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Title: A Guide to the Exhibition Illustrating Greek and Roman Life
Author: Museum, British
Language: English
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  _Frontispiece._      TERRACOTTA BOATS FROM AMATHUS (p. 34).













P. 121, l.17. _For_ =339= _read_ =339*=

Pp. 143, 144, 145. _For_ =421-426= _read_ =421*-426*=

P. 216 near foot. _For_ =655= _read_ =655*=


In this Exhibition an attempt has been made to bring together a number
of miscellaneous antiquities which formed a part of the collections of
the Department, in such a method as illustrates the purpose for
which they were intended, rather than their artistic quality, their
material, or their place in the evolution of craft or design.

Such a series falls naturally into groups, and it has been found
convenient to treat these groups in accordance with a general scheme,
the illustration of the public and private life of the Greeks and

The materials forming the basis of this scheme are, primarily, objects
which already formed part of the Museum collections: for this reason
it has not been possible always to preserve that proportion in the
relation of the sections to the whole which would have been studied
if the objects had been selected for acquisition with this purpose
in view. Further, it is necessary to warn visitors that they must not
expect to find the subject in any sense exhaustively treated here:
the complete illustration of every detail of ancient life would be
impossible for any museum as at present constituted. All that can here
be done is to shape the available material into a system which may at
least present a fairly intelligible, if limited, view of ancient
life. Several new acquisitions, made since the appearance of the first
edition of this Guide, have strengthened the exhibition in directions
in which it was deficient, and it is hoped that this process will be
continued. Meanwhile, some of the gaps have been filled by means of
casts and reproductions of objects belonging to other categories in
this Museum, or preserved elsewhere.

The preparation of the first edition of this Guide (1908) was
entrusted to different members of the Departmental Staff. Mr. Yeames
prepared a great deal of the necessary preliminary work: Mr.
Walters wrote the sections on Athletics, the Circus, Gladiators, and
Agriculture: Mr. Forsdyke those on Coins, Arms and Armour, Dress
and the Toilet. The remaining sections were mainly the work of Mr.

In the present edition the section on Arms and Armour has been
re-written by Mr. Forsdyke, and the remainder has been mainly revised
by myself. The proofs have been read by Mr. Walters and Mr. Forsdyke.

  A. H. SMITH.

  _March, 1920._


_The references in brackets are to the numbers of the Figures._


  INTRODUCTION                                                  1

  I. POLITICAL INSCRIPTIONS AND SLAVERY                         1

          Treaties, etc. (1); Proxenia Decrees (2-3);
          Dikasts' Tickets and Ostraka (4-6);
          Votive Arms (7-8); Military Diploma (9_a_, 9_b_);
          Corn Largesse (10); Slaves (11).

  II. COINS                                                    14

          Greek Coins (12); Roman Coins (13-15).

  III. DRAMA                                                   25

          Greek Comedy (16); Roman Plays (17-18); Actors
          and Masks (19-22).

  IV. SHIPPING                                                 33

          Greek Shipping (Frontispiece and 23-26); Roman
          Shipping (27-28).

  V. RELIGION AND SUPERSTITION                                 39

          Implements and Methods of Worship. Votive
          Altars (29); Sacrifices and Apparatus (30-31);
          Prayer; Theoxenia (32); Augury; Shrines (33-34).

          Votive Offerings (35-45).

          Superstition and Magic. Magical Inscriptions;
          Bronze Hand (46).

  VI. ATHLETICS                                                58

          Pugilism (47); Sports of the Pentathlon (48-51);
          Boxing Gloves (52); Prize Vase (53).

  VII. GLADIATORS AND THE ARENA                                64

          Types of Gladiator (54-58); Helmet (59); Tesserae
          (60); Animal Contests (61).

  VIII. CHARIOT-RACING AND THE CIRCUS                          70

          Chariots in the Circus, and Charioteers (62-65).

  IX. ARMS AND ARMOUR                                          74

          Early Armour (66); Helmets (67-79); Cuirasses
          (80-85); Greaves, etc. (86-89); Shields (90);
          Standards (91-93).

          Early Weapons. Mycenaean Swords and Daggers
          (94-96); Mycenaean Spears and Arrows (97-98);
          Early Italian Swords and Spears (99-100); Greek
          Swords (101-105); Greek and Roman Spears (106-108);
          Roman Swords (109); Sling-shot and Arrowheads
          (110-111); Calthrop (112).

  X. HOUSE AND FURNITURE                                      109

          General Furniture. Couch (113).

          Lighting. Lampstands (114-115); Lamps (116-119);
          Candlesticks and Lanterns (120-123).

          The Kitchen. Implements. Fish Plate (124).

          The Bath. Strigils (125-126); Water Supply.
          Pumps (127-128); Heating. Shapes of Vases.

  XI. DRESS AND TOILET                                        122

          Greek Female Dress (129-133); Greek Male Dress
          (134-138); Roman Dress (139-140); Footwear (141-2);
          Fibulae (143-158).

          Jewellery. Bracelets (159); Earrings (160);
          Bullae, Necklaces, Studs, Pins (161-163).

          Toilet. Combs (164); Toilet Boxes (165);
          Mirrors; Razors (166-168); Miscellanea (169-170).

  XII. DOMESTIC ARTS                                          142

          Spinning and Weaving (171-177); Sewing Implements
          (178-182); Cutlery (183); Locks and Keys
          (184-190); Seals (191).

  XIII. TRADE                                                 158

          Shops (192-193).

  XIV. WEIGHTS AND SCALES                                     159

          Greek Weights (194-195); Roman Weights;
          Scales and Steelyards (196-200).

  XV. TOOLS, BUILDING AND SCULPTURE                           166

          Tools (201); Building Materials (202-203).

  XVI. HORSES AND CHARIOTS                                    169

          Chariots and Carts (204-205); Horse Trappings

  XVII. AGRICULTURE                                           174

          Ploughs (209); Wine Making (210); Olive Harvest
          (211-212); Goat-herd, etc. (213).

  XVIII. INDUSTRIAL ARTS                                      180

          Metal-working (214-215); Pottery (216-222);
          Gems and Pastes; Wood-working; Lathe-work.

  XIX. MEDICINE AND SURGERY                                   185

          Greek and Roman Medicine (223-226).

  XX. MEASURES AND INSTRUMENTS                                191

          Measures (227); Compasses (228); Stamps (229).

  XXI. INFANCY. TOYS                                          193

          Infants (230-231); Dolls, etc. (232-234); Tops (235).


          Reading and Writing Lessons (236-238); Arithmetic;
          Writing Materials (239-241); Painting.

  XXIII. GAMES                                                203

          Knucklebones (242-243); Dice (244); Ivory
          Pieces (245).

  XXIV. MARRIAGE                                              207

          Greek Marriage (246-249); Roman Marriage

  XXV. MUSIC AND DANCING                                      213

          Musical Instruments. Kithara and Lyre (252-253);
          Flutes and Cymbals (254); Dancing (255).

  XXVI. DOMESTIC AND PET ANIMALS; FLOWERS                     218

          Performing Animals (256); Flowers.

  XXVII. METHODS OF BURIAL                                    220

          Greek Burials (257-258); Italian Burials. Hut
          Urns (259); Canopic Urn (260); Funeral Masks
          (261); Etruscan Urn (262); Roman Burials and
          Funeral Urns (263); Roman Grave Relief (264).


The exhibition is arranged in the central rectangle of what was
formerly the Etruscan Saloon; it includes Wall-Cases =25-64=,
=94-119=, and Table-Cases =E-K=. The subject naturally divides itself
into the two chief headings of public and domestic institutions, and
each of these occupies one half of the room. On the West side are
grouped the sections relating mainly to Public Life, on the East those
of Private Life: of the former, the section illustrating the monetary
system of the ancients and its development naturally leads up to
the Department of Coins and Medals. For the general scheme of the
exhibition, reference should be made to the Table of Contents.

    NOTE.--_The references at the end of each section correspond
    to the numbers of the objects in this Guide. These numbers,
    which are placed near the objects in the Cases, are
    distinguished by being in red upon a white ground. Numbers
    attached to the objects (such as B 77 on a vase) refer to
    the British Museum Catalogues, which should be consulted for
    fuller details than can be given in the Guide._


(Table-Case K.)

A section of Table-Case K contains a series of inscriptions which
illustrate various sides of Greek and Roman political life.

It must be borne in mind that the Greek state was generally of very
small dimensions. As a rule all life was centred within a city, which
had but a moderate extent of outlying country. Aristotle describes the
perfect city or state (the words are interchangeable) as the union
of several villages, supplying all that is necessary for independent
life.[1] Greece, though small in area, was thus divided up into a
large number of states, whose interests were constantly in conflict.
It thus came about that it was provided with systems of treaties,
arbitrations, and consular representation such as marked a fully
developed international system.

=Treaties.=--The bronze tablet No. =1= dates probably from the
second half of the sixth century B.C., at a time when the Eleians and
Heraeans of Arcadia were still dwelling in villages, and were not yet
united each into a single city. It is written in the Aeolic dialect of
Elis, and records a treaty between the two peoples named. There was to
be a close alliance between them in respect of all matters of common
interest, whether of peace or war. Any breach of the treaty, or any
damage to the inscription recording the treaty, would involve a fine
of a talent of silver to be paid by the offender to Olympian Zeus,
the supreme Greek deity. The tablet was brought from Olympia by Sir
William Gell in 1813.

No. =2= is a cast of a similar treaty between the communities of the
Anaiti and Matapii, for a fifty years' friendship. In case of a breach
of the treaty the priests at Olympia have arbitrators' powers.


No. =3= (fig. 1) is a bronze tablet, with a ring at one end for
suspension, recording a treaty made between the cities of Chaleion and
Oeantheia on the Gulf of Corinth. It is in the Lokrian dialect, and
can be dated to about 440 B.C. The main object of the treaty was
to regulate the practice of reprisals between the citizens of the
respective towns, and, in particular, to prevent injury to foreign
merchants visiting either port. There are also provisions for ensuring
a fair trial to aliens. The tablet was found at Oeantheia (Galaxidi),
and was formerly in the Woodhouse collection.

=Colonization.=--This was a feature of peculiar importance in Greek
life. In the course of the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. numerous
colonists had left their homes on the mainland of Greece or on the
coast of Asia Minor, and had settled principally in Southern Italy
and Sicily, or round the shores of the Black Sea. The reasons for
such emigration were sometimes political, but more often commercial.
Between the mother-city and the colony relations of an intimate
character were almost invariably maintained. Representatives from
either city attended the more important festivals held in the other
town, and the daughter-city not infrequently sought the advice of the
mother-city in times of difficulty and danger. The inscription on the
bronze tablet No. =4= illustrates the way in which colonists left one
Greek state to settle in another comparatively near at hand, and
also shows the relations existing between the colonists and the
mother-state. At a date probably previous to 455 B.C. colonists from
the Opuntian or Eastern Lokrians (inhabiting a district lying opposite
to the island of Euboea) left their homes to settle in Naupaktos, a
town situated on the narrowest part of the Gulf of Corinth, in the
territory of the Western Lokrians. The question arose as to how far
the colonists were to remain in connection with the mother-country.
The tablet shows that the settlers had the privilege of enjoying full
social and religious rights on revisiting their native city, although
during their absence they were exempt from paying taxes to it.
Under certain conditions they might resume their residence in the
mother-state without fee, and they also had a right to inherit
property left by a near relative in that state. Other provisions deal
with judicial arrangements affecting the new settlers.

=Proxenia.=--Just as modern states appoint consuls in foreign
countries in order that the interests of their citizens abroad may be
protected, so the various Greek cities appointed their representatives
in different foreign states. These representatives were chosen from
the citizens of the town in which they acted, and their appointment
was regarded as a special honour, carrying with it substantial
privileges. The main functions of the _proxeni_ were those of
dispensing hospitality to travellers and assisting them in cases of
difficulty, and of receiving ambassadors arriving from the state which
they represented. They were also expected generally to further that
state's commercial interests.

[Illustration: FIG. 2.--GRANT OF _proxenia_ TO DIONYSIOS (NO. 5). Ht.
12-7/8 in.]

Two bronze tablets recording decrees of _proxenia_, passed by the
people of Corcyra, are here exhibited. No. =5= (fig. 2), probably of
the end of the fourth century B.C., records the grant of _proxenia_
to Dionysios, son of Phrynichos, an Athenian.[2] It mentions the date,
the appointment, and the right of possessing land and house property
in Corcyra, the last evidently a reward granted to the _proxenos_
for his services. No. =6= (fig. 3), of about 200 B.C., is a grant of
_proxenia_ to Pausanias, son of Attalos, a citizen of Ambrakia.[3]
He is accorded the usual honours, and the Treasurer is directed to
provide the money for the engraving of the decree on bronze. Both
these tablets were found in Corfu, the modern name of the ancient
Corcyra. The persons appointed acted, of course, in Athens and
Ambrakia respectively.

[Illustration: FIG. 3.--GRANT OF _proxenia_ TO PAUSANIAS (NO. 6). Ht.
8-7/8 in.]

=Law-courts at Athens.=--One of the most striking features of
democratic Athens was its elaborate machinery for the administration
of justice. The system of popular control began in the fifth century
B.C., and reached its full development in the fourth. For petty
offences the various magistrates had the power of inflicting a small
fine, but graver charges were usually decided by a jury court. Those
who composed these jury courts were called _dikastae_. They were
chosen at first up to the number of six thousand from the entire body
of citizens over thirty years of age, but later on apparently any
citizen over thirty years of age was a qualified juryman. From the
time of Perikles each juryman received three obols (about 5d.) a
day for his services. The whole body of jurymen was divided into ten
sections, each of which was distinguished by one of the first ten
letters of the Greek alphabet (A to K). Each dikast received a ticket
([Greek: pinakion]), at first of bronze, but in Aristotle's day of
boxwood, inscribed with his name, his parish, and the number of his
section. In Aristotle's day the father's name was always given as
well.[4] Four of these dikasts' tickets (in bronze) are exhibited in
this case, together with a fragment of a fifth. Upwards of eighty are
known, all apparently belonging to the fourth century B.C. The tickets
shown are:

[Illustration: FIG. 4.--TICKET OF THUKYDIDES (NO. 10). L. 4-1/4 in.]

No. =7=, which belonged to Deinias of Halae, of the third section
([Greek: G]). The ticket is stamped with the Athenian symbol of an owl
within an olive wreath, two owls with one head, and a Gorgoneion.

No. =8=, belonging to Archilochos of Phaleron, of the fifth section
([Greek: E]).

No. =9=, belonging to Aristophon, son of Aristodemos, of Kothokidae.
His was the third section ([Greek: G]).

No. =10=, the ticket of Thukydides of Upper Lamptrae (fig. 4). He
belonged to the sixth section ([Greek: Z]). The ticket bears the
symbols of an owl within an olive wreath, and a Gorgoneion.

The lowest fragment is part of a ticket belonging to Philochares of
Acharnae of the fifth section.


=Ostracism.=--This was a peculiar device adopted by Greek city-states
for getting temporary relief from the influence of prominent citizens,
whose presence was for the time being considered undesirable. At
Athens ostracism was introduced by the statesman Kleisthenes about 508
B.C. The method of effecting it was as follows. The popular assembly
(Ekklesia) first decided whether they desired that ostracism should
be carried out. If they considered it expedient, they met and recorded
their vote. The name of the person they most wished to get rid of
was written on a potsherd (ostrakon), and if six thousand votes were
recorded against any one name, that man had to go into banishment for
ten years. In Case K is a coloured illustration (No. =11=) of three
ostraka found at Athens (fig. 5). The names written on the sherds are
well known in Greek history. _Themistokles_ (fig. 5_a_), of the deme
Phrearri, was the creator of Athenian sea-power. In consequence of
this ostracism (ca. 471 B.C.) he died an exile at Magnesia on
the Maeander. _Megakles_ (fig. 5_b_) of the deme Alopeke, son of
Hippokrates and uncle of Perikles, was ostracised in 487 B.C. as
"a friend of the tyrants." In the next year, 486 B.C., was banished
_Xanthippos_ (fig. 5_c_), son of Arriphron and father of Perikles,
on the ground of undue prominence. The Museum collection contains no
ostraka of historic importance, but the potsherd inscribed by one Teos
(No. =12=) gives an idea of the actual object (fig. 6).

[Illustration: FIG. 6.--POTSHERD OF TEOS (NO. 12).]

=Dedications for Victory.=--The dedication in a temple of a part of
the spoils of victory was not merely a religious observance. It was
also the formal entering of a claim to victory. The Etruscan helmet
(No. =13=) dedicated at Olympia by Hieron of Syracuse, is an example
(fig. 7). It was found at Olympia in 1817, and was presented to the
Museum by King George the Fourth. On the side is a votive inscription:



[Greek: Hiarôn ho Deinomeneos kai toi Syrakosioi tô Di Tyran' apo
Kymas]--"_Hieron son of Deinomenes and the Syracusans offer to Zeus
Etruscan spoils from Kyme_." Hieron was tyrant of Syracuse from 478 to
467 B.C., in succession to his brother Gelon, and was one of the most
prominent figures of the age. Gelon had nobly upheld the supremacy of
the Greeks in the west by destroying a Carthaginian host at Himera, in
the same year and, as the tale went, on the same day as the battle
of Salamis. Hieron added to the brilliance of the Sicilian court, and
signalised his naval power in the great repulse of the Etruscans. The
ancient city of Kyme, near Naples, the earliest Greek colony in the
west, was hard pressed by the neighbouring barbarians and by the
civilised and powerful state of Etruria. The Greeks appealed for
help to Hieron, and he sent them a fleet of warships, which beat the
Etruscans in sight of the citadel of Kyme, and broke their sea-power
for ever (474 B.C.). From the arms and treasure taken in the battle
Hieron made the customary offering in the Temple of Zeus at Olympia,
and this helmet with its eloquent inscription was part of the
dedicated spoil.

For other votive helmets see below, p. 76.

The votive spear-head, No. =14=, dedicated by an unknown Theodoros to
(Zeus) Basileus, about 500 B.C., was probably found at Olympia. The
occasion of the dedication is unknown, but it nearly resembles No.
=15= (cast), which was dedicated at Olympia by the Methanians as
spoil from the Lacedaemonians.[5] The original is at Berlin. Several
spear-heads of this type have been found. They do not seem to be
effective for use in battle, and they are therefore supposed to
have been specially made for dedicatory purposes. It has also been
suggested that they are spear-butts, but this does not seem probable.

[Illustration: [Greek: Theodôros anethêke Basilei.]

14). 1:3.]

=Emblem of Office.=--The bronze caduceus (No. =17=), (familiar as the
emblem of the herald Mercury), is inscribed "I belong to the people
of Longene," and was apparently the staff of the public herald of that
town. It was found in a tomb in Sicily, and is of the fifth century
B.C. The device is in the form of a staff, surmounted by a pair of
intertwined serpents.

=Roman military Life.=--This is illustrated by two of the Latin
inscriptions here shown. The oblong bronze tablet No. =18= (figs.
9_a_ and 9_b_) is part of a Roman _diploma_, a document recording
privileges in respect of citizenship and rights of marriage granted to
a veteran soldier. The _diploma_ derived its name from the fact that
it was composed of two tablets hinged together.

[Illustration: FIG. 9_a_.--FRAGMENT OF A BRONZE _diploma_ (NO. 18).
Ht. 5-1/2 in.]

We have in the present instance only the left side of one of the
tablets. The right side, which had two holes for the metal rings
attaching it to the other tablet, has been broken away. The
inscription[6] is a copy of one originally engraved on bronze and set
up on the wall behind the temple of Augustus _ad Minervam_ at Rome. It
is headed with the names of M. Julius Philippus, the Emperor, and of
his son, who had the title of Caesar. This is followed by the grant
of full matrimonial rights to the soldiers of ten cohorts and by the
date, equivalent to Jan. 7th, 246 A.D. Next comes the name of the
individual soldier to whom this copy of the original inscription was
given, one Neb. Tullius, a veteran of the fifth praetorian cohort
of Philip at Aelia Mursa in Pannonia. The grant of full matrimonial
privileges was a considerable one, for it meant that the veteran's
wife and children gained the privileges of Roman citizens, if, as was
often the case, the wife was not possessed of citizen rights at the
time of marriage. The two holes in the middle of the tablet were used
for the wire thread, which was passed round the tablets three times
according to the usual official custom, and had the seals of seven
witnesses affixed to it. Fig. 9_b_ is a restoration showing the
original form of the document opened, the exterior of the two tablets
being seen. This _diploma_ was found in Piedmont. Parts of similar
documents will be seen exhibited in the Room of Roman Britain.

Near the _diploma_ is a small bronze ticket (No. =19=), inscribed on
either side. One side bears the name of Ti(berius) Claudius Priscus,
the other records that he belonged to the fourth praetorian cohort and
the _centuria Paterni_.

[Illustration: FIG. 9_b_.--THE ABOVE _diploma_ RESTORED.]

=Corn Largesses.=--From the end of the second century B.C. it had
become a regular feature of Roman policy to supply the populace of the
city with corn either gratis or at an artificially cheap rate. After
the fall of the Republic the Emperors carried still further the policy
of free distributions (_congiaria_ or _liberalitates_). It has been
reckoned that the annual cost of their largesses averaged £90,000
from Julius Caesar to Claudius, and £300,000 from Nero to Septimius
Severus. Persius, who wrote in the time of Nero, notes with a sneer
that it was one of the privileges of the meanest Roman citizen to
exchange his ticket for a portion of musty flour. This policy of
the Emperors is illustrated by the inscribed corn-ticket (_tessera
frumentaria_) shown in this Case (No. =20=; fig. 10). It is inscribed
on one side, _Ant(onini) Aug(usti) Lib(eralitas) II._, i.e., the
second special largess of Antoninus, perhaps Antoninus Pius, who
reigned from 138-161 A.D. On the other side appears _fru(mentatio)
LXI._, i.e. the sixty-first monthly corn distribution, dating
doubtless from the accession of Antoninus. The letters were originally
inlaid with silver, as is shown by the remains of that metal in the
numerals. The sepulchral inscription mentioned on p. 224 should be
studied in connection with this corn-ticket.

[Illustration: FIG. 10.--BRONZE CORN-TICKET (NO. 20). 1:1.]

=Official Emblem.=--The relief in Case =99= shows the _Fasces_ (that
is, the axes and the rods tied in a bundle) which were carried by the
lictors before the higher Roman magistrates.

=Slavery.=--The circular bronze badge (No. =21=) shows the Roman
method of dealing with runaway slaves after the softening influence
of Christianity had begun to make itself felt. In earlier times the
runaway slave had been punished with the cruel penalty of branding.
Apparently from the time of Constantine onwards an inscribed badge was
substituted, authorising the summary arrest of the slave if he were
caught out of bounds. The inscription on the badge exhibited runs:
"Hold me, lest I escape, and take me back to my master Viventius on
the estate of Callistus."

Two other objects may perhaps be brought into connection with slavery.
The scourge (No. =22=), with its lash loaded with bronze beads, was
frequently used for the punishment of slaves. It is the _horribile
flagellum_ of Horace. A scourge very similar to the present is seen on
a relief in the Capitoline Museum at Rome, representing a high-priest
of Kybele, whose devotees were in the habit of scourging themselves
in the service of the goddess.[7] The pair of iron fetters (No.
=23=), found in 1813 in a cave behind the Pnyx at Athens, bear a
close resemblance to those worn by a _bestiarius_ or beast-fighter
represented on a relief from Ephesus exhibited in Case 110, (_Cat. of
Sculpt._, II., No. 1286).

[Illustration: FIG. 11.--SLAVE BADGE (NO. 21). 3:5.]

Two small bronzes (No. =24=) show dwarf slaves undergoing the
punishment of the cangue, in which neck and wrists are fixed in a

    (1) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 264; Hicks and Hill, _Greek Hist.
    Inscr._, No. 9; (2) Roberts, _Gr. Epigraphy_, No. 297; (3)
    _Cat. of Bronzes_, 263; _B.M. Inscr._, 953; (4) _Cat. of
    Bronzes_, 262; _B.M. Inscr._, 954; (5) _Cat. of Bronzes_,
    333; (6) _ibid._, 334; (7) to (10) _ibid._, 329-332; Hicks and
    Hill, 151; _I.G._, II., 886, 901, 885, 908b; (11) _Jahrbuch d.
    Arch. Inst._, II., p. 161; (12) _B.S. Athens Ann._, V. pl. 5,
    fig. 112; (13) _B.M. Inscr._, 1155; _Cat. of Bronzes_, 250;
    (14) _B.M. Inscr._, 948A; _Journ. of Hellen. Stud._, II.,
    p. 77; (15) Roberts, _Gr. Epigraphy_, No. 286; (17) _Cat. of
    Bronzes_, 319; _I.G._ XIV., 594; cf. _Hermes_, III., p. 298
    ff.; (18) _Eph. Epigraph._, IV., p. 185; _C.I.L._, III.,
    Suppl. i., p. 2000. On the _diplomata_ generally, see Smith,
    _Dict. of Ant._, and Daremberg and Saglio, _Dict. of Ant._,
    s.v.; (19) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 901; _C.I.L._, XV., 7166;
    Hübner, _Exempla_, No. 915; (20) _Cat. of Bronzes_,
    3016; _C.I.L._, XV., 7201; _Klio_, Beiheft III., p. 21;
    _Philologus_, XXIX., p. 17; (21) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 902;
    _C.I.L._, XV., 7193.

      [Footnote 1: _Pol._ i. 1, 8.]

      [Footnote 2: [Greek:

      Prytanis Stratôn. | meis Psydreus, hamera te | tarta epi deka;
      prostatas | Gnathios Sôkrateus; | proxenon poei ha halia |
      Dionysion Phrynichou | Athênaion auton kai | ekgonous. didôti
      de kai | gas kai oikias empasin. | tan de proxenian grapsan |
      tas eis chalkon anthemen | ei ka proboulois kai prodikois dokêi
      kalôs echein.

        Dionysion | Phrynichou | Athênaion.]

      [Footnote 3: [Greek:

      Edoxe ta halia, proxe|non eimen Pausanian At|talou Ambrakiôtan |
      tas polios tôn Korkyrai|ôn auton kai engonous; | eimen de autois
      kai ta | alla timia, hosa kai [tois] | allois proxenois [kai] |
      euergetais geg(ra)|ptai. | tan de proxeni|an proboulous kai
      pro|dikous grapsantas eis | chalkôma anathemen, | ton de
      tamian domen | to genomenon analô|ma.

        Pausanian Attalou | Ambrakiôtan.]

      [Footnote 4: [Greek: Ath. Pol. 63: echei d' hekastos dikastês
      pinakion pyxinon, epigegrammenon to onoma to heautou patrothen
      kai tou dêmou kai gramma hen tôn stoicheiôn mechri tou k.]]

      [Footnote 5: [Greek: Methanioi apo Lakedaimoniôn.]]

