
  Euchites (§ 42, 6), thought that they had reached the ideal of
  perfection, and were therefore raised above observance of the law.
  Under pretext of engaging in constant prayer and being favoured
  with divine visions, they went about begging, because work was
  not seemly for perfect saints. Every man they taught, by reason
  of his descent from Adam, brings with him into the world an
  evil demon who can be overcome only by prayer, and thus evil
  can be torn out by the roots. Then man is in need neither of the
  law, nor of holy scripture, nor of the sacraments, and may be
  unconditionally left to himself, and may even do that which to
  a legal man would be sinful. The mystic union of God and man they
  represented by lascivious acts of sensual love. They understood
  the gospel history only as an allegory and considered fire the
  creative light of the universe. By craft and espionage Bishop
  Flavian of Antioch, in A.D. 381, came to know their secret
  principles and proceedings. But notwithstanding the persecution
  now directed against them, they continued in existence till the
  6th century. The =Eustathianists= took their name from Eustathius,
  Bishop of Sebaste, the founder of monasticism in the eastern
  provinces of the empire. Their fanatical contempt of marriage
  went so far that they regarded fellowship with the married impure
  and held divine service by themselves alone. They repudiated the
  Church fasts and instead ordained fasts on Sundays and festival
  days, and wholly abstained from eating flesh. The women dressed
  in men’s clothes. From the rich they demanded the surrender of
  all their goods. Servants forsook their masters, wives their
  husbands, in order to attach themselves to the associations
  of these saints. But the resolute interference of the Synod of
  Gangra in Paphlagonia, between A.D. 360 and A.D. 370, checked
  their further spread.--More closely related to the old ascetic
  order than to the newly organized monasticism was a sect which,
  according to Augustine, had gained special acceptance among the
  country people round about Hippo. In accordance with the example
  of Abel, who in the Old Testament history is without children,
  its members, the so-called =Abelites=, indeed married, but
  restrained themselves from marital intercourse, in order that
  they might not by begetting children contribute to the spread of
  original sin, and maintained their existence by the adoption of
  strange children, one boy and one girl being received into each
  family.


                         § 45. THE CLERGY.

  The distinction between clergy and laity was ever becoming more
and more clearly marked and in the higher church offices there grew
up a spiritual aristocracy alongside of the secular aristocracy. The
priesthood arrogated a position high above the laity just as the soul
is higher than the body. There was consequently such a thronging into
the clerical ranks that a restriction had to be put upon it by the
civil laws. The choice of the clergy was made by the bishops with the
formal consent of the members of the church. In the East the election
of bishops lay ordinarily with the episcopal board of the province
concerned though under the presidency of the metropolitan, whose duty
it was to ordain the individual so elected. The episcopal chair of the
imperial capital, however, was generally under the patronage of the
court. In the West on the other hand the old practice was continued,
according to which bishops, clergy and members of the church together
made the election. At Rome, however, the emperor maintained the right
of confirming the appointment of the new bishop. The exchange of one
bishopric for another was forbidden by the Nicene Council as spiritual
adultery (Eph. v. 33 ff.), but was nevertheless frequently practised.
The monarchical rank of the bishop among the clergy was undisputed. The
_Chorepiscopi_ (§ 34, 3) had their episcopal privileges and authority
always more and more restricted, were made subordinate to the city
bishops, and finally, about A.D. 360, were quite set aside. To the
Presbyters, on the other hand, in consequence of the success of the
anti-episcopal reaction, especially among the daughter and country
churches, complete independence was granted in regard to the ministry
of the word and dispensation of sacraments, with the exception of the
ordination of the clergy, and in the West also the confirmation of the
baptism, which the bishop alone was allowed to perform.

  § 45.1. =Training of the Clergy.=--The few theological seminaries
  of Alexandria, Cæsarea, Antioch, Edessa and Nisibis could not
  satisfy the need of clerical training, and even these for the
  most part disappeared amid the political and ecclesiastical
  upheavals of the 5th and 6th centuries. The West was entirely
  without such institutions. So long as pagan schools of learning
  flourished at Athens, Alexandria, Nicomedia, etc., many Christian
  youths sought their scientific preparation for the service of
  the church in them, and added to this on the Christian side by
  asceticism and theological study among the anchorets or monks.
  Others despised classical culture and were satisfied with what
  the monasteries could give. Others again began their clerical
  career even in boyhood as readers or episcopal secretaries,
  and grew up under the oversight and direction of the bishop or
  experienced clergymen. Augustine organized his clergy into a
  monastic association, _Monasterium Clericorum_, and gave it the
  character of a clerical seminary. This useful institution found
  much favour and was introduced into Sicily and Sardinia by the
  bishops driven out by the Vandals. The _Regula Augustini_, so
  often referred to the Latin Middle Ages, is of later and
  uncertain origin, but is based upon two discourses of Augustine,
  “_De Moribus Clericorum_” and an Epistle to the Nuns at
  Hippo.--The age of thirty was fixed upon as the canonical age
  for entering the order of presbyter or priest; twenty-five for
  that of deacon. Neophytes, those who had been baptized on a
  sickbed (_Clinici_), penitents and energoumeni, _Bigenie_, the
  mutilated, eunuchs, slaves, actors, comedians, dancers, soldiers,
  etc., were excluded from the clerical office. The African church
  even in the 4th century prescribed a strict examination of
  candidates as to their attainments and orthodoxy. Justinian
  at least insisted upon a guarantee of orthodoxy by means of
  episcopal examination.--=Ordination=[123] made its appearance
  as an appendage to the baptismal anointing as a sacramental
  ordinance. The one was consecration to the priesthood in the
  special sense: the other in the general sense; both bore a
  _character indelibilis_. Their efficacy was generally regarded
  as of a magical kind. The imparting of ordination was exclusively
  an episcopal privilege; but presbyters could assist at the
  consecration of those of their own order. The proposition:
  _Ne quis vage ordinatur_, was of universal application; the
  missionary office was the only exception. The anniversaries of
  episcopal ordinations, _Natales episcoporum_, were frequently
  observed as festivals. Legally no one could be ordained to a
  higher ecclesiastical office, who had not passed through all the
  lower offices from that of subdeacon. In earlier times ordination
  consisted only in imposition of hands; but subsequently, after
  the pattern of baptism there was added an anointing with _Chrism_,
  _i.e._ oil with balsam. The Lord’s Supper was partaken of
  before ordination, the candidate having previously observed a
  fast.--From the 5th century it was made imperative that the party
  ordained should adopt the =Tonsure=.[124] It had been introduced
  first in connection with the penitents, then as a symbol of
  humility it found favour among the monks, and from these it
  passed over to the clergy. Originally the whole head was shaved
  bare. At a later period the Greek tonsure, _Tonsura Pauli_, which
  merely shaved the forehead, was distinguished from the Romish,
  _Tonsura Petri_, which left a circle of hair round about the
  crown of the head, as a memorial of Christ’s crown of thorns or
  as the symbol of the royal priesthood, _Corona sacerdotalis_.
  The shaving of the beard, as an effeminate foppish custom, seemed
  to the ancient church to detract from the sternness and dignity
  of the clerical rank. In all Eastern churches the full beard was
  retained, and the wearing of it by-and-by made obligatory, as it
  is to this day. In the West, however, perhaps to mark a contrast
  to the bearded clergy of the Arian Germans, shaving became
  general among the Catholic clergy, and by papal and synodal
  ordinances became almost universally prevalent. The adoption
  of the custom was also perhaps furthered by a desire to
  give symbolic expression by the removal of the beard to the
  renunciation of the claims of the male sex on the part of a
  celibate clergy.--A solemn =Investiture= with the insignia of
  office (§ 59, 7) was gradually introduced, and was that which
  marked distinctions between the consecrations to the various
  ranks of clerical offices.

  § 45.2. =The Injunction of Celibacy.=--In accordance with a hint
  given by the Spanish Provincial Synod of Elvira in A.D. 306 in
  its 32nd canon, the Œcumenical Council of Nicæa in A.D. 325 was
  inclined to make the obligation of celibacy at least for the
  _Ordines Majores_ a binding law over the whole church. But on the
  other hand the Egyptian bishop Paphnutius, a confessor and from
  his youth an ascetic, stoutly maintained that the fellowship of
  married persons too is chastity. His powerful voice decided the
  matter. The usual practice, however, was that bishops, presbyters
  and deacons should not contract a second marriage (1 Tim. iii. 2),
  after ordination should contract no marriage at all, and if
  previously married, should continue to live with their wives
  or not as they themselves should find most fit. The Easterns
  maintained this free standpoint and at the Synod of Gangra in
  A.D. 360 contended against the Eustathianists (§ 44, 7) for
  the holiness of marriage and the legitimacy of married priests;
  and in the 5th Apost. Canon there was an express injunction:
  _Episcopus vel presbyter, vel diaconus uxorem suam non rejiciat
  religionis prætexti; sin autem rejecerit segregetur, et si
  perseveret deponatur_. Examples of married bishops are not
  rare in the 4th and 5th centuries; _e.g._ the father of Gregory
  Nazianzen, Gregory of Nyssa, Synesius of Ptolemais, etc.
  Justinian I. forbade the election of a married man as bishop.
  The second Trullan Council in A.D. 692 (§ 63, 2) confirmed this
  decree, interdicted second marriages to all the clergy, but, with
  an express protest against the unnatural hardness of the Roman
  church, allowed to presbyters a single marriage with all its
  privileges which, however, must have been entered upon before
  consecration, and during the period of service at the altar all
  marital intercourse had to be discontinued. In Rome, however, the
  Spanish principles were strictly maintained. A decretal of the
  Roman bishop, Siricius, in A.D. 385, with semi-Manichæan abuse
  of marriage, insisted on the celibacy of all bishops, presbyters
  and deacons, and Leo the Great included even subdeacons under
  this obligation. All the more distinguished Latin church
  teachers contended zealously for the universal application of
  the injunction of clerical celibacy. Yet there were numerous
  instances of the contravention of the order in Italy, in Gaul,
  and in Spain itself, and conformity could not be secured even by
  the most emphatic re-issue of the injunction by successive Synods.
  In the British and Iro-Scottish church the right of the clergy
  and even of bishops to marry was insisted upon (§ 77, 3).[125]

  § 45.3. =Later Ecclesiastical Offices.=--In addition to the
  older church offices we now meet with attendants on the sick or
  =Parabolani=, from παραβάλλεσθαι τὴν ζωήν, and grave-diggers,
  κοπιαταί, _Fossarii_, whose number in the capital cities rose to
  an almost incredible extent. They formed a bodyguard ever ready
  to gratify episcopal love of pomp. Theodosius II. in A.D. 418
  restricted the number of the Parabolani of Alexandria to six
  hundred and the number of the Copiati of Constantinople to nine
  hundred and fifty. For the administration of Church property
  there were οἰκόνομοι; for the administration of the laws of the
  church there were advocates, ἔνδικοι, σύνδικοι, _Defensores_; for
  drawing up legal documents in regard to church affairs there were
  _Notarii_, ταχύγραφοι, besides, Keepers of Archives, χαρτοφύλακες,
  Librarians, _Thesaurarii_, σκευοφύλακες, etc. None of these as
  such had clerical consecration. But also within the ranks of the
  _Ordines Majores_ new offices sprang up. In the 4th century we
  meet with an =Archdeacon= at the head of the deacons. He was the
  right hand of the bishop, his representative and plenipotentiary
  in the administration and government of the diocese, frequently
  also his successor in office. The college of presbyters, too, had
  as its head the =Arch-Presbyter= who represented and supported
  the bishop in all acts of public worship. A city presbyter
  was entrusted with the supervision of the country churches
  as =Visitor=. The African _Seniores plebis_ were mere lay
  elders without clerical ordination. The office of =Deaconess=
  more or less lost its significance and gradually fell into
  disuse.--Justinian I. restricted the number of ecclesiastical
  officers in the four great churches of Constantinople to 525;
  namely, in addition to the bishop, 60 presbyters, 100 deacons,
  40 deaconesses, 90 subdeacons, 110 readers, 24 singers, and
  100 doorkeepers.

  § 45.4. =Church Property.=--The possessions of the church
  regularly increased by presents and bequests was regarded
  down to the 5th century generally as the property of the poor,
  _Patrimonium pauperum_, while the cost of maintaining public
  worship and supplying the clergy with the means of livelihood
  were defrayed by the voluntary contributions, _Oblationes_,
  of the church members. But the growing demands of the clergy,
  especially of the bishops, for an income corresponding to their
  official rank and the increasing magnificence of the service, led,
  first of all in Rome, to the apportioning of the whole sum into
  four parts; for the bishops, for the subordinate clergy, for the
  expenses of public worship (buildings, vestments, etc.), and for
  the needs of the poor. With the introduction of the Old Testament
  idea of priesthood the thought gradually gained ground that the
  laity were under obligation, at first regarded simply as a moral
  obligation, to surrender a tenth of all their possessions to the
  church, and at a very early date this, in the form of freewill
  offerings, was often realised. But the Council at Macon in
  A.D. 585, demanded these tithes as a right of the church resting
  on divine institution, without, however, being thereby able to
  effect what first was secured by the Carolingian legislation
  (§ 86, 1). The demand that all property which a cleric earned in
  the service of the church, should revert to the church after his
  death, was given effect to in a Council at Carthage in A.D. 397.


     § 46A. THE PATRIARCHAL CONSTITUTION AND THE PRIMACY.[126]

  A hierarchical distinction of ranks among the bishops had already
made its appearance even in the previous period by the elevation of
the metropolitan see and the yet more marked precedency given to the
so-called _Sedes apostolicæ_ (§ 34). This tendency got powerful support
from the political divisions of the empire made by Constantine the
Great; for now the bishops of capital cities demanded an extension
of their spiritual superiority corresponding to that given in secular
authority to the imperial governors. The guarding of earlier privileges
along with respectful consideration of more recent claims prevented
the securing of a perfect correspondence between the political and
hierarchical distribution of ranks. The result of giving consideration
to both was the development of the Patriarchal Constitution, in which
the bishops of Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, Constantinople and Jerusalem
were recognised as heads of the church universal of equal rank with
jurisdiction over the patriarchates assigned them. The first place in
this clerical Pentarchy was claimed by the Roman see, which ever more
and more decidedly strove for the primacy of the whole church.

  § 46.1. =The Patriarchal Constitution.=--Constantine the Great
  divided the whole empire into four prefectures which were
  subdivided into dioceses, and these again into provinces. Many
  bishops then of the capitals of these dioceses, especially in the
  East, under the title of =Exarchs=, assumed a rank superior to
  that of the metropolitans, just as these had before arrogated a
  rank superior to that of provincial bishops. The first œcumenical
  Council at Nicæa in A.D. 325 (§ 50, 1) affirmed on behalf of the
  bishops of the three most prominent _Sedes apostolicæ_, =Rome=,
  =Alexandria= and =Antioch=, that their supremacy had been already
  established by old custom. The so-called second œcumenical
  Council at Constantinople in A.D. 381 (§ 50, 4) exempted the
  bishop of =Constantinople=, διὰ τὸ εἶναι αὐτὴν νέαν Ῥώμην (since
  A.D. 330), from the jurisdiction of the metropolitan of Heraclea,
  and gave him the first rank after the bishop of Rome. To these
  distinguished prelates there was given the title of honour,
  =Patriarch=, which formerly had been given to all bishops; but
  the Roman bishops, declining to take common rank with the others,
  refused the title, and assumed instead the exclusive use of the
  title =Papa=, Πάπας, which had also been previously applied to
  all of episcopal rank. The fourth œcumenical Council of Chalcedon
  in A.D. 451, in the 28th canon, ranked the patriarch of the
  Eastern capital along with the bishop of Rome, granted him
  the right of hearing complaints against the metropolitans of
  all dioceses that they might be decided at an _endemic_ Synod
  (§ 43, 2), and as an equivalent to the vast dominions of
  his Roman colleague, gave him as an endowment in addition to
  his own patriarchal district, the three complete dioceses of
  Thrace, Pontus and Asia. The Exarchs of Heraclea in Thrace, of
  Neo-Cæsarea in Pontus, and of Ephesus in Asia, thus placed under
  him, bearing the title of _Archbishops_, ἀρχιεπίσκοποι, formed
  a hierarchical middle rank between him and the metropolitans of
  these dioceses, without, however, any strict definition of their
  status being given, so that their preferential rank remained
  uncertain and gradually fell back again into that of ordinary
  metropolitans. But even at Nicæa in A.D. 325 the bishopric of
  =Jerusalem= had been declared worthy of very special honour,
  without, however, its subordination under the Metropolitan of
  Cæsarea being disputed. Founding on this, Juvenal of Jerusalem
  in the 3rd œcumenical Council of Ephesus in A.D. 431 claimed
  the rank and privileges of a patriarch, but on the motion of
  Cyril of Alexandria was refused. He then applied to the Emperor
  Theodosius II. who by an edict named him patriarch, and assigned
  to him all Palestine and Arabia. Maximus, however, patriarch
  of Antioch, who was thereby deprived of part of his diocese,
  persisted in protesting until at Chalcedon in A.D. 451 at
  least Phœnicia and Arabia were restored to him.--Within his own
  official district each of these five prelates exercised supreme
  spiritual authority, and at the head of his patriarchal Synod
  decided all the affairs of the churches within the bounds. Still
  many metropolitans, especially those of Salamis in Cyprus, of
  Milan, Aquileia and Ravenna maintained a position, as Αὐτοκέφαλοι,
  independent of any superiority of patriarchate or exarchate.
  Alongside of the patriarchs in the East there were σύγκελλοι as
  councillors and assistants, and at the imperial court they were
  represented by permanent legates who were called _Apocrisiarians_.
  From the 6th century the Popes of Rome began by sending them the
  _pallium_ to confer confirmation of rank upon the newly-elected
  metropolitans of the West, who were called in these parts
  _Archiepiscopi_, Archbishops. The patriarchs meeting as a
  court represented the unity of the church universal. Without
  their consent no œcumenical Council could be held, nor could any
  decision be binding on the whole church.--But first Jerusalem
  in A.D. 637, then Antioch in A.D. 638, and next Alexandria in
  A.D. 640, fell under the dominion of the Saracens.

  § 46.2. =The Rivalry between Rome and Byzantium.=--From the
  time of the Council of Chalcedon in A.D. 451 the patriarch of
  Constantinople continued to claim equality in rank and authority
  with the bishop of Rome. But the principle upon which in either
  case the claims to the primacy were based were already being
  interpreted strongly in favour of Rome. In the East the spiritual
  rank of the bishoprics was determined in accordance with the
  political rank of the cities concerned. Constantinople was the
  residence of the ruler of the οἰκουμένη, consequently its bishop
  was œcumenical bishop. But in the eyes of the world Old Rome
  still ranked higher than the New Rome. All the proud memories of
  history clustered round the capital of the West. From Byzantium,
  on the other hand, dated the visible decline, the threatened
  overthrow of the empire. Moreover the West refused even to
  admit the principle itself. Not the will of the emperor, not the
  fortunes of the empire, ever becoming more and more deplorable,
  should determine the spiritual rank of the bishops, but the
  history of the church and the will of its Divine Founder and
  Head. Measured by this standard the see of Constantinople stood
  not only lower than those of Alexandria, Antioch and Jerusalem,
  but even below many other sees which though they scarcely had
  metropolitan rank, could yet boast of apostolic origin. Then,
  Rome unquestionably stood at the head of the church, for here
  had lived, confessed and suffered the two chief apostles, here
  too were their tombs and their bones; yea, still further, on the
  Roman chair had Peter sat as its first bishop (§ 16, 1), whom the
  Lord Himself had called to the primacy of the Apostles (§ 34, 8),
  and the Roman bishops were his successors and heirs of his
  privileges. The patriarch of Constantinople had nothing to
  depend upon but his nearness to the court. He was backed up
  and supported by the court, was only too often a tool in the
  hands of political parties and a defender of heresies which
  had the imperial favour. The case for the Roman bishop was
  incomparably superior. His being a member of the West-Roman
  empire, A.D. 395-476, with emperors for the most part weak and
  oppressed on all sides by the convulsions caused by the invasions
  of the barbarians, secured to him an incomparably greater
  freedom and independence of action, which was little, if at
  all, restricted by the Rugian and Ostrogoth invaders of Italy,
  A D. 476-536. And even in A.D. 536, when the Byzantine empire
  again obtained a footing in Italy, and held out with difficulty
  against the onslaught of the Longobards from A.D. 569 to A.D. 752
  within ever narrowing limits, the court could only seldom exercise
  an influence upon his proceedings or punish him for his refusal
  to yield by removal, imprisonment or exile. And while the East
  was rent by a variety of ecclesiastical controversies, in which
  sometimes the one, sometimes the other party prevailed, the
  West under the direction of Rome almost constantly presented the
  picture of undisturbed unity. The controversialists sought the
  mediating judgment of Rome, the oppressed sought its intercession
  and protection, and because the Roman bishops almost invariably
  lent the weight of their intellectual and moral influence to the
  cause of truth and right, the party in whose favour decision was
  given, almost certainly at last prevailed. Thus Rome advanced
  from day to day in the eyes of the Christian world, and soon
  demanded as a constant right what personal confidence or pressure
  of circumstances had won for it in particular cases. And in
  the course of time Rome has never let a favourable opportunity
  slip, never failed to hold what once was gained or even claimed
  with any possibility of success. A strong feeling in favour of
  strict hierarchical pretensions united all parties and found
  its rallying point in the chair of St. Peter; even incapable and
  characterless popes were upborne and carried through by means of
  this idea. Thus Rome advanced with firm step and steady aim, and
  in spite of all opposition and resistance continually approached
  nearer and nearer to the end in view. The East could at last hold
  on and save its ecclesiastical independence only by a complete
  and incurable division (§ 67).


          § 46B. HISTORY OF THE ROMAN CHAIR AND ITS CLAIMS
                          TO THE PRIMACY.[127]

  The history of the Roman bishopric during the first three centuries is
almost wholly enveloped in a cloud of legend which is only occasionally
broken by a gleam of historical light (see § 33, 3, 4, 5, 7; § 35, 5;
§ 37, 2; § 40, 2; § 41, 1, 3). Only after the martyr church became in
the 4th century the powerful state church does it really enter into
the field of regular and continuous history. And now also first begins
that striving after primacy, present from the earliest times among its
bishops and inherited from the political supremacy of “eternal Rome,”
to be prosecuted with success in political and ecclesiastical quarters.
Its history, for which biographies of the popes down to the end of the
9th century in the so-called _Liber pontificalis_ (§ 90, 6) are most
instructive sources, certainly always in need of critical sifting in
a high degree, permits therefore and demands for our purposes at this
point earnest and close consideration.

  § 46.3. =From Melchiades to Julius I., A.D. 310 to A.D. 352.=--At
  the time when Constantine’s conversion so completely changed the
  aspect of things =Melchiades= occupied the bishopric of Rome,
  A.D. 310 to A.D. 314. Even in A.D. 313 Constantine conferred on
  him as the chief bishop of the West the presidency of a clerical
  commission for inquiry into the Donatist schism (§ 63, 1). Under
  =Sylvester I.=, A.D. 314 to A.D. 335, the Arian controversy
  broke out (§ 50), in which, however, he laid no claim to be
  an authority on either side. That by his legates, Vitus and
  Vincentius [Vincent], he presided at the first œcumenical
  Synod at Nicæa in A.D. 325 is a purely Romish fabrication; no
  contemporary and none of the older historians know anything of it.
  On account of the rise in Egypt of the Meletian schism (§ 41, 4)
  the 6th canon of the Council prescribes that the bishop of
  Alexandria “in accordance with the old customs shall have
  jurisdiction over Egypt, in Libya and in Pentapolis, since it
  is also according to old custom for the bishop of Rome to have
  such jurisdiction, as also the churches in Antioch and in the
  other provinces.” The Council, therefore, as Rufinus also and
  the oldest Latin collection of canons, the so-called _Prisca_,
  understand this canon, maintains that the ecclesiastical
  supremacy of the Roman chair extended not over all the West but
  only over the ten _suburbicarian_ provinces belonging to the
  diocese of Rome according to Constantine’s division, _i.e._ over
  Middle and Southern Italy, with the islands of Sardinia, Corsica
  and Sicily. The bishop of Rome, however, was and continued by
  the wider development of the patriarchal constitution the sole
  patriarch in all the West. What more natural than that he should
  regard himself as the one patriarch _over_ all the West? But,
  even as the only _sedes apostolica_ of the West, Rome had already
  for a long time obtained a rank far beyond the limits of the
  Nicene canon. In doubtful cases application was made from all
  quarters of the West to Rome for instruction as to the genuine
  apostolic tradition, and the epistolary replies to such questions
  assumed even in the 4th century the tone of authoritative
  statements of the truth, _epistolæ decretales_. But down to
  A.D. 344 it was never attempted to claim the authority of Rome
  over the East in giving validity to any matter. In this year,
  however, the pressure of circumstances obliged the Council
  of Sardica (§ 50, 2), after most of the Eastern bishops had
  already withdrawn, to agree to hand over to the bishop of
  Rome, =Julius I.=, A.D. 337-352, as a steadfast and consistent
  confessor of the orthodox faith in this age of ecclesiastical
  wavering, the right of receiving appeals from condemned bishops
  throughout the empire, and if he found them well supported, of
  appointing a new investigation by the bishops of the neighbouring
  province. But this decree affected only the person of Julius and
  was only the momentary makeshift of a hard-pressed minority. It
  therefore attracted no attention and was soon forgotten,--only
  Rome forgot it not.

  § 46.4. =From Liberius to Anastasius, A.D. 352 to
  A.D. 402.=--Julius’ successor =Liberius=,[128] A.D. 352 to
  A.D. 366, maintained with equal steadfastness as his predecessor
  the confession of the orthodox Nicene faith, and was therefore
  banished by the Emperor Constantius in A.D. 355, who appointed
  as his successor the accommodating deacon Felix. But the members
  of the church would have nothing to do with the contemptible
  intruder, who moreover on the very day of the deportation of
  Liberius had solemnly sworn with the whole clergy of Rome to
  remain faithful to the exiled bishop. He succeeded indeed in
  drawing over to himself a considerable number of the clergy. The
  people, however, continued unfalteringly true to their banished
  bishop, and even after he had in A.D. 358 by signing a heretical
  creed (§ 50, 3) obtained permission to return, they received him
  again with unfeigned joy. It was the emperor’s wish that Liberius
  and Felix should jointly preside over the Roman church. But
  Felix was driven away by the people and could not again secure
  a footing among them. Liberius, who henceforth held his position
  in Rome as a Nicæan, amnestied those of the clergy who had
  fallen away. But the schism occasioned thereby in the church of
  Rome broke out with great violence after his death. A rigorist
  minority repudiated =Damasus I.=, A.D. 366 to A.D. 384, who had
  been chosen as his successor by the majority, because he too at
  an earlier date had belonged to the oath-breaking party of Felix.
  This minority elected Ursinus as anti-bishop. Over this there
  were contentions that led to bloodshed. The party of Damasus
  attacked the church of Ursinus and one hundred and thirty-seven
  corpses were carried out. Valentinian III. now exiled Ursinus,
  and Gratian in A.D. 378 by an edict conferred upon Damasus the
  right of giving decision without appeal as party and judge in
  one person against all bishops and clergy involved in the schism.
  In consequence of this victory of Damasus as partisan of Felix
  there was now formed in Rome a tradition which has passed over
  into the lists of the popes and the martyrologies, in which
  Liberius figures as the adherent of a heretical emperor and a
  bloody persecutor of the true Nicene faith and Felix II. as the
  legitimate pope. He is also confounded with the martyr Felix who
  suffered under Maximian and was celebrated in song by Paulinus
  Nolanus, and is thus represented as a holy martyr.[129] To the
  pontificate of =Siricius=, A.D. 384 to A.D. 398, the western
  church is indebted for the oldest extant papal decretals dating
  from A.D. 385 which contain a reply to various questions of
  the Spanish bishop couched quite in the hierarchical form and
  insisting in strong terms upon the binding obligation of clerical
  celibacy. Subsequently the same pope, burdened with “the care of
  all the churches,” feels himself obliged to issue an _encyclical_
  to all the churches of the West, denouncing the frequent
  neglect of existing ecclesiastical laws. In the Origenist
  controversy between Jerome and Rufinus (§ 51, 2) he favoured
  the latter;--whereas his successor, =Anastasius=, A.D. 398 to
  A.D. 402, took the side of Jerome.

  § 46.5. =From Innocent I. to Zosimus, A.D. 402 to A.D. 418.=--In
  consequence of the partition of the empire into an eastern and
  a western division in A.D. 364 (comp. § 42, 4), the claims of
  the Roman chair to ecclesiastical supremacy over the whole of the
  West were not only confirmed but also very considerably extended.
  For by this partition the western half of the empire included not
  only those countries which had previously been reckoned western,
  namely, Africa, Spain, Britain, Gaul and Italy, but also the
  prefecture of Illyricum (Greece, Thessaly, Macedonia, Dalmatia,
  Pannonia, Mœsia, Dacia) with its capital Thessalonica, and thus
  events played into the hands of those who pressed the patriarchal
  claims of Rome. Even when in A.D. 379 Eastern Illyria (Macedonia,
  Mœsia and Dacia) was attached to the Eastern empire, the Roman
  bishops continued still to regard it as belonging to their
  patriarchal domain. These claims were advanced with special
  emphasis and with corresponding success by =Innocent I.=,
  A.D. 402 to A.D. 417. When in A.D. 402 he intimated to the
  archbishop of Thessalonica his elevation to the chair, he at the
  same time transferred to him as his representative the oversight
  of all the Illyrian provinces, and to his successor, in A.D. 412,
  he sent a formal document of installation as Roman vicar. Not
  only did he apply to the Roman chair that canon of the Council
  of Sardica which had referred only to the person of Julius, but
  in a decretal to a Gallic bishop he extended also the clearly
  circumscribed right of appeal on the part of condemned bishops
  into an obligation to submit all “_causæ majores_” to the
  decision of the apostolic see. From Africa a Carthaginian Synod
  in A.D. 404 sent messengers to Rome in order to secure its
  intercession with the emperor to put down the Donatists. From the
  East Theophilus of Alexandria and Chrysostom of Constantinople
  solicited the weighty influence of Rome in the Origenist
  controversy (§ 51, 3); and Alexander of Antioch (§ 50, 8)
  expresses the proud satisfaction he had, as only Western bishops
  had done before, in asking the Roman bishop’s advice on various
  constitutional and disciplinary matters. During the Pelagian
  controversy (§ 53, 4) the Palestinian Synod at Diospolis in
  A.D. 415 interceded with the Pope in favour of Pelagius accused of
  heresy in Africa; on the other hand the African Synods of Mileve
  and Carthage in A.D. 416 besieged him with the demand to give the
  sanction of his authority to their condemnation of the heretic.
  He took the side of the Anti-Pelagians, and Augustine could
  shower upon the heretics the pregnant words: _Roma locuta ...
  causa finita_.--The higher the authority of the Roman chair rose
  under Innocent, all the more painful to Rome must the humiliation
  have been, which his successor =Zosimus=, A.D. 417-418, called
  down upon it, when he, in opposition to his predecessor, took
  the part of Pelagius and his companion Cœlestius, and addressed
  bitter reproaches to the Africans for their treatment of him, but
  afterwards in consequence of their vigorous remonstrances and the
  interference of the emperor Honorius was obliged to withdraw his
  previous judgment and formally to condemn his quondam protegé.
  And when a deposed presbyter of Africa, Apiarius, sought refuge
  in Rome, the Council of Carthage in A.D. 418, in which Augustine
  also took part, made this an excuse for forbidding under threat
  of excommunication any appeal _ad transmarina judicia_. Zosimus
  indeed appealed to the canon of the Sardican Synod, which he
  quoted as Nicene; but the Africans, to whom that canon was quite
  unknown, only said that on this matter they must make inquiries
  among the Eastern churches.[130]

  § 46.6. =From Boniface I. to Sixtus III., A.D. 419 to
  A.D. 440.=--After the death of Zosimus, 26th Dec., 418, a minority
  of the clergy and the people, by the hasty election and ordination
  of the deacon Eulalius, anticipated the action of the majority
  who chose the presbyter Boniface. The recommendation of the city
  prefect Symmachus secured for the former the recognition of the
  Emperor Honorius; but the determined remonstrance of the majority
  moved him to convene a Synod at Ravenna in A.D. 419 for a final
  settlement of the dispute. When the bishops there assembled
  could not agree, he called a new Synod to meet at Spoleto at the
  approaching Easter festival, and ordered, so as to make an end
  of disturbances and tumults in the city, that both rivals should
  quit Rome until a decision had been reached. Eulalius, however,
  did not regard the injunction but pushed his way by force of arms
  into the city. The Emperor now banished him from Rome on pain of
  death, and at Spoleto the bishops decided in consequence of the
  moderation he had shown, to recognise =Boniface I.=, A.D. 419 to
  A.D. 422, as bishop of Rome. His successor was =Cœlestine I.=,
  A.D. 422 to A.D. 432. Apiarius, who meanwhile, because he
  professed repentance and besought forgiveness, had been restored,
  began anew to offend, was again deposed, and again obtained
  protection and encouragement at Rome. But an African Synod at
  Carthage energetically protested against Cœlestine’s interference,
  charging him with having often referred to a Nicene canon
  warranting the right of appeal to Rome which the most diligent
  inquiries among the churches of Constantinople, Alexandria and
  Antioch, had failed to discover. On the outbreak of the Nestorian
  controversy (§ 52, 3) two opponents again sued for the favour
  of the Roman league; first of all, Nestorius of Constantinople,
  because he professed to have given particular information
  about the Pelagian-minded bishops driven from Italy who sought
  refuge in Constantinople (§ 53, 4) and had immediately made a
  communication about the error of confounding the two natures of
  Christ which had recently sprung up in the East. The brotherly
  tone of this writing, free from any idea of subordination,
  found no response at Rome. The letters of Cyril of Alexandria
  proved more acceptable, filled as they were with cringing
  flatteries of the Roman chair and venomous invectives against the
  Constantinopolitan see and its occupier. Cœlestine unreservedly
  took the side of Cyril, commanded Nestorius under threat of
  deposition and excommunication within ten days to present to
  a Roman Synod, A.D. 420, a written retractation, and remitted
  to Cyril the carrying out of this judgment. To his legates at
  the Council of Ephesus, A.D. 431, he gave the instructions:
  _Auctoritatem sedis apostolicæ custodire debere mandamus.... Ad
  disceptationem si fuerit ventum, vos de eorum sententiis judicare
  debetis, non subire certamen._ The Council decided precisely
  according to Cœlestine’s wish. The proud Alexandrian patriarch
  had recognised Rome as the highest court of appeal; a Western
  educated at Rome, named Maximian, thoroughly submissive to
  Cœlestine, was, with the pope’s hearty approval, raised to the
  patriarchal see of Constantinople as successor of the deposed
  Nestorius; only John of Antioch opposed the decision. Cœlestine’s
  successor =Sixtus III.=, A.D. 432 to A.D. 440, could already
  boast in A.D. 433 that he had put himself superior to the decrees
  of the Council, and in commemoration of the victory dedicated
  a beautiful church newly built to the mother of God, now called
  _S. Maria Maggiore_.[131]

  § 46.7. =From Leo the Great to Simplicius, A.D. 440 to
  A.D. 483.=--=Leo I.=, A.D. 440 to A.D. 461 (comp. § 47, 22),
  unquestionably up to that date the greatest of all the occupants
  of the Roman chair, was also the most powerful, the worthiest and
  most successful vindicator of its authority in the East as well
  as in the West; indeed he may be regarded as properly the founder
  of the Roman papacy as a universal episcopate with the full
  sanction of the civil power. Even the Western Fathers of the 4th
  and 5th centuries, such as Hilary, Ambrose, Jerome and Augustine,
  as also Innocent I., had still interpreted the πέτρα of Matt.
  xvi. 18 partly of the confession of Peter, partly of the Person
  of Christ. First in the time of Cœlestine an attempt was made to
  refer it to the person of Peter. The legates of Cœlestine at the
  Council of Ephesus in A.D. 431 had said: ὅστις, ἕως τοῦ νῦν καὶ
  ἀεὶ ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῦ διαδόχοις καὶ ζῇ καὶ δικάζει. Thus they claimed
  universal primacy as of immediately Divine authority. Leo I.
  adopted this view with all his soul. In the most determined
  and persistent way he carried it out in the West; then next
  in proconsular Africa which had so energetically protested in
  the times of Innocent and Cœlestine against Romish pretensions.
  When news came to him of various improprieties spreading there,
  he sent a legate to investigate, and in consequence of his
  report addressed severe censures which were submitted to without
  opposition. The right of African clerics to appeal to Rome was
  also henceforth unchallenged. In Gaul, however, Leo had still to
  maintain a hard struggle with Hilary, archbishop of Arles, who,
  arrogating to himself the right of a primacy of Gaul, had deposed
  Celedonius, bishop of Besontio, _Besançon_. But Leo took up his
  case and had him vindicated and restored by a Roman Synod. Hilary,
  who came himself to Rome, defied the Pope, escaped threatened
  imprisonment by secret flight, and was then deprived of his
  metropolitan rights. At the same time, in A.D. 445, Leo obtained
  from the young Emperor of the West, Valentinian III., a civil
  enactment which made every sort of resistance to the divinely
  established universal primacy of the Roman see an act of high
  treason.--In the East, too, Leo gained a higher position than had
  ever before been accorded to Rome on account of his moderation
  in the Eutychian controversy (§ 52, 4). Once again was Rome
  called in to mediate between the two conflicting parties. At the
  Robber-Synod of Ephesus in A.D. 449, under the presidency of the
  tyrannical Dioscurus of Alexandria, the legates of Leo were not,
  indeed, allowed to speak. But at the next œcumenical Council at
  Chalcedon in A.D. 451 his doctrine won a brilliant victory; even
  here, however, much objection was raised to his hierarchical
  pretensions. He demanded from the first the presidency for his
  legates, which, however, was assigned not to them, but to the
  imperial commissioners. The demand, too, for the expulsion of
  Dioscurus from the Synod, because he dared _Synodum facere sine
  auctoritate sedis apostolicæ, quod mumquam licuit, numquem factum
  est_, did not, at first at least, receive the answer required.
  When, notwithstanding the opposition of the legates the question
  of the relative ranks of the patriarchs was dealt with, they
  withdrew from the session and subsequently protested against the
  28th canon agreed upon at that session with a reference to the
  6th Nicene canon which in the Roman _translation_, _i.e._ forgery,
  began with the words: _Ecclesia Romana semper habuit primatum_.
  But the Council sent the Acts with a dutiful report to Rome for
  confirmation, whereupon Leo strictly repudiated the 28th canon,
  threatening the church of Constantinople with excommunication,
  and so finally gained his point. The emperor annulled it in
  A.D. 454, and Anatolius, patriarch of Constantinople, was obliged
  to write a humble letter to Leo acquiescing in its erasure; but
  this did not prevent his successor from always maintaining its
  validity (§ 63, 2).--When the wild hordes of Attila, king of the
  Huns, spread terror and consternation by their approach, Leo’s
  priestly form appeared before him as a messenger of God, and
  saved Rome and Italy from destruction. Less successful was his
  priestly intercession with the Arian Vandal chief Genseric,
  whose army in A.D. 455 plundered, burnt and murdered throughout
  Rome for fourteen days; but all the more strikingly after his
  withdrawal did the pope’s ability display itself in restoring
  comfort and order amid scenes of unutterable destitution and
  confusion.