      [Footnote 6:
      Imp. Cae(sar) M. Iulius Phili[ppus Pius]
      Fel(ix) Aug(ustus), pont(ifex) max(imus), trib(unicia)
              p[ot(estate) III, cos., p.p. et]
      M. Iulius Philippus nobil[issim(us) Caes(ar)]
      nomina militum, qui milit[averunt in]
      cohortibus pretoris Phil[ippianis de-]
      cem I. II. III. IIII. V. VI. VII. VIII. VII[II. X. piis vin-]
      dicibus, qui pii et fortiter [militia fun-]
      cti sunt, ius tribuimus con[ubii dumta-]
      xat cum singulis et primi[s uxoribus],
      ut etiam si peregrini iur[is feminas]
      in matrimon(io) suo iunxe[rint, proinde
      liberos toll(ant), acxi (for _ac si_) ex duob(us) c[ivibus Ro-]
      manis natos. a. d. VII. [idus Ian.]
      C. Bruttio Presente et C. Al(b)[- - - - - cos.]
      Coh(ors) V pr(aetoria) Philip[pian(a) p(ia) v(index).]
      Neb. Tullio Neb. f. M(a) - - - - - - - -
            Ael(ia) Murs[a].
      Descript(um) et recognit(um) ex ta[bula aerea],
      que fix(a) est Romae in muro [pos(t) templum]
                divi Aug(usti) ad Mine[rvam].


      [Footnote 7: Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, II., p. 801, fig. 867.]


(Table-Case K.)

The coins which are selected to represent the Greek and Roman
currencies extend over a period of just one thousand years, in the
course of which the coinage went through all the developments and
anticipated all the varieties of type and fabric which it has since
experienced, while in artistic merit it reached an excellence which
will probably never be surpassed. The Greek coinage, moreover, has the
great interest of being that upon which all later coinages have been
modelled--for the Chinese money, which originated about the same time,
and apparently independently, may be left out of account.

=Greek Coins.=--The character and provenance of the earliest coins
agree with the best ancient tradition of their origin, in so far as
it associates them with Asia Minor, although it is more probable
that they were invented by the Greek cities of the coast than by
the Lydians, to whom they have been credited in accordance with the
Herodotean tradition.[8] The most primitive pieces are found in Asia
Minor, and their metal is a natural mixture of gold and silver, called
electrum, which occurs in the mountains of Lydia, and was brought down
to the sea in the sands of the great rivers, the golden Hermus and its
tributary the Pactolus. The cities which the Greeks had planted on the
Asiatic shores grew in the seventh century B.C. to a high degree of
wealth, by reason of their position on a rich coastland, where they
were intermediary in the trade of east and west. There were great
bankers in these Ionian cities who had large stores of treasure; their
gold and silver would be kept in bars or ingots of definite weight
stamped with the device, in place of the written signature, of the
banker. From thus marking large ingots with his own signature, it
would be a short step for the banker to do the same with smaller
denominations of the same weights, so producing a private coinage for
his own convenience in calculation, which would come to have a limited
acceptance in the quarters where his credit was good. Such pieces
are probably to be recognised in the nondescript coins of which the
electrum stater is an example (No. =24=; fig. 12_a_); this is scored
on one side with parallel scratches and stamped on the other with
three deep punch-marks. There are many pieces in existence which have
even less design than this, although their weights conform to definite
coin-standards. We may perhaps regard this example as a private coin,
one of the last of its kind, which immediately preceded the adoption
of coinage by the state. The invention of coinage lies really in this
innovation, which, however obvious it may seem to us now, was then
of deep political significance. When once a state currency was
instituted, the private coinage fell out of use, for no individual
banker could compete with the guarantee of the state, and the state
would not tolerate imitation of its own types. We may therefore take
it that the successive stages in the "invention" of coinage were
somewhat as follows: first, the occasional practice of stamping
certain weights of metal with marks by which they could be identified;
this probably continued in private use for a long period before it was
adopted by a state; and finally the adoption all over the Greek world
of a series of state coinages.

The example, once set, was quickly followed by the more important
Greek cities, until by the middle of the sixth century the art of
coinage had travelled from Ionia across the mainland of Greece to
the colonies in Italy and Sicily. Owing to the peculiar political
conditions of Greece, where every town held a separate and independent
sovereignty, each state was jealous to assert its autonomy on its
coins, with the result that the Greek coinage presents an enormous
variety of types, held together, however, as the money of one people
by the uniformity of their general character and of the art in which
they are expressed.

We may now proceed to consider a few representative coins, which in
the midst of innumerable local issues were important enough by
their purity of weight and metal, or by their abundance, or by the
commercial reputation of their issuing states, to predominate in
the Greek world as a sort of international currency and standard of

The earliest electrum stater of Ionia is interesting on account of its
fabric only, for it has no type. It is a bean-shaped lump of metal,
one side of which has been stamped with a flat die marked with
parallel scratches, the other with three punches, which have left
deep impressions (No. =24=; fig. 12_a_). The pieces which immediately
followed, such as the silver money of Aegina (No. =25=; fig. 12_d_),
have a real type on the obverse, while the punch-mark on the reverse
is more regular, and is often ornamented with some design of a special
character, though it does not contain a type until later.

With the introduction of coinage into European Greece, a change was
made in the metal of the currency, for gold and electrum, which were
plentiful in Asia, were not common in Greece proper, and a silver
coinage was there the rule until Philip of Macedon took possession of
the Thracian gold mines. The few gold issues before his time were due
to exceptional circumstances; thus the gold coinage of Athens (No.
=26=) was occasioned by great financial stress, when treasure was
melted down to supply the currency. There was, however, no lack of
gold money in Greece, for after the first electrum issues came the
fine gold staters of Croesus, in the early sixth century (No. =27=;
fig. 12_b_), and, on his overthrow by Cyrus, an international gold
coinage was still available in the enormous issues of the Persian
darics (No. =28=; fig. 12_c_), which were in common use all over
the ancient world until the Macedonian gold replaced them. A few
subsidiary electrum coinages survived in Asia, the most famous being
the Kyzikene staters (No. =29=; fig. 12_m_), which were a standard
exchange in the Aegean and Black Sea regions. A peculiarity of this
coinage is that the distinctive type of the town, the tunny, is
relegated to a secondary place, while the main type is a constantly
changing design. In the piece illustrated the subject is taken from a
group of the Athenian tyrannicides, Harmodios and Aristogeiton, which
stood in the market place of their native city.

[Illustration: FIG. 12.--GREEK COINS. 1:1.]

Another important currency, used especially in western Greece, the
"colts" of Corinth, took its type from the local myth that the winged
horse Pegasos was captured by Bellerophon at the fountain Peirene,
which flowed from the acropolis of the town (No. =30=; fig. 12_e_).
The original punch-mark on the reverse was soon replaced by the
helmeted head of Athena, who also had a part in the Pegasos myth, and
these two types were constant as long as the Corinthian state existed.
The money which enjoyed the fairest reputation was that of Athens,
which, at the time of the Athenian empire, superseded the issues of
the subject cities and became the standard currency in the Aegean
Sea. It penetrated into the far East, and there are extant examples of
native imitations from India and Arabia. The wide circulation of these
staters among barbarous peoples was the cause of their peculiar
style; for not only were the types of Athena's head and her owl and
olive-branch unaltered from the first sixth-century design, but the
execution was an imitation of the primitive manner, the stiffness of
archaic art being reproduced in an affected archaism. As the money of
Athens was the foremost in the Greek world, it is useful to note the
extraordinary number of denominations which were struck in silver at
its most flourishing period, the fifth century B.C. A large, but still
not complete, series is exhibited here (No. =31=). It consists of the
_Decadrachm_ (10 drachmae, fig. 12_f_), an early and rare coin, the
_Tetradrachm_ (4 drachmae, fig. 12_g_), which was the famous Athenian
stater or standard piece, the _Didrachm_ (2 drachmae), the _Drachm_
(fig. 12_h_), the unit of weight, which contained six obols, the
_Triobol_ (3 obols), the _Diobol_ (2 obols), the _Obol_ (fig.
12_i_), the _Tritemorion_ (3/4 obol), the _Hemiobol_ (1/2 obol), the
_Trihemitetartemorion_ (3/8 obol), and the _Tetartemorion_ (1/4
obol, fig. 12_k_), the half of the last piece being equivalent to the
largest bronze coin, the _Chalkous_ (No. =32=).

With the Athenian series is the bronze core of an ancient imitation of
a silver stater, of which the silver plating has perished (No. =33=).
False coining was punished with extreme penalties even in those early
days: in an extant monetary convention between Mytilene and Phocaea,
of the fourth century B.C., the crime of adulterating the money is
threatened with death.[9]

On the conquest of Athens by Macedon, at the end of the fourth century
B.C., the autonomous Athenian coinage was largely superseded by the
Macedonian regal issues, and did not recover its position until late
in the next century. It was renewed in a different form, with none of
the old archaism, of which the occasion was past. The coins of the new
style exemplify the thin flat fabric of the period, and although the
types of Athena and the owl are preserved, their arrangement is much
more complicated. The new head of Athena is a copy from the colossal
ivory and gold statue which Pheidias made, and on the reverse of the
coins the owl and olive spray are accompanied by many new devices, of
which the most remarkable are the names, symbols, and monograms of
the monetary magistrates; eminent personages sometimes figure in
this place. On the coins exhibited (No. =34=; fig. 12_l_) one of the
officials is Antiochos, who was afterwards Epiphanes, king of Syria.

In the interval between the old and new coinages, when the Athenian
money was scanty, the currency was supplied by the regal issues of the
Macedonian kings and their successors. Under Philip II. and his son
Alexander the Great, the Macedonian monarchy extended its dominion
by conquest, not only over the isolated Greek cities, but over the
ancient empire of Persia. The opportunity was thus provided for a
universal coinage, and it was realised in the gold and silver
issues of Philip and Alexander (Nos. =35=, =36=; fig. 12_n-q_). The
acquisition of the Thracian gold-mines gave Philip the means for an
abundant coinage of gold, the first considerable Greek issue of the
kind, which contributed in no small measure to his political success.
The style of these coins of Philip is not different from that of other
Greek money, except that they are inscribed with a personal name--of
Philip--instead of the name of a whole people, and the types, a
horse and jockey and a two-horse chariot, are also personal, as they
commemorate the racing successes of the king. The fine heads on the
obverse, however, are still divine, that of Zeus appearing on the
silver and the young Apollo on the gold, for the idea of representing
a living personage on a coin was still distant. Of this money the
gold especially was struck in enormous quantities, and the types were
imitated more and more crudely, as time went on, in Gaul and Britain.
(_See_ the series shown in the Room of Roman Britain.) The coinage of
Alexander was even more widely spread. His types were more orthodox
than those of Philip: the head of Athena and a Victory on the gold,
and the head of young Herakles, wrapped in the lion-skin, with a
figure of Zeus enthroned, on the silver staters, although in the head
of Herakles there is some suggestion of the features of Alexander.
These coins were struck all over the world which Alexander conquered,
and lasted after his death as the money of his successors and of
independent cities, in some cases even for two centuries; but the
kings who divided his great empire modified the type by introducing
real portraits of Alexander, as a deified hero, and later of
themselves, as living deities, so that the representation of a
ruler's head on coins, which is still practised to-day, began with
quasi-religious Greek coin-types. The regularity of the Greek coinage
which Alexander established was only temporary, and his influence was
fast disappearing when the subjection of the world by the Romans in
the first century B.C. merged all provincial issues in the complete
uniformity of the Imperial mint.

=Roman Coins.=--As gold in the Asiatic coastlands and silver in
European Greece, so in Italy the native medium of exchange was bronze.
In the earliest times the raw metal was circulated in broken knobs of
indefinite weight (_aes rude_), which required in all transactions the
use of scales. The rude metal was afterwards superseded by cast ingots
of an oblong shape, which bore a device to indicate their purpose as
money (_aes signatum_). Yet the weights were still irregular, and
no mark of value accompanied the types, so that the pieces were not
strictly coins. A survival of this primitive currency is seen in the
large ingot which has on one side a tripod and on the other an anchor
(No. =37=; fig. 13). This piece itself belongs to a later period, when
the lighter coined money was already in use. The special purpose for
which this and similar pieces were intended is quite uncertain. The
first coinage of Rome was less massive than this, but being entirely
of bronze, was still inconveniently large and cumbrous (_aes grave_).
The Roman of the fourth century B.C., when he found it necessary to
transport any considerable sum, took his money about with him in a
waggon.[10] The use of bronze for a token currency, as in Greece, was
not possible without a superior coinage of gold or silver to secure
its value.

[Illustration: FIG. 13.--AES SIGNATUM (NO. 37). 1:3.]

[Illustration: FIG. 14.--AES GRAVE (NO. 38). AS, SEMIS, QUADRANS, AND
UNCIA. 1:2.]

A typical series of the Roman heavy bronze money is exhibited (No.
=38=; fig. 14) The system is based on the pound of twelve ounces, and
the denominations of the various pieces are distinguished by the
heads or obverse types, and by the marks of value which they bear. The
series consists of the _As_, or pound (+I+), the half, _Semis_ (+S+),
the third, _Triens_, of four ounces (····), the quarter, _Quadrans_,
of three ounces (···), the sixth, _Sextans_, of two ounces (··), and
the _Uncia_, or ounce, the lower unit (·) (_cf._ p. 160). Each of
these is further differentiated by the obverse head. The _as_ has the
double head of Janus, the god of beginnings, whose coin opened the
series of money, as his month begins the year. The _semis_ has the
head of Jupiter, wearing a laurel wreath; the _triens_, Minerva armed;
the _quadrans_, Hercules in the lion-skin; the _sextans_, Mercury, the
messenger, with wings in his cap; and the _uncia_, a head of Bellona,
the goddess of battle. All the reverses have a common type, the prow
of a ship. This device may mark the date of the introduction of the
Roman coinage, which coincided with Rome's first essays on the sea,
in the middle of the fourth century before Christ. It remained as the
reverse type of the bronze money all through the Republic, and even
in later times, when a coin was tossed, the cry was "heads" or

The heavy bronze coinage of the city of Rome was only one among
many similar currencies of the central Italian states. As the Romans
conquered the neighbouring territories, where there existed local
weight-systems, which, in the interests of commerce, it was well
to preserve, instead of imposing their own money, they inaugurated
subordinate issues at the dependent mints. On this principle it was
natural that when the march of Roman conquest came upon the peoples of
South Italy, where a silver currency had been long ago introduced by
the Greek colonists, a local issue for those parts was instituted as
a subsidiary coinage. To this class of Roman money belongs the silver
stater or didrachm with Campanian types (the head of Mars and the
bust of a horse) which was struck by the Romans--as the legend
+ROMANO+(_rum_) shews--in Capua for the use of the Campanian district
(No. =39=; fig. 15_a_). With the extension of power and territory the
old bronze pieces were inadequate, and in the year 268 B.C. a silver
coinage was begun at Rome itself. At the same time the Campanian mint
was closed, and the heavy bronze coins, being subordinated to
the silver unit, were issued as token-money in a reduced and more
convenient size.

The first Roman silver coinage bears the types of the goddess Roma,
wearing a winged helmet, and on the reverse the patron deities of
trade and commerce, Castor and Pollux, the Heavenly Twins or Dioscuri
(No. =40=; fig. 15_b-d_). They are armed with spears and ride on
horseback, with their stars above their heads. These types occur on
all three denominations of the earliest silver, the _Denarius_ (marked
+X+), which was worth 10 _asses_; its half, the _Quinarius_ (+V+); and
the _Sestertius_ (+IIS+) of 2-1/2 _asses_, which became the unit in
reckoning accounts. The two smallest silver pieces were not always
struck; but the _denarius_, with the reduced copper for small
denominations, remained in use during the period of the Republic
at Rome and long into the Empire. Although both series had a great
variety of types, the fabric and general appearance were unaltered.

With the change to the Empire, reform in all directions was begun, and
the coinage was set on a new basis. Gold was introduced to meet the
needs of the metropolis of the world, and two new coins, the _Aureus_
and its half, were struck in this metal. They were modelled on the
silver pieces. The standard silver coin was still the _denarius_,
and the only change which it experienced was in type. The head of the
emperor took the place of those of deities, with a superscription,
which was the forerunner of modern coin-legends. It consisted of
the name and titles of the emperor, often with the date of striking,
arranged in a circle round the edge of the coin. The minting of gold
and silver was assumed by the emperor, but the lower denominations
were left to the senate, whose authority is expressed on each piece by
the letters +S·C+ (_Senatus Consulto_, "by decree of the Senate"). The
senatorial series consisted of the _Sestertius_, the equivalent of the
smallest silver coin, now valued at 4 _asses_ instead of the original
2-1/2; the _Dupondius_, of 2 _asses_; the _As_, and fractions of the
_as_, _Semis_ and _Quadrans_, which are of less frequent occurrence.
These coins sometimes differed as to the metal used, the _as_ and
_semis_ being of copper, and the _dupondius_ and _sestertius_ of
brass; or in the style of the emperor's head; or, as in the case of
the coins exhibited, the _as_ is marked +I+ and the _dupondius_ +II+
(fig. 15_h_ and _i_). Usually, however, the two pieces are confused,
and are loosely termed by collectors "second brass," the sesterce
being "first brass," and all denominations lower than the _as_ "third
brass." The reverse types were very numerous, and, with the exception
of the mark +S·C+ on the senatorial issues, none of them was peculiar
to any denomination. The series which is selected here to illustrate
the Imperial coinage is of the reign of Nero (54-68 A.D.); all the
pieces, therefore, bear the image and superscription of that Caesar,
and their reverses have complimentary references to the emperor and
his family, or topical allusions to current events (No. =41=; fig.

[Illustration: FIG. 15.--ROMAN COINS. 1:1.]

Nero was the first emperor to reduce the weight of the _denarius_, and
from his time the degeneration was rapid. A series of seven pieces,
from Tiberius to Probus (14-281 A.D.), illustrates the debasement of
the metal, which is apparent to the eye (No. =42=). By the time of
Gordianus Pius (238-244 A.D.) no trace of silver is visible, and the
coin of Probus here exhibited is plainly copper. Yet these pieces
represent the only silver money which was then coined.

Many of the coins which have come down to us have been preserved by
the care or avarice of their former owners, who hid their wealth for
security and were unable to recover it. Portions of two such hoards
are shown at the end of the case. One consists of Athenian staters of
the late fifth century B.C. (No. =43=), which were found in the Greek
settlement of Naukratis, and the other is a large collection of late
Roman coins of the fifth century A.D. (No. =44=). These were buried
in another Egyptian town, Hawara, in the egg-shaped jug which is shown
with them. At Pompeii, a city which was overwhelmed by the volcano in
the midst of its daily life, money, like all other things, has been
found ready to hand and actually in use. There is in this Case all
that the fire has left of a Pompeian money-box, and among the coins
which it contains is a brass sesterce of Nero, whose reign ended
eleven years before the catastrophe. Shreds of a net purse are also
visible in the box (No. =45=).

=Special uses of Coins.=--A silver stater of Sikyon (No. =46=), is
marked by an inscription punctured by the dedicator--_To Artemis in
Lakedaemon_. A religious character attaches also to the bronze coin of
Laodikeia in Phrygia, which is pierced and suspended from a wire loop
for wearing as a charm against sickness, by virtue of the figures
which it bears of Asklepios and Hygieia, the deities of health (No.

A curious coin, struck for a special religious purpose, is the copper
piece of Nemausus (Nîmes, in the South of France), which is made in
the shape of a ham for dedication to the deity of the local fountain
(No. =48=). The offering was probably originally paid in kind.

=Ancient false Coins.=--With the exception of the Italian heavy
copper, which was cast, nearly all ancient coins were struck in dies,
and most of the false pieces which have survived are defective in the
quality of the metal, while the fabric is good. In the later Roman
Empire, when all the standard money was of base metal, the surface was
so bad that the coins could easily be counterfeited by casting, and
great numbers of the clay moulds used by forgers or by the monetary
authorities date from this period. Among the large collection here
exhibited (No. =49=) there are some unbroken moulds, and some with the
run metal still adhering. Base metal was detected by the use of the
touch-stone, and pieces of doubtful weight were tested by the balance.
An ivory folding balance is shown (No. =49*=). The long arm is made
just too light to counterpoise a good denarius--the test being that if
the coin were heavy enough it would fall off the plate at the end.

    For Greek and Roman coins in general, see Hill, _Handbook of
    Greek and Roman Coins_ (with the Bibliography there given);
    G. Macdonald, _Coin Types_ (Glasgow, 1905); Head, _Historia
    Numorum_ (2nd ed. 1911.)

      [Footnote 8: i. 94.]

      [Footnote 9: Michel, _Recueil des inscr. grecques_, No. 8.]

      [Footnote 10: Livy, iv. 60.]

      [Footnote 11: Macr. _Sat._ i. 7, 22. pueri denarios in
      sublime iactantes capita aut navia exclamant.]


(Table-Case K and Glass Shade above.)

The antiquities illustrating the ancient drama are placed in one half
of Table-Case K, and under the glass shade standing above it.

=Greek Drama.=--This was in its origin essentially religious, and
retained up to the decline of tragedy at the end of the fifth century
B.C. the character of a religious ceremony. Thus tragedy gradually
developed out of the rude dances in honour of the wine-god Dionysos,
which were performed at country vintage festivals. The name tragedy
means "goat-song," and is probably to be associated with the sacrifice
of the goat, the enemy of the vines.

The dramatic part of a tragedy was at first confined to a dialogue
between a single actor and the leader of the chorus, with long musical
interludes, but the number of actors was gradually increased, with
the result that more stress was laid on the dramatic action. Aeschylos
introduced a second actor, Sophokles a third, and Euripides, the last
of the great tragedians, reduced the lyrical element of the play to
comparatively insignificant proportions.

Comedy underwent a development not unlike that of tragedy. It also
had its origin in the coarse buffoonery common at the rustic festivals
which celebrated the vintage. Introduced into Athens from the
neighbouring Megara early in the sixth century B.C., it did not
receive recognition from the state until the middle of the fifth
century. The comedy of the closing years of that century is
inseparably connected with the name of Aristophanes, who combined
merciless political satire with exquisite poetry.

In the fourth century B.C. a great change came over comedy at Athens.
The later plays of Aristophanes mark the beginning of the comedy of
manners, which took the place of the old political comedy. The master
of this new comedy was Menander. Through Roman translations and
adaptations of Menander and his fellow poets by Plautus and Terence,
comes the comedy of Molière and modern Europe.

The theatre, in which these ancient plays were performed, was of slow
development. The grassy slopes of a hill, bordering on a circular
dancing-place (_orchestra_), satisfied the earliest audiences. Later
on, a definite place was set apart for theatrical performances, and a
wooden structure erected for the actors. It was not until the fourth
century that permanent stone seats were laid down in the Theatre of
Dionysos at Athens, although performances had been given there for
more than a century.

=Roman Drama.=--The drama at first met with a determined opposition
from Romans of the old school as a new-fangled thing from Greece. The
taste of the people, also, was not inclined to favour so cultured an
amusement as the drama. The Romans preferred to see a fight between
men or beasts rather than to listen to a play, and on one occasion,
when listening to a play of Terence, they rushed pell-mell from the
theatre, because a rumour arose that a combat of gladiators was going
to take place.[12]

The more important Roman comedies were adapted from the New Comedy of
the Greeks. These adaptations are familiar to us from the surviving
plays of Plautus (254-184 B.C.) and Terence (ca. 185-159 B.C.). Actors
at Rome had long to be content with temporary wooden structures, which
were pulled down when the performances were over. A permanent theatre
was not erected in Rome till 55 B.C.

The objects illustrating the ancient drama can conveniently be divided
into (_a_) representations of scenes from plays, and (_b_) figures of
actors and masks.

(_a_) =Scenes from Plays.=--The vase (No. =50=) placed under the glass
shade is valuable as an illustration of the beginnings of Athenian
drama. It is a plate of Athenian fabric of the sixth century B.C.,
with designs which probably represent the sacrifice made to Athena at
the Panathenaic games, and two scenes relating to dramatic contests.
The first of these scenes shows a tragic chorus with the goat, which
was the prize of victory. The second shows a comic chorus, in which a
man seated at the back of a mule-car appears to be making jests at the
expense of another man who follows. This "jesting from a car" became a
regular phrase to express ribald joking.[13] None of the men who took
part in these contests is distinguished by any peculiarity of costume.
Another early vase, however (No. =51=), gives a lively picture of two
actors dressed up as birds. Before them stands a flute-player.
Though this vase is many years earlier in date than the _Birds_ of
Aristophanes (414 B.C.), yet it may serve to give us some idea of the
appearance of the chorus in that play.



The two large vases illustrate Greek dramatic performances of a
considerably later date. They give us scenes from _phlyakes_, a class
of burlesques which were in vogue in the Greek cities of Southern
Italy, especially at Tarentum, at the end of the fourth and the
beginning of the third century B.C. They are associated with the name
of Rhinthon, a Syracusan poet. These plays dealt in the wildest spirit
of farce with subjects drawn from Greek mythology and legend, as well
as with scenes from daily life. One of the vases (No. =52=; fig.
16) shows a contest upon the stage, between actors representing Ares
([Greek: Eneualios]) and Hephaestos ([Greek: Daidalos]) fighting in
the presence of Hera. The grotesque mask, the padded figures, and the
general air of exaggeration are indicative of the character of these
plays, which earned for them the title of mock-tragedies ([Greek:
hilarotragôdiai]). The other vase (No. =53=) is a parody of the myth
of Cheiron cured by Apollo. The blind Centaur, whose equine body
is represented pantomime-fashion by a second actor pushing behind,
ascends the steps leading up to the stage, where stands the slave
Xanthias. Behind is the Centaur's pupil Achilles, and looking on from
a cave are two grotesquely ugly nymphs.


Case K contains two interesting representations of Roman comedy and
tragedy respectively. The oblong lamp (No. =54=; fig. 17) gives a
scene from a comedy, not improbably the mock-marriage scene from the
fourth act of the _Casina_ of Plautus. The steps leading up to the
door of the house divide the actors into two groups. On the left
is the bridegroom (Olympio?) with his mule, in preparation for his
departure into the country. On the right comes the marriage procession
approaching a woman (Pardalisca?) who stands by the steps. First walks
a Silenus, carrying a Cupid on his shoulders; next comes the bride,
carried aloft by a man, in order that she may be lifted over the
threshold in conformity with the usual Roman marriage rite (see below,
p. 212). Behind is an altar in the courtyard of the house. A Cupid
waits at the door to receive the bride.


(MONEY-LENDER?) (NO. 60). Ht. 7-7/8 in.]

The Gallo-Roman medallion (No. =55=; fig. 18) is from a vase. It gives
a picture of a Roman tragedy. On a high stage sits Jupiter enthroned,
with Victory and Minerva on his right and left hand respectively.
Before the stage stand Hercules and Mars, disputing. Hercules has
slain Cycnus, the son of Mars, and the irate father stands exclaiming:
"Be assured that I am come as the avenger of my son." To which
Hercules replies: "Unconquered valour can ne'er be terrified."[14] The
characters speak in iambic verse.

(NO. 61). Ht. 8-1/2 in.]

(_b_) =Figures of actors and masks.=--In tragedy the actors probably
wore a dress differing from that of the spectators only in a certain
richness of material and colour, and in an adherence to the fashion
of an earlier period. Two features, however, distinguished them in
appearance from ordinary men, the buskin ([Greek: kothornos]) or
high-soled boot, and the tragic mask. The use of the former (which
increased in height as time went on) was due to a desire to enhance
the wearer's dignity by raising him somewhat above the common
height of men. The wearing of the mask was brought about chiefly
by tradition, partly by the great size of ancient theatres, which
rendered some easily recognized type of face a practical necessity.
The tragic mask (fig. 22 below, right) was usually surmounted by a
high projection over the forehead, called the _onkos_, on which the
hair was raised to a height varying with the social position of the
character. The mask illustrated (No. =56=) is of ivory and finely
worked. It is a mask such as would have been worn by some king in
tragedy, an Agamemnon or a Kreon. The general appearance of a tragic
actor is finely brought before us by an ivory statuette (not in the
Museum) which was found near Rieti, a place about 35 miles N.E. of
Rome (fig. 19). The elaborately embroidered robe is coloured blue, and
the _onkos_, mask, and buskins are clearly seen. (_Mon. dell' Inst._
xi. pl. 13.)