  § 46.8. =From Felix III. to Boniface II., A.D. 483 to
  A.D. 532.=--Under Leo’s second successor, the Rugian or Scyrrian
  Odoacer put an end to the West-Roman empire in A.D. 476 (§ 76, 6).
  As to the enactments of the Roman state, although himself an
  Arian, after seventeen years of a wise rule he left untouched the
  orthodox Roman church, and the Roman bishops could under him, as
  under his successor, the Ostrogoth Theodoric, also an Arian, from
  A.D. 493 to A.D. 526, more freely exercise their ecclesiastical
  functions than under the previous government, all the more
  as neither of these rulers resided in Rome but in Ravenna.
  =Pope Felix III.=, A.D. 483 to A.D. 492, in opposition to the
  Byzantine ecclesiastical policy, which by means of the imperial
  authority had for quite a hundred years retarded the development
  of the orthodox doctrine (§ 52, 5), began a schism lasting
  for thirty-five years between East and West, from A.D. 484 to
  A.D. 519, which no suspicion of disloyal combination with the
  Western rulers can account for. On the appointment of Felix III.
  Odoacer assumed the right of confirming all elections of Popes,
  just as previously the West Roman emperors had claimed, and Rome
  submitted without resistance. The Gothic kings, too, maintained
  this right.--=Gelasius I.=, A.D. 492 to A.D. 496 (comp. § 47, 22),
  ventured before the Emperor Anastasius I., in A.D. 493, to
  indicate the relation of _Sacerdotium_ and _Imperium_ according
  to the Roman conception, which already exhibits in its infant
  stage of development the mediæval theory of the two swords
  (§ 110, 1) and the favourite analogy of the sun and the moon
  (§ 96, 9). His peaceable successor =Anastasius II.=, A.D. 496 to
  A.D. 498, entered into negotiations for peace with the Byzantine
  court; but a number of Roman fanatics wished on this account to
  have him cast out of the communion of the church, and saw in his
  early death a judgment of heaven upon his conduct. He has ever
  since been regarded as a heretic, and as such even Dante consigns
  him to a place in hell. After his death there was a disputed
  election between =Symmachus=, A.D. 498 to A.D. 514, and Laurentius.
  The schism soon degenerated into the wildest civil war, in which
  blood was shed in the churches and in the streets. Theodoric
  decided for Symmachus as the choice of the majority and the first
  ordained, but his opponents then charged him before the king as
  guilty of the gravest crimes. To investigate the charges brought
  against the bishop the king now convened at Rome a Synod of all
  the Italian bishops, _Synodus palmaris_ of A.D. 502, so called
  from the porch of St. Peter’s Church adorned with palms, where it
  first met. As Symmachus on his way to it was met by a wild mob of
  his opponents and only narrowly escaped with his life, Theodoric
  insisted no longer on a regular proof of the charges against
  him. The bishops without any investigation freely proclaimed him
  their pope, and the deacon Eunodius of Pavia, known also as a
  hymn writer, commissioned by them to make an apology for their
  procedure, laid down the proposition that the pope who himself is
  judge over all, cannot be judged of any man. Bloody street fights
  between the two parties, however, still continued by day and
  night. Symmachus’ successor =Hormisdas=, A.D. 514 to A.D. 523,
  had the satisfaction of seeing the Byzantine court, in order
  to prepare the way for the winning back of Italy, seeking
  for reconciliation with the Western church, and in A.D. 519
  submitting to the humbling conditions of restoration to church
  fellowship offered by the pope. A sharp edict of the West Roman
  emperor Justin II. against the Arians of his empire caused
  Theodoric to send an embassy in their favour to Constantinople,
  at the head of which stood =John I.=, A.D. 523 to A.D. 526, with
  a threat of reprisals. The pope, however, seems rather to have
  utilized his journey for intrigues against the Italian government
  of the Goths, for after his return Theodoric caused him to
  be cast into prison, in which he died. He was succeeded by
  =Felix IV.= A.D. 526 to A.D. 530, after whose death the election
  was again disputed by two rivals. This schism, however, was only
  of short duration, since Dioscurus, the choice of the majority,
  died during the next month. His rival =Boniface II.=, A.D. 530
  to A.D. 532, a Goth by birth and favoured by the Ostrogoth
  government, applied himself with extreme severity to put down
  the opposing party.

  § 46.9. =From John II. to Pelagius II., A.D. 532 to
  A.D. 590.=--Meanwhile Justinian I. had been raised to the
  Byzantine throne, and his long reign from A.D. 527 to A.D. 565,
  was in many ways a momentous one for the fortunes of the Roman
  bishopric. The reconquest of Italy, from A.D. 536 to A.D. 553, by
  his generals Belisarius and Narses, and the subsequent founding
  of the Exarchate at Ravenna in A.D. 567, at the head of which a
  representative of the emperor, a so-called Roman patrician stood,
  freed the pope indeed from the control of the Arian Ostrogoths
  which since the restoration of ecclesiastical fellowship with the
  East had become oppressive, but it brought them into a new and
  much more serious dependence. For Justinian and his successors
  demanded from the Roman bishops as well as from the patriarchs of
  Constantinople unconditional obedience.--=Agapetus I.=, A.D. 535
  to A.D. 536, sent as peacemaker by the Goths to Constantinople,
  escaped the fate of John I. perhaps just because he suddenly died
  there. Under his successor =Silverius=, A.D. 536 to A.D. 537,
  Belisarius, in December, A.D. 536, made his entry into Rome,
  and in the March following he deposed the pope and sentenced
  him to banishment. This he did at the instigation of the Empress
  Theodora whose machinations in favour of Monophysitism had been
  already felt by Agapetus. Theodora had already designated the
  wretched =Vigilius=, A.D. 537 to A.D. 555, as his successor. He
  had purchased her favour by the promise of two hundred pounds
  of gold and acquiescence in the condemnation of the so-called
  _three chapters_ (§ 52, 6) so eagerly desired by her. Owing
  to his cowardliness and want of character Africa, North Italy
  and Illyria shook off their allegiance to the Roman see and
  maintained their independence for more than half a century.
  Terrified by this disaster he partly retracted his earlier
  agreement with the empress, and Justinian sent him into exile.
  He submitted unconditionally and was forgiven, but died before
  reaching Rome. =Pelagius I.=, A.D. 555 to A.D. 560, also a
  creature of Theodora, subscribed the agreement and so confirmed
  the Western schism which Gregory the Great first succeeded in
  overcoming.--The fantastic attempt of Justinian to raise his
  obscure birthplace Tauresium, the modern Bulgarian Achrida, to
  the rank of a metropolis as Justinianopolis or _Prima Justiniana_,
  and its bishop to the rank of patriarch with Eastern Illyria as
  his patriarchate, proved, notwithstanding the consent of Vigilius,
  a still-born child.

  § 46.10. =From Gregory I. to Boniface V., A.D. 590 to
  A.D. 625.=--After the papal chair had been held by three
  insignificant popes in succession =Gregory the Great=, A.D. 590
  to A.D. 604 (comp. § 47, 22), was raised to the Apostolic
  see, the greatest, most capable, noblest, most pious and most
  superstitious in the whole long series of popes. He took the
  helm of the church at a time when Italy was reduced to the most
  terrible destitution by the savage and ruthless devastations of
  the Arian Longobards lasting over twenty years (§ 76, 8), and
  neither the emperor nor his exarch at Ravenna had the means of
  affording help. Gregory could not allow Italy and the church to
  perish utterly under these desperate circumstances, and so was
  compelled to assume the functions of civil authority. When the
  Longobards in A.D. 593 oppressed Rome to the uttermost there
  remained nothing for him but to purchase their withdrawal with
  the treasures of the church, and the peace finally concluded
  with them in A.D. 599 was his and not the exarch’s work. The
  exceedingly rich possessions of lands and goods, the so-called
  _Patrimonium Petri_, extending throughout all Italy and the
  islands, brought him the authority of a powerful secular prince
  far beyond the bounds of the Roman duchy, in comparison with
  which the rank of the exarch himself was insignificant. The
  Longobards too treated with him as an independent political power.
  Gregory, therefore, may rightly be regarded as the first founder
  of the temporal power of the Papacy on Italian soil. But all
  this as we can easily understand provoked no small dislike of
  the pope at Constantinople. The pope, on the other hand, was
  angry with the Emperor Maurice because he gave no consideration
  to his demand that the patriarch, Johannes Jejunator, should
  be prohibited from assuming the title Ἐπίσκοπος οἰκουμενικός.
  Gregory’s own position in regard to the primacy appears from
  his Epistles. He writes to the bishop of Syracuse: _Si qua culpa
  in episcopis invenitur, nescio, quis Sedi apostolicæ subjectus
  non sit; cum vero culpa non existit, omnes secundum rationem
  humilitatis æquales sunt_. And with this reservation it was
  certainly meant when he, in a letter to the patriarch of
  Alexandria, who had addressed him as “_Universalis Papa_,”
  most distinctly refused this title and readily conceded to
  the Alexandrian as well as to the Antiochean see, as of Petrine
  origin (the Antiochean directly, § 16, 1; the Alexandrian
  indirectly through Mark, § 16, 4), equal rank and dignity with
  that of Rome; and when he denounced as an anti-Christ every
  bishop who would raise himself above his fellow bishops. Thus
  he compared Johannes Jejunator to Lucifer who wished to exalt
  himself above all the angels. Gregory, on the other hand, in
  proud humility styled himself, as all subsequent popes have done,
  _Servus servorum Dei_. When he extolled the Frankish Jezebel
  Brunhilda [Brunehilda] (§ 77, 7), who had besought him to send
  her relics and at another time a pallium for a bishop, as an
  exemplary pious Christian woman and a wise ruler, he may, owing
  to the defective communication between Rome and Gaul, have had
  no authentic information about her doings and disposition. The
  memory of the otherwise noble-minded pope is more seriously
  affected by his conduct in reference to the emperor Phocas,
  A.D. 602 to A.D. 610, the murderer of the noble and just emperor
  Maurice, whom he congratulates upon his elevation to the throne,
  and makes all the angelic choirs of heaven and all tongues on
  earth break forth in jubilees and hymns of thanksgiving; but even
  here again, when he thus wrote, the news of his iniquities,--not
  only the slaughter of the emperor, but also of his queen, his
  five sons and three daughters, etc., by which this demon in
  human form cut his way to the throne,--may not have been known to
  him in their full extent.--Phocas, however, showed himself duly
  thankful, for at the request of pope =Boniface III.=, A.D. 606
  to A.D. 607, he refused to allow the patriarch of Constantinople
  to assume the title of Universal bishop, while at the same time
  he formally acknowledged the chair of Peter at Rome as _Caput
  omnium ecclesiarum_. To the next pope =Boniface IV.=, A.D. 608 to
  A.D. 615, he presented the beautiful Pantheon at Rome, which from
  being a temple dedicated to Cybele, the mother of the gods, and
  to all the gods, he turned into a church of the mother of God and
  of all the martyrs.[132]

  § 46.11. =From Honorius I. to Gregory III., A.D. 625 to
  A.D. 741.=--For almost fifty years, from A.D. 633 under
  =Honorius I.=, A.D. 625 to A.D. 638, the third successor of
  Boniface IV., the _Monothelite controversy_ (§ 52, 8) continued
  its disastrous course. Honorius, a pious and peace-loving man,
  had seen nothing objectionable in this attempt of the Emperor
  Heraclius (A.D. 611 to A.D. 641) to win the numerous Monophysites
  back to the unity of the church by the concession of _one_ will
  in the two natures of Christ, and was prepared to co-operate in
  the work. But the conviction grew more and more strong that the
  doctrine proposed in the interests of peace was itself heretical.
  All subsequent bishops of Rome therefore unanimously condemned as
  an accursed heresy (§ 52, 9), what their predecessor Honorius had
  agreed to and confessed. This explains how the exarch of Ravenna
  delayed for more than a year the confirmation of the election
  of the next pope, =Severinus=, A.D. 638 to A.D. 640, and granted
  it only in A.D. 640 as amends for his wholesale plundering of
  the treasury of the Roman church to supply his own financial
  deficiencies. In the time of =Martin I.=, A.D. 649 to A.D. 653,
  the Emperor Constans II., A.D. 642 to A.D. 668, sought to make
  an end of the bitter controversy by the strict prohibition of any
  statement as to one will or two wills. The determined pope had to
  suffer for his opposition by severe imprisonment and still more
  trying banishment, in which he suffered from hunger and other
  miseries (A.D. 655). The new emperor Constantinus Pogonnatus,
  A.D. 668 to A.D. 685, finally recognised the indispensable
  necessity of securing reconciliation with the West. In A.D. 680,
  he convened an œcumenical Council at Constantinople at which the
  legates of the pope =Agatho=, A.D. 678 to A.D. 682, the fifth
  successor of Martin I., once more prescribed to the Greeks what
  should henceforth be regarded throughout the whole empire as
  the orthodox faith. The Council sent its Acts to Rome with the
  request that they might be confirmed, which Agatho’s successor,
  =Leo II.=, A.D. 682 to A.D. 683, did, notwithstanding the
  condemnation therein very pointedly expressed of the heretical
  pope Honorius, which indeed he explicitly approved.--Once again
  in A.D. 686, the Roman church was threatened with a schism by a
  double election to the papal chair. This, however, was averted
  by the opposing electors, lay and clerical, agreeing to set
  aside both candidates and uniting together in the election of
  the =Thracian Conon=, A.D. 686 to A.D. 687. Precisely the same
  thing happened with a similar result on the death of Conon.
  The new candidate whom both parties agreed upon this time was
  =Sergius I.=, A.D. 687 to A.D. 701, but he was obliged to purchase
  the exarch’s confirmation by a present of a hundred pounds of gold.
  His rejection of the conclusions of the second Trullan Council
  at Constantinople in A.D. 692 (§ 63, 2), which in various points
  disregarded the pretensions of Rome, brought him into conflict
  with the emperor Justinian II., A.D. 685 to A.D. 711. The result
  of this contest was to show that the power and authority of the
  pope in Italy were at this time greater than those of the emperor.
  When the emperor sent a high official to Rome with the order
  to bring the pope prisoner to Constantinople, almost the whole
  population of the exarchate gathered out in the pope’s defence.
  The Byzantine ambassador sought and obtained protection from the
  pope, under whose bed he crept, and was then allowed to quit Rome
  in safety, followed by the scorn and abuse of the people. Soon
  thereafter, in A.D. 695, Justinian was overthrown, and with slit
  ears and nose sent into exile. In A.D. 705, having been restored
  by the Bulgarian king, he immediately took fearful revenge upon
  the rebel inhabitants of Ravenna. Pope Constantine I., A.D. 708
  to A.D. 715, intimidated by what he had seen, did not dare to
  refuse the imperial mandate which summoned him to Byzantium
  for the arrangement of ecclesiastical differences. With fear
  and trembling he embarked. But he succeeded in coming to an
  understanding with the emperor, who received and dismissed him
  with every token of respect. Under his successor, =Gregory II.=,
  A.D. 715 to A.D. 731, the Byzantine iconoclast controversy
  (§ 66, 1) gave occasion to an almost complete rupture between
  the papacy and the Byzantine empire; and under =Gregory III.=,
  A.D. 731 to A.D. 741, the papacy definitely withdrew from the
  Byzantine and put itself under the Frankish government. Down to
  the latest age of the exarchate of Ravenna the confirmation of
  papal elections by the emperor or his representative, the exarch,
  was always maintained, and only after it had been given was
  consecration allowed. This is proved both from the biographies
  of the papal books and from the relative formulæ of petition in
  the _Liber diurnus Rom. Pontificum_, a collection of formulæ for
  the performance of the most important acts in the service of the
  Romish Church made between A.D. 685 and A.D. 751. The election
  itself was in the hands of the three orders of the city (_clerus_,
  _exercitus_ and _populus_).--Continuation § 82.



                III. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND LITERATURE.


      § 47. THE THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS AND THEIR MOST CELEBRATED
                            REPRESENTATIVES.

  The Ancient Church reached its highest glory during the 4th and
5th centuries. The number of theological schools properly so-called
(§ 45, 1) was indeed small, and so the most celebrated theologians
were self-taught in theology. But all the greater must the intellectual
resources of this age have been and all the more powerful the general
striving after culture, when the outward means, helps and opportunities
for obtaining scientific training were so few. The middle of the 5th
century, marked by the Council of Chalcedon in A.D. 451, may be regarded
as the turning point where the greatest height in theological science
and in other ecclesiastical developments was reached, and from this
point we may date the beginnings of decline. After this the spirit
of independent research gradually disappeared from the Eastern as
well as from the Western Church. Political oppression, hierarchical
exclusiveness, narrowing monasticism and encroaching barbarism choked
all free scientific effort, and the industry of compilers took the place
of fresh youthful intellectual production. The authority of the older
church teachers stood so high and was regarded as binding in so eminent
a degree that at the Councils argument was carried on almost solely
by means of quotations from the writings of those fathers who had been
recognised as orthodox.

  § 47.1. =The Theological Schools and Tendencies:=

    a. =In the 4th and 5th centuries.=--Since the time of the
       two Dionysiuses (§ 33, 7) the Alexandrian theology had
       been divided into two different directions which we may
       distinguish as the old and the new Alexandrian. =The Old
       Alexandrian School= held by the subordinationist view
       of Origen and strove to keep open to scientific research
       as wide a field as possible. Its representatives showed
       deep reverence for Origen but avoided his more eccentric
       speculations. Its latest offshoot was the _Semiarianism_
       with which it came to an end in the middle of the 4th
       century. This same free scientific tendency in theology
       was yet more decidedly shown in =the Antiochean School=.
       Although at first animated by the spirit which Origen had
       introduced into theology, its further development was a
       thoroughly independent one, departing from its original
       in many particulars. To the allegorical method of
       interpretation of the Origenist school it opposed
       the natural grammatico-historical interpretation, to its
       mystical speculation, clear positive thinking. Inquiry into
       the simple literal sense of holy scripture and the founding
       of a purely biblical theology were its tasks. Averse to all
       mysteries, it strove after a positive, rational conception
       of Christianity and after a construction of dogma by
       means of clear logical thought. Hence its dogmatic aim was
       pre-eminently the careful distinguishing of the divine and
       human in Christ and in Christianity, forming a conception
       of each by itself and securing especially in both due
       recognition of the human. The theology of the national
       =East-Syrian Church=, far more than that of the Antiochean
       or Græco-Syrian, was essentially bound down by tradition.
       It had its seminaries in the theological schools of Nisibis
       and Edessa. The oriental spirit was here displayed in an
       unrestricted manner; also a tendency to theosophy, mysticism
       and asceticism, a special productiveness in developing forms
       of worship and constitution, and withal doctrinal stability.
       In their exegesis the members of this school co-operated
       with the Antiocheans, though not so decidedly, in opposing
       the arbitrary allegorizing of the Origenist school, but
       their exegetical activity was not, as with the Antiocheans,
       scientific and critical but rather practical and homiletical.
       =The New Alexandrian School= was the prevailing one for the
       4th century so far as Alexandrian culture was concerned.
       Its older representatives, at least, continued devotedly
       attached to Origen and favourable to the speculative
       treatment of Christian doctrine introduced by him. But
       they avoided his unscriptural extravagances and carried out
       consistently the ecclesiastical elements of his doctrine. By
       a firm acceptance of the doctrine of the eternal generation
       of the Son they overcame the subordinationism of their
       master, and in this broke away from the old Alexandrian
       school and came into closer relations to the theology of the
       Western church. To the Antiochean school, however, they were
       directly opposed in respect of the delight they took in the
       mysteries of Christianity, and their disinclination to allow
       the reason to rule in theology. The union of the divine and
       human in Christ and in Christianity seemed to them a sublime,
       incomprehensible mystery, any attempt to resolve it being
       regarded as alike useless and profane. But in this way
       the human element became more and more lost to view and
       became absorbed in the divine. They energetically affirmed
       the inseparable union of the two, but thereby lost the
       consciousness of their distinctness and fell into the
       contrary error of Antiochean onesidedness. With Cyril of
       Alexandria the New Alexandrian school properly began to
       assume the form of a sect and to show symptoms of decay,
       although he himself retained the reputation of an orthodox
       teacher. =The Western Theology= of this period, as well as
       its North-African precursor (§ 31, 10, 11), energetically
       insisted upon the application of Christianity to the life,
       the development of the doctrines affecting this matter
       and the maintenance of the church system of doctrine as a
       strong protection against all wilfulness in doctrine. In
       it therefore the traditional theology finds its chief home.
       Still the points of contact with the East were so many and
       so vital that however much inclined to stability the West
       might be, it could not altogether remain unmoved and without
       enrichment from the theological movements of the age. Thus
       we distinguish in the West four different but variously
       inter-connected tendencies. First of all there is the
       genuinely _Western_, which is separated on the one hand in
       Tertullian and Cyprian, but on the other hand is variously
       influenced by the talented teachers of the New Alexandrian
       School, which continued to mould and dominate the cultured
       theology of the West. Its chief representatives are
       Hilary of Poitiers, Ambrose, and above all, Augustine,
       who completely freed the Latin theology from its hitherto
       prevailing dependence on the Greek, placing it now upon its
       own feet. The representatives of this tendency were at first
       in complete accord with the members of the New Alexandrian
       school in their opposition to the semi-Arian Origenists
       and the Nestorianizing Antiocheans, but then as that school
       itself drifted into the position of a heretical sect, they
       also decidedly contended for the other side of the truth
       which the Antiochean school maintained. A second group of
       Western theologians were inspired by the writings of Origen,
       without, however, abandoning the characteristics of the
       Western spirit. To this class belongs Jerome, who afterwards
       repudiated his master and joined the previously named school,
       and Rufinus. The third group of Pelagians represent the
       practical but cool rationalistic tendency of the West. The
       fourth is that of the semi-Pelagians who in the Western
       theology intermingle synergistic elements of an Antiochean
       complexion.

    b. =Of the 6th and 7th Centuries.=--The brilliant period
       of theological literature had now closed. There still
       were scholars who wrought laboriously upon the original
       contributions of the fathers, and reproduced the thoughts
       of their predecessors in a new shape suited to the needs
       of the time, but spirit and life, creative power and
       original productivity had well nigh disappeared. After the
       monophysite Johannes Philoponus of Alexandria had commented
       on the works of Aristotle and applied their categories
       to theology, the Platonic philosophy, hitherto on account
       of its ideal contents the favourite of all philosophizing
       church fathers, was more and more set aside by the
       philosophy of the Stagirite so richly developed on the
       formal side. The theology of the Greeks even at so early a
       date assumed to some extent the character of Scholasticism.
       Alongside of it, however, we have a theosophic mysticism
       which reverting from the tendency that had lately come into
       vogue to Neoplatonic ideas, drew its chief inspiration from
       the Pseudo-Dionysian writings. In the West, in addition to
       the general causes of decay, we have also the sufferings of
       the times amid the tumult of the migration of the nations.
       In Italy Boëthius and Cassiodorus won for themselves
       imperishable renown as the fosterers of classical and
       patristic studies in an age when these were in danger of
       being utterly forgotten. The series of Latin church fathers
       in the strict sense ends with Gregory the Great; that of
       Greek church fathers with Johannes Damascenus.