[Illustration: FIG 22.--COMIC, SATYRIC, AND TRAGIC MASKS (NOS. 65, 66,
56). Ca. 5:8.]

The figures of actors and the comic masks exhibited under the glass
shade and in Table-Case K bring before us the different characters
prominent in Athenian comedy of the fourth and third centuries B.C.,
and in the Roman comedy derived from it. It was a comedy of everyday
life, in which the same well-known types were constantly reappearing.
Such were the parasite (No. =57=), who bears all the marks of a
fondness for good living, and carries a flask and a ham; the glutton
(Nos. =58= and =59=), distinguished by his large padded stomach;
the money-lender (No. =60=), with his acute and cunning expression,
grasping his purse tightly by his side with both hands, and partially
concealing it beneath his cloak (fig. 20). The adventures of the
slave and his punishments were a favourite theme with poets of the
new comedy. No. =61= (fig. 21) may represent the trusted elderly slave
aghast at the misdoings of his young master. A still greater favourite
is the runaway slave who seeks refuge from his irate master in the
protection of the altar. The bronze statuette (No. =62=), and the
terracotta (No. =63=) show him seated on the altar, and in No. =64=
his hands are tied behind him. A typical comic mask (No. =65=) is
illustrated above (fig. 22, left), characterised by its exaggerated
features, especially the wide open mouth, the snub nose and thick
bushy eyebrows. The satyric play, which of the three kinds of Greek
drama kept nearest in spirit to the early Dionysiac village revel,
is illustrated by the satyric masks (No. =66=; fig. 22, centre), with
their high upstanding hair and semi-bestial features, as well as
by the masks of the bald-headed Seilenos, the constant companion of
Dionysos in his revels.

Most of the examples of masks shown in the case are merely
representations. A few such as No. =67= with pierced eye and
mouth-holes, and of life size, may have been intended for use. Two
heads of actors from marble reliefs (Nos. =68=, =69=) show to what
extent the face of the actor could be seen, within the apertures of
the mask.

    (50) _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 80; _Journ. Hell. Stud._, I.,
    pl. 7; (51) _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 509; _Journ. Hell. Stud._,
    II., pl. 14; (52) _Cat. of Vases_, IV., F 269; cf. Heydemann
    in _Jahrb. d. arch. Inst._, I. (1886), p. 260 ff.; (53)
    _Cat. of Vases_, IV., F 151; (54) _Cat. of Lamps_, 446; Cf.
    Froehner, _Hoffman Sale Cat._, 1886, p. 38, No. 127; (55)
    _Cat. of Roman Pottery_, M 121; _Gazette Arch._, 1877, p. 66,
    pl. 12.

    On the ancient theatre generally, see Haigh, _The Attic
    Theatre_, edn. 3, where references to literature will be
    found. For Masks, see Daremberg and Saglio, Dict., _s.v._

      [Footnote 12: _Hecyra_, _prolog._, 30 ff.]

      [Footnote 13: Cf. Dem., _de Cor._, 122: [Greek:
      kai boas rhêta kai arrêta onomazôn, hôsper ex hamaxês].]

      [Footnote 14:

        Adesse ultorem nati m[e] credas mei.
        [Invic]ta virtus nusqua(m) terreri potest.


(Wall-Cases 94-97.)

As early as the eighth century before Christ the Greeks possessed
powerful war-vessels propelled by numerous oarsmen. These appear on
vases of that date, as for example on a large bowl of Boeotian fabric
(described below in connection with chariots, p. 169), which shows
such a ship with its double line of rowers and a man at the stern
managing the big steering-oars. The crew of this vessel seems to have
numbered some forty men.[15] A more finished representation of early
Greek ships is seen on a cup (No. =70=) of the end of the sixth
century B.C. (figs. 23, 24), where the contrasted builds of the war
galley and the merchantman are clearly indicated. The war galley has
two rows of eleven and twelve oars respectively. The merchantman has
no rowers, but is entirely dependent on its sail. It has a high-built
hull, suited for holding cargo. In each we see the steersman at
the stern with his two steering-oars. Beside him is the ladder for
embarking and disembarking. A terracotta model ship from Cyprus (No.
=71=; fig. 25) of about this period shows the socket for the mast and
the high poop for the steersman, with the remains of an iron oar. This
vessel is doubtless intended for a merchantman. The numerous small
terracotta boats (No. =72=) found with this merchant vessel at Amathus
give a good idea of the fishing boats of the time (Case 94; see
frontispiece). These boats are also interesting as reminding us of the
legend that Kinyras, king of Cyprus, promised Menelaos to send fifty
ships to help the Greeks against Troy. He sent but one, carrying
forty-nine others of terracotta, manned by terracotta figures. After
the taking of Troy, Agamemnon is said to have made it his first
business to punish Kinyras for his trickery. It would seem that the
story must have been based on knowledge of the fact that terracotta
boats were a product of Amathus. It is hard to suppose that it is
merely a coincidence. The small model war-galley (No. =73=) from
Corinth, containing warriors armed with circular shields, is
interesting from the place of its discovery, for Corinth was
traditionally an early shipbuilding centre, and triremes are said to
have been first built at that city.[16]

[Illustration: FIG. 23.--EARLY GREEK WARSHIP (NO. 70).]

[Illustration: FIG. 24.--EARLY GREEK MERCHANT-SHIP (NO. 70).]

The use of triremes (ships with triple arrangement of oars) did not
become common among the Greeks till the earlier part of the fifth
century B.C. This was the typical Greek warship of the period of the
Peloponnesian war, and the arrangement of the rowers in it has given
rise to much controversy. The crew (according to one view) consisted
of two hundred rowers, sixty-two on the highest tier ([Greek:
thranitai]), fifty-four on the middle ([Greek: zygitai]), and
fifty-four on the lowest ([Greek: thalamitai]), as well as thirty who
were apparently stationed on the highest deck ([Greek: perineô]). The
best ancient representation of the rowers in a trireme is that given
on a relief in Athens, of which a cast is shown here (No. =74=; Case
94). The upper oars pass over the gunwale, the second and third lines
(if these are oars) through port-holes. In the trireme the ram was
of the greatest importance, and much attention was devoted to
strengthening it. An excellent illustration of the prow of a trireme
is to be seen in the terracotta vase from Vulci (No. =75=; fig. 26).
Here are an upper and a lower ram, each armed with three teeth; the
curved ornament above the ram has been broken away. The projections on
either side of the handles of the vase, decorated with a woman's head,
would serve as a protection to the oars. The eye on the side is a
prominent decoration in Greek ships. It is seen on the ship painted
on the vase B 508 in Case 95 (No. =76=), from which the diver is
preparing to jump, and has survived even to the present day, for eyes
are still found painted on the bows of Mediterranean fishing boats.
The eyes are often supposed to be a defence against the evil eye, but
the exact position they occupy on each side of the prow is suggested
by the almost inevitable analogy between the prow of a vessel and the
head of an animal. Roman ships did not differ very materially from
Greek ships, but a special class of swift ships with two banks of
oars was adopted from Liburnian pirates who inhabited the islands off
Illyria, and these ships were called Liburnian galleys. A figure-head
in bronze from a Roman ship, found in the sea off Actium, is shown in
Case 96 (No. =77=). It represents Minerva, and probably belonged to
some ship sunk in the great battle between Octavian and Antony in 31

L. 12 in.]

75). L. 8 in.]

A fragment of a relief from a sarcophagus shows a Roman trireme, with
a figure of a swan in relief on the prow (No. =78=).

[Illustration: FIG. 27.--ROMAN SHIP ENTERING A HARBOUR (NO. 79). Diam.
4 in.]

Some lamps placed in Cases 96, 97 give interesting pictures of Roman
harbours. In one (No. =79=; fig. 27), a ship is seen entering the
harbour, which is indicated by a light-house on the left. Of the crew
of six, one is seated high on the stern, blowing a trumpet to announce
the ship's approach; before him is the steersman, and next come three
men furling the sail. The man in the bows is preparing to let down
the anchor. Another lamp (No. =80=; fig. 28) shows a harbour with
buildings on the quay. A fisherman in a small boat holds a rod and
line in his right hand, and a fish which he has just caught in his
left. Before him is a man on shore just about to cast a net into the
water. In the third lamp (No. =81=) Cupid is seen in a boat, hauling
in his net from the water.

A marble laver (No. =82=), originally decorated with a relief of
Asklepios, Hygieia and Telesphoros, has been subsequently sculptured
with votive dedications for a fair voyage. On the left, Poseidon
stands on a ship, with a suppliant before him, on the right is a ship
running before the wind. The inscriptions invoke good voyages for
Theodoulos and Pedius Psycharios.

[Illustration: FIG. 28.--ROMAN FISHERMEN IN A HARBOUR (NO. 80). Diam.
3-5/8 in.]

    (70) _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 436; Daremberg and Saglio, fig.
    5282; (71) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 112, fig. 164, No. 12;
    (72) _ibid._; (74) _Cat. of Sculpture_, III., 2701; (75) _Cat.
    of Terracottas_, D 201; (76) _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 508; (77)
    _Cat. of Bronzes_, 830; Torr, _Ancient Ships_, pl. 8, 41; (78)
    Daremberg and Saglio, fig. 5277; (79) _Cat. of Lamps_, 1140;
    (80) _Cat. of Lamps_, 527; (81) _Cat. of Lamps_, 634.

    On ancient ships generally, see Torr, _Ancient Ships_, and
    art. _Navis_ in Daremberg and Saglio; W. W. Tarn in _Journ.
    Hell. Stud._, XXV., pp. 137, 204 ff.; A. B. Cook in _Camb.
    Comp. to Gk. Stud._, 3 ed., p. 567 ff.

      [Footnote 15: _Journ. Hell. Stud._, XIX., pl. 8.]

      [Footnote 16: Thuc., i. 13.]


(Wall-Cases 98-106.)

The wide subjects of Religion and Superstition are naturally
represented in a fragmentary way in the few cases devoted to them
in this collection. They are roughly classified in the following
description, into groups, viz.:--

  (1) Implements and methods of worship.
  (2) Votive offerings.
  (3) Superstition and Magic.

=Implements and methods of worship.=

_Altars, etc._--The larger altars (and sepulchral chests of altar
form) will be found in the sculpture galleries. Here we have (No.
=83=) a small altar, from Dodona, inscribed as belonging to all the
gods,[17] and various model altars, probably used in some cases for
the burning of incense.


An interesting example (No. =84=) of the practice of dedicating altars
to members of Roman Imperial houses is furnished by the inscription
(fig. 29) in the lower part of Case 98. It formed the front of a
marble altar, and is dedicated to the Imperial Fortune by a freedman
named Antonius, who was in charge of the "Department of Petitions,"
for the safe return of the Emperor Septimius Severus, his wife
Julia Domna, and his sons Caracalla and Geta. But so far as Geta was
concerned, the Imperial Fortune was not propitious. He was murdered by
his brother Caracalla, and his name was erased from this, as from all
other inscriptions throughout the Roman Empire, by Caracalla's edict.
The date of the inscription is about 200 A.D.

In Case 102 is an altar (No. =85=) dedicated to the Bona Dea
of Anneanum (a town in Etruria) by C. Tullius Hesper and Tullia
Restituta. The Bona Dea was a goddess specially invoked by women.
Hence we may suppose that it was Tullia Restituta more particularly
who showed her thankfulness by this dedication.

In Case 98 are two examples (Nos. =86=, =87=) of a combined lamp and
altar, for use in domestic shrines, probably of late Roman date.[18]
In one of these the basin for libations is supported on a pine-cone.
Akin to these is the small limestone cone and altar from the

No. =88= (fig. 30) is a bronze representing an attendant leading a
pig to sacrifice. The pig (as well as the sheep and the bull) was a
favourite sacrificial animal among the Romans. At the lustral ceremony
of the _suovetaurilia_, the bull, sheep, and pig were driven round
the farmer's fields to keep them free from blight and disease. Certain
deities, notably Persephone and the Bona Dea, had swine as their
special victims. In Case 105 will be seen a terracotta votive pig (No.
=89=) found in the precinct of Demeter and Persephone at Knidos.

Ht. 4 in.]

In Case 98 is an elaborate model in terracotta of a temple laver from
Cyprus (No. =90=). In Case 100 is a terracotta model of a sacred table
(No. =91=, fig. 31), set with a service of vessels for the sanctuary.

[Illustration: FIG. 31.--TABLE WITH SERVICE OF VESSELS (NO. 91). 2:3.]

_Bronze Implements._--A series of early Italic bronze implements (No.
=92=), may have been used in sacrifice. Those with the curved claws
were probably used for taking boiled meats out of a caldron. They
remind us of the five-pronged sacrificial forks mentioned in Homer,
and of the custom of the Jewish priests' servants as described in the
Book of Samuel: "The priest's servant came, while the flesh was in
seething, with a fleshhook of three teeth in his hand; and he struck
it into the pan, or kettle, or caldron, or pot; all that the fleshhook
brought up the priest took therewith."[19] On the right are three
bronze gridirons. These, like the fleshhooks, originally had wooden
handles inserted into their sockets. The meat was spitted upon hooks,
which only remain in one instance.

A series of implements terminating in a hand bent at the knuckles (No.
=93=), and a pair of tongs on wheels (No. =94=), are probably meant
for manipulating embers.

_Miscellaneous._--A small silver model of a temple key is shown in
Case 100. The small alabaster statuette of a goddess with turreted
crown (No. =95=) is of special interest from the fact that her mouth
and breasts are pierced, evidently with the object of allowing some
fluid, such as milk or wine, to flow from them for the edification of
her votaries. A jar (No. =96=) contained perhaps the honey syrup, used
in Egypt for feeding the sacred crocodiles.


_Religious Rites._--_Prayer._--The fifth century kylix (No. =97=)
shows the gesture of the raised right hand, often used in prayer. The
young athlete, whose oil-flask hangs behind him, is probably praying
before the altar. That athletes entered upon their tasks with extreme
seriousness is clear from the oath taken by them before the image of
Zeus in the Council House at Olympia, when they swore upon the cut
pieces of a boar that they would be guilty of no foul play. In the
Greek view athletics and religion were very closely connected.

_The Lectisternium_, or Theoxenia, was the ceremony in which a banquet
was set, and the gods were invited to attend. It is illustrated by the
drawing of a lekythos (No. =98=) from Kameiros in Rhodes (about 500
B.C.), which represents the two gods Castor and Pollux descending
from heaven on horseback to take part in the festival of the Theoxenia
(fig. 32). This feast, indicated by the couch on which they were to
recline, was given in honour of the twin gods. Such a festival well
illustrates the perfectly human interests which the Greeks attributed
to their deities.

Compare with this vase the cast (No. =99=) of a relief in the Louvre,
from Larissa. A man and his wife, the dedicators of the relief, are
represented as having set out a couch, a banquet of cakes, and an
altar. The Twins descend, heralded by Victory. Beside the relief is
a fragment of a lamp (No. =100=) incised with a dedication to the
Dioscuri, that is, to Castor and Pollux. Here also is the inscribed
base (No. =101=) of a statuette dedicated to the Dioscuri by Euarchos
(sixth century B.C.).

_Augury._--Passing now to Italic religious ceremonies, we may notice
the archaic bronze statuette of an augur (No. =102=), whose function
it was to draw omens from the aspect of the heavens or the flight
and cries of birds. He wears a cloak drawn veil-wise over his head,
a common religious garb, and in his right hand holds the _lituus_
or curved wand used for the ceremonial dividing of the heavens into
quarters. In connection with this statuette mention should be made of
an early Greek inscription (No. =103=) in the bottom of Cases 95-96.
It was found at Ephesus, and is probably of about the same period as
the statuette, the sixth century B.C. It gives rules for drawing lucky
or unlucky omens from the flight of birds. The principal signs are the
flight from right to left or _vice versa_, and the raising or lowering
of the bird's wing.

[Illustration: FIG. 33.--APHRODITE WITHIN A SHRINE (NO. 104). Ht.
2-1/2 in.]

_Shrines._--In Cases 100, 101 a series of terracotta shrines is
exhibited. They were doubtless for household use, employed in much the
same way as modern images of the Madonna. No. =104= (fig. 33), from
the early Greek settlement of Naukratis, in the Nile Delta, shows
Aphrodite within a shrine supported by figures of the Egyptian god
Bes, a characteristic combination of Greek and Egyptian elements. No.
=105=, from Amathus, in Cyprus, is also semi-Egyptian in character,
and shows a deity surmounted by a winged solar disk. Another shrine
from Naukratis (No. =106=) contains the sacred Apis-bull of the
Egyptians. No. =107= is an example of a shrine containing a baetylic
image, that is, a stone worshipped as sacred. A cone resembling the
one here shown was worshipped in the temple of Aphrodite at Paphos in
Cyprus. In front, a small lead model shrine (No. =108=) of later date,
from Sardinia, represents Aphrodite just risen from the sea-foam and
wringing out her hair. The circular shrine (No. =109=; fig. 34) is of
Roman date, from Eretria in Euboea. Its form and more especially the
indication of overlapping scale-plates on the roof remind us strongly
of the famous temple of Vesta at Rome.

[Illustration: FIG. 34.--TERRACOTTA MODEL SHRINE (NO. 109). Ht. 4 in.]

In Case 101 is a bronze tablet with an iron chain and staple (No.
=110=). The tablet, apparently of about 200 B.C., is inscribed on both
sides, and seems to give a list of statues of deities, some, such as
Vezkei, peculiar to the Samnites, others, such as Ceres and Hermes,
of widely spread worship. It is a most important monument of the Oscan
dialect, a language spoken by the early Italic tribes whose chief
centre was the mountainous country above Campania. It was found at
Agnone (Bovianum Vetus) in the Samnite territory.

=Votive Offerings.=

A votive offering is a present made to a deity, in order to secure
some favour for the future, to avert anger for a past offence, or to
express gratitude for a favour received. This last purpose includes
offerings made in fulfilment of a vow, the vow being a kind of
contract between the individual and the god. This comes out most
clearly in the Roman expression _voti reus_--"condemned to pay a
vow"--applied to those whose prayer had been granted, and who now had
to fulfil their promise made in time of stress and difficulty. Votive
offerings cover the whole field of life, and may include persons,
lands, buildings, or objects specially appropriate either to the god
or to the person who makes the dedication.

Very frequently the vow was made by some person stricken with disease,
and it is to such a cause that we owe the numerous votive offerings
representing some part of the human body.

The constant streams of these offerings made the ancient temples
depositories of all kinds of objects, ranging from jewels of great
price and high artistic merit to the roughest terracotta figure. In
the Gold Ornament Room (Case 19) is a magnificent gold pin of the
Ptolemaic period inscribed with a dedication to Aphrodite of Paphos,
showing that the offering was the result of a vow made by Eubule,
the wife of Aratos, and one Tamisa. Overcrowding led to periodical
clearances of objects of the least intrinsic value. To prevent things
dedicated returning to the uses of common life, they were frequently
broken and thrown into heaps. This accounts for the masses of
_débris_, consisting chiefly of terracottas and vases, which have been
found within the precincts of great sanctuaries.

The vast accumulations of treasure in the various temples naturally
demanded careful cataloguing, labelling and supervision on the part
of the temple officials (see examples of marble labels from the
sacred enclosure of Demeter at Cnidos). From time to time elaborate
inventories were drawn up, and (after the manner of ancient documents)
inscribed on stone. Such inventories have been discovered in large
numbers at Delos, Athens, and elsewhere. An example is shown in the
lower part of Case 97, being an inventory (No. =111=) of various
garments dedicated to Artemis Brauronia, who had a shrine upon the
acropolis of Athens. We know that it was the custom of women after
childbirth to dedicate garments to Artemis, and in particular to
Artemis Brauronia. That the garments were often anything but new is
shown by the fact that several are described as "in rags." A typical
extract from the inscription may be given: "A purple dress, with
variegated chequer pattern. Dedicated by Thyaene and Malthake." The
entries range in date from 350 to 344 B.C.

The principal objects here exhibited as illustrating the ancient
custom of dedication may now be mentioned. In Wall-Case 96 is an
inscription of the fifth century B.C. (No. =112=) found in the ruins
of the temple of Poseidon on Cape Taenaron in Lakonia. It records
the dedication by one Theares of a slave named Kleogenes to the
temple-service of Poseidon. The names of an _ephoros_, probably an
official of the temple, and of a witness are added. In some cases the
dedication of a slave to a god is equivalent to enfranchisement.

Among votive offerings specially appropriate to the god, we have
already mentioned the reliefs dedicated for a good voyage (No. =82=)
and the Theoxenia relief (No. =99=). The pedestal (No. =112*=),
with an inscription that it was restored "whether sacred to god or
goddess," is a parallel to the altar inscribed with a dedication "to
an unknown god," which caught the eye of St. Paul when he was viewing
the antiquities of Athens.

In the bottom of Case 102 is the base of a statuette (No. =113=; fig.
35) found at Curium in Cyprus. It bears an inscription, written both
in Greek and in the native Cypriote syllabic characters: "Ellooikos,
the son of Poteisis, dedicated this as a vow to Demeter and the Maid."
The inscription is of the fourth century B.C., and is of special
interest on account of its bilingual character. Two other large
objects in marble of a votive character are exhibited in the bottom of
Cases 103 and 104 respectively. The chest-like stool (No. =114=) was
offered by a priestess named Philis to Persephone, the basket (No.
=115=) by one Xeno to Demeter and Persephone. The basket is dedicated
with peculiar fitness to the goddesses of corn and fruit, for it was
in such woven baskets that the ears of corn were ingathered, while the
chest is also closely associated with Demeter and Persephone, who are
frequently represented seated on it. Both of these last objects were
found by Sir Charles Newton in the precinct of Demeter at Knidos in
Asia Minor.


We now turn to the votive offerings personal to the donor, and we
find that not infrequently, where the object itself is perishable, or
otherwise unsuitable as an offering, a sculptured representation takes
its place.

Two curious examples of such dedicatory tablets (Nos. =116=, =117=)
are seen in the casts placed in the upper and lower parts respectively
of Case 101. The originals, from Slavochori, probably the site of
the ancient Amyklae near Sparta, are in the Hall of Inscriptions.
The first was dedicated by Anthusa, daughter of Damaenetos, a [Greek:
hypostatria] or under-tirewoman in the service of a temple, possibly
that of Dionysos, for we know that this god had a temple near Amyklae,
which none but women might enter. On the relief is a series of
objects connected with the toilet, such as a mirror, a comb, a box
of cosmetics, a case containing a sponge, a pair of slippers, etc.
Possibly the dedicator was in charge of objects of this nature. The
other relief, from the same place, was dedicated by a priestess named
Claudia Ageta, daughter of Antipater, and shows a very similar series
of objects. Both these reliefs are of Imperial date.

122). 1:2.]

POSEIDON (NO. 123). Ht. 13-1/2 in.]

A similar substitution of a representation for the object is found
in the series of offerings which commemorate recovery from disease
or bodily injury. The upper part of Cases 103-106 contains a set of
marble reliefs (No. =118=) found at the foot of the Pnyx at Athens,
the rocky semicircular meeting-place of the Athenian people. They are
dedicated by women--Eutychis, Isias, Olympias, and others--to Zeus the
Highest, and have representations of various parts of the human body,
such as eyes, breasts, arms, etc. These reliefs, which are of Roman
date, are clearly thank-offerings for recovery from disease. There
must have been a regular trade in these models, for Clement of
Alexandria, writing about 200 A.D., talks of "those who manufacture
ears and eyes of precious wood and dedicate them to the gods, setting
them up in their temples."[20] No. =119=, from a shrine of Asklepios
in Melos, is a relief representing a left leg, dedicated, as the
inscription shows, by way of thank-offering to the deities of healing,
Asklepios and Hygieia. Next it is a small relief from Cyrene
(No. =120=), showing a right ear. There are several other objects here
exhibited which were probably offered by grateful votaries in return
for healing mercies. Such are the bronze ticket with a bronze leg
suspended from it (No. =121=), inscribed with the name of the donor
Caledus, and two arms with a chain for suspension. In Cases 105 and
106 a whole series of terracotta votive hands, feet, eyes, breasts,
etc., doubtless represents the thank-offerings of the poorer classes.
With these is a curious terracotta model (No =122=; fig. 36) of the
lungs (A), heart (B), liver (C), kidneys (D), spleen (E), and other
internal organs of the human body. Though primarily of a votive
character, it is of considerable interest to the student of ancient
anatomy. A votive relief of rather different character is placed on
the upper shelf. It represents two plaited locks of hair dedicated
(as the inscription records) by Philombrotos and Aphthonetos, sons of
Deinomachos, to Poseidon, god of the sea (No. =123=; fig. 37). It
was a common custom in Greece to dedicate hair at important crises of
life, particularly to deities connected with water. Achilles, on the
death of Patroklos, shore off for him the hair he was growing long as
an offering to the river Spercheios.[21]

[Illustration: FIG. 38.--BRONZE VOTIVE HARE (NO. 124). L. 2-3/4 in.]

Other objects illustrating the frequency and variety of Greek and
Roman dedications may best be described in approximately chronological
order. Two objects, which are more fully dealt with in other sections,
may here be mentioned. In the sixth century B.C. the athlete Exoidas
dedicated to the Dioscuri, patrons of athletic exercise, the
bronze diskos (fig. 50; No. =157=) with which he had conquered "the
high-souled" Kephallenians in athletic contest. The helmet, dedicated
by Hieron after his naval victory off Kyme, has been already described
(p. 8). Other votive helmets are shown in Cases 114-5. For the votive
spearheads (?) see p. 9. The huntsman, no less than the athlete
and the warrior, felt that the gods took an intimate part in his
successes. This is illustrated by the inscribed bronze model of a hare
in Case 103, with its head thrown back in the death agony (No. =124=;
fig. 38). The Ionic letters, of about 480 B.C., read: "Hephaestion
dedicated me to Apollo of Priene."[22] This offering reminds us of
another exhibited in the left-hand wall-case in the Greek Ante-Room
downstairs. A small limestone statuette, found on the site of the
Greek settlement of Naukratis in Egypt, represents a young huntsman
with two boars and two hares slung over his shoulders. It is inscribed
"A dedication by Kallias"--probably to Aphrodite, since it was found
within her precinct (_Cat. of Sculpt._, I., 118).

[Illustration: FIG. 39.--TABLET, WITH DEDICATION BY LOPHIOS (NO. 125).

Other interesting Greek dedications of an early date are the bronze
tablet (Case 105: No. =125=; fig. 39) found in Corfu, with an
inscription showing it to be an offering by one Lophios[23]; the
silver ingot (No. =126=) dedicated to Zeus Lykaeos (Zeus "the
wolf-god") by Trygon; and the elaborate axe-head (No. =127=; fig. 40),
found in Calabria, which bears an inscription recording that it was
vowed to Hera of the Plain by Kyniskos, a "cook," as a tenth of his
earnings (sixth century B.C.).[24]

[Illustration: FIG. 40.--BRONZE VOTIVE AXE-HEAD (NO. 127). Ht. 6-1/2

The two bronze bulls (Nos. =128= and =129=) are offerings made by
Greeks to an Egyptian deity. They were dedicated by Greeks named
respectively Sokydes and Theodoros, and represent the sacred bull
Apis, worshipped at Memphis in Egypt as an incarnation of the god
Ptah. The offering of Sokydes is here illustrated (Fig. 41).[25]
Notice the elaborate saddle-cloth, and the wings of the Egyptian
scarabaeus and hawk engraved on the bull's back. The date of these
bronzes is the late sixth or early fifth century B.C. The Greeks must
have become acquainted with the worship of Apis in the seventh century
B.C., when they served King Psammetichos I. as mercenaries. That
monarch was a fervent worshipper of the god, and built a great temple
for him at Memphis. Herodotus[26] mentions the courts where the bull
was kept, and says that the Greeks called him "Epaphos." The bull
dedicated by Sokydes was found in the Nile Delta, that dedicated by
Theodoros at Athens.

[Illustration: FIG. 41.--BRONZE VOTIVE BULL (NO. 128). Ht. 4 in.]

The two bronze wheels in Case 103 each bear a votive inscription. The
earlier (No. =130=), said to have been found near Argos, was perhaps
an offering to the Dioscuri (Castor and Pollux, the divine patrons of
athletic contests) by Eudamos, a victor in a chariot race. The other
(No. =131=; fig. 42) comes from the temple of the Kabeiri at Thebes,
and is dedicated by Xenon and Pyrrhippa to Kabeiros and the Child.
The bronze bell (No. =132=, fig. 43) is from the same temple, and
was likewise offered by one Pyrrhias to Kabeiros and the Child. The
Kabeiri were deities of a mystic and subterranean character, who
at Thebes apparently became closely connected with Dionysos, the
wine-god. That a large element of burlesque entered into their worship
can be seen from the vases discovered on the site of their shrine
(Second Vase Room, B 77 and 78).

CHILD (NO. 131). Diam. 3-7/8 in.]

CHILD (NO. 132). 1:2.]

(NO. 133). Ht. 9-1/2 in.]

Near this tablet are several Roman dedications. Three curious
silver-gilt plaques, probably of the second century after Christ
(Nos. =133-135=), found at Heddernheim, near Frankfurt-on-Main,
were dedicated to Jupiter Dolichenus. At first merely a local god,
originating in the town of Doliche in Commagene, near the Euphrates,
he later acquired considerable popularity throughout the Roman Empire,
and his worship was carried far and wide by the Roman legionaries, who
were largely instrumental in conveying these Oriental worships to the
West. The silver tablet illustrated (No. =133=; fig. 44) shows Jupiter
Dolichenus in a shrine, holding thunderbolt and sceptre, with the
eagle at his feet. The inscription, written in somewhat defective
Latin,[27] runs: "To Jupiter, best and greatest, of Doliche, where
iron has its birth. Dedicated by Flavius Fidelis and Q. Julius
Posstimus by command of the god on behalf of themselves and their
families." As often in late Latin inscriptions, E is written ||.
Another tablet (very fragmentary) shows the god in trappings of
war, holding double-axe and thunderbolt, and standing on a bull (No.
=135=). He is being crowned by Victory. The presence of mines in
North Syria will account for the recurring phrase, "Where iron has its
birth." A series of similar dedications to Mars and Vulcan, which were
found at Barkway in Hertfordshire, is exhibited in the Room of Roman
Britain. Examples are shown in Case 104 of a third series (No. =136=,
fig. 45), part of a great hoard found at Bala Hissar (Pessinus)
in Galatia. These have figures of Helios, Selene, and Mithras. The
last-named deity was the Persian god of light. He did not thoroughly
win his way into the Roman world until the second century after
Christ. But, once established, he proved himself of far-reaching
power. Mithraism had in its ritual many points of resemblance to that
of Christianity, and in the third and fourth centuries after Christ
proved a most formidable rival to the spread of Christian doctrines. A
memorial of Mithras is seen in the large bronze tablet (No. =137=)
in Case 105. Its top is decorated with knife and libation-bowl. The
inscription, of about the third century after Christ, tells us that it
was dedicated to Sextus Pompeius Maximus by priests of Mithras. He had
held offices in the Mithraic priesthood.

136). 1:3.]

There are several small bronze tablets in Case 105 with dedicatory or
religious inscriptions. Among them may be mentioned No. =138=, offered
to Juno by a freedman named Q. Valerius Minander, and No. =139=, an
oval bronze seal with a design representing the Emperor Philip
(244-9 A.D.; mentioned above, p. 10, in connection with the bronze
_diploma_), his wife Otacilia, and their son Philip. The inscription
shows that the seal belonged to the religious society of the Breisean
Mystae, who apparently sealed on behalf of the city of Smyrna, where
was a synod of the Mystae of the Breisean Dionysos. No. =140= is the
result of a vow made by Hedone, the maid-servant of M. Crassus, to
Feronia, a goddess closely connected with freedmen and freedwomen.[28]
Her temple at Terracina, on the west coast of Italy, was specially
associated with the manumission of slaves. It is likely, therefore,
that Hedone's vow had something to do with her manumission.
Dedications were made for safe journeys by land or by sea. In No.
=141=, dedicated by P. Blattius Creticus to Jupiter Poeninus, whose
sanctuary was at the summit of the Great St. Bernard Pass, we have one
of a number of offerings by travellers encountering the dangers of the
Alps. In No. =142= we have a votive offering in the shape of a bronze
plate, made to the _Lares_ or gods of the house by Q. Carminius
Optatus. The Lares are represented in art as youthful male figures,
holding a _cornucopia_ or horn of plenty, and a plate (_patera_) [see
Case 52 of the Bronze Room, and No. =143=]. The offering of a plate
was peculiarly appropriate, for with the _Penates_ these gods were
supposed to ensure the food-supply of the family.

In Case 106 note the series of lead figurines (modelled on both
sides). They represent warriors with helmet, cuirass, shield, sword,
and greaves. These figurines (No. =144=), probably of the seventh to
sixth centuries B.C., were found at Amelia (Ameria) in Umbria. It
is probable that they are of a votive character, though it has been
suggested that they are the prototypes of the modern tin soldier. Very
similar figurines have been discovered near Sparta, on the site of
the Menelaon, and more recently on the site of the temple of Artemis
Orthia by members of the British School at Athens.

=Superstition and Magic.=--As the simple faith in the gods decayed
in the Greek and Roman worlds, compensation was largely sought in the
dark rites of superstition and magic. The antiquities in Cases
105, 106, indicate some of the forms which such superstition took.
Prominent among them was the practice of writing down curses on lead
or talc with a view to the injury of those against whom the writer
conceived that he had a grudge. These tablets were called in Latin
_defixiones_, because they were supposed to fix down, as it were, the
hated enemy. The imprecations written on them usually run in formulae,
and the gods implored to work the ruin are naturally those of the
nether regions. In later times especially, all manner of obscure and
barbarous demons are introduced. The examples of these tablets here
exhibited probably belong to the last three centuries before Christ.
They come from various quarters--Knidos, Ephesus, Curium in Cyprus,
Kyme in S. Italy, and Athens. Those found by Sir Charles Newton at
Knidos may be taken as typical. In one case a certain Antigone, in
order to clear herself from the charge of having attempted to poison
Asklepiades, invokes curses upon herself if the accusation be true.
In another, Artemeis devotes to Demeter, Persephone, and all the gods
associated with Demeter, the person who withholds garments entrusted
to him. These tablets (No. =145=) appear to have been nailed to the
walls of the sacred precinct of Demeter, where they were found. In the
case of a tablet from Athens, the iron nail, which fastened it to the
wall is still preserved.

Nails themselves were highly esteemed as instruments of magic. Ovid,
for instance, says that Medea (the typical witch) made waxen effigies
of absent foes, and then drove nails into the vital parts.[29]
Examples of magical nails are seen in the series of bronze nails (No.
=146=) covered with cabalistic inscriptions and signs, and sometimes
showing a strange mixture of Judaism and Paganism, as when Solomon and
Artemis are invoked together. They may be attributed to the Gnostics,
a sect which arose in the second century after Christ. Their claim was
that, by a combination of various religious beliefs, they arrived at
the only true knowledge of divine things. The magic nail has in one
case (No. =147=) been used to fasten a bronze lamp, decorated with a
head of Medusa, into a socket.

On the shelf above will be noticed a number of bronze hands (No.
=148=; fig. 46). They are right hands, represented with the thumb
and first two fingers raised. On them are numerous magic symbols in
relief, such as the snake, the lizard, and the tortoise. The hand
illustrated (fig. 46) is covered with such signs, prominent among
which are the serpent with the cock's comb, the pine-cone, the frog,
and the winged caduceus. One of the hands bears the inscription
"Zougaras dedicated me to Sabazius in fulfilment of a vow"; another
"Aristokles, a superintendent, to Zeus Sabazius." Sabazius was a
Phrygian and Thracian deity, whose worship was widely spread in the
Roman world. There can be no doubt that these hands were intended to
avert the evil eye. Sometimes the hands have instruments connected
with the ecstatic worships of the East depicted upon them, such as
the Phrygian flutes, the cymbals, or the sistrum. Case 106 contains
several specimens of the last-named instrument. It was composed of
a handle and loop-shaped metal frame, across which passed several
movable metal rods. When the sistrum was shaken the curved ends of
the rods came into violent contact with the sides of the frame and
produced a metallic clang. The sistrum was used by the Egyptians in
their religious rites, and particularly in the worship of Isis. With
the introduction of that worship into Italy in the first century B.C.,
the Romans became familiar with it. Apuleius, a writer of the second
century after Christ, mentions silver and gold sistra, as well as
bronze. A silver example is here shown (No. =149=). The decoration is
often elaborate, a favourite ornament for the top being the group
of the wolf suckling Romulus and Remus, or the recumbent figure of a

[Illustration: FIG. 46.--BRONZE MAGIC HAND (NO. 148). Ht. 5-3/4 in.]

To the same class of amulets as the votive hands must be assigned the
terracotta model of a mirror, covered over with numerous objects of
magical virtue (No. =150=). Several of these are well-known attributes
of deities, _e.g._ the thunderbolt, the trident, the club, the
crescent, and the caduceus. The object of these amulets seems to have
been to propitiate the deities whose symbols are represented on them.

    =Implements and methods of Worship.=--(83) _B.M. Inscr._,
    955; (84) _C.I.L._, VI., 180; (85) _C.I.L._, VI., 30689; _Mus.
    Marbles_, X., pl. 53, fig. 1; (86-87) _Cat. of Lamps_, 1407,
    1408; (91) Cf. Mazois, _Pompei_, III., p. 22; Daremberg and
    Saglio, fig. 5; (92) Helbig, _Homerisches Epos_, 2nd ed., p.
    353; (95) _Athen. Mittheilungen_, xxvi, p. 325; (96) _Class.
    Rev._, II., p. 297; (97) _Cat. of Vases_, III., E 114; (98)
    _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 633; (99) _Guide to the Casts_, 327;
    (100) _Cat. of Lamps_, 159; (101) _B.M. Inscr._, 1033; (102)
    _Forman Sale Cat._, 1899, No. 55, pl. 2.; (103) _B.M. Inscr._,
    678; (105) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 112; (106) _Cat. of
    Terracottas_, C 614; (107) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 113;
    (110) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 888.

    =Votive Offerings.=--(111) _B.M. Inscr._, 34; (112) _B.M.
    Inscr._, 139; (113) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 64; (114)
    _Cat. of Sculpture_, II., 1311; (115) _Cat. of Sculpture_,
    II., 1312; (116-120) _Cat. of Sculpture_, I., 799-812; (121)
    _Cat. of Bronzes_, 891; (123) _Cat. of Sculpture_, I., 798;
    (124) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 237; (125) _B.M. Inscr._, 165; _Cat.
    of Bronzes_, 261; (126) _B.M. Inscr._, 1102; (127) _ibid._,
    1094; (128) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 3208; (130) _ibid._, 253; (131)
    _B.M. Inscr._, 958; (132) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 318; (133-135)
    _Bonner Jahrb._, CVII (1901), p. 61 ff., pls. 6, 7; (137)
    _Cat. of Bronzes_, 904; (138) _ibid._, 899; (139) _ibid._,
    887; (140) _ibid._, 897; (141) _ibid._, 895; (142) _ibid._,
    906; (144) Cf. Tod and Wace, _Sparta Mus. Cat._, p. 228;
    _B.S.A._, XII., p. 322 ff.

    On votive offerings generally, cf. Rouse, _Greek Votive
    Offerings_, passim.

    =Superstition and Magic.=--(145) Newton, _Discoveries at
    Halicarnassus, Cnidus, and Branchidae_, p. 719 ff. On these
    _defixiones_ generally, see Audollent, _Defixionum Tabellae_,
    Paris, 1904; (146) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 3191-3194; cf. Daremberg
    and Saglio, _Dict. des Ant._, s.v. _Clavus_; (148) _Cat. of
    Bronzes_, 874-876; cf. _Arch.-ep. Mitt._, II., p. 44 ff.;
    (150) _Cat. of Terracottas_, E 129; _Journ. Hell. Stud._,
    VII., p. 44 ff.

    For Greek religion, see Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study
    of Greek Religion_; for Roman, Warde Fowler, _The Roman

      [Footnote 17: [Greek: Hiaros pantôn theôn hode bômos.]]

      [Footnote 18: Similar objects have been found in the
      Catacombs. Cf. Seroux d'Agincourt, _Sammlung d. Denkmaeler
      d. Sculptur_, pl. viii., fig 27.]

      [Footnote 19: Cf. [Greek: obelos trikôlios] as the measure of a
      sacrificial perquisite, in the inscriptions of Cos. Paton &
      Hicks, _Inscrr. of Cos_, No. 37, l. 53; No. 40_b_, l. 14.]

      [Footnote 20: _Strom._, v. 566.]

      [Footnote 21: _Il._ xxiii. 141 f.: [Greek:

        stas apaneuthe pyrês xanthên apekeirato chaitên,
        tên rha Spercheiô potamô trephe têlethoôsan.]

      [Footnote 22: [Greek:

      Tô Apollôni tô Priêlêi m' anethêken Hêphaistiôn.]]

      [Footnote 23: [Greek: Lophios m'anethêke.]]

      [Footnote 24: [Greek:

      Tas Hêras hiaros | emi tas en pedi|ôi Qunisqo|s me anethê|ke
      hôrtamo|s wergôn | dekatan.]]

      [Footnote 25: Inscribed: [Greek:

      Tô Panepi m' anestase Sôkydês].]

      [Footnote 26: ii. 153.]

      [Footnote 27:

      I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) Dolicheno, u|bi ferrum nascit|ur,
      Flavius Fidelis et Q. Iulius Posstim|us ex imperio ipsi|us
      pro se et suos (_sic_).]

      [Footnote 28: Cf. Livy, xxii. 1, 18: ... ut libertinae et ipsae,
      unde Feroniae donum daretur, pecuniam pro facultatibus suis

      [Footnote 29: Ov., _Her._ vi. 91 f.]


(Wall-Cases 107-108.)

Athletic and pugilistic contests were already developed on Greek soil
before the Homeric Age. Thus we have a steatite vase from Crete (_see_
Cast in First Vase Room) with boxers in all positions. A pair of
boxers (of about 1100 B.C.) from a vase found at Enkomi in Cyprus is
shown in fig. 47 (No. =151=). In the Homeric poems athletic contests
frequently occur, but only as isolated and unorganized events, without
rules or system. It was only at a much later date that the games were
organized on lines corresponding to those of modern sport. At Olympia,
the great festivals were said, according to tradition, to have begun
in 776 B.C., and it was from that year that the Greeks calculated
their dates, reckoning by the periodical return of the meeting every
fourth year.

The events at the games which may specially be called athletic were
six in number: the _pentathlon_ (or "five contests") was a competition
made up of the jump, the foot-race, throwing the _diskos_, throwing
the javelin, and wrestling.[30] The pentathlon was decided by a
system of "heats," and the victor enjoyed a great reputation as an
exceptional "all-round" man. The _pankration_ was a combination
of wrestling and boxing, which tended to develop the type of heavy
professional athletes.


The victorious athlete was held in high honour by his native city. The
prize at the games was indeed of no value--at Olympia it was a crown
of wild olive--but on his return home the victor entered the city in
triumph, feasts were held and odes were sung in his honour, he was
maintained for the remainder of his life, and his statue was set up in
the place where his victory had been won.

We will first deal with the events of the _pentathlon_ in order:--

[Illustration: FIG. 48.--STONE JUMPING-WEIGHT (NO. 154*). L. 11-1/2

_The Jump._--For the ancient jumping contests the competitors used
jumping-weights (_halteres_). Their use is shown on the vase, E 499
(No. =152=). One youth is about to leap, another stands waiting, and
the trainer holds a short switch. On the vase E 561 (No. =153=) a
youth is also on the point of leaping. Examples of the jumping-weights
are shown. The pair in lead (No. =154=) are of a type which is seen
not infrequently on Greek vases, consisting of blocks of lead widened
at each end. The weight for the left hand, which is completely
preserved, weighs 2 lb. 5 oz. (_cf._ also fig. 52). With this pair
may be compared the cast of a single stone jumping-weight (No. =154*=)
found at Olympia and now at Berlin (fig. 48). It differs from the pair
just described, and resembles the type described by Pausanias,[31] who
travelled through Greece in the second century of our era, as forming
half of an elongated and irregular sphere. It probably dates from
about 500 B.C. Another type is represented by a remarkable but
cumbrous example in limestone, from Kameiros in Rhodes, a long
cylindrical instrument with deep grooves for the thumb and fingers, to
give a firm hold (No. =155=; fig. 49).

[Illustration: FIG. 49.--STONE JUMPING-WEIGHT (NO. 155). L. 7-1/2 in.]

_The Foot Race._--A somewhat conventional foot race of armed hoplites
is shown on the vase B 143. This is a Panathenaic amphora, that is,
one of the two-handled vases, won, as the inscription on the other
side states, at the games at Athens. They always bear on one side a
figure of the patron goddess Athena, on the other a representation of
the contest in which they were won. Many examples may be seen in the
Second and Fourth Vase Rooms.

_Throwing the Diskos._--This was one of the oldest and most popular
contests at the great festivals. It was already known in Homeric
times, and we read of Odysseus using a disc of stone, and of one
of iron hurled at the funeral games in honour of Patroklos; but all
existing examples are in bronze except a lead disc at Berlin which
cannot have been used in athletics. The diskos was used, not like the
modern quoit, with the object of hitting a mark, but with a view to
throwing as far as possible, as in the modern contest of putting the

Existing discs vary considerably in size and weight, and were
doubtless made to suit various degrees of strength, like modern
dumb-bells or Indian clubs. The plain bronze example in this Case (No.
=156=) weighs as much as 8 lb. 13 oz. The small disc (No. =157=; fig.
50), which was dedicated by Exoidas to the Dioscuri after a victory
over his Kephallenian competitors[32] (cf. above, p. 49), weighs only
2 lb. 12 oz. The weight used at modern athletic sports weighs 16 lb.
and has been put 48 ft. 2 in.

Diskos-throwing reached its greatest popularity in the sixth and fifth
centuries, and it is to the middle of this period that the remarkable
votive disc here shown (No. =158=; fig. 51) may be assigned. It is
engraved with finely-incised designs, representing on one side
an athlete with jumping-weights; on the other, another holding a
hurling-spear[33] in both hands. This disc weighs rather more than 4
lb. The method of handling the disc will be readily understood from
the bronze figure and representations on vases exhibited in this Case;
they should be compared with the copies of the famous Diskobolos of
Myron in the second Graeco-Roman Room and the Gallery of Casts.

[Illustration: FIG. 50.--DISKOS OF EXOIDAS (NO. 157). Diam. 6-3/8 in.]

_Javelin-Throwing and Wrestling._--These sports are frequently shown
on the Panathenaic vases already described (p. 60). Other games of a
varied character also occur, and we find such contests as tilting from
horseback at a suspended shield, the torch-race, and races in full
armour depicted. A specimen (B 134 in the Second Vase Room) shows four
athletes engaged in four out of the five contests of the _pentathlon_
(cf. also B 361 (No. =159=) in this Case).

[Illustration: FIG. 51.--ENGRAVED BRONZE DISKOS (NO. 158). Diam. 8-1/4

_Boxing_, one of the most ancient contests (see above, fig. 47), was
long practised at the games with gloves of ox-hide, which was torn
into long strips and bound round the hand. Such wrappings, like modern
boxing-gloves, were intended rather to protect the wearer than to
injure his opponent. At a later date, probably in the fourth century
B.C., a more dangerous glove was introduced, in the form of a pad
of thick leather bound over the fingers. This new form must have
inflicted severe wounds; it is apparently used by the two African
boxers in terracotta seen in this Case (No. =160=). But in the decline
of the Roman Empire, when the brutality of the spectators had to be
satisfied at all costs, a still more cruel glove was invented, which
had a heavy addition in metal, and must have been an appalling weapon.
See the fragment in terracotta (No. =161=, fig. 52). A cast from a
terracotta relief (No. =162=) shows a statue of a victorious boxer.

[Illustration: FIG. 52.--LATER BOXING-GLOVE (NO. 161). 1:2.]

[Illustration: [Greek: Epi tois Onomastou tou Pheidileô athlois


The other objects in this case are less directly connected with
athletics; the most noteworthy is a large bronze caldron (No. =163=,
fig. 53), of about the sixth century B.C., which was found at Kyme, in
South Italy, and was given as a prize at games held in that district.
It is inscribed: "I was a prize at the games of Onomastos." He
was doubtless a wealthy citizen at whose expense the contests were
arranged, a form of public service very common in Greek cities. A
piece of corrugated tile (No. =164=) comes from the floor of the
palaestra (wrestling place) at Olympia.

    (151) _Cat. of Vases_, I., 2, No. C 334; (153) cf. Jüthner,
    _Ant. Turngeräthe_, p. 3 ff.; (154) Furtwängler, _Olympia_,
    IV., (_Die Bronzen_), p. 180; (156) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 2691;
    (157) _ibid._, 3207; _B.M. Inscr._, 952; (158) _Cat. of
    Bronzes_, 248; (160) _Cat. of Terracottas_, D 84, 85;
    (162) _ibid._, D 632; (163) _I.G._, xiv. 862; (164) Adler,
    _Olympia_, II. (_Baudenkmaeler_) p. 115.

    On Greek athletics generally, see _Greek Athletic Festivals_,
    by E. N. Gardiner.

      [Footnote 30: Summed up by Simonides (cf. Bergk, No. 153)
        halma, podôkeiên, diskon, akonta, palên].

      [Footnote 31: v. 26, 3.]

      [Footnote 32: [Greek:

        Echsoida(s) m' anethêke Diwos Qouroin megaloio:
        chalkeon hôi nikase Kephalanas megathymous.]

      [Footnote 33: The lines on this side appear to have been worn
      down and re-cut, but the restorer has misunderstood the spear,
      and left it as a single fine line.]


(Wall-Case 109.)

Gladiatorial combats were not native to Rome, but had long been known
in Etruria as an adjunct to funeral ceremonies, and were probably
introduced thence into Rome by way of Campania, where the amphitheatre
of Pompeii is the oldest in existence. The first show of gladiators at
Rome took place in 264 B.C., but only three pairs of combatants were
engaged in it. In course of time the number of gladiators increased,
and such contests were given with greater frequency, although they
remained a mere accompaniment of funeral ceremonies until 105 B.C., in
which year they were for the first time offered as official amusements
to the people. During the empire, gladiatorial shows were organised
on a vast scale, and amphitheatres were built in all the provinces.
It was inevitable that the influence of Christianity should make such
exhibitions impossible. But it was not till nearly a century after the
Emperor Constantine had recognised Christianity as a state religion,
that Honorius put an end to the exhibition of gladiators in Rome (404

The serious combats in the Roman arena were announced by a procession
and a preliminary fight with the weapons used in practice. This mock
struggle excited the men, and made them ready for the terrible trial
of skill which followed. Lots were drawn, and the combatants arranged
in pairs, but sometimes _mêlées_ were planned, in which large numbers
were engaged. It was possible for a man to draw a bye, and so to
fight only with the winner of a previous round; probably, however, a
gladiator seldom fought more than two fights in a single day.

A fight might end in three ways: (1) the better gladiator might kill
his adversary in the heat of the fray; (2) the vanquished gladiator
might lay down his arms and raise his left hand as a sign of defeat
and a prayer for mercy. See lamp, No. =165= (fig. 54). It rested
officially with the giver of the spectacle to grant or refuse the
defeated man's request, but the matter was really decided by the
spectators, who expressed their desire that he should be spared by
shouting for his discharge, waving a piece of cloth in the air, or
raising the left hand. The opposite decision was expressed by pointing
the thumb downwards and shouting "slay" (_jugula_). (3) If two men
fought on equal terms and displayed great courage, they might both
be discharged before the combat reached a definite result (_stantes
missi_). The victor, when finally discharged from service in the
arena, was presented with a wooden sword (_rudis_), similar to those
used in practice, as a sign that he had fought his last serious fight.
Horace alludes to this in his _Epistles_, when asking Maecenas if he
may retire from his service.

[Illustration: FIG. 54.--FIGHT BETWEEN "SAMNITE" GLADIATORS (NO. 165).
Diam. 3-3/4 in.]

Gladiators were divided into classes according to their equipment
and mode of fighting. The following were the most important:--(1) The
_Samnite_ (figs. 54, 55). He wore a helmet with high crest, one or
sometimes two greaves, and a guard on the right arm. He also had an
oblong shield. The equipment is well shown in the bronze statuette
(No. =166=, fig. 55), lately acquired from the Gréau and Weber
collections. (2) The _retiarius_ or net-thrower (No. =167=, fig. 56),
who carried a trident, a dagger, and a large net in which he tried to
envelop his adversary. The net-thrower was matched against a gladiator
called a _secutor_, who was armed like the Samnite, and perhaps
received his name because he was the follower (_secutor_) of his
lightly-armed foe. (3) The _Thrax_ (Thracian), armed with the
Thracian curved dagger, a small shield, and a helmet. He fought the
_hoplomachus_, another variety of Samnite. (4) The _mirmillo_, the
origin of whose name and nature of whose equipment are not certainly
known. He was opposed to the net-thrower, and later to the Thracian.
Among other classes of less importance may be mentioned the mounted
gladiators (_equites_), who appear on the left of fig. 57 (a Pompeian

(NO. 166).]

A curious marble relief from Halikarnassos (No. =168=; fig. 58) gives
a vivid picture of an unusual form of gladiatorial combat, between two
women. They are armed like the _Samnites_, but without helmets, and
the fight seems to take place on a sort of platform on either side
of which the head of a spectator is visible. Their names are given
as Amazon and Achillia, and above their heads is inscribed in Greek
"discharged," [Greek: apelythêsan]. It is known that women fought in
the arena under the Empire[35]; but under Septimius Severus (193-211)
so much scandal was caused by a specially furious combat of a large
number of female gladiators that such exhibitions were forbidden.[36]

[Illustration: FIG. 56.--RETIARIUS (NO. 167). Diam. 3-5/8 in.]


[Illustration: FIG. 58.--COMBAT OF WOMEN GLADIATORS (NO. 168). Width 2
ft. 7 in.]