         1. THE MOST IMPORTANT TEACHERS OF THE EASTERN CHURCH.

  § 47.2. =The Most Celebrated Representative of the Old
  Alexandrian School= is the father of Church History =Eusebius
  Pamphili=, _i.e._, the friend of Pamphilus (§ 31, 6), bishop
  of Cæsarea from A.D. 314 to A.D. 340. The favour of the emperor
  Constantine laid the imperial archives open to him for his
  historical studies. By his unwearied diligence as an investigator
  and collector he far excels all the church teachers of his age
  in comprehensive learning, to which we owe a great multitude of
  precious extracts from long lost writings of pagan and Christian
  antiquity. His style is jejune, dry and clumsy, sometimes
  bombastic. His =Historical Writings= supported on all sides by
  diligent research, want system and regularity, and suffer from
  disproportionate treatment and distribution of the material. To
  his Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ ἱστορία in 10 bks., reaching down to A.D. 324,
  he adds a highly-coloured biography of Constantine in 4 bks.,
  which is in some respects a continuation of his history; and
  to it, again, he adds a fawning panegyric on the emperor.--At
  a later date he wrote an account of the Martyrs of Palestine
  during the Diocletian persecution which was afterwards added
  as an appendix to the 8th bk. of the History. A collection of
  old martyrologies, three bks. on the life of Pamphilus, and a
  treatise on the origin, celebration and history of the Easter
  festival, have all been lost. Of great value, especially for the
  synchronizing of biblical and profane history, was his diligently
  compiled Chronicle, Παντοδαπὴ ἱστορία, similar to that of Julius
  Africanus (§ 31, 3), an abstract of universal history reaching
  down to A.D. 352, to which chronological and synchronistic tables
  were added as a second part. The Greek original has been lost,
  but Jerome translated it into Latin, with arbitrary alterations,
  and carried it down to A.D. 378.--The =Apologetical Writings=
  take the second place in importance. Still extant are the two
  closely-connected works: _Præparatio Evangelica_, Εὐαγγελικὴ
  προπαρασκευή, in 15 bks., and the _Demonstratio Evangelica_,
  Εὐαγγελικὴ ἀπόδειξις, in 8 out of an original of 20 bks. The
  former proves the absurdity of heathenism; the latter, the truth
  and excellence of Christianity. A condensed reproduction of
  the contents and text of the Θεοφανεία in 5 bks. is found only
  in a Syriac translation. The Ἐκλογαὶ προφητικαί in 4 bks., of
  which only a portion is extant, expounds the Old Testament in an
  allegorizing fashion for apologetic purposes; and the treatise
  against Hierocles (§ 23, 3) contests his comparison of Christ
  with Apollonius of Tyana. A treatise in 30 bks. against Porphyry,
  and some other apologetical works are lost.--His =Dogmatic
  Writings= are of far less value. These treatises--Κατὰ Μαρκέλλου,
  in 2 bks., the one already named against Hierocles, and Περὶ τῆς
  ἐκκλησιαστικῆς θεολογίας, also against Marcellus (§ 50, 2)--are
  given as an Appendix in the editions of the _Demonstratio
  Evangelica_. On his share in Pamphilus’ Apology for Origen, see
  § 31, 6; and on his Ep. to the Princess Constantia, see § 57, 4.
  The weakness of his dogmatic productions was caused by his
  vacillating and mediating position in the Arian controversy,
  where he was the mouthpiece of the moderate semi-Arians
  (§ 50, 1, 3), and this again was due to his want of speculative
  capacity and dogmatic culture.--Of his =Exegetical Writings=
  the Commentaries on Isaiah and the Psalms are the most complete,
  but of the others we have only fragments. We have, however, his
  Τοπικά in the Latin translation of Jerome: _De Situ et Nominibus
  Locorum Hebraeorum_.[133]

  § 47.3. =Church Fathers of the New Alexandrian School.=

    a. The most conspicuous figure in the church history of the
       4th century is =Athanasius=, styled by an admiring posterity
       _Pater orthodoxiæ_. He was indeed every inch of him a church
       father, and the history of his life is the history of the
       church of his times. His life was full of heroic conflict.
       Unswervingly faithful, he was powerful and wise in building
       up the church; great in defeat, great in victory. His was a
       life in which insight, will and action, earnestness, force
       and gentleness, science and faith, blended in most perfect
       harmony. In A.D. 319 he was a deacon in Alexandria. His
       bishop Alexander soon discovered the eminent gifts of the
       young man and took him with him to the Council of Nicæa
       in A.D. 325, where he began the battle of his life. Soon
       thereafter, in A.D. 328, Alexander died and Athanasius
       became his successor. He was bishop for forty-five years,
       but was five times driven into exile. He spent about
       twenty years in banishment, mostly in the West, and died
       in A.D. 373. His writings are for the most part devoted
       to controversy against the Arians (§ 50, 6); but he
       also contested Apollinarianism (§ 52, 1), and vindicated
       Christianity against the attacks of the heathens in the
       pre-Arian treatise in two bks. _Contra Gentes_, Κατὰ Ἑλλήνων,
       the first bk. of which argues against heathenism, while the
       second expounds the necessity of the incarnation of God in
       Christ. For a knowledge of his life and pastoral activity
       the _Librî paschales_, Festal letters (§ 56, 3), are of
       great value.[134] Of less importance are his exegetical,
       allegorical writings on the Psalms. His dogmatic,
       apologetical and polemical works are all characterized
       by sharp dialectic and profound speculation, and afford
       a great abundance of brilliant thoughts, skilful arguments
       and discussions on fundamental points in a style as clear
       as it is eloquent; but we often miss systematic arrangement
       of the material, and they suffer from frequent repetition
       of the same fundamental thoughts, defects which, from the
       circumstances of their composition, amid the hot combats of
       his much agitated life, may very easily be understood and
       excused.[135]

  § 47.4. =(The Three Great Cappadocians.)=--

    b. =Basil the Great=, bishop of his native city of Cæsarea
       in Cappadocia, is in very deed a “kingly” figure in church
       history. His mother Emmelia and his grandmother Macrina
       early instilled pious feelings into his youthful breast.
       Studying at Athens, a friendship founded on love to the
       church and science soon sprang up between him and his
       likeminded countryman Gregory Nazianzen, and somewhat
       later his own brother Gregory of Nyssa became an equally
       attached member of the fraternity. After he had visited
       the most celebrated ascetics in Syria, Palestine and
       Egypt, he continued long to live in solitude as an ascetic,
       distributed his property among the poor, and became
       presbyter in A.D. 364, bishop in A.D. 370. He died in
       A.D. 379. The whole rich life of the man breathed of the
       faith that overcometh the world, of self-denying love and
       noble purpose. He gave the whole powers of his mind to
       the holding together of the Catholic church in the East
       during the violent persecution of the Arian Valens. The
       most beautiful testimony to his noble character was the
       magnificent Basil institute, a hospital in Cæsarea, to which
       he, while himself living in the humblest manner, devoted
       all his rich revenues. His writings, too, entitle Basil
       to a place among the most distinguished church fathers.
       They afford evidence of rich classical culture as well as of
       profound knowledge of Scripture and of human nature, and are
       vigorous in expression, beautiful and pictorial in style.
       In exegesis he follows the allegorical method. Among his
       dogmatic writings the following are the most important:
       Ll. 5 _Adv. Eunomium_ (§ 50, 3) and _De Spiritu s. ad
       Amphilochium_ against the Pneumatomachians (§ 50, 5). The
       other writings bearing his name comprise 365 Epistles,
       moral and ascetic tractates, Homilies on the Hexæmeron and
       13 Psalms, and Discourses (among them, Πρὸς τοὺς νέους,
       ὁπως ἂν ἐξ ἑλληνικῶν ὠφελοῖντο λόγων), a larger and a
       short Monastic rule, and a Liturgy.[136]

    c. =Gregory Nazianzen= was born in the Cappadocian village
       Arianz. His father Gregory, in his earlier days a
       Hypsistarian (§ 42, 6), but converted by his pious wife
       Nonna, became bishop of Nazianzum [Nazianzen]. The son, after
       completing his studies in Cæsarea, Alexandria and Athens,
       spent some years with Basil in his cloister in Pontus, but,
       when his father allowed himself to be prevailed upon to sign
       an Arianizing confession, he hasted to Nazianzum [Nazianzen],
       induced him to retract, and was there and then suddenly and
       against his will ordained by him a presbyter in A.D. 361.
       From that time, always vacillating between the desire for
       a quiet contemplative ascetic life and the impulse toward
       ecclesiastical official activity, easily attracted and
       repelled, not without ambition, and so sometimes irritable
       and out of humour, he led a very changeful life, which
       prevented him succeeding in one definite calling. Basil
       transferred to him the little bishopric of Sasima; but
       Gregory fled thence into the wilderness to escape the
       ill-feelings stirred up against him. He was also for a long
       time assistant to his father in the bishopric of Nazianzum
       [Nazianzen]. He withdrew, however, in A.D. 375, when the
       congregation in spite of his refusal appointed him successor
       to his father. Then the small, forsaken company of Nicene
       believers in Constantinople called him to be their pastor.
       He accepted the call in A.D. 379, and delivered here in a
       private chapel, which he designated by the significant name
       of Anastasia, his celebrated five discourses on the divinity
       of the Logos, which won for him the honourable title of
       ὁ θεόλογος. He was called thence by Theodosius the Great in
       A.D. 380 to be patriarch of the capital, and had assigned
       to him the presidency of the Synod of Constantinople in
       A.D. 381. But the malice of his enemies forced him to resign.
       He returned now to Nazianzum [Nazianzen], administered for
       several years the bishopric there, and died in A.D. 390 in
       rural retirement, without having fully realised the motto
       of his life: Πράξις ἐπίβασις θεωρίας. His writings consist
       of 45 Discourses, 242 Epistles, and several poems (§ 48, 5).
       After the 5 λόγοι θεολογικοί and the Λόγος περὶ φυγῆς (a
       justification of his flight from Nazianzum [Nazianzen] by
       a representation of the eminence and responsibility of the
       priesthood), the most celebrated are two philippics, Λόγοι
       στηλιτευτικοί (στηλίτευσις=the mark branded on one at
       the public pillory), _Invectivæ in Julianum Imperatorem_,
       occasioned by Julian’s attempt to deprive the Christians
       of the means of classical culture.[137]

    d. =Gregory of Nyssa= was the younger brother of Basil. In
       philosophical gifts and scientific culture he excelled his
       two elder friends. His theological views too were rooted
       more deeply than theirs in those of Origen. But in zeal
       in controverting Arianism he was not a whit behind them,
       and his reputation among contemporaries and posterity is
       scarcely less than theirs. Basil ordained him bishop of
       Nyssa in A.D. 371, and thus, not without resistance, took
       him away from the office of a teacher of eloquence. The
       Arians, however, drove him from his bishopric, to which he
       was restored only after the death of the Emperor Valens.
       He died in A.D. 394. He took his share in the theological
       controversies of his times and wrote against Eunomius and
       Apollinaris. His dogmatic treatises are full of profound
       and brilliant thoughts, and especially the Λόγος κατηχητικὸς
       ὁ μέγας, an instruction how to win over Jews and Gentiles
       to the truth of Christianity; Περὶ ψυχῆς καὶ ἀναστάσεως,
       conversations between him and his sister Macrina after the
       death of their brother Basil, one of his most brilliant
       works; Κατὰ εἱμαρμένης, against the fatalistic theory of
       the world of paganism; Πρὸς Ἕλληνας ἐκ τῶν κοινῶν ἐννοίων,
       for the establishment of the doctrine of the Trinity on
       principles of reason. In his numerous exegetical writings
       he follows the allegorical method in the brilliant style of
       Origen. We also have from him some ascetical tracts, several
       sermons and 26 Epistles.

  § 47.5.

    e. =Apollinaris=, called the Younger, to distinguish him
       from his father of the same name, was a contemporary of
       Athanasius, and bishop of Laodicea. He died in A.D. 390.
       A fine classical scholar and endowed with rich poetic gifts,
       he distinguished himself as a defender of Christianity
       against the attacks of the heathen philosopher Porphyry
       (§ 23, 3) and also as a brilliant controversialist against
       the Arians; but he too went astray when alongside of the
       trinitarian question he introduced those Christological
       speculations that are now known by his name (§ 52, 1).
       That we have others of his writings besides the quotations
       found in the treatises of his opponents, is owing to the
       circumstance that several of them were put into circulation
       by his adherents under good orthodox names in order to get
       impressed upon the views developed therein the stamp of
       orthodoxy. The chief of these is Ἡ κατὰ μέρος (_i.e._
       developed bit by bit) πίστις, which has come down to us
       under the name of Gregory Thaumaturgus (§ 31, 6). Theodoret
       quotes passages from it and assigns them to Apollinaris,
       and its contents too are in harmony with this view. So
       too with the tract Περὶ τῆς σαρκώσεως τοῦ Θεοῦ Λόγου, _De
       Incarnatione Verbi_, ascribed to Athanasius, which a scholar
       of Apollinaris, named Polemon, with undoubted accuracy
       ascribed to his teacher. That Cyril of Alexandria ascribes
       this last-named tract to Athanasius may be taken as proof of
       the readiness of the Monophysites and their precursor Cyril
       to pass off the false as genuine (§ 52, 2). To Apollinaris
       belong also an Epistle to Dionysius attributed to Julius,
       bishop of Rome (§ 50, 2) and a tract, attributed to the
       same, Περὶ τῆς ἐν Χριστῷ ἑνότητος τοῦ σώματος πρὸς τὴν
       θεότητα, which were also assigned to Apollinaris by his own
       scholars. Finally, the Pseudo-Justin Ἔκθεσις τῆς πίστεως
       ἤτοι περὶ τριάδος seems to be a reproduction of a treatise
       of Apollinaris’ Περὶ τριάδος, supposed to be lost, enlarged
       with clumsy additions and palmed off in this form under the
       venerated name of Justin Martyr.

    f. =Didymus the Blind= lost his sight when four years of age,
       but succeeded in making wonderful attainments in learning.
       He was for fifty years Catechist in Alexandria, and as such
       the last brilliant star in the catechetical school. He died
       in A.D. 395. An enthusiastic admirer of Origen, he also
       shared many of his eccentric views, _e.g._ Apocatastasis,
       pre-existence of the soul, etc. But also in consequence of
       the theological controversies of the times he gave to his
       theology a decidedly ecclesiastical turn. His writings were
       numerous; but only a few have been preserved. His book _De
       Spiritu S._ is still extant in a Latin translation of Jerome;
       his controversial tract against the Manichæans is known
       only from fragments. His chief work _De S. Trinitate_, Περὶ
       τριάδος, in 3 bks., in which he showed himself a vigorous
       defender of the Nicene Creed, was brought to light in the
       18th century. A commentary on the Περὶ ἀρχῶν of Origen
       now lost, was condemned at the second Council of Nicæa in
       A.D. 787.

  § 47.6.

    g. =Macarius Magnes=, bishop of Magnesia in Asia Minor about
       A.D. 403, under the title Μονογενὴς ἢ Ἀποκριτικός, etc.,
       wrote an apology for Christianity in 5 bks., only recovered
       in A.D. 1867, which takes the form of an account of a
       disputation with a heathen philosopher. Doctrinally it has
       a strong resemblance to the works of Gregory of Nyssa. The
       material assigned to the opponent is probably taken from
       the controversial tract of Porphyry (§ 23, 3).

    h. =Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria=, was the nephew, protegé
       and, from A.D. 412, also the successor of Theophilus
       (§ 51, 3). The zealous and violent temper of the uncle was
       not without an injurious influence upon the character of the
       nephew. At the _Synodus ad Quercum_ in A.D. 403, he voted
       for the condemnation of Chrysostom, but subsequently, on
       further consideration, he again of his own accord entered
       upon the _diptyche_ (§ 59, 6) of the Alexandrian church
       the name of the disgracefully persecuted man. In order to
       revenge himself upon the Jews by whom in a popular tumult
       Christian blood had been shed, he came down upon them at
       the head of a mob, drove them out of the city and destroyed
       their houses. He also bears no small share of the odium of
       the horrible murder of the noble Hypatia (§ 42, 4). He shows
       himself equally passionate and malevolent in the contest
       with the Nestorians and the Antiocheans (§ 52, 3), and
       to this controversy many of his treatises, as well as
       87 epistles, are almost entirely devoted. The most important
       of his writings is Πρὸς τὰ τοῦ ἐν ἀθέοις Ἰουλιανοῦ (§ 42, 5).
       He systematically developed in almost scholastic fashion the
       dogma of the Trinity in his _Thesaurus de S. Consubstantiali
       Trinitate_; and in a briefer and more popular form, in two
       short tracts. As a preacher he was held in so high esteem,
       that, as Gennadius relates, Greek bishops learnt his homilies
       by heart and gave them to their congregations instead of
       compositions of their own. His 30 Λόγοι ἑορταστικοί, _Homiliæ
       paschales_, delivered at the Easter festivals observed in
       Alexandria (§ 56, 3), in unctuous language expatiate upon
       the burning questions of the day, mostly polemical against
       Jews, heathens, Arians and Nestorians. His commentaries
       on the books of the Old and New Testaments illustrate the
       extreme arbitrariness of the typical-allegorical method.[138]
       The treatise Περὶ τῆς ἐν πνεύματι καὶ ἀληθείᾳ προσκυνήσεως
       gives a typical exposition of the ceremonial law of Moses,
       and his Γλαφυρά contain “ornate and elegant,” _i.e._
       typical-allegorical, expositions of selected passages from
       the Pentateuch.

    i. =Isidore of Pelusium=, priest and abbot of a monastery
       at Pelusium in Egypt, who died about A.D. 450, was one of
       the noblest, most gifted and liberal representatives of
       monasticism of his own and of all times. A warm supporter of
       the new Alexandrian system of doctrine but also conciliatory
       and moderate in his treatment of the persons of opponents,
       while firm and decided in regard to the subject in debate,
       he most urgently entreats Cyril to moderation. His writings
       _Contra Gentiles_ and _Contra Fatum_ are lost; but his still
       extant 2,012 Epistles in 5 bks. afford a striking evidence
       of the richness of his intellect and of his culture, as
       well as of the great esteem in which he was held and of
       his far-reaching influence. His exegesis, too, which always
       inclines to a simple literal sense, is of far greater
       importance than that of the other Alexandrians.