The objects exhibited in illustration of gladiatorial shows are
numerous and varied, though not artistically remarkable. The subject
was especially popular with the smaller craftsmen, the makers of
bronze statuettes and the potters of Italy and Gaul, who produced
terracotta lamps and vases for a large but uncritical public. A
selection of some dozen lamps (No. =169=) is here given illustrating
different stages of the combat, or single gladiators; one is simply
ornamented with specimens of gladiatorial armour (helmets, greaves,
shields, and daggers).

[Illustration: FIG. 59.--GLADIATOR'S HELMET.]

No complete example of a gladiator's helmet is shown in the Case, but
the bronze visor (No. =170=), a small bronze model (No. =171=), and
a model in glazed pottery (No. =172=) suffice to give an idea of the
usual type. The illustration (fig. 59) of a helmet at Pompeii shows
the arrangement of the visors. The cast (No. =173=) is from a relief
from Ephesus (the original is in the Sculpture Galleries) which
shows combats and corn-waggons (see Case 50) the _panem et circenses_
demanded by the Roman populace.

Some interest attaches to the series of ivory tickets (_tesserae_),
which are inscribed with the names of gladiators, and are valuable as
being dated by the names of the consuls in office (No. =174=). They
range from the beginning of the first century B.C. to the time of
Domitian (81-96 A.D.); those shown in the Case extend from 85 B.C. to
32 A.D. The usual formula of the inscription gives (1) the gladiator's
name, (2) the name of his master, (3) the letters +SP+ and the date
of the day and month, (4) the consuls of the year. The meaning of the
letters +SP+ is disputed, but the most likely explanation is that they
stand for _spectavit_, "became a spectator," with reference to the
honourable discharge of the recipient. Several examples are known
in which the word is thus written in full. The ticket of which an
illustration is given in fig. 60 bears the inscription, "Cocero the
gladiator of Fafinius became a spectator on the 5th of October in the
Consulship of Lucius Cinna and Gnaeus Papirius" (85 B.C.).

[Illustration: FIG. 60.--GLADIATOR'S DISCHARGE TICKET (NO. 174). L.
1-3/4 in.]

[Illustration: FIG. 61.--MAN AND BEAR (NO. 177).]

The contests in the arena were not limited to those between
gladiators. Combats of animals, and of men with animals enjoyed equal
popularity. In the latter case the men might be hunters (_venatores_),
lightly armed, and able to escape by agility and skill. They might
also be criminals or martyrs (who were counted as criminals) exposed
to wild beasts without hope of resistance or escape. Two terracotta
reliefs (Nos. =175=, =175*=) are shown in this Case, of about the
time of Augustus, which, though fragmentary, evidently relate to
exhibitions of this kind. A better and more complete example is the
sculptured relief from Ephesus (No. =176=) with four panels, in each
of which is a man in combat with a lion, probably successive stages
in a single event. A lamp (No. =177=; fig. 61) shows a man and a bear,
separated by a kind of turnstile, called a _cochlea_.

    See also Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Gladiator_, and

    (165) _Cat. of Lamps_, 663; (166) _Gréau Cat._, 264; (167)
    _Cat. of Lamps_, 976; (168) _Cat. of Sculpture_, II., 1117;
    (173) _ibid._, II., 1285; (174) for a recent theory that
    the tesserae are records of an _incubatio_ at a medicinal
    sanctuary (cf. p. 185) see Daremberg and Saglio, s.v.
    _Tessera_ p. 136; (175) _Cat. of Terracottas_, D 624; (175*)
    _ibid._, D 655; (176) _Cat. of Sculpture_, II., 1286; (177)
    _Cat. of Lamps_, 1068.

      [Footnote 34: _Mus. Borb._, XV., pl. 30.]

      [Footnote 35: Cf. Tac., _Ann._ xv. 32; Suet., _Dom._ 4.]

      [Footnote 36: Dio Cass., lxxv. 16.]


(Wall-Case 110.)

Chariot-racing was one of the oldest of Greek sports, and is
described in the _Iliad_ as one of the contests held at the funeral
of Patroklos. At that time the two-horse war-chariot was used in the
race, and a special type of racing-car does not seem to have existed.

179). L. 16 in.]

The introduction of chariot-races in the great athletic contests was a
concession to the wealthy inhabitants of prosperous cities. To enter a
chariot with a team of four horses, which was now the usual number for
the great race at Olympia, demanded almost as large a proportionate
expenditure as to run a horse for the Derby to-day. Rich men in Greece
Proper found rivals in the tyrants of Sicily and Cyrene, who
ruled over cities with large revenues and districts providing good
opportunities for successful horse-breeding.

At Olympia four-horse chariots raced for the first time in 680 B.C.,
chariots with two horses not until 408. Between those dates a race
for horsemen was started, and won on the first occasion by a native of
Thessaly, which, owing to its rich plains, was celebrated in antiquity
for a magnificent breed of horses. A winner in the horse-race is
depicted on the vase No. =178= (exhibited in Case 107), about to
receive a wreath and a tripod as his prizes, while a herald proclaims:
"The horse of Dysneiketos wins."

The race of four-horse chariots was, perhaps, the greatest event in
the Olympian Games, and certainly the most exciting to the spectators,
as accidents were frequent, especially at the turn. Consummate skill
was necessary to double the post as close and as fast as possible.
Readers of Sophokles' _Electra_ will remember the account given by the
messenger of the alleged death of Orestes in a collision of chariots
turning the post.[37]

The Romans probably derived their custom of chariot-racing from the
Greeks, as also the plan which, with some alterations in detail,
they adopted for their _circus_. In the early days of Rome the marshy
valley between the Palatine and Aventine Hills was the place chosen
for the games, and remained so through the succeeding centuries,
during which the course was gradually surrounded with an immense
building; this in the fourth century after Christ held not far short
of 180,000 people.

[Illustration: FIG. 63.--IVORY STATUETTE OF A CHARIOTEER (NO. 180).

In the later Roman Empire the charioteers were hired by factions,
which were distinguished by different colours, and excited violent
enthusiasm among all classes of Roman society. The passion survived
the introduction of Christianity, and was perhaps even more violent at
Constantinople than at Rome; it was said that the inhabitants of the
new capital of the Empire divided their interests between a passion
for chariot-racing and theological discussion. Successful
charioteers were transferred from one faction to another like modern
football-players. Records exist of the number of victories gained by
famous whips, and of the proportion won under the different colours.

The costume of the charioteer was always distinct. In Greece he wore
a long robe girt at the waist, which is well seen on the bronze
statue from Delphi,[38] and on the chariot-racing reliefs from the
Mausoleum.[39] At Rome his dress was peculiar, and is illustrated by
the terracotta relief (No. =179=; fig. 62) and other objects in this
Case, notably the small ivory statuette (No. =180=; fig. 63). It
consisted of a close-fitting cap, and a shirt fastened round the
waist. Characteristic thongs called _fasciae_ were wound round the
ribs. The thongs of the reins were also wound about the body. A knife
was stuck in the belt so that the reins might be quickly cut in the
event of an accident.

181). Diam. 3-3/4 in.]

A sort of bird's-eye view of the whole circus, with a race in
progress, is given on the lamp No. =181= (fig. 64), on which we see on
one side the _carceres_ or barriers with folding-doors from which the
chariots started; on the other a stand with rows of spectators, while
in the lower part of the design is the _spina_, or central rib of the
circus, crowded with various structures. Not less instructive is the
scene on the terracotta relief (No. =179=), though only one chariot
is there represented (fig. 62, above). Two lamps (Nos. =182=, =183=)
illustrate respectively the return of a victorious horse (fig. 65)
and a victorious four-horse chariot. The former is accompanied by men
bearing palm-branches and a tablet probably inscribed with the name of
the successful competitor.

[Illustration: FIG. 65.--VICTORIOUS HORSE (NO. 182). 3-3/5 in.]

The cast No. =184= is taken from a mould in the Terracotta Room (No.
E 79) for the central panel of a large lamp. Its chief figure is a
successful charioteer, crowned with a bulky wreath.

    (178) _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 144; (179) _Cat. of
    Terracottas_, D 627; (181) _Cat. of Lamps_, 626; (182)
    _ibid._, 788; (183) _ibid._, 671; (184) _ibid._, 1398.

    For the circus in general see Daremberg and Saglio, s.v.

    Two interesting sarcophagus reliefs, with scenes in the
    circus, are shown in the Roman Gallery (_Cat. of Sculpture_,
    III., 2318, 2319).

      [Footnote 37: _El._ 680 ff.]

      [Footnote 38: _Cat. of Casts_, No. 94.]

      [Footnote 39: _Cat. of Sculpture_, II., Nos. 1036, 1037.]


(Wall-Cases 111-119, and Table-Case E.)

The arms and armour of the ancients are contained in Wall-Cases
111-119, and in Table-Case E. The weapons of attack date from the
beginning of the use of metal, in the prehistoric period, but all the
defensive armour belongs to the historical age.

=Armour.=--There is not much literary evidence for the armour of
antiquity, but military subjects are very commonly represented in
works of art, and these, with the actual remains of armour, give
a good idea of the ancient panoply. The armour of the prehellenic
civilisations of Greece, as described by Homer, is a subject of
dispute, and as this collection possesses no specimen of such remnants
as have been found, there is no need here to discuss the question. It
is enough to say that the armour of the inhabitants of Greece of
the Mycenaean or Bronze Age was entirely different from that of the
Hellenic period, which began with the introduction of iron in the
place of bronze, and that the heroes of the Homeric poems, who are so
frequently portrayed in classical art, are represented in the armour
not of their own day, but of that of the artist. The earliest Greek
fashion is seen in a small bronze figure of a soldier from Dodona,
a cast of which is exhibited in Case 113 (No. =185=; fig. 66). The
original is in the Antiquarium at Berlin. Its date is about 500 B.C.
The man was striking with a spear; he carries a shield on his left
arm, and wears a metal helmet, cuirass and greaves. These three pieces
of body-armour were worn throughout classical times, being adopted
from the Greeks by the Romans. All are represented in this collection.

=Helmet.=--The earliest type of helmet is known as Corinthian, because
it is worn by the goddess Athena in the well-known coin-type of
Corinth (fig. 12_e_). It was a complete metal casing of the head and
neck, open only in front of the eyes and mouth; the nose was protected
by a vertical strip which was left between the eyes, and the rest of
the face was covered as by a mask (fig. 66). In the earliest specimens
(No. =186=) the metal is everywhere of the same thickness, the
cheek-pieces large and clumsy, the nose-piece straight, and little
attempt is made to curve the back so as to fit the neck. Later helmets
were more gracefully designed: the nasal and cheek-pieces are shaped
and curved, the crown is distinguished from the lower part, the neck
has a natural contour, and is set off from the rest of the helmet by
a notch on each side of the bottom rim (No. =187=; fig. 67). The lines
of hair and eyebrows are often indicated in embossed and engraved
patterns (Nos. =188=, =189=; fig. 78).

DODONA (NO. 185). 2:3.]

It would seem that the Corinthian helmet at its best was a cumbrous
piece of armour. The ears of the wearer were covered, and the
ill-fitting shell must have sat loose upon the head, so as to be
easily displaced by a sudden turn. This and the chafing of the metal
were obviated in some degree by a lining of felt or leather, which was
sewn inside the helmet in the rows of holes along the edges. In No.
=189= the actual fastenings may be seen as well as the holes: thin
twine along the bottom rim, and rivets in the holes elsewhere. This is
an unusually well preserved helmet; the wooden peg on which the plume
was tied is still in place (fig. 78). A leathern cap was also worn,
and is seen on the coins of Corinth (fig. 12_e_), where the helmet is
represented in the position in which it was carried when the wearer
was not fighting, _i.e._, pushed back until the lower rim projected in
a peak over the forehead. This position came to be adopted in battle
also; for in the last of the Corinthian series (Nos. =190=, =191=,
fig. 68, =192=) there is not sufficient depth to the helmet to admit
of its being worn over the face in the original way, nor are the
eyeholes large enough to be of use, while in two examples these are
represented only by engraving, a traditional design which shows the
evolution of the helmet (No. =192=). Such examples are, however, not
really Greek. They come from South Italy, and belong to a late
period, when the art and manners of Greek colonists were reproduced in
barbarous form among the natives. Drawings of this helmet on Italian
vases of the third century B.C. give a date for the class.

TYPES (NOS. 187, 193). 1:5.]

An additional value is given to three of the early helmets by
inscriptions which they bear and which help to date them. The first
(No. =188=) is a record of a dedication of Corinthian spoils to Zeus
in lettering which belongs probably to the end of the sixth century
B.C.[40] The helmet was found in the bed of the river Alpheios,
near Olympia, and was doubtless dedicated in the sanctuary. A shield
bearing the first word of a similar inscription has since been found
at Olympia, and was probably part of the same offering. Another helmet
(No. =186=) has five letters, [Greek: OLYMP], scratched on the
corner of one of the cheek-pieces in characters of about 500 B.C. The
complete word was perhaps [Greek: Olympiô], "_To the Olympian Zeus_."
This is said to have been found at Dodona in Epeiros. The third is
inscribed on the front with the name of its owner, [Greek: DASIMOS
PYRRHOU], "_Dasimos son of Pyrrhos_" (No. =194=). The date of the
writing is the beginning of the fifth century. This helmet, which
comes from South Italy, differs from the Corinthian only in having
holes for the ears, but it is really the first of a new type, the
so-called Attic.

FORM (NO. 191). 1:6.]

The evidence of inscriptions, painting and sculpture shows that the
Corinthian helmet was generally worn by the Greeks from the first
appearance of metal armour in the eighth century B.C. to the early
years of the fifth. It then became less common, but never quite
disappeared, and was used, certainly as a decorative type, by the
Romans of the Empire.

[Illustration: FIG. 69.--ATTIC HELMET FROM MACEDONIA (NO. 195). Ca.



The Attic helmet, which gets its name from its use on the coins of
Athens (fig. 12, _f-l_), appeared first in the sixth century B.C.,
and in the fourth was the usual type. In shape it is lighter than the
Corinthian, and resembles a cap with appendages to protect the neck,
cheeks and nose. The ear was thus left free. The finest Attic helmet
(No. =195=, fig. 69) has been acquired recently from the British
Salonika Force. It was found with a spearhead and other objects in a
grave of about 500 B.C. in the camp of the 29th General Hospital
at Mikra Karabournou, in January, 1918, and was transferred to this
collection from the Imperial War Museum. The nasal is elegantly
modelled, eyebrows and tongues of hair over the forehead are wrought
in relief, and broad spiral bands in relief decorate and strengthen
the cheek-pieces. The cheek-pieces were often hung on hinges (No.
=197=), and were pushed up from the face when the wearer was not
fighting (fig. 81). No. =198= is a cheek-piece from Loryma in Caria,
which reproduces the form of the face beneath it. An Attic helmet
from Ruvo in Apulia (No. =196=) has fixed cheek-pieces in the shape of
rams' heads, which were completed with applied reliefs like those of a
similar helmet at Naples (fig. 70). The nose-piece was often omitted.
The forehead was well covered, and was usually marked by a triangular
frontal band, often enclosing an ornament. No. =197= has the head of
a young Satyr in relief. The Attic helmet was also adopted in Italy,
especially by the Etruscans. No. =199= (fig. 78) was found in an
Etruscan tomb at Vulci.

202). 1:6.]

These two helmets, the Corinthian and the Attic, were so far the most
general among the Greeks as to merit the name of the classical types.
No. =193= is an intermediate form which has been assigned to the
Aegean Islands because of its occurrence in vase-paintings from the
Cyclades. This example was found in the river Alpheios, and was
no doubt originally dedicated, like several other pieces in this
collection, in the temple at Olympia. It is cut straight over the
eyes, has no nose-piece and no ear-holes (fig. 67). A peculiar feature
is a broad band with high raised edges which runs over the crown of
the head from forehead to neck. A stout pin in front of this shows
that the band was a channel in which the crest was fixed. A row of
silver studs and a silver band decorate the rim of this helmet, and
there are remains of ornaments in relief, palmettes on forehead and
at the ears, and on each cheek-piece a horseman. These were no doubt
also of silver, but the plates have come away, leaving their impress
upon the cement which used to hold them in place. The style of the
modelling belongs to the end of the sixth century B.C. Another Greek
type has the shape of a Phrygian cap, with the addition of movable
cheek-pieces, of which the hinges are partially preserved (No. =200=).
Such a helmet is often worn by Amazons, for instance by the Queen
Hippolyte on an Attic bowl of about 450 B.C., which is exhibited in
the Third Vase Room (fig. 71). It is also shewn in the cast of an
Etruscan bronze statuette which stands beside the helmet (No. =201=).
The tall oval helmet (No. =202=, fig. 72) with its barbarous pair of
horns in the shape of crests of sea-horses, is Italian, but the same
type appears on Greek monuments.

203). 1:5.]

Italian helmets are more like hats, giving no protection to the face
unless cheek-pieces are added. An early form, from Ancona, is almost
hemispherical, with wide brim and two large bosses on the sides (No.
=203=, fig. 73). The bosses would stop glancing blows on the head. The
smaller knob on the front of this example may have held the crest;
if so, the corresponding knob behind has been lost. Two helmets from
Cannae are later developments of the same type (No. =204=, fig. 74).
They are decorated and stiffened with two curved bands in relief, one
on each side of the crown. The bosses and brims are broken away. The
earliest helmets of this shape belong to the seventh century B.C. Our
later specimens were probably worn in the battle of Cannae (216 B.C.).
They have wrongly been called Carthaginian because of their discovery
on this battlefield, but the type is European, and has been found at
Hallstatt. The helmet with sharp pointed top also belongs to a class
which extended to France and Germany in the early Iron Age (No. =205=,
fig. 72). The arched socket for the crest is a peculiarity of this
example, which is of later date, about fourth century B.C. More
strictly of Italian origin are the heavy Etruscan helmets resembling
reversed jockey-caps, with a knob on top, a short peak covering the
wearer's neck, and attached cheek-pieces (No. =206=, fig. 75). They
are cast; nearly all other helmets are hammered work. Their date is
from the fifth to the third century B.C. The Etruscans also used an
oval helmet with ridged crown, of which the most notable example comes
from Olympia, where it was dedicated as part of the Greek spoils from
the naval battle of Kyme (B.C. 474). This helmet is described above
among the Greek Inscriptions (p. 8, fig. 7, No. =13=). Other examples
are heavier, and have a broad decorated rim (No. =207=, fig. 73).

CANNAE (NO. 204). 1:5.]

CHEEK-PIECES (NO. 206). 1:5.]

There is no specimen of a Roman helmet in this collection. The
scarcity of remains of Roman armour is due to the fact that it was
mostly made of iron, which has decayed. Representations of different
shapes may be seen, in a statuette of an officer (No. =219=, fig. 85),
a small model of a trophy (No. =233=), a cast of a large marble relief
(No. =236=), and a drawing of a soldier from the Column of Trajan
(fig. 90). All these show close-fitting caps with broad chin-straps,
which also serve as cheek-pieces. They are varieties of the Attic
type. Some Roman helmets found in England are exhibited in the
Department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities. One of them is
reproduced in fig. 76. It is evidently related to the much older
Etruscan "jockey-cap." The hinged cheek-pieces are wanting. It is
likely that the Romans would combine Greek and Italian patterns in
designing a uniform helmet for their own army.


[Illustration: FIG. 77.--PARADE HELMET MASKS (NOS. 209, 208).]

A peculiar fashion of Roman helmet is represented by two bronze
vizor-masks in Case 117 (Nos. =208=, =209=, fig. 77). A complete
helmet of the same kind, exhibited in the Room of Roman Britain, was
found at Ribchester in 1796, and two other specimens, a fragmentary
iron helmet and a bronze mask, have recently been excavated at
Newstead on the Tweed. The Newstead helmet has remains of padding
still adhering, which prove that these strange helmets were actually
worn, though Arrian, writing on tactics in the second century A.D.,
says that they were used for display, and not in battle. The earlier
of our examples (No. =208=, fig. 77, right), which probably belongs
to the first century A.D., is said to have been found on the face of
a skeleton in a grave at Nola in Italy in the eighteenth century. The
other (No. =209=, fig. 77, left), which has the more usual type
of features, has lately been presented to the Museum, having been
purchased at Aintab in Syria during the occupation of the country by
British troops. Both masks are pierced at eyes, nostrils and mouth,
and show traces of attachment to the helmet above the forehead. No.
=209= has remains of white metal plating on the face, the hair being
left in the colour of bronze.

FOR FEATHER (NOS. 189, 199). 1:5.]



Crests are shown on all kinds of helmets, as in the Greek, Etruscan
and Roman statuettes (figs. 66, 81, 85), and the drawings on Greek and
Italian vases (figs. 79, 86, etc.); it is not uncommon to find three
on one helmet. They had thick horsehair plumes, sometimes simply wired
to the helmet, sometimes mounted in sockets. Very few helmets show
original fittings for the crests. These must have been added by the
owners. Some helmets have holes drilled in the crown; No. =186= has
remains of wire in the holes. No. =189= has a bronze socket still
holding a wooden peg, but this is only fastened with cement, and its
rough make is not in keeping with the fine finish of this helmet (fig.
78). The flanged channel and pins of No. =193= (fig. 67) are peculiar
to that type of helmet. An Etruscan helmet of Attic shape (No. =199=,
fig. 78) had a pair of tubes to carry single feathers, only one
of which remains (_cf._ fig. 80). It was an Italian habit to wear
fantastic ornaments. The head of a horseman from a wall-painting
at Capua shows horns, wings, and a plume or feather (fig. 79). A
Corinthian helmet from Apulia has a pair of curved horns like those in
the wall-painting (No. =190=). An Attic helmet belonging to a suit of
armour which was found in a grave at Capua, and is exhibited here on
loan from H.M. Armoury in the Tower of London (No. =210=), has horns
of coiled wire (perhaps clips for feathers), and a pair of wings.
The oval bronze hat (No. =202=, fig. 72) has two crests of sea-horses
mounted as horns, with the support for a plume between them. These
accessories are detachable; they are cut out of thin sheet metal and
fit on to flat ears on the helmet. Two of the latest of the Corinthian
class (No. =191=, fig. 68) have such attachments.

CUIRASS. 1:4.]


=Cuirass.=--The earliest metal cuirass consisted of two bronze plates
roughly shaped to fit the body, and fastened together at the sides and
shoulders. The bottom edge was turned up so as not to cut the hips.
The Greek statuette from Dodona (No. =185=, fig. 66) shows the form.
It was contemporary with the Corinthian helmet in Greece, and was
probably discarded there for the same reason, that it was as much
a burden as a protection. In Italy it had a longer life, but in an
improved shape which is represented in Italian vase-painting (fig.
80), and is shown here in the cast of an Etruscan statuette (No.
=201=), as well as in some actual specimens from Italy (Nos. =210=,
=211=, =212=). These fit closely to the body, of which the form is
moulded in free style on the metal plates, and the bottom edge follows
the line of the waist. A fringe of leather was often attached to the
rim. The fastenings are rings for lacing, and pins in sockets which
serve either as hinges or clasps. The other cuirass was generally used
in Greece from the beginning of the fifth century B.C. An Etruscan
statuette in the Bronze Room shows every detail of the type (fig. 81).
It was made of leather plated with bronze, with shoulder-straps to
buckle down upon the breast. In scenes of the arming of soldiers, for
instance on a vase by the painter Douris, at Vienna (fig. 82), the
method of putting on this cuirass is often represented, and the
construction of the various parts is shown. The bronze plating might
be in the form of square tabs or round scales. Two fragments of such
plating are exhibited (No. =213=, fig. 83, right). The larger consists
of six plates of bronze with the lower edge scalloped, sewn with wire
on a leathern coat, and overlapping in such a way as everywhere to
present three thicknesses of metal. The leather of this example is
modern. The other is of five much smaller scales, similarly wired
together. The larger fragment is from France, the smaller from
Oxyrhynchus, in Egypt. Some pieces of heavier bronze plating, one of
them still clasping a shrivelled tongue of leather, may have served as
the long tabs which form a skirt to this cuirass. They were excavated
at Kertch in the Crimea (No. =214=, fig. 83, left).

213). 3:5.]

A peculiar Italian type is represented by a triangular bronze
breastplate filled with three circles in relief (No. =215=). This
breastplate often appears on third-century vases of South Italian
fabric, and a number of such plates have been found in tombs of the
beginning of the Iron Age. It is therefore an ancient pattern, but
this example is contemporary with the vases (fig. 84).

Another piece of native Italian fashion is the metal belt (No. =216=)
which is also represented in vase paintings of the third century B.C.
(fig. 84). It was worn with the triangular breastplate. Rows of holes
along the edges show that the belts were lined with cloth or leather.
The fastening is simple, one end hooking into the other. Many
elaborate hooks are exhibited (No. =217=). Two oval bronze plaques
(No. =218=) may have belonged to belts of different type.


Remains of Roman cuirasses are as rare as of the helmets, and for the
same reason; but the general type of the armour worn by the legionary
soldier is illustrated by a small statuette (No. =219=; fig. 85). The
cuirass is of the same design as the flexible Greek type; it is made
of overlapping bands of metal, which are fastened down the front.
There are shoulder-pieces of similar construction, and straps are
brought over from the back to hold the armour in place. Underneath
is a kilt of leather or metal strips. Two other varieties of Roman
cuirass are shown in the cast of the relief representing pieces of
armour (No. =236=), and a fourth is the coat of mail, which appears
in the reliefs of the Columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius at Rome
(about 110 and 190 A.D. respectively). It is represented here by
fragments of two different patterns and sizes (No. =220=).

(NO. 219). 2:3.]

=Greaves.=--The third part of the Greek body armour is the greaves.
Metal greaves may have been worn towards the close of the Mycenaean
Age (the pair from Enkomi in Cyprus dates from about 1100 B.C.), but
their general use was due, like that of the metal cuirass, to the
adoption of the small shield, which necessitated a better covering
of the body and legs. The poet Alcaeos says that the greave was a
protection against missiles. It was a thin sheet of bronze, shaped to
fit the leg, which it clasped and held of its own elasticity. Only the
greaves from Enkomi (No. =221=) are laced with bronze wire. Warriors
putting on their greaves are often represented on the Attic vases.
Fig. 86 is from the same scene as fig. 82. An ankle-pad was worn to
keep the bottom edge from chafing. There is little difference of shape
or decoration in the existing specimens. Some reach only to the knee,
and some extend above it to cover part of the thigh (Nos. =222=,
=225=). With the exception of the pair from Enkomi, all these date
from the sixth to the third century B.C. Two of the finest (No. =223=;
fig. 87) from Ruvo in South Italy, are decorated on the knee with a
figure of a Gorgon. The tongue and eyes were made of ivory. The style
points to Ionia as the place, and the sixth century as the time of
manufacture. Rather later is the pair with incised palmettes above the
knees (No. =224=). The only other decoration is the expression of the
muscles of the leg to correspond with the similar representation
of the body on the breastplate. As in the belt and helmet, there is
usually a row of holes along the rim for the attachment of a lining.
In the Roman army the greave was worn from early times, but under the
Empire it became a mark of distinction for the centurions.


OF GORGONS (NO. 223). 1:6.]