  § 47.7. (=Mystics and Philosophers.=)

    k. =Macarius the Great or the Elder=, monk and priest in
       the Scetic desert, was exiled by the Arian Emperor Valens
       on account of his zeal for Nicene orthodoxy. He died in
       A.D. 391. From his writings, consisting of 50 Homilies, a
       number of Apophthegms, some epistles and prayers, there is
       breathed forth a deep warm mysticism with various approaches
       to Augustine’s soteriological views, while other passages
       seem to convey quite a Pelagian type of doctrine.

    l. =Marcus Eremita=, a like-minded younger contemporary of
       the preceding, lived about A.D. 400 as an inhabitant of
       the Scetic desert. We possess of his writings only nine
       tracts of an ascetic mystical kind, the second of which,
       bearing the title Περὶ τῶν οἰομένων ἐξ ἔργων δικαιοῦσθαι,
       has secured for them a place in the Roman Index with the
       note “_Caute legenda_.” However even in his mysticism
       contradictory views, Augustinian and Pelagian, in regard
       to human freedom and divine grace, on predestination and
       sanctification, etc., find a place alongside one another,
       and have prominence given them according to the writer’s
       humour and the requirement of his meditation or exhortation.

    m. =Synesius of Cyrene=,[139] subsequently bishop of Ptolemais
       in Egypt, was a disciple of the celebrated Hypatia (§ 42, 4)
       and an enthusiastic admirer of Plato. He died about A.D. 420.
       A happy husband and father, in comfortable circumstances
       and devoted to the study of philosophy, he could not for a
       long time be prevailed upon to accept a bishopric. He openly
       confessed his Origenistic heterodoxy in reference to the
       resurrection doctrine, the eternity of the world, as well
       as the pre-existence of the soul. He also publicly declared
       that as bishop he would continue the marriage relation with
       his wife, and no one took offence thereat. In the episcopal
       office he distinguished himself by noble zeal and courage
       which knew no fear of man. His 10 Hymns contain echoes of
       Valentinian views (§ 27, 4), and his philosophical tracts
       are only to a small extent dominated by Christian ideas. His
       155 Epistles are more valuable as illustrating on every hand
       his noble character.

    n. =Nemesius, Bishop of Emesa= in Phœnicia, lived in the
       first half of the 5th century. He left behind a brilliant
       treatise on religious philosophy, Περὶ φύσεως ἀνθρώπου. The
       traditional doctrine of the Eastern church is unswervingly
       set forth by him; still he too finds therein a place for
       the eternity of the world, the pre-existence of the soul, a
       migration of souls (excluding, however, the brute creation),
       the unconditional freedom of the will, etc.

    o. =Æneas of Gaza=, a disciple of the Neo-Platonist Hierocles
       and a rhetorician in Alexandria, about A.D. 437 wrote a
       dialogue directed against the Origenistic doctrines of the
       eternity of the world and the pre-existence of the soul; as
       also against the Neo-Platonic denial of the resurrection of
       the body. It bore the title: Θεόφραστος.

  § 47.8. =The Antiocheans.=

    a. =Eusebius of Emesa= was born at Edessa and studied in
       Cæsarea and Antioch. A quiet, peaceful scholar, and one who
       detested all theological wrangling, he declined the call to
       the Alexandrian bishopric in place of the deposed Athanasius
       in A.D. 341, but accepted the obscure bishopric of Emesa. He
       was not, however, to be left here. When, on account of his
       mathematical and astronomical attainments, the people there
       suspected him of sorcery, he quitted Emesa and from that date
       till his death in A.D. 360 taught in Antioch. Of his numerous
       exegetical, dogmatical and polemical writings only a few
       fragments are extant.

    b. =Diodorus of Tarsus=, a scholar of the preceding, monk and
       presbyter at Antioch, was afterwards bishop of Tarsus in
       Cilicia, and died in A.D. 394. Only a few fragments of his
       numerous writings survive. As an exegete he concerned himself
       with the plain grammatico-historical sense and contested
       the Alexandrian mode of interpretation in the treatise: Τίς
       διαφορὰ θεωρίας καὶ ἀλληγορίας. By θεωρία he understands
       insight into the relations transcending the bare literal
       sense but yet essentially present in it as the ideal. By his
       polemic against Apollinaris (§ 52, 1), he imprinted upon the
       Antiochean school its specific dogmatic character (§ 52, 2),
       in consequence of which he was at a later period regarded as
       the original founder of the Nestorian party.

    c. His scholar again was =John of Antioch=, whose proper name
       afterwards almost disappeared before the honourable title of
       =Chrysostom=. Educated by his early widowed mother Arethusa
       with the greatest care, he attended the rhetoric school
       of Libanius and started with great success as an advocate
       in Antioch. But after receiving baptism he abandoned his
       practice and became a monk. He was made deacon in A.D. 380
       and presbyter in A.D. 386 in his native city. His brilliant
       eloquence raised him at last in A.D. 398 to the patriarchal
       chair at Constantinople (§ 51, 3). He died in exile in
       A.D. 407. Next to Athanasius and the three Cappadocians
       he is one of the most talented of the Eastern fathers, the
       only one of the Antiochean school whose orthodoxy has never
       been questioned. In his exegesis he follows the fundamental
       principles of the Antiochean school. He wrote commentaries
       on Isaiah (down to chap. viii. 10) and on Galatians. Besides
       these his 650 Expository Homilies on all the Biblical books
       and particular sections cover almost the whole of the Old
       and New Testaments. Among his other dogmatical, polemical
       and hortatory church addresses the most celebrated are the
       21 _De Statuis ad populum Antiochen_, delivered in A.D. 387.
       (The people of Antioch, roused on account of the exorbitant
       tax demanded of them, had broken down the statues of
       Theodosius I.) The _Demonstratio c. Julianum et Gentiles
       quod Christus sit Deus_ and the _Liber in S. Babylam
       c. Judæos et Gentiles_ are apologetical treatises. Of
       his ethico-ascetic writings, in which he eagerly commends
       virginity and asceticism, by far the most celebrated is
       Περὶ ἱερωσύνης, _De Sacerdotis_, in 4 bks., in the form of
       a dialogue with his Cappadocian friend Basil (the Great)
       who in A.D. 370 had felt compelled to accept the bishopric
       of Cæsarea after Chrysostom had escaped this honour by
       flight.[140]

  § 47.9.

    d. =Theodore, bishop of Mopsuestia= in Cilicia, was the
       son of respectable parents in Antioch, the friend and
       fellow-student of Chrysostom, first under Libanius, then
       under Diodorus. He died in A.D. 429. It was he who gave
       full development and consistent expression to the essential
       dogmatic and hermeneutical principles of the Antiochean
       theology. For this reason he was far more suspected of
       heresy by his Alexandrian opponents than even his teacher
       Diodorus, and they finally obtained their desire by the
       formal condemnation of his person and writings at the fifth
       œcumenical Synod in A.D. 553 (§ 52, 6). Leontius Byzantinus
       formulated his exegetical offence by saying that in his
       exposition he treated the Holy Scriptures precisely as
       ordinary human writings, especially that he interpreted the
       Song of Songs as a love poem, _libidinose pro sua et mente
       et lingua meretricia_, explained the Psalms after the
       manner of the Jews till he emptied them dry of all Messianic
       contents, _Judaice ad Zorobabelem et Ezechiam retulit_,
       denied the genuineness of the titles of the Psalms, rejected
       the canonical authority of Job, the Chronicles and Ezra
       as well as James and other Catholic Epistles, etc. In
       every respect Theodore was one of the ablest exegetes of the
       ancient church and the Syrian church has rightly celebrated
       him as the _“Interpres” par excellence_. He set forth his
       hermeneutical principles in the treatise: _De Allegoria
       et Historia_. Of his exegetical writings we have still his
       Comm. on the Minor Prophets, on Romans, fragments of those
       on other parts of the New Testament. Latin translations of
       his Comm. on the Minor Epp. of Paul, with the corresponding
       Greek fragments, are edited by Swete, 2 vols., Cambr.,
       1880, 1882. An introduction to Biblical Theology collected
       from Theodore’s writings and reproduced in a Latin form by
       Junilius Africanus (§ 48, 1) is still extant. His dogmatic,
       polemical and apologetical works on the Incarnation
       and Original Sin (§ 53, 4), against Eunomius (§ 50, 3),
       Apollinaris (§ 52, 1) and the Emperor Julian (§ 42, 5),
       are now known only from a few fragmentary quotations.

    e. =Polychronius, bishop of Apamea=, was Theodore’s brother and
       quite his equal in exegetical acuteness and productivity,
       while he excelled him in his knowledge of the Hebrew and
       Syriac. Tolerably complete scholia by him on Ezekiel, Daniel
       and Job have been preserved in the Greek Catenæ (§ 48, 1).
       In regard to Daniel he maintains firmly its historical
       character and understands chap. vii. of Antiochus Epiphanes.

    f. =Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus= in Syria, was Theodore’s ablest
       disciple, the most versatile scholar and most productive
       writer of his age, an original investigator and a diligent
       pastor, an upright and noble character and a man who kept
       the just mean amid the extreme tendencies of his times,--yet
       even he could not escape the suspicion of heresy (§ 52, 3,
       4, 6). He died in A.D. 457. As an exegete he followed the
       course of grammatico-historical exposition marked out by
       his Antiochean predecessors, but avoided the rationalistic
       tendencies of his teacher. He commented on most of the
       historical books of the Old Testament, on the Prophets, the
       Song, which he understood allegorically of the church as
       the bride of Christ, and on the Pauline Epistles. Among his
       historical works the first place belongs to his continuation
       of the history of Eusebius (§ 5, 1). His Φιλόθεος ἱστορία,
       _Hist. religiosa_, gives a glowing description of the
       lives of 33 celebrated ascetics of both sexes. Of higher
       value is the Αἱρετικῆς κακομυθίας ἐπιτομή, _Hæreticarum
       fabularum compendium_. His Ἑλληνικῶν θεραπευτικὴ παθημάτων,
       _De Curandis Græcorum Affectionibus_, is an apologetical
       treatise. His seven Dialogues _De s. Trinitate_ are polemics
       against the Macedonians and Apollinarians. The _Reprehensio_
       xii. _Anathematismorum_ is directed against Cyril of
       Alexandria; and the Ἐρανιστὴς ἤτοι Πολύμορφος against
       monophysitism as a heresy compounded of many heresies
       (§ 52, 4). Besides these we have from him 179 Epistles.[141]

  § 47.10. =Other Teachers of the Greek Church during the 4th and
  5th Centuries.=

    a. =Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem=, from A.D. 351 to A.D. 386,
       in the Arian controversy took the side of the conciliatory
       semi-Arians and thus came into collision with his imperious
       and decidedly Arian metropolitan Acacius of Cæsarea. During
       a famine he sold the church furniture for distribution
       among the needy, and was for this deposed by Acacius. Under
       Julian he ventured to return, but under Valens he was again
       driven out and found himself exposed to the persecution
       of the Arians, which was all the more violent because in
       the meantime he had assumed a more decided attitude toward
       Nicene orthodoxy. At the death of Valens in A.D. 378 he
       returned and became reconciled to the victorious maintainers
       of the Homoousion by fully accepting the doctrine at the
       Council of Constantinople in A.D. 381 (§ 50, 4). We still
       have his 23 Catechetical Lectures delivered in A.D. 348 by
       him as presbyter to the baptized at Jerusalem. The first
       18 are entitled: Πρὸς τοὺς φωτιζομένους, _Ad Competentes_
       (§ 35, 1); the last five: Πρὸς τοὺς νεοφωτίστους, _Catecheses
       Mystagogicæ_, on Baptism, Anointing and the Lord’s Supper.
       In their present form they afford but faint evidence of their
       author having surmounted the semi-Arian standpoint.[142]

    b. =Epiphanius, bishop of Salamis= or Constantia in Cyprus, was
       born of Jewish parents in the Palestinian village Besanduce
       and was baptized in his sixteenth year. His pious and
       noble, but narrow and one-sided character was formed by his
       education under the monks. He completed his ascetic training
       by several years residence among the monks of the Scetic
       desert, then founded a monastery in his native place over
       which he presided for thirty years until in A.D. 367 he was
       raised to the metropolitan’s chair at Salamis, where he died
       in A.D. 403. In the discharge of his episcopal duties he
       was a miracle of faithfulness and zeal, specially active and
       self-denying in his care of the poor. But in the forefront
       of all his thinking and acting there ever stood his glowing
       zeal for ecclesiastical orthodoxy. The very soul of honour,
       truth-loving and courageous, but credulous, positive, with
       little knowledge of the world and human nature, and hence
       not capable of penetrating to the bottom of complicated
       affairs, he was all his days misused as a tool of the
       intriguing Alexandrian Theophilus in the Origenistic
       controversies (§ 51, 3). He was all the more easily won
       to this from the fact that he had brought with him from
       the Scetic desert the conviction that Origen was the prime
       mover in the Arian and all other heresies. In spite of all
       defects in form and contents his writings have proved most
       serviceable for the history of the churches and heresies
       of the first four centuries. The diligence and honourable
       intention of his research in some measure compensate for
       the bad taste and illogical character of his exposition and
       for his narrow, one-sided and uncritical views. His Πανάριον
       ἤτοι κιβώτιον κατὰ αἱρέσεων lxxx. is a full and learned
       though confused and uncritical work, in which the idea
       of heresy is so loosely defined that even the Samaritans,
       Pharisees, Essenes, etc., find a place in it. He himself
       composed an abridgment of it under the title: Ἀνακεφαλαίωσις.
       His Ἀγκυρωτός is an exposition of the Catholic faith, which
       during the tumults of the Arian controversy should serve
       as an anchor of salvation to the Christians. The book Περὶ
       μέτρων καὶ στάθμων, _De mensuris et ponderibus_, answers to
       this title only in the last chapter, the 24th; the preceding
       chapters treat of the Canon and translations of the Old
       Testament. There are two old codices in the British Museum
       which have in addition, in a Syriac translation, 37 chapters
       on biblical weights and measures and 19 on the biblical
       science of the heaven and the earth. The tract Περὶ τῶν
       δώδεκα λίθων (on the high-priest’s breastplate) is of little
       consequence.

    c. =Palladius=, born in Galatia, retired at an early age into
       the Nitrian desert, but lived afterwards in Palestine, where
       he was accused of favouring the heresy of Origen (§ 51, 2).
       Chrysostom consecrated him bishop of Hellenopolis in
       Bithynia. Latterly he administered a small bishopric in
       Galatia, where he died before A.D. 431. His chief writing
       is the Πρὸς Λαῦσον ἱστορία, _Hist. Lausiaca_, a historical
       romance on the hermit and monkish life of his times which is
       dedicated to an eminent statesman called Lausus.

    d. =Nilus=, sprung from a prominent family in Constantinople,
       retired with his son Theodulus to the recluses of Mount
       Sinai. By a murderous onslaught of the Saracens his beloved
       son was snatched away from him, but an Arabian bishop bought
       him and ordained both father and son as priests. He died
       about A.D. 450. In his ascetical writings and specially
       in the 4 books of his Epistles, about 1,000 in number,
       he shows himself to be of like mind and character to his
       companion Isidore, but with a deeper knowledge and more
       sober conception of Holy Scripture. He himself describes
       the capture of his son in _Narrationes de cæde monachorum
       et captivitate Theoduli_.

  § 47.11. =Greek Church Fathers of the 6th and 7th Centuries.=

    a. =Johannes Philoponus= was in the first half of the 6th
       century teacher of grammar at Alexandria, and belonged to
       the sect of tritheistic monophysites in that place (§ 52, 7).
       Although trained in the Neo-Platonic school, he subsequently
       applied himself enthusiastically to the Aristotelian
       philosophy, composed many commentaries on Aristotle’s
       writings, and was the first to apply the Aristotelian
       categories to Christian theology. Notwithstanding many
       heretical tendencies in his theology, among which is his
       statement in a lost work, Περὶ ἀναστάσεως, that for the
       saved at the last day entirely new bodies and an entirely
       new world will be created, his philosophical writings
       powerfully impelled the mediæval Greek Church to the study
       of philosophy. His chief doctrinal treatise Διαιτητὴς ἢ περὶ
       ἑνώσεως is known only from quotations in Leontius Byzantinus
       and Johannes Damascenus. Of his other writings the most
       important was the controversial treatise _Contra Procli
       pro æternitate mundi argumenta_ in 18 bks. The 7 bks. Περὶ
       κοσμοποίας treat of the six days’ work of creation with
       great display of philosophical acuteness and acquaintance
       with natural history.

    b. =Dionysius the Areopagite.= Under this name (Acts xvii. 34)
       an unknown writer, only a little earlier than the previously
       named, published writings of a decidedly mystico-theosophical
       kind. The first mention of them is at a conference of
       the monophysite Severians (§ 52, 7) with the Catholics
       at Constantinople in A.D. 533, where the former referred
       to them, while the other side denied their authenticity.
       Subsequently, however, they were universally received as
       genuine, not only in the East but also in the West. They
       comprise four tracts: 1. Περὶ τῆς ἱεραρχίας οὐρανίου;
       2. Περὶ τῆς ἱεραρχίας ἐκκλησιαστικῆς; 3. Περὶ τῶν θείων
       ὀνομάτων; 4. Περὶ τῆς μυστικῆς θεολογίας; and also 12 Epp.
       to Apostolic men. Their author was a Monophysite-Christian
       Neo-Platonist, who transferred the secret arts of the
       Dionysian mysteries to Christian worship, monasticism,
       hierarchy and church doctrines. He distinguished a θεολογία
       καταφατική, which consisted in symbolic representations,
       from a θεολογία ἀποφατική, which surmounted the symbolical
       shell and rose to the perception of the pure idea by means
       of ecstasy. Side by side with the revealed doctrine of Holy
       Scripture he sets a secret doctrine, the knowledge of which
       is reached only by initiation. The primal mystagogue, who
       like the sun enlightens all spirits, is the divine hierarch
       Christ, and the primitive type of all earthly order in the
       heavenly hierarchy as represented in the courses of angels
       and glorified spirits. There is constant intercourse between
       the earthly and heavenly hierarchies by means of Christ the
       highest hierarch incarnate. The purpose of this intercourse
       is the drawing out of the θείωσις of man by means of
       priestly consecration and the mysteries (_i.e._ the
       Sacraments of which he reckons six, § 58). The θείωσις
       has its foundation in baptism as consecration to the
       divine birth, τελετὴ θεογενεσίας, and its completion in
       consecration of the dead, the anointing of the body. The
       historical Christ with His redeeming life, sufferings and
       death is at no time the subject of the Areopagite mysticism.
       It is always concerned with the heavenly Christ, not about
       the reconciliation but only about the mystical living
       fellowship of God and man, about the immediate vision and
       enjoyment of God’s glory. The monophysite standpoint of the
       author betrays itself in his tendency to think of the human
       nature of Christ as absorbed by the divine. His Christian
       Neo-Platonism appears in his fantastic speculations about
       the nature of God, the orders of angels and spirits, etc.;
       while his antagonism to the pagan Neo-Platonism is seen
       in his regarding the θείωσις not as a natural power proper
       to and dwelling in man, but as a supernatural power made
       possible by the ἐνσάρκωσις of Christ, but still more
       expressly by his emphatic assertion over against the
       Neo-Platonic depreciation of the body, of the resurrection
       of the flesh as the completion of the θείωσις. Hence also
       the importance which he attaches to the sacrament of the
       consecration of the dead.[143]

  § 47.12.

    c. =Leontius Byzantinus=, at first an advocate at
       Constantinople, subsequently a monk at Jerusalem, wrote
       about the end of the 6th century controversial tracts against
       Nestorians, Monophysites and Apollinarians, and in his
       _Scholia s. Liber de sectis_ presented a historico-polemical
       summary of all heresies up to that time.

    d. =Maximus Confessor=, the scion of a well-known family of
       Constantinople, was for a long time private secretary to
       the Emperor Heraclius, but retired about A.D. 630 from love
       of a contemplative life into a monastery at Chrysopolis
       near Constantinople, where he was soon raised to the rank of
       abbot. The further details of his story are given in § 52, 8.
       He died in A.D. 662. In decision of character, fidelity
       to his convictions and courage as a confessor during
       the Monothelete controversy, he stands out among his
       characterless countrymen and contemporaries as a rock in the
       ocean. In scientific endowments and comprehensive learning,
       in depth and wealth of thought there is none like him,
       although even in him the weakness of the age, especially
       slavish submission to authority, is quite apparent. His
       scientific theology is built up mainly upon the three great
       Cappadocians, among whom the speculative Nyssa has most
       influence over him. His dialectic acuteness and subtlety he
       derived from the study of Aristotle, while his imaginative
       nature and the intensity of his emotional life which
       predestined him to be a mystic, found abundant nourishment
       and satisfaction in the writings of Dionysius. He was saved,
       however, by the manysidedness of his mind and the soundness
       of his whole life’s tendencies, from many eccentricities of
       the Areopagite mysticism, so that in his humility he thought
       that his soul was not pure enough to be able fully to
       penetrate and comprehend these mysteries. His numerous
       writings, of which more than fifty are extant, were in
       great part occasioned by the struggle against Monophysitism
       and Monotheletism. His mystico-ascetic writings are
       also important, such as his Μυσταγωγία, treatises on the
       symbolico-mystic meaning of the acts of church worship, his
       epistles and several beautiful hymns. He also wrote scholia
       and commentaries on the works of the Areopagite. He is
       weakest in exegesis, where the most wilful allegorizing
       prevails.

    e. =Johannes Climacus=, abbot of the monastery at Sinai, died
       at an extremely old age in A.D. 606. Under the title Κλίμαξ
       τοῦ παραδείσου, _Heavenly Guide_, he composed a directory
       toward perfection in the Christian life in thirty steps,
       which became a favourite reading book of pious monks.

    f. =Johannes Moschus= was a monk in a cloister at Jerusalem.
       Accompanying his friend Sophronius, afterwards patriarch of
       Jerusalem (§ 52, 8), he travelled through Egypt and the East,
       visiting all the pious monks and clerics. At last he reached
       Rome, where he wrote an account in his Λειμονάριον ἤτοι νέος
       παραδείσος, _Pratum Spirituale_, of the edifying discourses
       which he had had with famous monks during his travels, and
       soon thereafter, in A.D. 619, he died.

    g. =Anastasius Sinaita=, called the new Moses, because like
       Moses he is said to have seen God, was priest and dweller
       on Mount Sinai at the end of the 7th century. His chief work
       Ὁδηγός, _Viæ duæ_, is directed against the _Acephalians_
       (§ 52, 5) and his _Contemplationes_ preserved only in a
       Latin translation give an allegorico-mystical exposition of
       the Hexæmeron.