Some rare pieces of armour are arranged with the greaves. No. =226= is
a thigh-piece, of which the provenance is not known. A similar piece
was found at Olympia. Armour for the thigh is represented on some
Greek vases of the sixth century B.C., but not on later monuments,
although both Xenophon and Arrian mention it as part of the equipment
of cavalry. A guard for the upper part of the right arm, from Italy,
which is more familiar as armour of the later gladiator, dates from
the fifth or fourth century B.C. (No. =227=). It was fastened to the
shoulder of the cuirass. Another piece of different shape is mounted
with the suit of armour from Capua (No. =210=). There are three pairs
of shin-guards from Italy (No. =228=). The ankle-pieces are designed
to protect the "Achilles" tendon at the back of the foot (No. =229=;
fig. 88). These subsidiary pieces of leg-armour were probably worn
by the Italians of the fourth century B.C., when the long greave was
going out of fashion. Armour of an unusual kind is represented by the
pair of bronze shoes, which are also from Ruvo (No. =230=; fig. 89).
The metal covering is only for the top of the foot, and the toes are
on a separate plate, which is hinged at the joint. Part of a single
shoe of the same type was found at Olympia.

[Illustration: FIG. 88.--BRONZE ANKLE-GUARD (NO. 229). 1:4.]

[Illustration: FIG. 89.--BRONZE SHOES (NO. 230). 1:4.]

=Shield.=--An essential part of the ancient panoply was the shield,
but actual remains are rare. Greek shields were probably made of wood
or leather studded or plated with metal. The prehistoric shield of
Homer's time we know was a large bull-hide, which enveloped the man
from head to foot, and was slung round his neck by a strap. Herodotus
says that this unwieldy weapon was superseded by the smaller shield,
an invention of the Carians, held on the left arm by a loop and a
cross-bar (fig. 102). The common shapes were circular and oval; more
fanciful patterns, lozenges and crescents, belonged to less civilised
neighbours of the Greeks. Leather construction is seen in the shape of
the Boeotian shield (so called from its use as the national coin-type
of Boeotia), which the Dodona soldier carries (No. =185=; fig. 66).
This is oval with a gap in the middle of each long side, a shape
produced by stretching a hide on a long frame with cross-bars at top
and bottom. Strings for tightening the leather cover are drawn inside
a shield in fig. 102. Two circular bronze shields are exhibited, both
from Italy. The large one is decorated with narrow bands of Sphinxes,
rosettes, palm- and lotus-patterns in relief, in the oriental Greek
style of the sixth century B.C. (No. =231=). The smaller (No. =232=),
which has a spiked boss and punctured geometric patterns, is probably
Italian of about the same date. Neither of these examples has the
fittings of a shield inside. They may have been made for decorative or
votive use.


No Roman shields are represented, and none have survived entire, for
they were also made of wood and leather, and only the central boss and
the framework were of metal. The ordinary type is illustrated in the
reliefs of the Trajan Column (fig. 90), where the legionaries are
perhaps distinguished from the auxiliary soldiers by their oblong
shields. These are further differentiated by the badges of the various
legions; the illustration shows a thunderbolt. The Greeks also carried
devices on their shields, mostly figures of animals (fig. 102, a
bull's head), which would be chosen as the emblem of a man or family,
like coats of arms in mediaeval Europe. Some states also had their
badges; men of Lacedaemon, Sicyon, and Messene bore the initial
letters of the names of their towns.

=Trophies.=--A peculiar usage of war among the Greeks, which was
afterwards practised by the Romans, was the erection of trophies of
the arms captured from a defeated enemy. Soldiers of all ages have
celebrated their achievements by the display of armour or similar
spoils which they have stripped from their opponents; but the custom
of building effigies with the empty armour, to be left for a monument
on the battlefield, as a token of victory, belonged properly to
the Greeks. Helmet, cuirass and greaves were slung in position on a
tree-trunk, and the shield and other weapons were bound to the arms
of a cross-piece. An inscription was affixed, giving an account of the
victory and the dedication of the monument to a deity, as other spoils
were dedicated in the temples. In the centre of the Wall-Cases 116-117
two suits of armour are set up in this fashion (Nos. =210=, =211=). In
Case 111 there are a small bronze model of a Roman trophy (No. =233=),
and two lamps with designs of the same subject. One of them has a
trophy of barbarian arms, a horned helmet and oblong wooden shields,
with a man and a woman captive at the foot (No. =234=). The other is
more fanciful: a trophy is borne aloft by a Victory, who is poised
with her foot on a globe, to symbolise the subjection of the world
(No. =235=).


The Greeks had established customs in raising trophies, and these were
strictly observed. The trophy was an assertion of victory, and was
accepted by the vanquished and left inviolate by them. But it was
contrary to usage for the victors to repair it, or to make the
supports of anything more durable than wood. The native Roman practice
was to fix captured armour in the house, like trophies of the
chase. The built trophy was borrowed from the Greeks, but it was
not necessarily erected on the battlefield. At Rome there were many
trophies commemorating provincial victories, and the custom was
continued in the representations of spoils on the triumphal arches
and other monuments of the Imperial age. A marble relief of pieces
of armour from one of these monuments is reproduced in a cast (No.
=236=). The arms are mostly Roman, but the dragon-standard and loose
tunic belong to the Dacians, a barbarous people who made trouble on
the north-east frontier of the Roman Empire in the second century
after Christ.

[Illustration: FIG. 92.--ROMAN MANIPULAR _Vexillum_, FROM THE TRAJAN

[Illustration: FIG. 93.--SILVER COIN OF VALENS (364-378 A.D.) SHOWING

=Standards.=--Military standards were not much used by the Greeks, but
in the Roman army, which was a regular institution, not a temporary
levy of citizens, they were elaborately developed. The eagle was the
standard of the legion. It was a gilt image of the bird with
spread wings, holding a thunderbolt in its claws. Marks of
military distinction bestowed upon the legion--crowns, wreaths, and
medallions--were carried on the staff which supported the eagle or on
the eagle itself (fig. 109, p. 105). Smaller standards belonged to the
companies of the legion (maniples or centuries). These were originally
banners (_vexilla_) mounted on spears, with honorary wreaths and
medallions attached to the shafts. A cast of such a standard is
exhibited (No. =237=). The cross-piece represents the bar on which
the banner was hung, the sloping and vertical members at its ends are
derived from the cords which fastened the cross-bar to the pole. The
other standards shown in fig. 91, figures of birds or animals carried
on a plain shaft, are also represented here, in the bronze boar
(No. =238=). Such standards were probably used by detachments of the
legion. The regimental emblems were chosen or bestowed for various
reasons; some legions had several badges, and the same badges are
found with several legions. The boar is known to have belonged to
the 1st (_Italica_), 2nd (_Adjutrix_), 10th (_Fretensis_) and 20th
(_Valeria Victrix_). The bronze hand (No. =239=) may have been part
of a standard, but its poor structure rather indicates votive use. An
open hand was the proper standard of the maniple, the Roman company
of two centuries, which, indeed, derived its name from this device
(_manipulus_, a handful). The Roman explanation, as recorded by Ovid
and others, was that when Romulus first organised his men by hundreds,
he gave each company a standard consisting of a handful of twigs or
grass on the point of a spear. In any case the maniple took its name
from the hand, and the hand is often represented as the standard of
the maniple; fig. 92 is taken from the Trajan Column. The cross-bar,
which originally carried the banner, and its hanging tassels are shown
in this standard, as in No. =237=, but the more important part of the
cord, which fastened the bar to the shaft, has been omitted from the
design. This fortuitous pattern of a cross was eagerly recognised by
the early Church as a military emblem of Christianity, and the famous
_labarum_, the miraculous standard which Christ gave to the Emperor
Constantine on the eve of the battle of the Milvian Bridge, was a
cavalry _vexillum_ of the Roman army with the monogram of Christ
emblazoned on its banner (fig. 93).

    The pieces of armour are described in the _Catalogue of
    Bronzes_ to which reference should be made for fuller details.
    The Catalogue numbers are painted on the objects.

    (185) _Bronzen aus Dodona in den Kgl. Museen zu Berlin_, p.
    13, pl. 2; (201) Friederichs, _Kleinere Kunst_, 2197; (208)
    _Cat. of Bronzes_, 877; Benndorf, _Ant. Gesichtshelme_, p. 15,
    pl. 3; for the class see Curle, _A Roman Frontier Post and its
    People_, p. 179; (221) _B.M. Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 16,
    fig. 26; (236) _Cat. of Sculpture_, 2620; (237, 238, 239)
    reproduced by Daremberg and Saglio, _Dict. Ant._ s.v. _Signa

=Weapons.=--The weapons of offence, which are exhibited in Table-Case
E, differ from the majority of the antiquities shown in this room,
in that many of them were made at a remote period in the history of
Greece and Italy, some even dating from the beginning of the Bronze
Age, when the use of metal had not long supplanted that of stone. In
a few examples from the island of Cyprus, the metal is almost pure
copper. It is therefore not strictly accurate to call these weapons
Greek and Roman, for they were made a thousand years before those
nations began; but they come from the lands which were afterwards
inhabited by the Greeks and Romans, and are valuable as representing
the development of arms in those parts of the world, and as being the
work of the primitive races in whom the Greeks and Romans had their

=Early Greek Bronze Age.=--The first class consists of arms which
belong to the Early Bronze Age in Greece, a period preceding the
mature and extensive civilisation to which the name of Mycenaean is
commonly applied. The general date of 3000 to 2000 B.C., which is
assigned to the weapons of this period, serves rather to indicate
their chronological relations than to give their precise age. In any
case they stand as a definite beginning of the history of arms in
Europe. In these early times the sword had not been invented, and
short daggers or spear-heads only were produced by workmen with a
still imperfect mastery of metallurgy. The most ancient form was a
short thick blade, with rivets in the base, where it was fastened
to the hilt or shaft. A more secure attachment was contrived by
prolonging the broad base of the blade into a tang, which was let
into the handle and held by a rivet through the end. But the greatest
advance was the discovery that if a rib were left up the middle of
the blade, the edges could be fined down and tapered to a sharp point
without loss of strength. In the final development the stiffening rib
and the tang were connected, so that the strongest part of the blade
was continued down into the handle. Yet in spite of progress and
improvements in design, the old patterns remained in use to the end of
the Bronze Age, and even later, so that a chronological classification
based on the forms of early Weapons is untrustworthy.


All the stages in the development are shown in these examples. The
most primitive types are represented by a series of blades from Cyprus
(No. =241=; fig. 94_a_), which, from material and technique, might be
placed at a very early period; but they were excavated from Mycenaean
tombs of the end of the Bronze Age. To the same island belong the
narrow blades with long tangs, which are turned round at the end in a
hook to hold the handle (No. =242=; fig. 94_b_). This type is said
to have been found in graves of 3000 B.C. It is certainly a primitive
shape, and peculiar to the pre-Mycenaean civilisation of Cyprus.
Another local variety is known in the leaf-shaped blade with a sharp
tang and two slits, one on each side of the midrib, through which
the shaft was lashed in place (No. =243=; fig. 94_c_). The pattern
is characteristic of the contemporary civilisation of the Cycladic
Islands. Two pointed blades with no tang belong to the same early
period. The smaller of the two was found at Athens (No. =244=; fig.

245, 247-8). 1:4.]

249-50). 1:4.]

=Mycenaean swords and daggers.=--The next period was the close of the
Bronze Age in Greece, occupying the second millennium before Christ.
It has been called, from its best-known centre at Mycenae, the
Mycenaean Age. In this period, by improvement in metal-working, the
short daggers were lengthened into swords, which, towards the end of
the age, were made even a yard long, and very slender. Such weapons
were used mainly for thrusting, for they would break with a direct
blow. Homer records many such accidents on the battlefield. At the
same time the spear-head was differentiated from the dagger-blade,
being provided with a socket for the shaft. Mycenaean weapons are
represented here by swords and spear-heads found mainly at Ialysos in
Rhodes, and belonging to the end of the period. The swords are short
and heavy, and are made in one piece with the hilt. The guard is
straight in the earlier specimens, and the pommel of the hilt was a
round knob, of which the tang remains (No. =245=; fig. 95_a_). This is
the form of the well-known daggers from Mycenae, which have the blades
inlaid with designs in coloured metals, the hilts and pommels embossed
and chased in gold. Electrotype copies of the Mycenae daggers are
exhibited in the Gold Ornament Room Passage. A closer parallel to
these is a blade from Cameiros which has the rivets still in place
(No. =246=). In other swords the raised flange on the edges of the
hilt is continued to form a crescent-shaped pommel. The hollow space
was filled with an ornamental material for the grip. The rivets are
usually in place, and on a small dagger from Karpathos a great part of
the ivory mount is preserved (No. =247=; fig. 95_b_). The last form
of this hilt appears in a heavy sword, formerly in the Woodhouse
Collection (No. =248=; fig. 95_c_). The projection of flanges and
pommel is accentuated, and the ends of the guard are curled up like
horns. This type survived into the Hellenic period. Another late
Mycenaean form is seen in a long and slender sword with a broad base
to the blade, which contracts again towards the hilt (No. =249=; fig.
96_a_). At the other end of the hilt are two divergent tongues of
metal, which are better preserved in another example, of heavier
fabric, from Enkomi, in Cyprus (No. =250=; fig. 96_b_). The type is
that in which the earliest iron swords of Greece were made (No. =263=;
fig. 101_b_), and which was the prototype of the common bronze sword
of the rest of Europe. The lighter specimen (No. =249=) is from
Scutari in Albania.

(NO. 251). 1:4.]

=Mycenaean spears and arrows.=--The spear was in Homeric times the
soldier's most important arm, a long and heavy weapon which was thrown
with great force or used for thrusting. Mycenaean spearheads are
illustrated in a series from Ialysos (No. =251=; fig. 97). They
are skilfully made to secure the greatest strength with the least
expenditure of material; in most cases the shaft runs far up into the
blade, which is narrow and springs gently from the socket, some being
wider near the point than at the base. There is considerable variety
of shape, but all are characterised by the thin blade with shallow
curves. Mycenaean arrowheads from the same site are of more primitive
design (No. =252=; fig. 98). The best are large and heavy, and
have long barbs; a tang and no socket to take the shaft. Others are
curiously flat and weak, and are plainly metal reproductions of a
stone pattern.

252). 2:3.]

=Italian Bronze Age.=--The Bronze Age of Italy is represented here by
daggers and spears which date from about the fifteenth to the tenth
century B.C. Italian daggers are remarkable for the use of engraved
geometrical decoration on the blades. The first class resembles the
Mycenaean weapons in the form of the hilt with edges raised for inlay
and crescent-shaped pommel, and the round base of the blade is also
similar to an early Mycenaean type. The haft of one dagger is wound
with bronze wire, another has an ivory handle bound with gold (No.
=253=; fig. 99_a_), and a third has the pommel filled with ivory (No.
254). Some of the blades were made separately, and riveted to the hilt
after the primitive fashion (No. =255=; fig. 99_b_). In that case
the hilt was split to receive the tang, and overlapped the base (No.
=256=). Some of these daggers diverge still further from the Mycenaean
in having the blade with recurving edges which is characteristic of
a cutting sword (No. =257=; fig. 99_c_). The sheaths are of peculiar
shape, being made of a thin plate of bronze with an ornament at the
end in the form of a large round knob or several discs on a peg (No.
=258=; fig. 99 _e_, _f_). They are decorated with the same linear
designs as the blades. A later variety of Italian sword, known from
the horned extremities of the pommel as the _Antennae_ type, is
represented by two specimens (No. =259=; fig. 99_d_). In the first,
the horns are simply curved projections, in the other they are
developed into large rings or spiral coils. The type is of frequent
occurrence throughout Europe, even in the north.

253, 255, 257-9). 1:6.]

[Illustration: FIG. 100.--ITALIAN BRONZE SPEARHEADS (NO. 260).]

Italian spearheads do not suggest so much connection with
Mycenaean types. Some of them are narrow, but most have broad and
strongly-curving blades which spring sharply from the sockets (No.
=260=; fig. 100). A spearhead from Sicily is remarkable for its great
size (No. =261=): it is thirty-five inches long.

The rest of the arms belong to the historical period. The usual
weapons of the Greeks were the spear and sword. The bow was a special
arm, which did not form part of the equipment of the ordinary soldier,
and its use, like that of the sling, was practised by men of certain
districts, who served as mercenaries to other states. The axe was
a barbarous weapon, and is generally represented in the hands of
Amazons, who brought their mode of warfare from the wilds of Scythia
(see fig. 109).

=Greek swords.=--The earliest Greek swords in this collection date
from the tenth century B.C., when iron was fast taking the place of
bronze; but forms common in the Bronze Age were still reproduced in
iron, just as those peculiar to stone implements were for some time
preserved in bronze. This conservative tendency is noticeable in three
iron swords, of which two are from Cyprus (Nos. =262=, =263=; fig.
101_b_). They reproduce the general form of the bronze sword from
Enkomi in the same island (No. =250=; fig. 96). A short iron dagger is
similar to the common Mycenaean type (No. =264=; fig. 101_a_).

MYCENAEAN TYPES (NOS. 263-4). 1:4.]

The ordinary Greek sword of the fifth century B.C. is represented by
three examples. The type appears frequently in works of art. On a vase
in the Third Vase Room (E 468; Pedestal 6) there is a drawing of the
combat of Achilles and Memnon, in which Memnon is armed with this
sword. In the sheath by his side is another, so that it is possible
to see both hilt and blade at once (fig. 102). The shape is entirely
different from that of prehistoric times. The hilt is round and the
pommel a small knob, while the guard is a plain crosspiece. The blade,
which, being made of iron, is long and thin, swells from the hilt
towards the point in the manner characteristic of the cutting sword.
All these features are visible in the examples (No. =265=; fig.
104_a_, _b_). The swelling blade is best seen in the largest specimen,
while the iron-handled fragment, which was excavated from a tomb near
the Mausoleum at Halikarnassos, shows the original form of the hilt.
The small dagger with a bone hilt and the bone end of the scabbard
forms part of a group of weapons which were found on the battlefield
of Marathon (No. =266=; fig. 103). The others are iron spearheads,
arrowheads both of bronze and iron, and leaden slingshot, two of which
are marked with a thunderbolt and the Greek name _Zoilos_.


(NO. 266). Ca. 1:3.]

Another common type of Greek sword is the heavy knife-like sabre with
a hilt in the shape of a bird's head (No. =267=; fig. 104_c_). Its
original appearance may be seen on the Athenian bowl already mentioned
on page 80 (fig. 105). The classical name was _machaira_. Xenophon
recommends it as a cavalry weapon, because of its heavy down-stroke.
This example comes from Spain, where many similar swords have been
found, but the origin of the type is Greek or even Oriental. The
dagger with a cylindrical bronze hilt of which the pommel is a
lynx-head, appears from the style of the decoration to be Graeco-Roman
(No. =268=). Some models in terracotta from Naukratis give the types
of the Hellenistic period (No. =269=).

[Illustration: FIG. 104.--GREEK IRON SWORDS (NOS. 265, 267). 1:5.]

[Illustration: FIG. 105.--THE _Machaira_, WITH HILT IN THE SHAPE OF A

[Illustration: FIG. 106.--GREEK SPEARHEADS (NOS. 272-3, 275). About

=Greek and Roman spears.=--Classical spears are represented by a
variety of heads both in bronze and iron. The earliest Greek type is
an iron head found with pottery of the tenth or ninth century B.C. in
a grave at Assarlik in Asia Minor (No. =271=). Those with three and
four blades are a small class, examples of which came to light at
Olympia, and suggest as a date the end of the sixth century B.C. (No.
=272=; fig. 106_a_). To the same date may belong the decoratively
modelled bronze spear from Kameiros, and another of plainer design
from the same place (No. =273=; fig. 106_b_, _c_), with two from
Olympia, and a large iron one (No. =274=) found with the fine Attic
helmet (p. 78) in Macedonia. A curious spearhead, or perhaps a butt,
from Olympia is shown among the Greek Inscriptions (p. 9, No. =14=,
fig. 8). Spearbutts are not uncommon. Some are plain tapered ferrules
(No. =279=; fig. 107), others end in two-pronged forks (Nos. =280=,
=281=; fig. 107). The bronze forks are from Egypt, the iron one
(fig. 107, bottom centre) was found on the bank of the Tiber with the
spearheads mentioned below. The unusually long iron head, which was
found in Spain with the iron _machaira_, is probably a later Greek
form (No. =275=; fig. 106_d_). This example exhibits in a high degree
the superiority of iron to bronze. Other iron spearheads are from
Italy; some are from the Tiber (No. =276=). Three specimens, one with
remains of the wooden shaft and the lashing of wire, were found near
the village of Talamone on the west coast of Italy (No. =277=; fig.
108), where in 225 B.C. the Romans won a decisive victory over the
Gauls, who had marched successfully to within a few days of Rome, and
were returning home with their plunder. Like the helmets from Kyme and
Cannae, and the arms from Marathon, these spears are relics of one
of the famous battles of antiquity. The Roman soldiers of later times
carried spears of a different kind. They had no thrusting lance, but
an extremely heavy weapon, the _pilum_, which they threw with great
effect at close quarters. The small iron heads from Licenza (No.
=278=) have much the same shape as the head of the _pilum_. They
probably belonged to light throwing-spears. The purpose of the long
head was to bend and encumber the enemy after piercing his shield or

=Roman swords.=--The collection of swords ends in those which belong
to the Roman period. A fragment of a sword with a heavy iron blade
seems too big for the natives of Italy, and may have been used by a
Gaulish invader (No. =282=). The large sword with a flat guard and
an ivory and bronze handle (No. =283=) is perhaps a Roman _gladius_,
which was afterwards superseded in the army by a sword of Spanish

[Illustration: FIG. 107.--BRONZE AND IRON SPEAR-BUTTS (NOS. 279-81).
Ca. 1:5.]

[Illustration: FIG. 108.--IRON SPEARHEADS FROM TALAMONE (NO. 277).
About 1:4.]

MAINZ (NO. 284). 1:4. Reliefs, 2:3.]

290, 288). 2:3.]

The later Roman sword is excellently represented by the so-called
"Sword of Tiberius," which was found in a field at Mainz on the Rhine
(No. =284=; fig. 109). The short iron blade is of the usual type,
measuring twenty-one inches in length and two and a half in width at
the base, from whence it tapers gently to a sharp point. The scabbard
was made of wood covered with a plate of silver-gilt which is
decorated with reliefs in gilt bronze. The plates of the bands which
were hooked to the sword-belt are ornamented with wreaths of oak. At
the hilt is a group which represents the Emperor Tiberius receiving
his nephew Germanicus on the latter's return, in the year 17 A.D.,
from his victorious campaigns against the Germans, in the course of
which he had recovered one of the legionary eagles which Varus had
lost. The emperor, robed as a deity, is seated on a throne, resting
his left arm on a shield which is inscribed +FELICITAS · TIBERI+--"The
Good Fortune of Tiberius"--and holding in his right hand a small
figure of Victory with wreath and palm, which he has just taken
from his returning general. Germanicus stands before him in military
attire, with his right hand stretched out. In the background is an
armed figure, and behind the emperor a winged Victory brings a shield
upon which is the legend +VIC · AVG+--"The Victory of Augustus."
The middle of the scabbard is occupied by a medallion charged with
a portrait of Tiberius, and at the point is a larger plate which is
divided into two fields. The uppermost has a representation of a Roman
eagle in a temple, and in the other is an Amazon armed with battle-axe
and lance. It might not be wrong to connect the eagle with that of
Varus; and the figure of the Amazon calls to mind the ode of Horace
(_Carm._ iv. 4) celebrating the success of Drusus, the father of
this Germanicus, against the Germans of the Danube, in which the poet
expresses surprise that those barbarians should be armed with the
Amazonian axe. Perhaps the next generation attributed this legendary
weapon also to the Germans of the Rhine, and the Amazon is an allusion
to the campaigns which the sword commemorates. From the contrast of
the elaboration of the design with the cheapness of the execution, it
would seem that the weapon is one of many copies which were turned
out for some official purpose, probably a sword of honour presented to
officers who had served with Germanicus.

Other remains of Roman swords are less complete. There are several
fragments of scabbards, a bronze guard, two ivory pieces which may
have been pommels of the hilt or caps of the sheath, and a good
specimen of an entire hilt in bone (No. =285=). This is very similar
to the classical Greek pattern.

[Illustration: FIG. 111.--ROMAN ARROWHEADS (NO. 293). 2:3.]

=Sling-shot and arrowheads.=--Weapons which show little difference
of form in Greek or Roman times are the sling-shot (No. =286=) and
arrowheads. Sling-shot are mostly cast in lead, but some are of bronze
and stone. The inscribed sling-bolts from Marathon have already been
mentioned, and others similarly bear inscriptions in raised letters: a
personal name, of the maker or the general or the slinger; or the name
of the state from whose army it was shot--"From the Corinthians"; or a
message to the bullet or to the enemy--"Strike hard," and "Take this."
A large bronze arrowhead from Olynthus (No. =291=) bears the name of
Philip, probably the father of Alexander the Great, the Macedonian
king against whom Demosthenes wrote his Olynthiac and Philippic

Some of the arrowheads have already been described, the Mycenaean from
Rhodes (No. =252=; fig. 98), and those from Marathon (No. =266=; fig.
103). The large iron heads with knife-like blade and long tang are
Oriental (No. =287=); those from Marathon were no doubt used by
Persian bowmen. A similar group from Cyprus, but of bronze, shows long
square heads (No. =288=; fig. 110, top, right). A bundle of six bronze
arrowheads of broad leaf shape, found in a grave at Enkomi in Cyprus,
has rusted together as the arrows lay in the quiver, remains of which
and of the wooden shafts can still be seen (No. =289=). Greek examples
belong to two classes; they are all made of bronze. The commoner class
has sockets and blades like miniature spearheads; (No. =290=; fig.
110). Many of these have three blades; the large inscribed head from
Olynthus (No. =291=) is of this shape, but barbed. Another variety,
which always has barbs, is triangular with a central hole for the
shaft. The second class consists of heavy heads with long barbs and
tangs (No. =292=). These appear to be related to a Mycenaean form (see
fig. 98), and as they are often represented on coins of Crete, they
may perhaps be identified as the arrows of the Cretan bow. The Roman
period is represented by six iron arrowheads from Xanten (_Castra
Vetera_) on the Rhine. They show the spearhead and triangular shapes,
and are all barbed (No. =293=; fig. 111).

[Illustration: FIG. 112.--BONE CALTHROP FROM THE CRIMEA (NO. 296).

Such is the regular series of classical weapons. Exceptional pieces
are the bronze double-axe (No. =294=), if this can be called a weapon,
the ridged mace-head from Rome (No. =295=), and the calthrop (No.
=296=; fig. 112), a contrivance for disabling cavalry. This singular
object, which was found at Kertch in the Crimea, is cut from a human
radius bone.

    The bronze weapons are more fully described in the _Catalogue
    of Bronzes_ under the numbers painted on the objects.

    (269) _Cat. of Terracottas_, C 629 ff.; (271) _Journal of
    Hellenic Studies_, VIII., p. 64; (284) _Proc. Soc. Ant.
    Lond._, N.S. III., p. 358; _Cat. of Bronzes_, 867; (289)
    _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 17, fig. 28; (296) McPherson,
    _Antiq. Kertch_, p. 101.

      [Footnote 40: [Greek:

      Targeioi anethen tôi Diwi tôn Korinthothen.]


(Wall-Cases 25-40.)

Cases 25-40 contain furniture, lamps and lamp-stands, cooking
utensils, objects used in connection with the bath, and objects
illustrating the methods of heating buildings and supplying them with
water. With the house itself, its plan and its appearance we are
not concerned in this work. It is enough to say that the fundamental
distinction between the ancient and modern house is that the one
looked inwards, the other looks outwards. The ancient house received
its light and air either from the open courtyard, round which it was
built, or else from a large aperture in the roof. The former was the
prevailing arrangement in Greece, the latter (in the earlier period)
that adopted in Italy. The outside of the average Greek house was
probably very destitute of architectural ornament, presenting a wide
space of blank wall broken but by few windows.