  § 47.13. =Syrian Church Fathers.=[144]

    a. =Jacob of Nisibis=, as bishop of his native city and founder
       of the theological school there, performed most important
       services to the national Syrian Church. At the Council of
       Nicæa in A.D. 325 he distinguished himself by vindicating
       the homoüsion and also subsequently we find him sometimes in
       the front rank of the champions of Nicene orthodoxy. Of his
       writings none are known to us. He died in A.D. 338.

    b. =Aphraates= was celebrated in his time as a Persian sage.
       As bishop of St. Matthew near Mosul he adopted the Christian
       name of =Mar Jacob=, and dedicated his 23 Homilies, which
       are rather instructions or treatises, to a certain Gregory.
       He wrote them between A.D. 336 and A.D. 345. The _Sermones_
       ascribed even by Gennadius at the end of the 5th century
       to Nisibis were composed by Aphraates. Although he lived
       when the Arian controversy was at its height, there is no
       reference to it in his treatises, which may be explained by
       his geographical isolation. The polemic against the Jews to
       which seven tracts are devoted _ex professo_, was one which
       specially interested him.

    c. =Ephraim the Syrian=,[145] called, on account of his
       importance in the Syrian Church, _Propheta Syrorum_, was
       born at Nisibis and was called by the bishop Jacob to
       be teacher of the school founded there by him. When the
       Persians under Sapor in A.D. 350 plundered the city and
       destroyed the school, Ephraim retired to Edessa, founded a
       school there, administered the office of deacon, and died
       at a great age in A.D. 378. As an exegete he indulged to his
       heart’s content in typology, but in other respects mostly
       followed the grammatico-historical method with a constant
       endeavour after what was edifying. Many of his writings have
       been lost. Those remaining partly in the Syriac original,
       partly in Greek and Latin translations, have been collected
       by the brothers Assemani. They comprise Commentaries on
       almost the whole Bible, Homilies and Discourses in metrical
       form on a variety of themes, of these 56 are against
       heretics (Gnostics, Manichæans, Eunomians, Audians, etc.),
       and Hymns properly so called, especially funeral Odes.

    d. =Ibas, bishop of Edessa=, at first teacher in the high
       school there, translated the writings of Diodorus and
       Theodore into Syriac, and thus brought down upon himself
       the charge of being a Nestorian. Having been repeatedly
       drawn into discussion, and being naturally outspoken, he was
       excommunicated and deposed at the Robber Synod of Ephesus in
       A.D. 449, but his orthodoxy was acknowledged by the Council
       of Chalcedon in A.D. 451, after he had pronounced anathema
       upon Nestorius. He died in A.D. 457. An epistle, in which
       he gives an account of these proceedings to Bishop Meris of
       Hardashir in Persia, led to a renewal of his condemnation
       before the fifth œcumenical Council at Constantinople in
       A.D. 553 (§ 52, 4, 6).

    e. =Jacob, bishop of Edessa=, a monophysite, is the
       most important and manysided among the later Syrians,
       distinguished as theologian, historian, grammarian and
       translator of the Greek fathers. He died in A.D. 708. Of his
       works still extant in MS.--scholia on the Bible, liturgical
       works and treatises on church law, revision of the Syrian
       Old Testament according to the LXX., continuation of the
       Eusebian Chronicle, etc.--only a few have been printed.



         2. THE MOST IMPORTANT TEACHERS OF THE WESTERN CHURCH.

  § 47.14.

    f. =During the Period of the Arian Controversy.=

        a. =Jul. Firmicus Maternus.= Under this name we have a
           treatise _De errore profanarum religionum_, addressed to
           the sons of Constantine the Great, in which the writer
           combats heathenism upon the Euhemerist theory (which
           traces the worship of the heathen gods from the deifying
           of famous ancestors), but besides reclaims many myths as
           corruptions of the biblical history, and shows that the
           violent overthrow of all idolatry is the sacred duty of
           a Christian ruler from God’s command to Joshua to destroy
           utterly the Canaanites.

        b. =Lucifer of Calăris [Calaris]= in Sardinia, was a
           violent, determined, and stubborn zealot for the Nicene
           doctrine, whose excessive severity against the penitent
           Arians and semi-Arians drove him into schism (§ 50, 8).
           He died in A.D. 371. In his tract, _Ad Constantium
           Augustum pro S. Athansio_, lb. ii., written in A.D. 360,
           he upbraids the emperor with his faults so bitterly as
           to describe him as a reckless apostate, antichrist, and
           Satan. He boldly acknowledged the authorship and, in
           prospect of a death sentence, wrote in A.D. 361 his
           consolatory treatise, _Moriendum esse pro filio Dei_.
           The early death of the emperor, however, permitted his
           return from exile (§ 50, 2, 4), where he had written
           _De regibus apostaticis_ and _De non conveniendo cum
           hæreticis_.

        c. =Marius Victorinus= from Africa, often confounded with
           the martyr of the same name (§ 31, 12), was converted
           to Christianity when advanced in life, about A.D. 360,
           while occupying a distinguished position as a heathen
           rhetorician in Rome. He gave proof of his zeal as a
           neophyte by the composition of controversial treatises
           against the Manichæans, _Ad Justinum Manichæum_, and
           against the Arians, _Lb. iv. adv. Arium, De generatione
           divina ad Candidum, De_ ὁμοουσίῳ _recipiendo_. In his
           treatise, _De verbis scripturæ_, Gen. i. 5, he shows
           that the creative days began not with the evening, but
           with the morning. He composed three hymns _de Trinitate_,
           and an epic poem on the seven brothers, the Maccabees.

        d. =Hilary of Poitiers=--_Hilarius Pictavienses_--styled
           the Athanasius of the West, and made _doctor ecclesiæ_
           by Pius IX. in A.D. 1851, was sprung from a noble pagan
           family of Poitiers (Pictavium). With wife and daughter
           he embraced Christianity, and was soon thereafter,
           about A.D. 350, made bishop of his native city. In
           A.D. 356, however, as a zealous opponent of Arianism,
           he was banished to Phrygia, from which he returned in
           A.D. 360. Two years later he travelled to Milan, in
           order if possible to win from his error the bishop of
           that place, Auxentius, a zealous Arian. That bishop,
           however, obtained an imperial edict which obliged him
           instantly to withdraw. He died in A.D. 366. The study
           of Origen seems to have had a decided influence upon
           his theological development. His strength lay in the
           speculative treatment of the groundworks of doctrine. At
           the same time he is the first exegete proper among the
           Western fathers writing the Latin language. He follows
           exactly the allegorical method of the Alexandrians. His
           works embrace commentaries on the Psalms and the Gospel
           of Matthew, several polemical lectures (§ 50, 6), and
           his speculative dogmatic masterpiece _de Trinitate_
           in xii. books.

        e. =Zeno, bishop of Verona=, who died about A.D. 380,
           left behind ninety-three _Sermones_ which, in beautiful
           language and spirited style, treat of various subjects
           connected with faith and morals, combat paganism and
           Arianism, and eagerly recommend virginity and monasticism.

        f. =Philaster=, bishop of Brescia, contemporary of Zeno, in
           his book _De hæresibus_, described in harsh and obscure
           language, in an uncritical fashion and with an extremely
           loose application of the word heresy, 28 pre-Christian
           and 128 post-Christian systems of error.

        g. =Martin of Tours=,[146] son of a soldier, had before
           baptism, but after his heart had been filled with the
           love of Christ, entered the Roman cavalry. Once, legend
           relates, he parted his military cloak into two pieces in
           order to shield a naked beggar from the cold, and on the
           following night the Lord Jesus appeared to him clothed in
           this very cloak. In his eighteenth year he was baptized,
           and for some years thereafter attached himself to Hilary
           of Poitiers, and then went to his parents in Pannonia.
           He did not succeed in converting his father, but he
           was successful with his mother and many of the people.
           Scourged and driven away by the Arian party which there
           prevailed, he turned to Milan where, however, he got
           just as little welcome from the Arian bishop Auxentius.
           He then lived some years on the island of Gallinaria,
           near Genoa. When Hilary returned from banishment to
           Pictavium, he followed him there, and founded in the
           neighbourhood a monastery, the earliest in Gaul. He was
           guilefully decoyed to Tours, and forced to mount the
           episcopal chair there in A.D. 375. He converted whole
           crowds of heathen peasants, and, according to the
           legend given by Sulpicius Severus and Gregory of Tours
           (§ 90, 2), wrought miracle after miracle. But he was
           himself with his holy zeal, his activity in doing good,
           his undoubted power over men’s hearts, and a countenance
           before which even the emperor quailed (§ 54, 2), the
           greatest and the most credible miracle. He died about
           A.D. 400 in the monastery of Marmontiers [Marmoutiers],
           which he had founded out from Tours. His tomb was
           one of the most frequented places of pilgrimage. He
           was wholly without scholarly culture, but the force
           of intellect with which he was endowed lent him a
           commanding eloquence. The _Confessio de s. Trinitate_
           attributed to him is not genuine.

  § 47.15.

    g. =Ambrose, bishop of Milan=, sprung from a prominent Roman
       family, was governor of the province of Milan. After the
       death of the Arian Auxentius in A.D. 374 violent quarrels
       broke out over the choice of a successor. Then a child is
       said to have cried from the midst of the crowd “Ambrose is
       bishop,” and all the people, Arians as well as Catholics,
       agreed. All objection was vain. Up to this time only a
       catechumen, he received baptism, distributed his property
       among the poor, and eight days after mounted the episcopal
       chair. His new office he administered with truly apostolic
       zeal, a father of the poor, a protector of all oppressed,
       an unweariedly active pastor, a powerful opponent of heresy
       and heathenism. His eloquence, which had won him a high
       reputation in the forum, was yet more conspicuous in the
       service of the church. To ransom the prisoners he spared not
       even the furniture of the church. To a peculiarly winning
       friendliness and gentleness he added great strength of
       character, which prevented him being checked in his course
       by any respect of persons, or by any threatening and danger.
       He so decidedly opposed the intrigues of the Arian Empress
       Justina, during the minority of her son Valentinian II.,
       that she, powerless to execute her wrath, was obliged to
       desist from her endeavours (§ 50, 4). With Theodosius the
       Great he stood in the highest esteem. When the passionate
       emperor had ordered a fearful massacre without distinction of
       rank, age and sex, without enquiry as to guilt or innocence,
       of the inhabitants of Thessalonica on account of a tumult
       in which a general and several officers had been murdered,
       Ambrose wrote him a letter with an earnest call to repentance,
       and threatened him with exclusion from the communion of the
       church and its services. The emperor, already repenting of
       his hastiness, took patiently the rebuke administered, but
       did nothing to atone for his crime. Some time after he went
       as usual to church, but Ambrose met him at the entrance of
       the house of God and refused him admission. For eight months
       the emperor refrained from communion; then he applied for
       absolution, which was granted him, after he had publicly done
       penance before the congregation and promised never in future
       to carry out a death sentence within thirty days of its being
       pronounced. Theodosius afterwards declared that Ambrose was
       the only one truly deserving the name of a bishop. Ambrose
       was also a zealous promoter of monasticism in the West.
       In his sermons he so powerfully recommended virginity
       that many families forbade their daughters attending them.
       He deserves special credit for his contributions to the
       liturgical services (_Officium Ambrosianum_, _Cantus Ambr._,
       Hymn Composition, § 59, 4-6). On all dogmatic questions he
       strongly favoured the realism of the North African school,
       while in exegesis he did not surmount the allegorical
       method of the Alexandrians. To the department of morals
       and ascetics belong the 3 bks. _De Officiis Ministrorum_,
       a Christian construction of Cicero’s celebrated work and
       the most important of all Ambrose’s writings; also several
       treatises in recommendation of virginity. The book _De
       Mysteriis_ explains baptism and the Lord’s Supper to the
       neophytes. The 5 bks. _De fide_, the 3 bks. _De Spiritu S._
       and the tract _De incarnatîonis sacramento_, treat of the
       fundamental doctrines of the Christian faith in opposition
       to Arians, Sabellians, Apollinarians, etc. These are
       somewhat dependent upon the Greeks, especially Athanasius,
       Didymus and Basil. His expositions of Old Testament histories
       (_Hexaëmeron_, _De Paradiso_, _De Cain et Abel_, _De Noë
       et arca_, _De Abraham_, _De Jacob et anima_, etc.) are
       allegorical and typical in the highest degree. More important
       are his _Sermones_ and 92 Epistles. But all his writings are
       distinguished by their noble, powerful and popular eloquence.

    h. =Ambrosiaster= is the name given to an unknown writer
       whose allegorizing Commentary on Paul’s Epistles was long
       attributed to Ambrose. This work, highly popular on account
       of its pregnant brevity, was perhaps the joint work of
       several writers. In its earliest portions it belongs to
       the age of Damasus, bishop of Rome, who died in A.D. 384,
       who is named as a contemporary. Augustine names a Hilary,
       not otherwise known, as author of a passage quoted from it.

    i. =Pacianus=,[147] bishop of Barcelona, who died about
       A.D. 390, wrote in a clear style and correct Latinity three
       Epistles against the Novatians, from the first of which,
       _De Catholico nomine_, is borrowed the beautiful saying:
       _Christianus mihi nomen est, Catholicus cognomen_. He also
       wrote a _Liber exhortatorius ad pœnitentiam_ and a _Sermo
       de baptismo_.

  § 47.16. =During the Period of Origenistic Controversy.=

    a. =Jerome=[148]--_Sophronius Eusebius Hieronymus_--of Stridon
       in Dalmatia, received his classical training under the
       grammarian Donatus at Rome. In A.D. 360 he was baptized by
       bishop Liberius, but afterwards fell into sensual excesses
       which he atoned for by penitential pilgrimages to the
       catacombs. During a journey through Gaul and the provinces
       of the Rhine and Moselle he seems to have formed the fixed
       resolve to devote himself to theology and an ascetic life.
       Then for more than a year he stayed at Aquileia, A.D. 372,
       where he formed an intimate friendship with Rufinus. He next
       undertakes a journey to the East. At Antioch in a vision,
       during a violent fever, placed before the throne of the
       judge of all, having answered the question Who art thou? by
       the confession that he was a Christian, he heard the words
       distinctly uttered: Thou liest! thou art a Ciceronian and no
       Christian! He then sentenced himself to severe castigation
       and promised with an oath to give up the reading of the
       heathen classics which he had so much enjoyed. He afterwards
       indeed excused himself from the fulfilment of this twofold
       obligation; but this had sealed his devotion to an ascetic
       life, and the desert of Chalcis, the Syrian Thebaid, became
       for him during many years the school of ascetic discipline.
       Worn out with privations, penances and sensual temptations
       he returned in A.D. 379 to Antioch, where he was ordained
       presbyter but without any official district being assigned.
       Urged by Gregory of Nazianzum [Nazianzen], he next spent
       several years in Constantinople. From A.D. 382 to A.D. 385
       he again lived in Rome, where bishop Damasus honoured him
       with his implicit confidence. This aroused against him the
       envy and enmity of many among the Roman clergy, while at
       the same time his zeal for the spread of monasticism and
       virginity, as well as his ascetic influence with women, drew
       upon him the hatred of many prominent families (§ 44, 4). On
       the death of his episcopal patron in A.D. 384 his position
       in Rome thus became untenable. He now returned to the East,
       visited all the holy places in Palestine, and also made
       an excursion to Alexandria where he stayed for four weeks
       in the school of the blind Didymus. He then settled down at
       Bethlehem, founded there with the means of his Roman lady
       friends an establishment for monks, over which he presided
       till his death in A.D. 420; and an establishment for
       nuns over which St. Paula presided, who with her daughter
       Eustochium had accompanied him from Rome. As to his share
       in the Origenistic controversies into which he allowed
       himself to be drawn, see § 51, 2. His character was not
       without defects: vanity, ambition, jealousy, passionateness,
       impatience and intense bitterness in debate, are only all
       too apparent in his life. But where these, as well as his
       scrupulous anxiety for the maintaining of a reputation
       for unwavering orthodoxy and by zeal for monasticism
       and asceticism, did not stand in the way, we often find
       in him an unexpected clearness and liberality of view.
       Comp. § 17, 6; 57, 6; 59, 1; 61, 1. To the instructions
       of the Jew Bar Hanina he was indebted for his knowledge
       of Hebrew and Chaldee. The greatest and most enduring
       service was rendered to the study of holy scripture by his
       pioneer labours in this direction. He is at his weakest
       in his dogmatic works, which mostly are disfigured by
       immoderately passionate polemic. In exegesis he represents
       the grammatico-historical method, but nevertheless
       frequently falls back again into allegorico-mystical
       explanations. His style is pure, flowing and elegant, but
       in polemic often reckless and coarse even to vulgarity. In
       the department of exegesis the first place belongs to his
       translation of the bible (§ 59, 1). We have also a number
       of Commentaries--on Genesis, Ecclesiastes, Isaiah, Jeremiah,
       Ezekiel, Daniel, Minor Prophets, Matthew, Galatians,
       Ephesians, Philippians and Philemon. His _Onomasticon s. de
       situ et nominibus locorum Hebr._ is a Latin reproduction of
       the Τοπικά of Eusebius. In the department of dogmatics we
       have polemics against Lucifer of Calaris (§ 50, 3), against
       Helvidius, Jovinian and Vigilantius (§ 63, 2), against John
       of Jerusalem (§ 51, 2) and in several treatises against
       Rufinus, and finally against the Pelagians (§ 53, 4). In
       the department of history we have his Latin adaptation and
       continuation of the second part of the Eusebian Chronicle,
       his _Catalogus Scriptorum ecclest. s. de viris illustr._,
       which tells in anecdotal form about the lives and writings
       of biblical and ecclesiastical writers, 135 in number,
       from Peter down to himself, with the avowed purpose of
       proving the falseness of the reproach that only ignorant
       and uncultured men had embraced Christianity. It was
       afterwards continued by the Gaul =Gennadius= of Marseilles
       down to the end of the fifth century. Finally, the romancing
       legendary sketches of the lives of the famous monks Paul of
       Thebes (§ 39, 4), Hilarion (§ 44, 3) and Malchus, were added.
       His 150 Epistles are extremely important for the church
       history of his times. Of his translations of the Greek
       fathers only those of Didymus, _De Spiritu S._ and that
       of 70 _Homilies_ of Origen, are now extant.

  § 47.17.

    b. =Tyrannius Rufinus= of Aquileia after receiving baptism
       lived for a long time in monastic retirement. His enthusiasm
       for monasticism and asceticism led him in A.D. 373 to Egypt.
       At Alexandria he spent several years in intercourse with
       Didymus. He contracted there that enthusiastic admiration
       of Origen which made his after life so full of debate and
       strife. He next went in A.D. 379 to Jerusalem, where bishop
       John ordained him presbyter. Here he found Jerome, with whom
       he had become acquainted at Aquileia, and the two friends
       were brought more closely together from their mutual love for
       Origen, although afterwards this was to prove the occasion of
       the most bitter enmity (§ 51, 2). About A.D. 397 he returned
       to Italy. He died in A.D. 410. His literary activity was
       mainly directed to the transplanting of the writings of
       Greek fathers to Latin soil. To his zeal in this direction
       we owe the preservation of Origen’s most important work Περὶ
       ἀρχῶν, _De principiis_, and of no fewer than 124 Homilies.
       The former, indeed, has been in many places altered in an
       arbitrary manner. He also translated several Homilies of
       Basil and Gregory Nazianzen, Pamphilus’ Apology for Origen,
       the Pseudo-Clementine Recognitions (§ 28, 3), etc. There
       are extant of his own works: the Continuation of his Latin
       reproduction of the Church History of Eusebius, down to
       A.D. 388, the romancing _Historia eremitica s. Vitæ Patrum_,
       biographies of 33 saints of the Nitrian desert (§ 51, 1),
       an _Apologia pro fide sua_, the _Invectivæ Hieron._ in
       2 bks. the treatise _De benedictionibus Patriarcharum_,
       an exposition of Genesis xlix. in the spirit and style of
       Origen, and an _Expositio symboli apost._

    c. =Sulpicius Severus=[149] from Aquitania in Gaul, had gained
       great reputation by his eloquence as an advocate, when the
       death of his young wife disgusted him with the world, and
       led him to withdraw into a monastery. He died about A.D. 410.
       In his _Chronica_ or _Historia sacra_ (§ 5, 1), a summary
       of biblical and ecclesiastical history, he imitates not
       unsuccessfully the eloquence of Sallust, so that he has
       been called “the Christian Sallust.” His _Vita_ of Martin
       of Tours is a panegyric overflowing with reports of miracles.
       The three dialogues on the virtues of Eastern Monks and on
       the merits of St. Martin, may be regarded as a supplement to
       the _Vita_.

    d. =Petrus [Peter] Chrysologus= is the name by which Peter,
       bishop of Ravenna, is best known. He also received the title
       _Chrysostomus Latinorum_. He died in A.D. 450. Among the
       176 _Sermones_ ascribed to him, the discourses expository
       of the baptismal formula are deserving of special mention.
       Of his Epistles, one in Latin and Greek addressed to Eutyches
       (§ 52, 4) is still preserved, in which the writer warns
       Eutyches against doctrinal errors.

  § 47.18. =The Hero of the Soteriological
  Controversy.=--=Augustine=--_Aurelius Augustinus_--was born in
  A.D. 354 at Tagaste in Numidia. From his pious mother Monica he
  early received Christian religious impressions which, however,
  were again in great measure effaced by his pagan father the
  _Decurio_ Patricius. While he studied in Carthage, he gave way
  to sensuality and worldly pleasure. Cicero’s Hortensius first
  awakened again in him a longing after higher things. From about
  A.D. 374 he sought satisfaction in the tenets of the Manichæan
  sect, strongly represented in Africa, and for ten years he
  continued a catechumen of that order. But here, too, at last
  finding himself cruelly deceived in his struggle after the
  knowledge of the truth, he would have sunk into the most utter
  scepticism, had not the study of the Platonic philosophy still for
  awhile held him back. In A.D. 383 he left Africa and went to Rome,
  and in the following year he took up his residence in Milan as a
  teacher of eloquence. An African bishop, once himself a Manichæan,
  had comforted his anxious mother, who followed him hither, by
  assuring her that the son of so many sighs and prayers could
  not be finally lost. At Milan too the sermons of Ambrose made
  an impression on Augustine’s heart. He now began diligently to
  search the scriptures. At last the hour arrived of his complete
  renewal of heart and life. After an earnest conversation with
  his friend Alypius, he hastened into the solitude of the garden.
  While agonizing in prayer he heard the words thrice repeated:
  _Tolle, lege_! He took up the scriptures, and his eye fell upon
  the passage Rom. xiii. 13, 14. This utterance of stern Christian
  morality seemed as if written for himself alone, and from this
  moment he received into his wounded spirit a peace such as he had
  never known before. In order to prepare for baptism he withdrew
  with his mother and some friends to the country house of one of
  them, where scientific studies, pious exercises and conversations
  on the highest problems of life occupied his time. Out of
  these conversations sprang his philosophical writings. At
  Easter A.D. 387 Ambrose baptized him, and at the same time his
  illegitimate son Adeodatus, who not long afterwards died. His
  return journey to Africa was delayed by the death of his mother
  at Ostia, and at last, after almost a year’s residence in Rome,
  he reached his old home again. In Rome he applied himself to
  combat the errors of Manichæism, arguing with many of his old
  companions whom he met there. After his return to Africa in
  A.D. 388, he spent some years on his small patrimonial estate
  at Tagaste engaged in scientific work. During a casual visit to
  Hippo in A.D. 391 he was, in spite of all resistance, ordained
  presbyter, and in A.D. 395 colleague of the aged and feeble
  bishop Valerius, whose successor he became in the following year.
  Now began the brilliant period of his career, in which he stands
  forth as a pillar of the church and the centre of all theological
  and ecclesiastical life throughout the whole Western world. In
  A.D. 400 began his battle against the Donatists (§ 63, 1). And
  scarcely had he brought this to a successful end in a religious
  discussion at Carthage in A.D. 411, when he was drawn into a far
  more important Soteriological controversy by Pelagius and his
  followers (§ 53), which he continued till the close of his life.
  His death occurred in A.D. 430 during the siege of Carthage by
  the Vandals. He has written his own life in his _Confessiones_
  (Engl. translat., Oxf., 1838; Edin., 1876). In the form of an
  address to God he here unfolds before the Omniscient One his
  whole past life with all its errors and gracious providences
  in the language of prayer full of the holiest earnestness and
  most profound humility, a lively commentary on the opening
  words: _Magnus es, Domine, et laudabilis valde.... Fecisti nos
  ad te, et inquietum est cor nostrum, donec requiescat in te._
  The biography of his disciple Possidius may serve as a supplement
  to the Confessions.--Augustine was the greatest, most powerful,
  and most influential of all the fathers. In consequence of his
  thoroughly Western characteristics he was indeed less perfectly
  understood and appreciated in the East; but all the greater was
  his reputation in the West, where the whole development of church
  and doctrine seemed always to move about him as its centre. The
  main field of his literary activity in consequence of his own
  peculiar mental qualities, his philosophical culture, speculative
  faculty, and dialectic skill, as well as the ecclesiastical
  conflicts of his time, to which his most important works are
  devoted, was Systematic Theology, Dogmatics and Ethics, Polemics
  and Apologetics. He is weakest as an exegete; for he had little
  interest in philological and grammatico-historical research into
  the simple literal sense of scripture. He was unacquainted with
  the original language of the Old Testament, and even the New
  Testament he treats only in a popular way according to the Latin
  translations. Neither does he deal much with the exegetical
  foundations of dogmatics, which he rather develops from the
  Christian consciousness by means of speculation and dialectic,
  and from the proof of its meeting the needs of humanity. Over
  against philosophy he insisted upon the independence and
  necessity of faith as the presupposition and basis of all
  religious knowledge. _Rationabiliter dictum est per prophetam:
  Nisi credideretis non intelligetis. Credamus ut id quod credimus
  intelligere valeamus._

  § 47.19. =Augustine’s Works.=

    a. =Philosophical Treatises= belonging to the period preceding
       his ordination. The 3 bks. _Contra Academicos_ combat
       their main position that men cannot attain to any certain
       knowledge; the treatise _De Vita beata_ shows that true
       happiness consists in the knowledge of God; the 2 bks. _De
       Ordine_ treat of the relation of good and evil in the divine
       order of the world; the 2 bks. _Soliloquia_ are monologues
       on the means and conditions of the knowledge of supernatural
       truths, and contain beside the main question an Appendix _De
       immortalitate animæ_, etc.

    b. =Dogmatic Treatises.= The most important are: _De Trinitate_
       in 15 bks. (Engl. transl., Edin., 1874), a speculative
       dogmatic construction of the dogma, of great importance
       for its historical development; _De doctrina christiana_
       in 4 bks. (Engl. transl., Edin., 1875), of which the first
       three bks. form a guide to the exposition of scripture after
       the analogy of faith, while the 4th book shows how the truth
       thus discovered is to be used (Hermeneutics and Homiletics);
       finally, the two bks. _Retractationes_, written in his
       last years, in which he passes an unfavourable judgment
       on his earlier writings, and withdraws or modifies much in
       them. Among his =Moral-ascetic writings= the bk. _De bono
       conjugali_ is of special interest, called forth by Jovinian’s
       utterances on non-meritoriousness of the unmarried state
       (§ 62, 2); he admits the high value of Christian marriage,
       but yet sees in celibacy genuinely chosen as a means to
       holiness a higher step in the Christian life. Also the
       bk. _De adulterinis conjugis_ against second marriages,
       and two treatises _De Mendacium_ and _Contra Mendacium ad
       Consentium_, which in opposition to the contrary doctrine
       of the Priscillianists (§ 54, 2), unconditionally repudiates
       the admissibility of equivocation.

    c. =Controversial Treatises.= Of 11 treatises against the
       Manichæans (§ 54, 1) the most important is that _C. Faustum_
       in 33 bks. (Engl. transl., Edin., 1875), interesting as
       reproducing in quotations the greater part of the last work
       of this great champion of the Manichæans. Then came the
       discussion with the Donatists (§ 63, 1), which he engaged
       in with great vigour. We have ten treatises directed against
       them (Engl. transl., Edin., 1873). Of far greater importance
       was the conflict which soon after broke out against the
       Pelagians and then against the semi-Pelagians (§ 53, 4, 5),
       in which he wrote fourteen treatises (Engl. transl.,
       3 vols., Edin., 1873-1876). Also the Arians, Priscillianists,
       Origenists and Marcionites were combated by him in special
       treatises, and in the bk. _De hæresibus_ he gave a summary
       account of the various heresies that had come under his
       notice.

    d. Among his =Apologetical Treatises= against pagans and
       Jews, by far the ablest and most important is the work _De
       Civitate Dei_, in 22 bks., a truly magnificent conception
       (Engl. transl., 2 vols., Edin., 1873), the most substantial
       of all apologetical works of Christian antiquity, called
       forth by the reproach of the heathens that the repeated
       successes of the barbarians resulted from the weakening and
       deteriorating influence of Christianity upon the empire.
       The author repels this reproach in the first four bks.
       by showing how the Roman empire had previously in itself
       the seeds of decay in its godless selfishness, and thence
       advancing immorality; Ilium was and continued pagan, but
       its gods could not save it from destruction. Ilium’s Epigone,
       haughty Rome, meets the same fate. It owed its power only to
       God’s will and His government of the world, and to His using
       it as a scourge for the nations. The next five books show
       the corruption of the heathen religions and the inadequacy
       of heathen philosophy. Then the last 12 bks. point out
       the contrast between the kingdom of God and the kingdom
       of the world in respect of their diverse foundations,
       their entirely different motive powers, their historical
       development and their ultimate disposal in the last judgment.

    e. The most important and complete of his =Exegetical Works=
       are the 12 bks. _De Genesi ad litteram_, a gigantic
       commentary on the three first chapters of Genesis, which
       in spite of its title very often leaves the firm ground
       of the literal sense to revel in the airy regions of
       spiritualistic and mystical expatiation. Of his _Sermones_,
       400 are recognised as genuine (Engl. transl., Hom. on N.T.,
       2 vols., Oxf., 1844 f.; Hom. on John and 1st John, 2 vols.,
       Oxf., 1848; Comm. on Psalms, 6 vols., Oxf., 1847 f.; Harmony
       of Evangelists, and Serm. on Mt., Edin., 1874; Commentary
       on John, 2 vols., Edin., 1875). His correspondence still
       preserved comprises 270 Epistles (Engl. transl., 2 vols.,
       Edin., 1874, 1876).

  § 47.20. =Augustine’s Disciples and Friends.=

    a. =Paulinus=, deacon of Milan, who wrote, at Augustine’s
       request, the life of Ambrose, awakened in A.D. 411 the
       Pelagian controversy by the charges which he made, and
       took part in it himself by writing in A.D. 417 the _Libellus
       c. Cœlestium ad Zosimum Papam_.

    b. =Paulus [Paul] Orosius=, a Spanish presbyter, who visited
       Augustine in Africa in A.D. 415 to urge him to combat
       Priscillianism, took part with him there in his conflict
       with the Pelagians. He has left behind a _Commonitorium de
       errore Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum ad Augustinum_;
       an _Apologeticus de arbitrii libertate c. Pelagium_ and
       _Hist. adv. Paganos_ in 7 bks. The last named work was
       written at Augustine’s urgent entreaty, and pursues in a
       purely historical manner the same end which Augustine in his
       _City of God_ sought to reach in a dogmatico-apologetic way.

    c. =Marius Mercator= was a learned and acute layman, belonging
       to the West, but latterly resident in Constantinople. He
       made every effort to secure the condemnation of Pelagianism
       even in the East, and so wrote not only against its Western
       leaders but also against its Antiochean supporters, Nestorius
       and Theodore of Mopsuestia (§ 53, 4).

    d. =Prosper Aquitanicus=, also a layman and an enthusiastic
       follower of Augustine, not only wrote several treatises
       against the semi-Pelagians of his native Gaul (§ 53, 5),
       but also poured out the vials of his wrath upon them in
       poetic effusions (§ 48, 6). He died about A.D. 460.

    e. =Cæsarius, bishop of Arelate=, now Arles in Gaul, originally
       a monk in the monastery of Larinum, was one of the most
       celebrated, most influential, and in church work most
       serviceable of the men of his times. It is also mainly
       due to him that in A.D. 529 moderate Augustinianism gained
       the victory over semi-Pelagianism. He died in A.D. 543.
       His treatise _De gratia et libero arbitrio_ is no longer
       extant, but two rules for monks and nuns composed by him,
       _Ad monachos_, _Ad virgines_, as well as a considerable
       number of _Sermones_, the best of their time, are still
       preserved.

    f. =Fulgentius, bishop of Ruspe= in Africa, on account of
       his zeal for the Catholic doctrine, was banished by the
       Arian Vandal king Thrasimund, but returned after the
       king’s death in A.D. 523. He was one of the stoutest
       champions of Augustinianism. His writings against Arians
       and semi-Pelagians have been often printed. He died in
       A.D. 555. His scholar and biographer was =Fulgentius
       Ferrandus=, deacon at Carthage about A.D. 547. Alongside
       of and after him we meet with bishop =Facundus= of Hermiane,
       and the archdeacon =Liberatus of Carthage=, who with
       characteristic African energy defend the _Tria Capitula_
       (§ 52, 6) basely surrendered by the Roman bishop Vigilius.

  § 47.21. =Pelagians and semi-Pelagians.=

    I. =Pelagius=, a British monk, the originator of the heresy
       named after him (§ 53, 3, 4), left behind a considerable
       number of writings, of which, however, for the most part
       we have now only fragments in the works of his opponents.
       References in Augustine, Marius Mercator, and others show
       that to him belong the _Lb._ xiv. _Expositionum in Epistt.
       Pauli_, which have been ascribed to Jerome and included
       among his works, scholia-like explanations with good sound
       grammatico-historical exegesis. The wish to make this
       useable and safe for the Catholic church led at an early
       date to various omissions and alterations in it. Afterwards
       its heretical origin was forgotten which notwithstanding
       the purifying referred to is still quite discernible. Two
       epistles addressed to Roman ladies recommending virginity
       have also got a place among the works of Jerome.--=Julianus,
       bishop of Eclanum= in Italy, is the only one among the
       followers of Pelagius who can be regarded as of scientific
       importance. He was an acute but frivolous and vulgar
       opponent of Augustine, whom he honoured with the epithets
       _amentissimus et bardissimus_ (comp. § 53, 4).

   II. At the head of the semi-Pelagians or Massilians stands:

        a. =Johannes Cassianus=. Gennadius designates him as
           _natione Scythus_; but he received his early education
           in a monastery at Bethlehem. He then undertook a
           journey in company with the abbot to visit the Egyptian
           monks, stayed next for a long time with Chrysostom at
           Constantinople, and after his banishment resided some
           years in Rome, and finally in A.D. 415 settled down at
           Massilia (Marseilles), where he established a monastery
           and a nunnery, and organised both after the Eastern
           model. He died about A.D. 432. His writings were held
           in high esteem throughout the Middle Ages. In the
           _De institutis Cœnobiorum_ he describes the manner
           of life of the Palestinian and Egyptian monks, and
           then treats of the eight vices to which the monks were
           specially exposed. The 24 _Collationes Patrum_ report
           the conversations which he had with the Eastern monks
           and hermits about the ways and means of attaining
           Christian perfection. The 13th _Collatio_ is, without
           naming him, directed against Augustine’s doctrine,
           and develops semi-Pelagian Synergism (§ 53, 5). Both
           writings, however are certainly calculated to serve
           the development of his own monkish ideal as well as his
           own dogmatic and ethical views, rather then to afford
           a historically faithful representation of the life and
           thinking of oriental monasticism of that time. The 7 bks.
           _De incarnatione Christi_ combat not only Nestorianism
           but also Pelagianism as in its consequences derogatory
           to the divinity of Christ.

        b. =Vincentius [Vincent] Lerinensis=, monk in the Gallic
           monastery of Lerinum, was Cassianus’ most distinguished
           disciple. He died about A.D. 450. On his often printed
           _Commonitorium pro cath. fidei antiquit. et universit._,
           comp. § 53, 5.

        c. =Eucherius, bishop of Lyons=, left behind him several
           ascetical works (_De laude eremi; De contemtu mundi_),
           Homilies, and a _Liber formularum spiritualis
           intelligentiæ_ as guide to the mystico-allegorical
           interpretation of Scripture. He died about A.D. 450.

        d. =Salvianus=, presbyter at Marseilles, was in his
           earlier days married to a heathen woman whom he
           converted, and with her took the vow of continency.
           He died about A.D. 485. He wrote _Adv. avaritiam_
           Lb. iv., in which the support of the poor and surrender
           of property to the church for pious uses are recommended
           as means of furthering the salvation of one’s own soul.
           In consequence of the oppression of the times during
           the convulsions of the migration of the peoples and
           the reproach of the heathen again loudly raised that
           the weakness of the Roman empire was occasioned by the
           introduction of Christianity, he wrote _De providentia
           s. de gubernatione Dei et de justo præsentique judicio_,
           Lb. viii., which in rhetorical and flowery language
           depicted the dreadful moral condition of the Roman
           world of that day.

        e. =Faustus of Rhegium=, now Riez in Provence, in his
           earlier years an advocate, then monk and abbot of the
           cloister of Lerinum, and finally bishop of Rhegium, was
           the head of the Gallic semi-Pelagians of his times. In
           his writings he stated this doctrine in a moderate form.
           He died in A.D. 493.

        f. =Arnobius the Younger=, the contemporary and
           fellow-countryman of Faustus, wrote a very important
           work entitled _Prædestinatus_, which in a very thorough
           and elaborate manner contests the doctrines of Augustine.
           Comp. § 53, 5.

  § 47.22. =The Most Important Church Teachers among the Roman
  Popes.=

    a. =Leo the Great= occupied the papal chair from A.D. 440 to
       A.D. 461. While but a deacon he was the most distinguished
       personage in Rome. On assuming the bishopric he gave the
       whole powers of his mind to the administration of his office
       in all directions. By the energy and consistency with which
       he carried out the idea of the Roman primacy, he became the
       virtual founder of the spiritual sovereignty of Rome. With
       a strong arm he guided the helm of the church, reformed
       and organized on every side, settled order and discipline,
       defended orthodoxy, contended against heretics (Manichæans,
       Priscillianists, Pelagians, Eutychians), and appeased the
       barbarians (Attila). Of his writings we have 96 _Sermones_
       and 173 Epistles, which last are of the utmost importance
       for the church history of his times. He is also supposed
       to be the author of a talented work _De vocatione Gentium_
       (§ 53, 5).

    b. =Gelasius I.=, A.D. 492 to A.D. 496, left behind him a
       treatise _Adv. hæresin Pelagianem_, another _De duabus
       in Christo naturis_, and a work against the observance of
       the Lupercalia which some prominent Romans wished to have
       continued. He also wrote 18 Decretals. The celebrated
       _Decretum de libris recipiendis et non recipiendis_, in
       a sense the oldest _Index prohibitorum_, is ascribed to
       him. The first section, wanting in the best MSS., contains
       a biblical canon corresponding to that of the Synod of
       Hippo, A.D. 393 (§ 59, 1); the second section treats of
       the pre-eminence of the Church of Rome granted by our Lord
       Himself in the person of Peter; the third enumerates the
       œcumenical Councils; and the fourth, the writings of the
       fathers received by the Roman Church; the Chronicle and
       Church History of Eusebius are found fault with (_quod
       tepuerit_) but not rejected; in respect to the writings of
       Origen and Rufinus the opinion of Jerome is approved. The
       fifth section gives a list of books not to be received--the
       New Testament Apocrypha, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria,
       Arnobius, Cassianus, Faustus of Rhegium, etc.

    c. =Gregory the Great=, A.D. 590 to A.D. 604, born in Rome
       about A.D. 540, sprung from a distinguished old Roman
       family, held about A.D. 574 the office of city prefect,
       after his father’s death founded on his inherited estates,
       six monasteries, and himself withdrew into a seventh,
       which he built in Rome. Ordained deacon against his will in
       A.D. 579, he was entrusted with the important and difficult
       office of a papal _apocrisiarius_ in Constantinople, and was
       constrained in A.D. 590, after a long persisted-in refusal,
       to mount the papal chair, which obliged him to abandon
       the long-cherished plan of his life, the preaching of the
       gospel to the Anglo-Saxons (§ 77, 4). Gregory united a rare
       power and energy of will with real mildness and gentleness
       of character, deep humility and genuine piety with the
       full consciousness of his position as a successor of Peter,
       insight, circumspection, yea even an unexpected measure of
       liberal-mindedness (comp. _e.g._ § 57, 4; 75, 3) with all
       monkish narrowness and stiff adherence to the traditional
       forms, doctrines and views of the Roman Church. He himself
       lived in extremest poverty and simplicity according to
       the strictest monastic asceticism, and applied all that he
       possessed and received to the support of the poor and the
       help of the needy. It was a hard time in which he lived,
       the age of the birth throes of a new epoch of the world’s
       history. There is therefore much cause to thank the good
       providence which set such a man as spiritual father, teacher
       and pastor at the head of the Western Church. He took special
       interest in fostering monasticism and such-like institutions,
       which were, indeed, most conducive to the well-being of
       the world, for during this dangerous period of convulsion,
       monasticism was almost the only nursery of intellectual
       culture. The Roman Catholic church ranks him as the last
       of the Fathers, and places him alongside of Ambrose, Jerome
       and Augustine, the four greatest teachers of the church,
       _Doctores ecclesiæ_, whose writings have been long reverenced
       as the purest and most complete vehicles of the Catholic
       tradition. Among the Greeks a similar position is given to
       Athanasius, Basil, Gregory Nazianzen and Chrysostom. The
       rank thus assigned to Gregory is justifiable inasmuch as
       in him the formation and malformation of doctrine, worship,
       discipline and constitution peculiar to the ancient church
       are gathered up, completed and closed. His most complete
       work is the _Expositio in b. Jobum s. Moralium_, Ll. xxxv.,
       (Engl. transl., Lib. of Fath., 3 vols., Oxf., 1844-1850)
       which, by dragging in all possible relations of life which
       an allegorical interpretation can furnish, is expanded into
       a repertory of moral reflections. His _Regula pastoralis
       s. Liber curæ pastoralis_ obtained in the West a position
       of almost canonical authority. In his “Dialogues,” of which
       the first three books treat “_de vita et miraculis Patrum
       Italicorum_,” and the 4th book mostly of visionary views of
       the hereafter (heaven, hell and purgatory), “_de æternitate
       animarum_,” we meet with a very singular display of the most
       uncritical credulousness and the most curious superstition.
       Besides these we have from him Homilies on Ezekiel and
       the Gospels, as well as a voluminous correspondence in
       880 Epistles of great importance for the history of the
       age. To Gregory also is attributed the oft quoted saying
       which compares holy scripture to a stream _in quo agnus
       peditat et elephas natat_.