The Roman house in its final development assumed a form closely
resembling that of the Greek house just described. At an early period
it was based on the early Italian house. This consisted merely of an
oblong chamber, with a small opening in the roof for the admission
of light and emission of smoke. This chamber was called an _atrium_,
perhaps because walls and roof were black (_ater_) with soot from the
smoke of the fire. Gradually the opening in the roof became larger.
Rain fell in the centre into a basin called the _impluvium_. The
_atrium_ lost its character as a living room, and further courts and
rooms in the Greek manner were added to it.

We may now deal with the internal arrangements and the furniture. The
objects may be described as they concern (1) the general furniture
of the house; (2) the lighting; (3) the kitchen; (4) the bath; (5)
water supply; (6) the warming. (7) Annexed is a small type-series of

=The Furniture of the house.=--In the nature of things, wooden
furniture rarely occurs outside Egypt, except in South Russia. Thus we
have a wooden table leg: a dog springs upward, from an acanthus leaf,
surmounting an animal's leg (No. =300=). This comes from Kertch in the
Crimea. In general, the remains of furniture shown in this section
are the metal accessories and fittings. These are for the most part of
Roman date, but Roman furniture was so largely derived from the Greek,
that they may be regarded as illustrating Greek furniture as well.

Some remarkable examples of bolster-ends in bronze, bronze inlaid with
silver, and ivory, are shown in Cases 27, 28. They usually terminate
above in a head of a mule, or of a duck, and below in a medallion

[Illustration: FIG. 113.--BRONZE COUCH (RESTORED).]

The seat (No. =301=) is incorrectly put together. It is composed of
the parts of one or two couches which should be restored as in fig.

Below is a small bronze stool (No. =302=), without arms or back, of
a type not uncommon at Pompeii. Two tripods with expanding legs are
placed in the bottom of Cases 27-28. One of these (No. =303=) has an
arrangement similar to that of the candelabrum No. =307=, whereby it
could be heightened at will. These tripods were used as small tables.
Of a much older period is the fragment (No. =304=) from the leg of a
large bronze tripod, from Palaekastro in Crete.

(NO. 305). Ca. 1:7.]

[Illustration: FIG. 115.--ROMAN BRONZE LAMPSTAND. (NO. 306*). 1:4.]

=Lighting.=--In Cases 25, and 28, 29 are placed several candelabra
used either for the support of wicks floating in an oil-bath or for
lamps, or torches. Those stands which have come down to us are chiefly
of bronze, but the cheaper ones in ancient times were made of
wood. Martial, in an epigram, warns the possessor of such a wooden
candelabrum to take care that the whole stand does not turn into one
blazing candle.[41] A primitive example of lamp and candelabrum shaft
combined is shown in No. =305=, (fig. 114), from Cameiros (about
seventh century B.C.). A female figure, of columnar form, supports
a lamp with three nozzles. The Etruscan candelabra and many of the
candelabra found at Herculaneum and Pompeii consist of a base in the
form of three legs or paws, very commonly those of lions, a tall stem,
and a circular support or spreading arms for the lamps at the top.
The stem may be fluted, or may be knotted like a stem of a plant, or
divided like a reed. In Roman times another variety is also common,
composed of a massive base with three or more spreading arms, from
which lamps were suspended. Such a stand (No. =306=) is seen on the
upper shelf of Cases 29-30. A point which may be specially noted
in regard to some of the bronze stands of the Roman period is the
decoration of the shaft, which often takes the form of a climbing
animal. That shown in fig. 115 (No. =306*=) has a panther, a cock, and
a bearded serpent on the shaft. An ingenious expanding Roman bronze
lampstand (No. =307=) from the Hamilton Collection should be noticed
in the lower part of Case 29. The central rod attached to the circular
lamp-support can be raised at will, and secured in place by means of
a bronze pin passed through one of the pairs of holes pierced in the
side rods.

The lamps themselves (in Cases 31 and 32) are of terracotta, bronze
and marble. The greater number are of the Roman period. One of the
earliest is a primitive lamp (No. =308=; fig. 116) of the prehistoric
period known as Mycenaean, and was found in the course of the Museum
excavations at Enkomi in Cyprus. It was thrust, by its spike, into the
masonry joints of a built tomb, and must have had a wick floating in
the oil, or supported at the spout. The essential parts of a lamp in
the developed form are (1) the well for the oil, formed by the body
of the lamp and fed from an opening above; in the bronze lamps this
opening is covered by means of a lid, sometimes hinged, sometimes
secured by a chain, as in No. =309=, fig. 117; (2) the nozzle for
the insertion of the wick. The nozzle generally takes the form of
a projecting spout, but the arrangement varies very considerably in
different lamps, and a single lamp is often furnished with several
nozzles. The lamps might either be simply placed on a candelabrum or
else suspended from it. Several of the bronze lamps have chains for
the latter purpose (No. =309=; fig. 117). A peculiar bronze hook, of
which there are several examples in these cases, was sometimes used in
the Roman period for hanging up the lamps; in the example illustrated
(No. =310=; fig. 118) it is seen hinged to the lamp in such a way that
the lamp could be suspended, supported from the ground, or carried in
any way desired.

[Illustration: FIG. 116.--BRONZE LAMP FROM ENKOMI (NO. 308).]

[Illustration: FIG. 117--ROMAN BRONZE HANGING-LAMP (NO. 309). Ca.

(NO. 310). Ca. 1:3.]

The numerous Graeco-Roman bronze lamps in these cases show a great
variety of form. Heads of Seilenos, Pan, negroes, etc., appear side by
side with a fir-cone, a foot, a duck, a snail, or a wolf. The handles
often terminate in an animal's head, _e.g._, that of a horse, a dog, a
lion, or a swan (cf. fig. 117). A fine example, with a tragic mask on
the handle (No. =311=; fig. 119) was found at Rome in 1912. But the
choicest example of a bronze lamp will be found in the Bronze Room
(Case B). It is a double lamp for suspension, and was found in the
Roman Baths at Paris. A silver lamp with Heracles strangling the
serpents, on a boat-shaped cradle (No. =312=), is shown in Case 29.
The cheaper terracotta lamps are freely decorated with designs taken
from daily life or mythology. Numerous specimens of these lamps will
be seen in Table-Case B in the Fourth Vase Room. A very elaborate
example (No. =313=) in the form of a ship is seen here in the bottom
of Case 30. The twenty-three holes for wicks and filling should be
noted. The lamp fillers, as may be seen from the bronze specimen
exhibited, closely resembled the lamps themselves (No. =314=).

Candlesticks are rare. In the Etruscan candelabra (Nos. =315=, =316=;
Bronze Room Cases 57-60) projecting spikes seem to be intended for
piercing candles, as shown by a tomb painting at Orvieto (fig. 120;
see Bronze Room, Case 60). Two candlesticks of modern type (which
rarely occurs) are shown in Case 30 (No. =317=; fig. 121).

[Illustration: FIG. 119.--ROMAN BRONZE LAMP. TRAGIC MASK (NO. 311).]

Besides lamps and candles, lanterns were also largely in use,
especially for outdoor purposes. Such a portable Roman lantern (in
Case 32) is here illustrated (No. =318=; fig. 122). It is cylindrical
in shape and has a hemispherical cover, which could be raised from
the body of the lantern. The latter was enclosed with plates of some
transparent material such as horn, bladder, or linen. That talc was
also used is shown by the fact that several of the lanterns in the
Museum at Naples have their walls made of this material. Just below
the lantern is a small bronze statuette, which has formed the body of
a knife (No. =319=). A grotesque figure is walking with a lantern in
his right hand, and a basket slung over his shoulders. It was found at
Behnesa, in Egypt, and probably represents a bird-catcher returning in
the evening with his spoils. The lantern carried by him very closely
resembles the one described above.

Cheaper forms of perforated clay lanterns are also exhibited (No.
=320=; fig. 123).


[Illustration: FIG. 121.--BRONZE CANDLESTICK FROM SYRIA (NO. 317).]

=The Kitchen.=--Cases 33-36 contain cooking implements and remains of
ancient fruit and grain. The vessels give a good idea of the furniture
of a Pompeian kitchen, although there is no example of the more
elaborate contrivances for preparing hot drinks and keeping food warm,
such as have been found at Pompeii, and may be seen in the Museum at

The kitchen implements arranged in these cases do not differ
materially from those in modern use, except that they are made
of bronze, and frequently have some graceful and appropriate
ornamentation. One or two of the objects call for special remark. On
the second shelf from the bottom of Case 34 is an implement with
a long handle and a rectangular pan furnished with six circular
depressions (No. =321=). A circular pan with twenty-eight such
depressions was found at Pompeii, and is now at Naples. These pans
were probably used either for baking cakes or frying eggs.

In Case 36, on the same shelf as the pan for baking cakes, is a bronze
frying-pan (No. =322=), with a spout at one corner. Instead of
butter, fat, or dripping, the Romans, like the inhabitants of southern
countries at the present day, were accustomed to use oil in frying.
The shelf above the pans is occupied with ladles, dippers, and
other implements. The handles of the ladles usually terminate in a
beautifully modelled head of an animal, such as that of a duck, swan,
or dog. One wine dipper (No. =323=) is hinged so as to fold for the
pocket. On the next shelf above are two painted plates of about the
beginning of the third century B.C. They belong to a well marked class
(cf. Fourth Vase Room, Cases 26-7) of plates of Campanian fabric,
distinguished by the fish and other marine creatures painted upon
them. It is probable that they were intended for the serving of fish.
Of the two examples shown in this case one (No. =324=) is decorated
with a sea-perch, a sargus (a fish peculiar to the Mediterranean), and
a torpedo, the other (No. =325=; fig. 124) with a red mullet, a bass,
a sargus, and a cuttlefish.

[Illustration: FIG. 122.--BRONZE LANTERN (NO. 318). 1:4.]

[Illustration: FIG. 123.--EARTHENWARE LANTERN (NO. 320).]

The strainers (No. =326=), with perforated designs, on the right of
Case 36, were used for clearing wine and other liquids. In Cases 36,
37 are bronze moulds for shaping food in the form of shells.

Some remains of ancient walnuts, grain, and fragments of calcined
bread from Pompeii, and a black cup from Rhodes, containing eggs, are
shown in the middle shelf of Case 35.

The process of bread-making is illustrated by the terracottas shown in
this case. One (No. =327=) from Kameiros in Rhodes represents a woman
kneading dough on a board placed in a circular trough resting on
three legs. Another (No. =328=), of much rougher workmanship, shows a
bearded man engaged in a like occupation. A third (No. =329=) shows
a woman kneading in front of the oven. A small terracotta model of an
oven shows two cakes baking (No. =330=).

[Illustration: FIG. 124.--FISH-PLATE (NO. 325). Diam. 8-3/4 in.]

In antiquity knives and forks were little used at table, fingers
being mainly employed. Only one three-pronged fork (No. =331=) is
here shown. Spoons, however, were common, and a considerable number
of ancient spoons (No. =332=) are exhibited in Case 36. The series of
large ivory spoons with elaborately ornamented handles belong to an
early period, a similar one coming from the Polledrara tomb at Vulci
in Etruria, of the seventh century B.C. The small spoons in bronze or
ivory, with round head and handle running to a point, were probably
used for the eating of eggs and the extraction of snails from their
shells. Snails were a favourite dish with the Romans, and the spoon
got its name (_cochleare_) from being employed in this way.[42]

In the lower part of Case 36 are examples of pestles and mortars (No.
=333=). The pestle usually takes the form of a bent thumb, or of a leg
and foot.

[Illustration: FIG. 125.--ATHLETE USING STRIGIL.]

In early times cooking was done either in the courtyard of the
house or in the principal living-room. Pompeian houses are, however,
generally provided with separate kitchens, small rooms opening off the
court of the peristyle. The hearth is a simple rectangular structure
of masonry, sometimes furnished with projecting supports for holding
vessels over the fire. Much, however, of the warming and working was
done over small braziers, such as are shown on a small scale, and by
a model, in the lower part of Case 36. The terracotta braziers are of
characteristic form, with three internal projecting knobs to support
the cooking vessel. These are generally ornamented with masks of
Hephaestos, Satyrs, or the like (No. =334=). Compare examples in the
Terracotta Room (_Cat. of Terracottas_, p. xix., C 863 ff). See also
in Case 36 a terracotta food warmer, from Olbia, in the form of a
shrine (No. =335=).

[Illustration: FIG. 126.--BRONZE STRIGILS AND OIL-FLASK (NO. 337). Ca.

=The Bath.=--Certain implements shown in Case 37 illustrate the
routine of the bath, which occupied a large place in the life both
of the Greeks and Romans. Celsus, who wrote on the art of medicine
probably early in the first century after Christ, recommended the
bather first to go into the moderately heated room (_tepidarium_), and
perspire slightly, then to anoint himself and to pass into the hot air
room. After perspiring there he was to pour hot, warm, and cold water
alternately over his head, then to scrape himself with the strigil,
and finally to anoint himself--the last probably a precaution against
taking cold. This description will enable us to understand the use
of the implements carried by bathers. Of these the strigil is most
important. It was a curved piece of metal, usually bronze, but
sometimes iron, employed by athletes for removing dust and oil
after exercise, and by bathers for scraping away sweat and dirt. The
accompanying figure (fig. 125), drawn from a Greek vase of the fifth
century B.C., shows an athlete resting after exercise, and about to
use the strigil. Some times a strigil, oil-flask, and sponge are seen
on vases, suspended from the wall of the _palaestra_ where youths are
exercising. In Case 37 a small lekythos (No. =336=) shows an athlete
with a strigil, and an impression from a gem illustrates the method of
using that implement. The strigils here seen range in date from about
the sixth century B.C. to the third century A.D. Many of them are
inscribed with the name of their owners, and some have small figures,
_e.g._, a man dancing or a horse galloping, stamped upon them. Two
strigils which deserve special mention are the silver one found in
the sarcophagus of the Etruscan lady, Seianti Hanunia (second century
B.C.), and exhibited with that sarcophagus in the Terracotta Room, and
the beautiful bronze ornamental strigil in the Bronze Room (Pedestal
3), with the handle in the form of a girl herself using the strigil.
A complete bather's outfit of Roman date (No. =337=), found near
Düsseldorf, includes two bronze strigils and an oil-flask attached by
rings to a handle (fig. 126), and several glass vases for use in the

(NO. 338). 1:5.]

=Water Supply.=--A few objects in Cases 38-39 illustrate the methods
of water-supply among the Romans, which are characterised by their
completeness and excellence. The remains of two Roman double-action
pumps in bronze from Bolsena in Etruria (Nos. =338=, =339=; figs. 127,
128) are of special interest. These are constructed on a principle
invented by Ktesibios of Alexandria, who probably lived in the third
century B.C. They were worked by alternating plungers, raised and
lowered by a rocking-beam. The first illustration (fig. 127) shows
the less advanced but more complete pump in section, and explains the
method, of working. The bottoms of the cylinders (A) were connected
by pipes with the reservoir, and are furnished with flap-valves
(B), opening upwards. When the plunger (C) was raised, a vacuum
was created, and the water lifted the valve and rushed in. When the
plunger was raised to its highest point the valve fell again and
retained the water; when the plunger descended it forced the water
from the cylinder into the central discharge pipe through another
flap-valve (D) at the end of the horizontal pipe. BD in the figure
shows the structure of the flap-valves, which the Greeks called
[Greek: assaria] ("pennies") from their likeness to coins. F is
a complete plunger of the same type as those used in the pump
illustrated, but not belonging to it. Only two-thirds of the second
pump (No. =339=) survive, but the missing part (marked off in the
diagram by a dotted line) is supplied in the section (fig. 128). In
this example the more advanced spindle valve takes the place of the
flap valves, and the two valves side by side open into a central domed
chamber, in place of the simple central cylinder of No. =338=.

BOLSENA (NO. 339).]

There are here several jets and spouts for the emission of water, one
(No. =339=) in the form of a pine-cone, pierced with small holes for
sending out a spray, others in the form of dolphins (No. =340=) and
the fore-part of a horse (No. =341=). The bronze stop-cocks seen in
Case 39 were used for controlling the flow of water from the cisterns
to the various parts of the house. They were inserted in the lead
water-pipes, portions of which still adhere to them. Their arrangement
is excellently illustrated by those discovered at the Roman villa at
Boscoreale, near Pompeii (see _Mon. Ant._ vii., p. 454, fig. 45_a_).
See also a gargoyle in the form of a lion for rain water (No. =342=),
and a bronze grating from the Mausoleum of Halikarnassos (No. =343=)
for draining it away. Various lead supply pipes and clay drain pipes
are shown in case 39.

=Heating.=--In early times houses were heated by means of a large open
hearth placed in the middle of the principal room, whence the smoke
escaped as it might, through the door, or between the roof beams. Next
followed the use of portable braziers in bronze, such as have been
found in Etruscan tombs from the seventh century B.C. (cf. Italic
Room, Cases B, C). The small braziers used for cooking, etc., in the
Hellenistic period have been mentioned above, p. 118. A system of
heating by hot air was introduced by the Romans, but was used chiefly
for the warming of baths. For the general heating of houses such an
arrangement was, until about the third century A.D. exceptional, and
Seneca, writing in the first century A.D. regards it as an enervating
luxury. Several examples of Roman terracotta flue-tiles (No. =344=)
for the transmission of hot air are seen in the bottom of Cases 39,

=Shapes of Vases.=--Case 40 contains a small type-series of the
leading shapes of Greek vases, intended to teach the names current in
archaeology (No. =345=).

    (300) Cf. _Ant. du Bosph. Cimm._, pl. 81, where a restoration
    of a table with a leg of this kind is shown; (301) The
    couch in fig. 113 is after the restoration of a couch from
    Boscoreale, given in _Arch. Anzeiger_, 1900, p. 178; (304)
    Cf. Furtwaengler, _Olympia, IV._, (_Die Bronzen_), pls. 28, 34;
    (305) _Cat. of Lamps_, 137; (308) _ibid._, 1; (309) _ibid._,
    66; (310) _ibid._, 97; (312) _Journal of Hellenic Studies_,
    XXVIII., pl. 33; (313) _Cat. of Lamps_, 390; (314) _ibid._,
    1437; (318) _Cat. of Lamps_, 1435; (320) _ibid._, 1511; (323)
    _Excavations in Cyprus_, fig. 148, No. 4; (324, 325) _Cat.
    of Vases_, IV., F 259 and F 267; (338-339) _Cat. of Bronzes_,
    2573-4; (343) Newton, _Hist. Disc._, II., p. 143.

    On the Greek house generally, see Daremberg and Saglio s.v.
    _Domus_ and B. C. Rider, _The Greek House_. On the Roman
    house, see Daremberg and Saglio, _loc. cit._, and Mau-Kelsey,

      [Footnote 41: Martial, xiv. 44:

        Esse vides lignum; serves nisi lumina, fiet
          De candelabro magna lucerna tibi.

      [Footnote 42: Cf. Martial, xiv. 121:

        Sum cochleis habilis, sed nec minus utilis ovis:
          Numquid scis potius cur cochleare vocer?


(Table-Case F.)

The objects connected with the toilet in Case F are those accessories
in metal and other materials that have been preserved. The actual
fashion of the dress of the Greeks and Romans can be best studied
elsewhere--in the Vase Rooms, the Room of Terracottas, and the
Sculpture Galleries. A few words only need be said here as to the
principal varieties of costume.

=Greek Female Dress.=--The very singular and modern-looking dress of
the Minoan ladies may be seen in the facsimiles of Cretan statuettes
and carvings in the First Vase Room.

DORIAN _Chiton_.]

The earliest dress of women which is represented in the art of
historical Greece is that which was known as the Dorian _chiton_, or
tunic. It was an oblong sheet of woollen cloth, measuring rather more
than the height of the wearer, and about twice the span of her arms.
This blanket was folded as shown in the annexed diagram (fig. 129).
The tunic then fell into position about the figure, leaving the arms
bare, as in the illustration, which is taken from a toilet-box (E 772)
in the Third Vase Room (fig. 130). The dress in its simplest form was
now complete, but as one side of it was open, a girdle was usually
worn to keep the edges together. At Sparta, where Dorian manners
were preserved in their primitive severity, the side remained open.
Elsewhere it was partially or completely sewn up.

[Illustration: FIG. 130.--THE DORIAN _Chiton_.]

About the beginning of the 6th century B.C. the Ionian chiton was
introduced into Greece from Asia Minor, and became the ordinary
undergarment of women, in Italy as well as Greece, throughout the
classical period. It was in effect a loosely-fitting dress with wide
sleeves, girt at the waist. Being of fine linen instead of wool, a
mantle or wrap was worn over it to make up for the thinness of the
cloth. This construction is plainly shown in a drawing on the inside
of a cup (E 44) by the potter Euphronios, which represents a woman
busy with the knot of her girdle (fig. 131). The material was soft
and heavy, yet thin and transparent enough to reveal the form of the
figure beneath it. It is only in a dressing scene, such as this,
that the Ionian chiton is represented alone. Otherwise a mantle
(_himation_) was worn in addition. These mantles were of various
shapes and sizes, though always rectangular, and their arrangement did
not follow any fixed rule. Distinct fashions, however, in the wearing
of the over-mantle can be remarked at certain periods. Thus, when
the Ionian dress first came into use at Athens, an extraordinary
elaboration was cultivated, the folds being arranged with such
precision as to suggest that the garment is not a rectangular wrap,
but a made-up shawl artificially pressed and gathered. This style
of dress is best known from a large series of statues which were
discovered in excavations on the Acropolis of Athens. They are relics
of the city which was destroyed by the Persians in 480 B.C., and
give an accurate date for the prevalence of the fashion. The type is
represented in a statuette in the Bronze Room (fig. 132): the lady
stands in an attitude of archaic severity, and holds up with her
left hand the skirt of the soft Ionian chiton which is underneath the

[Illustration: FIG. 131.--THE IONIAN _Chiton_.]

The outer garment was afterwards larger than this, as well as more
simply arranged. Often the whole figure was wrapped in the mantle,
which was also drawn over the mouth and the back of the head. This
heavy style was favoured in the fourth and third centuries B.C., and
constantly appears in the most numerous products of that period, the
terracotta statuettes from Tanagra and elsewhere. Fig. 133 is from
one of these, and others in the Terracotta Room show very clearly the
beautiful and varied draperies of the himation.



=Greek Male Dress.=--A dress worn in early times was a tunic falling
to the feet, with or without the mantle. It continued in use as
a ceremonial and festal attire of elderly men, minstrels and
charioteers. It is illustrated in a drawing of Peleus by the
vase-painter Amasis (?) (fig. 134), in which the soft texture of the
long white Ionian chiton is indicated by wavy lines, and the heavy
mantle hangs stiffly across the shoulders. Subsequently the long tunic
was discarded, and either a short form of the same garment, which had
been in use before for outdoor exercise, was adopted in its place, or
the outer cloak was worn alone. The short tunic was worn as before
by men engaged in active pursuits, and by boys, workmen and slaves.
A common fashion of wearing it was to fasten the shoulder on one side
only, so that the right arm and breast were free for violent movement.
A series of statuettes in the Bronze Room represents the blacksmith
god Hephaestos in this working garb (fig. 135). The ordinary costume
of the citizen was the himation or a mantle of smaller size. With this
the right shoulder was usually left free, as with the tunic; it is the
common dress of men on the red-figure Athenian vases (see the Third
Vase Room), from one of which (E 61) the illustration is taken
(fig. 136). Men of leisure or high rank affected a more elaborate
arrangement of the himation, by which the whole body was enveloped and
the free movement of the hands impeded. The statue of Sophokles in
the Lateran Museum at Rome is a good example of the care which a
cultivated man of the fifth century bestowed upon the adjustment of
this garment (fig. 137).

[Illustration: FIG. 134.--PELEUS WEARING THE IONIAN _Chiton_.]

SHORT _Chiton_. 2:5.]

Other mantles were of various sizes and were distinguished by many
names. The _chlamys_ was the smallest, and differed from the rest
also in shape, though its scheme was still rectangular. It was rather
longer in proportion to its width, and was clasped round the neck by
a brooch. Its origin was in Thessaly, where it was the cape of the
native horsemen, and it continued to be used for this purpose in the
rest of Greece. Young men wore it, especially when riding, and it was
a light and convenient dress for travellers. A young horseman on a cup
by the painter Euphronios (fig. 138) has a gaily embroidered chlamys
hung evenly across his shoulders, and underneath is seen the skirt of
the short chiton.

=Roman Dress.=--The dress of Roman women was the same as that of the
Greeks of the Hellenistic period, who are vividly portrayed in the
terracotta statuettes (fig. 133). Their undergarment was the Ionian
chiton, now called _tunica_, of which two were sometimes worn
together, and the overmantle was the Greek himation, by its Roman
name, _palla_.

[Illustration: FIG. 136.--MAN WEARING THE _Himation_. (From a vase of

[Illustration: FIG. 137.--STATUE OF SOPHOKLES WEARING THE _Himation_.]

For men there was also a tunic similar to that worn by the Greeks;
but in place of the himation the Roman _toga_ was worn, a garment of
entirely different shape. In the relief of a cutler's shop, which
is exhibited in Case 41, the shopman wears the tunic without a belt,
while the customer, who has just come in from the street, wears the
toga as well (fig. 193). In that of the forge, in Case 48, both the
smiths have the tunic alone, with but the right shoulders unfastened
and the skirts girt up to the knee in Greek fashion (fig. 192; compare
fig. 135). Yet the Roman tunic seems already to have departed from the
Greek pattern in having sleeves, though only to the elbows. Sleeved
tunics were not unknown to the Greeks, whose slaves are often
represented in this dress; but it was a foreign habit, and as such

[Illustration: FIG. 138.--A HORSEMAN WEARING THE _Chlamys_.]


The shape of the toga was roughly semicircular, the straight edge
being about six yards long and the width in the middle about two
yards, as in the diagram (fig. 139). The simplest mode of putting it
on was to place one end on the left shoulder, with the straight edge
nearest the centre of the body and the point almost touching the
ground. The left hand would be just covered by the curved edge. The
rest was then passed behind the back, over or under the right arm,
and over the left shoulder again, so that the point hung almost to the
ground behind. This was also a method of wearing the Greek himation,
and it is difficult to distinguish the two garments when so arranged;
but a close examination will discover the sharp point and the curved
edge in the case of the toga. At the end of the Republic and under the
Empire, to which period most of the monuments belong, more elaborate
fashions were developed, as in fig. 140, from a statuette in the
Bronze Room.

We turn to the accessories of the dress and the toilet in Table Case

AND TOGA. 1:2.]

=Greek and Roman Footwear.=--The general distinction was that the
Greeks wore both sandals, and also boots or shoes. The Romans wore the
boot, the _calceus_, but disapproved of the sandal. Part of Cicero's
charge against Verres was that he wore sandals, as well as other Greek

The objects shown in Case F are either actual shoes and sandals
or representations of them from works of art, such as fragments of
statues; or applications of the device of a foot to the decoration of
such things as vases, lamps, tripod-feet, etc.