  § 47.23. =The Conservators and Continuators of Patristic Culture.=

    a. =Boëthius=, Anicius Manlius Torquatus Severinus, was
       descended from a distinguished Roman family, and stood high
       in favour with the Ostrogoth Arian king Theodoric. Accused,
       however, by his enemies of treasonable correspondence with
       the Byzantine court, he was, after a long imprisonment,
       condemned unheard and executed, A.D. 525. In prison
       he composed the celebrated treatise, _De consolatione
       philosophiæ_, which, written in pure and noble language,
       was the favourite book of the Latin Middle Ages, and was
       translated into all European languages: first of all by
       Alfred the Great into Anglo-Saxon, and often reprinted in
       its original form. The book owed its great popularity to the
       mediæval tradition which made its author a martyr for the
       Catholic faith under Arian persecution; but modern criticism
       has sought to prove that in all probability he was not even
       a Christian. Still more decidedly the theological writings
       on the Trinity and the Two Natures of Christ bearing his
       name are repudiated as irreconcileable with the contents
       and character of the _De consolatione_; though, on the
       other hand, their authenticity has again found several
       most capable defenders. Finally, Usener has conclusively,
       as it seems, in a newly discovered fragment of Cassiodorus,
       brought forward a quite incontestable witness for their
       authenticity. In any case Boëthius did great service in
       preserving the continuity of Western culture by his hearty
       encouragement and careful prosecution of classical studies
       at a time when these were threatened with utter neglect. Of
       special importance was his translation of a commentary on
       the logical works of Aristotle as the first and for a long
       time almost the only philosophical groundwork of mediæval
       scholasticism (§ 99, 2).

    c. Magnus Aurelius =Cassiodorus=, surnamed Senator, belonged
       to Southern Italy and held the highest civil offices under
       Odoacer and Theodoric for fifty years. About A.D. 540,
       he retired to the cloister of Vivarium founded by him in
       Southern Italy, and devoted the rest of his life to the
       sciences and the instruction of the monks. He collected a
       great library in his monastery, and employed the monks in
       transcribing classical and patristic writings. He died about
       A.D. 575 when almost a hundred years old. His own writings
       show indeed no independence and originality, but are all
       the more important as concentrated collections of classical
       and patristic learning for the later Latin Middle Ages. His
       twelve books of the History of the Goths have come down only
       in the condensed reproduction of Jordanes or Jornandes. His
       twelve books _Variarum_ (_sc. epistolarum et formularum_),
       which consist of a collection of acts and ordinances of the
       period of his civil service, are important for the history
       of his age. His _Historia ecclest. tripartita_ (§ 5, 1),
       was for many centuries almost the only text book of church
       history, and his _Institutiones divinarum et sæcularum
       litterarum_ had a similar position as a guide to the study
       of theology and the seven liberal arts (§ 90, 8). Also his
       commentary on the Psalms and the most of the books of the
       New Testament, made up of compilations, was held in high
       esteem.

    c. =Dionysius Exiguus=, a Scythian by birth, who became a Roman
       abbot, and died about A.D. 566, may also be placed in this
       group. He translated many Greek patristic writings, by his
       _Cyclus paschalis_ became founder of the Western reckoning
       of Easter (§ 56, 3), and also the more universally adopted
       so-called Dionysian era. By his _Codex Canonum_ he is also
       the founder of the Western system of Canon Law (§ 43, 3).


      § 48. BRANCHES OF THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND CHRISTIAN POETRY.

  § 48.1. =Exegetical Theology.=--Nothing was done in the way
  of criticism of the original biblical text. Even Jerome was
  only a translator. For the Old Testament the LXX. sufficed,
  and the divergences of the Hebrew text were explained as
  Jewish alterations. Hebrew was a _terra incognita_ to the
  fathers, Polychronius and Jerome only are notable exceptions.
  The allegorical method of interpretation was and continued to be
  the prevalent one. The Antiocheans, however, put limits to it by
  their theory and practice of the right of historico-grammatical
  interpretation. Diodorus of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia
  contested the principles of Origen, while Gregory of Nyssa in his
  _Proemium in Cant._ undertook their defence. The first attempt
  at a system of =Hermeneutics= was made by the learned Donatist
  Tychonius in his book the _Regulæ_ vii. _ad investigandam
  intelligentiam ss. Scr._ More profound is Augustine’s _De
  Doctrina Chr._ The Εἰσαγωγὴ τῆς θείας γραφῆς of the Greek
  Adrianus with its opposition to the immoderate allegorizing
  that then prevailed, deserves mention here. Jerome contributed
  to biblical =Introduction= by his various _Proœmia_. The
  first attempt at a scientific introduction to biblical study
  (isagogical and biblico-theological in the form of question
  and answer), is met with in the 2 bks. _Instituta regularia
  div. legis_ of the African Junilius, a prominent courtier at
  Constantinople, about A.D. 550. There is a Latin rendering made
  by Junilius at the request of Primasius, bishop of Adrumetum,
  of a treatise composed originally in Syriac, by Paul the Persian,
  teacher of the Nestorian seminary at Nisibis, which he had
  collected from the works of Theodore of Mopsuestia, for the
  purposes of instruction. The title _Departibus div. legis_,
  usually given to the whole, properly belongs only to the first
  part of the treatise. A more popular guide is Cassiodorus’
  _Institutio divinarum litt._ Some contributions were made
  to biblical archaeology by Eusebius and Epiphanius. Of the
  allegorical =Exegetes= of the East, the most productive was
  Cyril of Alexandria. The Antiochean school produced a whole
  series of able expositors of the grammatico-historical sense
  of scripture. In the commentaries of Chrysostom and Ephraem
  [Ephraim] the Syrian, that method of interpretation is applied
  in a directly practical interest. The Westerns Hilary, Ambrose,
  Ambrosiaster, Jerome and Augustine, as well as their later
  imitators, all allegorize; yet Jerome also applied himself very
  diligently to the elucidation of the grammatical sense. Only
  Pelagius is content to rest in the plain literal meaning of
  scripture. From the 6th century, almost all independent work in
  the department of exegesis ceased. We have from this time only
  _Catenæ_, collections of passages from commentaries and homilies
  of distinguished fathers. The first Greek writer of Catenæ, was
  Procopius of Gaza, in the 6th century; and the first Latin writer
  of these was Primasius of Adrumetum, about A.D. 560.

  § 48.2. =Historical Theology.=--The writing of Church history
  flourished especially during the 4th and 5th centuries (§ 5, 1).
  For the history of heresies we have Epiphanius, Theodoret,
  Leontius of Byzantium; and among the Latins, Augustine,
  Philastrius [Philaster], and the author of _Prædestinatus_
  (§ 47, 21f). There are numerous biographies of distinguished
  fathers. On these compare the so-called _Liber pontificalis_, see
  § 90, 6. Jerome laid the foundation of a history of theological
  literature in a series of biographies, and Gennadius of
  Massilia continued this work. With special reference to monkish
  history, we have among the Greeks, Palladius, Theodoret and
  Joh. Moschus; and among the Latins, Rufinus, Jerome, Gregory
  the Great and Gregory of Tours (§ 90, 2). Of great importance
  for ecclesiastical statistics is the Τοπογραφία χριστιανική
  in 12 bks., whose author _Cosmas Indicopleustes_, monk in the
  Sinai peninsula about A.D. 540, had in his earlier years as an
  Alexandrian merchant travelled much in the East. The connection
  of biblical and profane history is treated of in the Chronicle
  of Eusebius. Orosius too treats of profane history from the
  Christian standpoint. The _Hist. persecutionis Vandalorum_
  (§ 76, 3), of Victor, bishop of Vita in Africa, about A.D. 487,
  is of great value for the church history of Africa. For chronology
  the so-called _Chronicon paschale_, in the Greek language, is of
  great importance. It is the work of two unknown authors; the work
  of the one reaching down to A.D. 354, that of the other, down to
  A.D. 630. These chronological tables obtained their name from the
  fact that the Easter cycles and indictions are always carefully
  determined in them.

  § 48.3. =Systematic Theology.=

    a. =Apologetics.= The controversial treatises of Porphyry
       and Hierocles were answered by many (§ 23, 3); that of
       the Emperor Julian also (§ 42, 5), especially by Gregory
       Nazianzen, Chrysostum [Chrysostom] (in the Discourse on
       St. Babylas), and most powerfully by Cyril of Alexandria.
       Ambrose and the poet Prudentius answered the tract of
       Symmachus, referred to in § 42, 4. The insinuations of
       Zosimus, Eunapius, and others (§ 42, 5) were met by Orosius
       with his _Historiæ_, by Augustine with his _Civ. Dei_,
       and by Salvian [Salvianus] with his _De gubernatione
       Dei_. Johannes Philoponus wrote against Proclus’ denial
       of the biblical doctrine of creation. The vindication of
       Christianity against the charges of the Jews was undertaken
       by Aphraates, Chrysostom, Augustine, and Gregentius, bishop
       of Taphne in Arabia, who, in A.D. 540, disputed for four
       days amid a great crowd with the Jew Herban. Apologies of
       a general character were written by Eusebius of Cæsarea,
       Athanasius, Theodoret and Firmicus Maternus.

    b. In =Polemics= against earlier and later heretics, the
       utmost energy and an abundance of acuteness and depth of
       thought were displayed. See under the history of theological
       discussions, § 50 ff.

    c. Positive =Dogmatics=. Origen’s example in the construction
       of a complete scientific system of doctrine has no imitator.
       For practical purposes, however, the whole range of Christian
       doctrine was treated by Cyril of Jerusalem, Gregory of
       Nyssa, Apollinaris, Epiphanius, Rufinus (_Expositio Symboli
       Apost._), Augustine (in the last book of the _Civ. Dei_, in
       first book of his _De Doctrina Chr._, and in the _Enchiridium
       ad Laurentium_). The African Fulgentius of Ruspe (_De regula
       veræ fidei_), Gennadius of Massilia (_De fide sua_), and
       Vincentius [Vincent] of Lerinum in his _Commonitorium_. Much
       more important results for the development of particular
       dogmas were secured by means of polemics. Of supreme
       influence on subsequent ages were the mystico-theosophical
       writings of the Pseudo-Areopagite. This mysticism, so far
       as adopted, was combined by the acute and profound thinker
       Maximus Confessor with the orthodox theology of the Councils.

    d. =Morals.= The _De officiis ministr._ of Ambrose is a system
       of moral instruction for the clergy; and of the same sort
       is Chrysostom’s Περὶ ἱερωσύνης; while Cassianus’ writings
       form a moral system for the monks, and Gregory’s _Exposit.
       in Jobum_ a vast repertory on general morality.

  § 48.4. =Practical Theology.=--The whole period is peculiarly
  rich in distinguished homilists. The most brilliant of the Greek
  preachers were: Macarius the Great, Basil the Great, Gregory
  Nazianzen, Ephraem [Ephraim] the Syrian, and above all Chrysostom.
  Of the Latins the most distinguished were Ambrose, Augustine,
  Zeno of Verona, Petrus [Peter] Chrysologus, Leo the Great, and
  Cæsarius of Arles. A sort of Homiletics is found in the 4th of
  Augustine’s _De Doctr. Chr._, and a directory for pastoral work,
  in the _Regula pastoralia_ of Gregory the Great. On Liturgical
  writings, comp. § 59, 6; on Constitutional works, § 43, 3-5.

  § 48.5. =Christian Poetry.=--The beginning of the prevalence of
  Christianity occurred at a time when the poetic art had already
  ceased to be consecrated to the national life of the ancient
  world. But it proved an intellectual power which could cause to
  swell out again the poetic vein, relaxed by the weakness of age.
  In spite of the depraved taste and deteriorated language, it
  called forth a new period of brilliancy in the history of poetry
  which could rival classical poetry, not indeed in purity and
  elegance of form, but in intensity and depth. The Latins in
  this far excelled the Greeks; for to them Christianity was more
  a matter of experience, emotion, the inner life, to the Greeks
  a matter of knowledge and speculation. Among the =Greeks= the
  most distinguished are these: =Gregory Nazianzen=. He deserves
  notice mainly for his satirical _Carmen de vita sua_, περὶ ἑαυτοῦ.
  Among his numerous other poems are some beautiful hymns and
  many striking phrases, but also much that is weak and flat.
  The drama Χριστὸς πάσχων, perhaps wrongly bearing his name,
  modelled on the tragedies of Euripides and in great part made
  up of Euripidean verses, is not without interest as the first
  Christian passion-play, and contains some beautiful passages;
  _e.g._ the lament of Mary; but it is on the whole insipid
  and confused. =Nonnus of Panopolis=, about A.D. 400, wrote
  a Παράφρασις ἐπικὴ τοῦ Εὐαγγ. κατὰ Ἰωάννην, somewhat more
  useful for textual criticism and archaeology, than likely
  to afford enjoyment as poetry. Of the poetical works of the
  Empress =Eudocia=, wife of Theodosius II., daughter of the
  pagan rhetorician Leontius of Athens, hence called Athenais
  (she died about the year 460), only fragments of their renderings
  in the Cyprian legends have come down to us. The loss of her
  _Homero-centoes_ celebrated by Photius, _i.e._ reproductions
  of the biblical books of the New Testament in pure Homeric words
  and verses, is not perhaps to be very sorely lamented. On the
  other hand, the poetic description of the church of Sophia, built
  by Justinian I. and of the ambo of that church which =Paulus
  Silentiarius= left behind him, is not only of archaeological
  value, but also is not without poetic merit.

  § 48.6. =Christian Latin Poetry= reached its highest excellence
  in the composition of hymns (§ 59, 4). But also in the more
  ambitious forms of epic, didactic, panegyric, and hortatory
  poems, it has respectable representatives, especially in Spain
  and Gaul, whose excellence of workmanship during such a period
  of restlessness and confusion is truly wonderful. To the fourth
  century belongs the Spaniard =Juvencus=, about A.D. 330. His
  _Hist. evangelica_ in 4 books, is the first Christian epic;
  a work of sublime simplicity, free of all bombast or rhetorical
  rant, which obtained for him the name of “the Christian Virgil.”
  His _Liber in Genesin_ versifies in a similar manner the Mosaic
  history of the patriarchs. His countryman =Prudentius=, who died
  about A.D. 410, was a poet of the first rank, distinguished for
  depth of sensibility, glowing enthusiasm, high lyrical flow,
  and singular skill in versification. His _Liber Cathemerinon_
  consists of 12 hymns, for the 12 hours of the day, and his
  _Liber Peristephanon_, 14 hymns on the same number of saints who
  had won the martyr’s crown; his _Apotheosis_ is an Anti-Arian
  glorification of Christ; the _Hamartigenia_ treats of the origin
  of sin; the _Psychomachia_ describes the conflict of the virtues
  and vices of the human soul; and his 2 bks. _Contra Symmachum_
  combat the views of Symmachus, referred to in § 42, 4.--In the
  fifth century flourished: =Paulinus=, bishop of Nola in Campania,
  who died in A.D. 431. He left behind him 30 poems, of which
  13 celebrate in noble, enthusiastic language, the life of Felix
  of Nola, martyr during the Decian persecution. =Coelius Sedulius=,
  an Irishman (?), composed in smooth dignified verse the Life of
  Jesus, and the _Mirabilia divina s. Opus paschale_, so called
  from 1 Cor. v. 7 in 5 bks.; and a Collatio V. et N.T. in elegiac
  verse. The _De libero arbitrio c. ingratos_ of the Gaul =Prosper
  Aquitanicus= lashes with poetic fury the thankless despisers of
  grace (§ 53, 5).--The most important poet of the sixth century
  was =Venantius Fortunatus=, bishop of Poitiers, _Vita Martini_,
  hymns, elegies, etc.

  § 48.7. In the =National Syrian= Church, the first place as a
  poet belongs to =Ephraem= [Ephraim], the _Propheta Syrorum_. In
  poetic endowment, lyrical flow, depth and intensity of feeling,
  he leaves all later writers far behind. Next to him stands
  =Cyrillonas=, about A.D. 400, a poet whose very name, until quite
  recently, was unknown, of whose poems six are extant, two being
  metrical homilies. Of =Rabulas of Edessa=, who died in A.D. 435,
  the notorious partisan of Cyril of Alexandria (§ 53, 3), and of
  =Baläus=, about A.D. 430, we possess only a number of liturgical
  odes, which are not altogether destitute of poetic merit.
  This cannot, however, be said of the poetic works of =Isaac of
  Antioch=, who died about A.D. 460, filled with frigid polemics
  against Nestorius and Eutyches, of which their Catholic editor
  (Opp. ed. G. Bickell, Giess., 1873 f.) has to confess they are
  thoroughly “insipid, flat and wearisome, and move backwards and
  forwards in endless tautologies.” Less empty and tiresome are
  the poetic effusions of the famous =Jacob of Sarug=, who died
  in A.D. 521; biblical stories, metrical homilies, hymns, etc.
  Most of the numerous liturgical odes are the compositions of
  unknown authors.

  § 48.8. =The Legendary History of Cyprian.=--At the basis of the
  poetic rendering of this legend in 3 bks. by the Empress Eudocia,
  about A.D. 440, lay three little works in prose, still extant in
  the Greek original and in various translations. In early youth
  Cyprian, impelled by an insatiable craving after knowledge, power
  and enjoyment, seeks to obtain all the wisdom of the Greeks, all
  the mysteries of the East, and for this purpose travels through
  Greece, Egypt, and Chaldæa. But when he gets all this he is
  not satisfied; he makes a compact with the devil, to whom he
  unreservedly surrenders himself, who in turn places at his
  disposal now a great multitude of demons, and promises to make
  him hereafter one of his chief princes. Then comes he to Antioch.
  There Aglaidas, an eminent heathen sophist, who in vain abandoned
  all to win the love of a maiden named Justina, who had taken
  vows of perpetual virginity, calls in his magical arts, in order
  thereby to gain the end so ardently desired. Cyprian enters into
  the affair all the more eagerly since he himself also meanwhile
  has entertained a strong passion for the fair maiden. But the
  demons sent by him, at last the devil himself, are forced to flee
  from her, through her calling on the name of Jesus and making
  the sign of the cross, and are obliged to own their powerlessness
  before the Christians’ God. Now Cyprian repents, repudiates his
  covenant with the de