The extant specimens include a Roman leather shoe (No. =344=) of cut
leather work, found in London; slippers from Antinoe in Egypt (No.
=345=), with coloured and cut leather work; a pair of cork soles
from Egypt (No. =346=), the edges of which were formerly gilt. A
well-preserved pair of soles is exhibited (No. =347=). They are made
of wood, divided at the instep, and plated with bronze, held in place
by iron nails. These appear to be of Etruscan origin, as several
examples have been found at Vulci (_Mus. Etr. Vat., I._, pl. 57, fig.
7). The sandal in its simplest form, as in the vase B 587 (No. =348=),
consists of a sole attached to the foot by thongs passing between
the great and second toes, and round the heel. The arrangement of
the thongs gradually became more elaborate, with the result that the
uncomfortable separation of the toes could be avoided. In the case of
the foot of the Hermes of Olympia (No. =349=; fig. 141) there is
no toe-thong, but only a reminiscence of the ornament from which it
formerly started. An undershoe or sock now became possible, and the
shoe and laced sandal in combination (cf. the statue of Mausolos,
about 350 B.C.) became highly elaborate. See also the cast of a relief
in the Third Graeco-Roman Room (No. =350=) and the feet in marble and
bronze. In effect, the result was not greatly different from the Roman
military boot (_caliga_) bound up the leg with thongs.

[Illustration: FIG. 141.--FOOT OF THE HERMES OF OLYMPIA (NO. 349).

BOOT (NO. 355). 1:2.]

A simpler boot or shoe of modern pattern was also in use. In its
plainest forms it represents the Roman boot (_calceus_). Several
examples (No. =351=) are shown in this case. See also a vase (No.
=352=) in the form of a modern lace-boot. The nails on the sole are
arranged so as to impress _alpha_ and _omega_, and the mystic symbol
of the _swastika_ on the ground. A delicate gold model of a boot (No.
=353=) has [Illustration] [Greek: patou] "walk!" (?) on the sole. A
shoe has been found in Egypt, impressing at every step the invitation
[Greek: AKOLOUTHEI] ("follow!") The shoemaker at work in his workshop
is seen in the fifth century kylix (E 86; No. =354=). He is in the act
of cutting the leather with the semicircular knife of the form still
in use.

In conclusion, attention should be drawn to the bronze statuette (No.
=355=; fig. 142) of a kneeling negro slave cleaning a boot.

    On Greek Dress, cf. Lady Evans, _Greek Dress_; E. B. Abrahams,
    _Greek Dress_; on Roman, Heuzey in _Rev. de l'art ancien et
    moderne_, 1897; Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Pallium_, _Peplos_,
    _Toga_. On shoes and sandals, see _ibid._, _Calceus_, _Caliga_,

=Fibulae.=--Although the straight pin (cf. p. 137) was used for
fastening the dress, fibulae--that is, brooches on the safety-pin
principle--were most commonly worn. This method of fastening was of
early origin, and its use can be traced in all parts of Europe, but,
curiously enough, it seems to have been unknown in Egypt and the East.
The fibula experienced in the first centuries of its existence and in
the hands of different peoples so many variations and developments
of form, that these can be classified in distinct types, and their
presence in tombs and other deposits affords valuable evidence of the
date and origin of the objects with which they occur.

The reader who wishes to pursue the study of the fibula with more
detail is referred to drawers 1-8 in Case D of the Bronze Room, and
to the collections in the Iron Age Room. In this case of toilet
accessories only a few of the typical forms are shown.

[Illustration: FIG. 143.--FIBULA OF THE MYCENAEAN PERIOD (NO. 356).

357). 1:2.]

[Illustration: FIG. 145.--EARLY GREEK FIBULA (NO. 358). 1:2.]

The simplest form of fibula is represented here by examples excavated
at Enkomi in Cyprus, which belong to the end of the Bronze Age, before
1000 B.C. (No. =356=; fig. 143). Starting from this primitive form,
the history of the fibula is one of progressive development and
elaboration. It must be observed in the first place that the whole
class of fibulae may be divided into two great groups--viz., an older
group, in which the coiled spring is unilateral, that is, a plain
spiral, between the bow and the pin; and a younger group, in which the
spring is bilateral, that is a symmetrically disposed double coil, on
each side of the pin. We deal first with the =Unilateral group=. In
Greek regions the development of the form, fig. 143, was mainly a
development of the catchplate in a vertical plane--that is in the
plane of the bow of the fibula. This plate, often with incised
patterns (Fig. 144; No. =357=) was a characteristic of the period of
geometric art in Greece. Two very large examples are shown above Case
D in the Bronze Room. The plainly curved bows may have some further
ornament, such as beads strung on them (No. =358=; fig. 145) or
imitation bead patterns, or a figure of a standing bird (No. =359=;
fig. 146). All these examples come from the island of Rhodes.

[Illustration: FIG. 146.--EARLY GREEK FIBULA (NO. 359). 1:2.]

[Illustration: FIG. 147.--FIBULA FROM CYPRUS (NO. 360). 1:2.]

[Illustration: FIG. 148.--ITALIAN FIBULA (NO. 361). 1:2.]

Some from Cyprus are quite distinct, and seem to have no connection
with the others (No. =360=; fig. 147). In the classical period the
fibula was little used in Greece, in consequence of modifications in
dress which rendered such fastenings unnecessary.

In Italy, on the other hand, the fibula flourished exceedingly. The
plain wire original, such as that given above (fig. 143) was soon
elaborated. In the catch-plate it developed either horizontally, that
is, by a beating out of the plate in a plane at right angles to that
of the bow (No. =361=; fig. 148) or longitudinally, by the elongation
of the catch-plate as in Nos. =362-3= (figs. 149-150). At the same
time developments were taking place in the bow. It became larger (fig.
149), and then was hollowed out to save weight and material (fig.
150), and assumed forms known as leech-shaped and boat-shaped--and
these threw out lateral knobs and ornaments (fig. 150), often of great
elaboration. Alternatively, the bow makes a second convolution (fig.
148), and may be adorned with horn-like pairs of projections (No.

[Illustration: FIG. 149.--ITALIAN FIBULA OF LEECH SHAPE (NO. 362).

[Illustration: FIG. 150.--ITALIAN FIBULA (NO. 363). 1:2.]

An independent form is chiefly found at Hallstatt, in cemeteries of
the early European Iron Age. In this, two, or perhaps four, spiral
coils make the whole decoration of the brooch (No. =365=, fig. 151).

[Illustration: FIG. 151.--FIBULA OF _Hallstatt_ TYPE (NO. 365). 1:2.]

[Illustration: FIG. 152.--FIBULA OF _La Tène_ TYPE (NO. 366). 1:2.]

=The Bilateral form.=--The fibulae with the spring coiled on each side
of the central bow came into use about 400 B.C., in the late Iron Age
civilization, called the La Tène period, from the site on the Lake of
Neufchatel, where the richest finds have been made. Together with the
introduction of the double spring, there is a continued elongation
of the catch-plate, which is turned up as in No. =366= (fig. 152) and
attached to the bow as in No. =367= (fig. 153). Later its structural
origin is forgotten, and it becomes a solid framework (No. =368=).

[Illustration: FIG. 153.--FIBULA OF _La Tène_ PERIOD (NO. 367).]

SPRING (NO. 369).]

[Illustration: FIG. 155.--ROMAN FIBULA OF CROSS-BOW SHAPE (NO. 370).

[Illustration: FIG. 156.--ROMAN FIBULA (NO. 371). 1:2.]

The fibula of the Roman Empire was more like a brooch than a
safety-pin, if a distinction can be drawn between the two. The bow
became broad and heavy, while the pin was often made separately and
attached by a hinge. But it shows a strong connection with the La Tène
types, especially in the double coil of the spring, which was often
protected by a sheath (No. =369=; fig. 154). Even when the spring went
out of use, the fibula retained this cross-bow shape (No. =370=; fig.
155). The elaborate bronze brooch in the form of a ribbed band passing
through a ring (No. =371=; fig. 156) is stamped underneath with the
name of the maker (+VLATI+), in the manner of the Roman pottery.
Enamel or metal inlay was liberally applied in the decoration of the
later brooches. A large collection with great variety of shapes is
exhibited. The effect of the bright colours is best seen in the big
round pieces which were popular in the third and fourth centuries A.D.
(No. =373=; fig. 157). Animal forms were also common at this time, and
were similarly decorated with inlay (No. =374=; fig. 158). These
types were widely spread over the western provinces of the Empire, and
continued in use among the nations who succeeded to the Roman power.

Somewhat akin to the fibulae are the strap buckles, which appear
to have come into use at a late period only. A group, nearly of the
modern form, is exhibited (No. =374*=).

[Illustration: FIG. 157.--LATE ROMAN ENAMELLED FIBULA (NO. 373). 1:1.]

[Illustration: FIG. 158.--LATE ROMAN ENAMELLED FIBULA (NO. 374). 1:1.]

=Jewellery and Ornaments.=--Jewellery in gold and silver can be best
studied in the Room of Gold Ornaments. The examples shown here are
chosen as types of the forms, rather than as choice pieces.

=Bracelets.=--A favourite form of bracelet or armlet was modelled
in imitation of a snake coiled round the arm or wrist. See the small
silver bracelet of about the fourth to third century B.C., inscribed
with the names of its owner Kletis (No. =375=; fig. 159). The same
design is also used for finger-rings (No. =376=). Snake-coils of a
large size were also worn on the legs, as shown by a small terracotta
torso from Ephesus, which has this ornament on the thigh (No. =377=).
This torso also has a chain of beads passing over the shoulders and
crossing between the breasts. Such an arrangement is common on figures
in vases of the fourth to third century B.C.

[Illustration: FIG. 159.--BRACELET OF KLETIS (NO. 375).]

=Finger-rings.=--The rings are generally set with an engraved gem
or bezel; some have revolving scarabs which are pierced through
the middle (No. =378=), another has a gold intaglio portrait of the
Empress Faustina (No. =379=), while an enormous bronze ring has the
design cut in the bezel itself, a double head of Hermes and a Seilenos
(No. =380=). These examples are in bronze and of poor workmanship, but
they serve to illustrate the general style of ancient rings. A great
number in gold and silver, arranged in order of date, are exhibited in
the Room of Gold Ornaments, where the subject can be more adequately
studied. The intaglio designs were for use in sealing, which was
more commonly practised by the ancients than it is now. Others have a
purely decorative purpose, and were worn in profusion. The bronze
hand (No. =381=) has rings on the upper joints of the fingers,
in accordance with a common fashion of the Roman Imperial period.
Fragments of bronze and terracotta also show the fashions of wear.
The Greeks of an early period did not usually wear ornamental rings,
although signets were in constant use, and it was not until the fourth
century B.C. that rings were worn for display. In Rome there were
class restrictions on the use of the gold ring, but these were
lessened as time went on, until in the late Empire they practically
disappeared. Betrothal rings were customary among the Romans, but in
Greece there is no record of their use. A gold betrothal ring is shown
in Case 53 (No. =639=).

=Earrings.=--The bronze earrings are from the site of the temple of
Artemis at Ephesus, and are earlier than the sixth century B.C. (fig.
160). Two types are represented; the swelling hoop of wire, which hung
like a liquid drop (No. =382=) and the heavy coil, which was suspended
from a ring (No. =383=). For a very great variety of earrings, see the
collection in the Room of Gold Ornaments.

EPHESUS (NOS. 382-3). 3:4.]

=Bullae.=--The flat bronze pendants (No. =384=), with a circular
receptacle in the middle, are _bullae_. These are ornaments of
Etruscan origin, introduced early into Rome. They were designed to
contain amulets and charms, and were worn principally by freeborn
Roman boys, and occasionally by domestic animals.

=Necklaces.=--The necklaces here exhibited (No. =385=) consist
of beads of painted terracotta and glass. See also the imitation
jewellery in terracotta, in the Terracotta Room, Table Case C.
Those of more precious materials are in the Gold Ornament Room. Some
fragments of terracotta show the Cypriote fashion of wearing numerous
necklaces together (No. =386=).

=Studs, etc.=--Links and studs of Roman times (No. =387=) bear
a striking resemblance to the modern articles, as does a coiled
hook-and-eye which dates actually from the Bronze Age Period (No.
=388=). A peculiar fastening is seen in the double hooks which
probably served to loop together the two sides of a shawl or cloak
(No. =389=). They are probably of Roman date, and come in some
instances from the province of Gaul.

=Pins.=--Some of the pins may have been used equally well to fasten
the clothing or to adorn the hair; but others were evidently designed
to serve only one of these purposes. Those in carved ivory are plainly
hair-pins (No. =390=; fig. 161). The roughly worked busts of Roman
ladies of the Empire indicate the period to which the series belongs.
The little statuette is intended to represent Aphrodite wringing the
water out of her hair, after rising from the sea. A fine gold pin
similarly modelled is exhibited in the Gold Ornament Room (Case K;
No. 3034). The ivory hand, which holds a cone and is encircled by a
serpent, has some magical significance, like the bronze votive-hands
in Case 106 (p. 57).

[Illustration: FIG. 161.--ROMAN IVORY HAIR-PINS (NO. 390). 1:2.]

GREEK PERIODS (NOS. 391-6). 1:2.]

The metal pins are less elaborate. The simplest shape was straight and
headless, a direct copy of the natural thorn which first suggested the
idea. A very primitive head is seen on the small bronze pin which is
bent round at the top (No. =391=; fig. 162_a_). It was found in the
island of Kalymnos, and belongs to the pre-Mycenaean age, say 2000
B.C. A silver pin is similarly bent, but as it has a head as well,
is not so early (No. =392=; fig. 162_b_). Another prehistoric type is
represented by several bronze pins which were excavated from tombs of
the late Mycenaean age at Enkomi in Cyprus (No. =393=; fig. 162_c_).
These are pierced with eyes in which chains were fastened to secure
the pins to the dress or to each other. Three pins crowned by large
ivory knobs come from the same site and belong to the same period (No.
=394=; fig. 162_d_). The bronze pin with a head made of several discs
is Greek of the sixth century B.C., as it appears in the paintings
of the François Vase at Florence, which is an Attic work of that date
(No. =395=; figs. 162_e_, 163). Another classical type is the silver
pin with a moulded head (No. =396=; fig. 162_f_). Others of less
remarkable designs cannot be definitely dated.

=Toilet.=--In the most personal aspects of life and manners there is
least room for change, for in the course of ages it is not man that
has altered, but his surroundings; and the study of such intimate
details reveals a close similarity between the ancient and the modern

[Illustration: FIG. 163.--A WOMAN IN THE DORIAN _Chiton_, SHOWING THE

=Combs.=--To begin with the more necessary implements, the combs go
back to a high antiquity. An ivory comb from Enkomi in Cyprus dates
from the Mycenaean age (No. =397=; fig. 164). It is of simpler form
than later combs, having only one row of teeth. The others are of the
Greek and Roman periods, and are made both of wood and bone. The usual
pattern is that of a modern tooth-comb, with a row of teeth on each
side of the body--one coarse and one fine. There are wooden examples
from Kertch, in South Russia (No. =398=). More elaborate is the ivory
piece, which is decorated with reliefs, a Gryphon and a lion on
one side and two cranes at a fountain on the other (No. =399=. The
original is in the case of Ivories, L). Another of good Roman period
is carved by an amateur hand with an inscription, doubtless in
compliment to the lady to whom it belonged (No. =400=; fig. 164). The
legend reads +MODESTINA·V·H·E·E+--the four letters at the end being
perhaps abbreviated epithets of the fair Modestina, _V(irgo)
H(onesta) E(t) E(gregia)_. A different type appears in the triangular
pocket-comb, which fits into a protecting case (No. =401=; fig. 164).
This belongs to the end of the Roman Empire, the fourth century A.D.,
and may already show the influence of barbarian art. Similar combs
were brought to England by the Danes, and some of them which have been
found at York and elsewhere are exhibited in the British and Mediaeval

PERIODS (NOS. 397, 400, 401). 1:3.]

With the combs is a brush of vegetable bristles from an Egyptian
rubbish heap of a late period of the empire (No. =402=).

=Toilet Boxes.=--Other relics of the dressing-table are the
toilet-boxes and scent-bottles. There is a Greek toilet-box from
Naukratis still coloured by the rouge which it contained (No. =403=);
and another has a carved wooden lid in the shape of a woman's head of
great beauty (No. =404=). A leaden box was found in a Greek tomb at
Halikarnassos (No. =405=). Another was given by Kratylos of Aegina
to Eulimine. The inscription, the modern turn of which is perhaps not
free from suspicion, describes it as a "slight token of respect from
a certain small Aeginetan" (No. =406=; fig. 165).[43] Other boxes of
bronze and ivory date from the Roman period. Most of the wooden
boxes are carved in fantastic or frivolous shapes: a swimming duck,
a crouching boar, and a shoe (Nos. =407=, =408=, =409=). These are
divided into compartments for the various powders, and some blocks of
paint are still preserved. For liquid ointments there are an alabaster
box (No. =410=) and three bottles of the same material and remains
of a leather bottle with its cork (No. =411=). An Etruscan bronze
_cista_, which stands on three human feet, contains a set of movable
tubes, each for a different unguent (No. =412=). The lid of this
receptacle was crowned by the small bronze statuette which stands
beside it. Besides cosmetics for the complexion, the toilet-boxes
may have held tooth-powders, for which there are many receipts in the
works of ancient writers on medicine.

=Mirrors.=--For mirrors the ancients were at a disadvantage. The use
of glass was known, but was not common, and the ordinary reflecting
medium was a sheet of burnished metal. There are, however, two genuine
looking-glasses--one in a leaden frame, from Olbia (No. =413=), and
the other set, with several fragments, in a plaster slab, from Gheyta,
in Egypt (No. =414=). The glass was probably backed with foil, and it
is remarkable that the reflectors are convex, so that the image must
have been distorted. A similar surface is attempted on the square
sheet of metal, which is glazed with a vitreous enamel (No. =415=).

[Illustration: FIG. 165.--TOILET BOX OF EULIMINE (NO. 406).]

The more usual metal mirrors have two principal forms: a circular
reflector, mounted on a handle like the modern hand-glass, which is
represented by a specimen in silver from Naukratis (No. =416=), and
a similar disc enclosed in a folding box (No. =417=). Both these
varieties were often decorated with engraving. See No. =417=, a mirror
from Hermione, with an engraved design of Aphrodite and Eros. In
the Bronze Room there are large collections of all types. A small
pocket-mirror in this Case has on one side of the bronze box a head
of Nero, and on the other the god Dionysos standing by a vine (No.
=418=). The disc is silver-plated, like most of these examples. Two
similar boxes have been turned out of large brass coins of Nero (No.
=419=). A fragment of a silvered mirror from Amathus in Cyprus has
a palm-tree engraved on its face (No. =420=). Though the design
indicates that this side is the front, yet the reflector was the
convex back, and thus, in a spirit quite foreign to Greek art, the
purpose of the thing was subordinated to its decoration.

[Illustration: FIG. 166.--BRONZE RAZOR OF PRIMITIVE SHAPE (NO. 421).

[Illustration: FIG. 167.--BRONZE RAZOR FROM ATHENS (NO. 422). 1:2.]

[Illustration: FIG. 168.--BRONZE RAZOR FROM SARDINIA (NO. 423). 3:5.]

=Razors.=--The razor is another toilet instrument which existed in the
earliest times. No prehistoric specimens are in this collection, but
a primitive shape is represented by two circular blades with
stirrup-like handles (No. =421=, fig. 166). Others are of square spade
shape, with a twisted loop handle and a hole in the blade. One of
these is from Athens (No. =422=; fig. 167). A third type is shown in
three razors of Phoenician origin (from Sardinia and Carthage), with
long hatchet blades (No. =423=; fig. 168). These are ornamented with
engraving and have handles in the shape of swan's heads. All are made
of bronze, and were no doubt capable of taking an edge so keen as to
render them far more efficacious than their present appearance would

[Illustration: FIG. 169.--BRONZE NAIL-FILE (NO. 424). 1:2.]

[Illustration: FIG. 170.--SILVER EAR-PICK (NO. 425). 3:5.]

=Miscellaneous Toilet Implements.=--Next to the razors are placed
various tools of which the functions are easily understood. There are
several nail-files with a roughened surface, and a smooth notch
for polishing (No. =424=; fig. 169). Two of these are combined with
ear-picks, which were in general use at Rome. They have a minute bowl
at the end of a slender arm. A very elegant ear-pick, which has a
leaf-shaped scraper at the other end, is made of silver (No. =425=;
fig. 170). Others end in a sharp point, which may have been used
either for a tooth-pick or in emergency for a _stilus_ pen (cf. p.
199). Another ear-pick is combined with a pair of tweezers and some
other tools now lost (No. =426=). The tweezers were used for plucking
out such hairs as Roman fashion deemed unsightly.

    For _Fibulae_, see _Catalogue of Bronzes_, and _Guide to
    Antiquities of Early Iron Age_ (Dept. of B. & M. Antiqs.);
    (375) _Cat. of Jewellery_, 2775; (406) _B.M. Inscr._, 947;
    (420) _Excavations in Cyprus_, fig. 149.

      [Footnote 43: [Greek: Smikrou tinos Aiginêtou endees eimi
      endeigma latreias.]]


(Table-Case G.)

In this Table Case, under the general heading of "The Domestic Arts,"
objects are exhibited connected with the house industries of spinning,
weaving, and sewing, together with various groups of objects connected
with home life, such as locks and keys, seals, knives, etc.

[Illustration: FIG. 171.--WOMAN SPINNING (NO. 421). Ht. of Vase 8-3/4

[Illustration: FIG. 172.--WOMAN SPINNING (NO. 422). Ht. of Vase 4-1/2


=Spinning and Weaving.=--(_a_) _Preparation of yarn._--The process of
spinning is clearly seen in the accompanying drawings from Greek
vases of the fourth and fifth centuries exhibited in this Case (Nos.
=421-2=; figs. 171-2). In each, a woman is holding up in her left hand
the distaff, a rod which is thrust through a bunch of unspun wool.
With the fingers of her right hand she is twisting fibres drawn from
the wool. The yarn is attached below to the top of the spindle, a rod
of wood or metal with a disc (whorl) near the bottom to assist the
rotation. When some quantity of yarn had been twisted it was wound
round the body of the spindle and hitched into a hook at its upper
end (see figs. 171, 173), to prevent it from unwinding. The twisting
process was then recommenced. An impressive description of the ancient
spindle is given by Plato in the vision of Er at the end of the
_Republic_,[44] where he likens the axis of the universe to the shaft
of a spindle suspended by a hook of adamant, and the revolving starry
heavens to a whorl made up of eight concentric rims, fitting one into
the other like boxes. Two bronze spindles (No. =423=) are seen in
the Case and are illustrated on either side of fig. 173. In the same
figure are shown four ivory whorls from spindles (No. =424=). Before
the wool was placed upon the distaff it appears to have been rubbed,
with a view to the separation of the fibres, upon an instrument known
as the _epinetron_ or _onos_. This was semi-cylindrical in form and
was placed upon the knee. Several examples in terracotta had long been
known, and were explained with little plausibility as covering-tiles.
One, however, was found with a painted design which first gave the
clue to its real use (Fig. 174). One of these _epinetra_ B 96 (No.
=425=) is exhibited in this Case, together with a fragment of a
second. Other examples are to be seen in the Second Vase Room (Cases
24 and 25), and one of these is illustrated here (No. =426=; fig.
175). A miniature example was found with the girl doll seated in a
chair, exhibited in Table-Case J with the other dolls (p. 195, fig.
234, below).

[Illustration: FIG. 174.--WOMAN WITH _Epinetron_ ON KNEE.]

L. 14-1/2 in.]

[Illustration: FIG. 176.--PENELOPE AT THE LOOM.]

[Illustration: FIG. 177.--LOOM WEIGHT (NO. 428). 2:3.]

(_b_) _The Loom._--The only kind of loom in use in Greek and Roman
times was probably the upright loom. A good idea of its form is
obtained from the illustration (fig. 176), taken from a Greek
vase-painting[45] of the fifth century B.C., representing Penelope
seated beside the loom, with one of the suitors or Telemachos before
her. The primary part of the loom is the wooden frame (_jugum_)
resembling two posts with a cross-bar. Near the top is a roller, about
which the threads of the warp and the finished cloth are wound. The
threads of the warp hang downwards, strained by weights attached
to their ends. The row of nine rods fitted into sockets in the top
framework is probably for holding the balls of different coloured wool
used in the weaving. Coloured patterns are woven towards each selvedge
of the fabric. The band of winged figures must be regarded as a piece
of embroidery. (For tapestry weaving see below.) The two horizontal
rods lower down are the _canons_, which effect the alternation of the
threads of the warp. It may be noted that the threads are alternately
long and short at the lower end, so that the _canon_ would be inserted
correctly with great ease. The loom weights, which hang at the bottom,
closely resemble in form the sets (No. =427=) of pyramidal terracotta
and lead weights in this Case. The terracotta discs (figs. 173 and
177), which are pierced with two holes and sometimes have a stamped
design, are also probably loom-weights. No. =428= (fig. 177) has a
design of two dolphins plunging into the sea; No. =429= (fig. 173) is
stamped with a name--Kleodamos. As a loom weight was needed for every
thread of a warp, it is not surprising that they are found in great
numbers. Possibly the small bronze object (No. =430=) seen at the
bottom of fig. 173 may be an ancient shuttle, for passing the thread
of the woof to and fro in a horizontal direction, alternately before
and behind the threads of the warp. Afterwards they were driven close
together by the batten ([Greek: spathê]), a possible example of which
is the toothed bone object seen in this Case (No. =431=).

Various specimens of ancient cloth are shown here. A piece from the
Crimea (No. =432=), with pretty geometric patterns in black on a
light ground, and a large fragment from an Egyptian tomb (No. =433=),
inscribed in paint "Diogenes, who was a patcher in his lifetime,"[46]
may be specially mentioned.

The art of tapestry weaving was highly developed during the later
Roman Empire, especially in Egypt. See a fragment from Antinoe, fourth
to fifth centuries A.D. (No. =434=). The art of embroidery, that is,
of working with a needle on an already woven fabric, was practised
from very early times. See the small vase with a woman seated working
on a four-sided embroidery frame, supported on her lap (No. =435=).

[Illustration: FIG. 178.--BRONZE THIMBLE (NO. 436). 2:3.]

[Illustration: FIG. 179.--IRON SCISSORS FROM PRIENE (NO. 437). 2:3.]

The objects illustrating ancient sewing, etc., speak pretty well for
themselves. Such are the bronze thimble (No. =436=; fig. 178), the
iron scissors (No. =437=; fig. 179), and the series of pins, needles,
bodkins, netting needles, etc. (figs. 180, 181). The needles and
pins are arranged in the Case according to their supposed order of
development, starting from the thorn or bone fragment with a hole
pierced in it. The Roman bronze needle-case from France (No. =438=;
fig. 182) is worthy of note. Similar cases were used by Roman surgeons
for their instruments.

[Illustration: FIG. 180.--NEEDLES, ETC. 2:5.]

[Illustration: FIG. 182--BRONZE NEEDLE-CASE (NO. 438). 2:3]

[Illustration: FIG. 181.--NETTING-NEEDLES. 2:5.]

    (421) _Cat. of Vases_, III., D 13; (433) Petrie, _Hawara_, pl.
    viii., 2; (435) _Journ. of Hellen. Stud._, xxxi., p. 15;
    cf. Blümner, _Technologie_, 2nd ed., pp. 220, 221; (438) Cf.
    Deneffe, _La trousse d'un chirurgien gallo-romain_, pl. 2.

    On the ancient loom, see Daremberg and Saglio, s.v.
    _Textrinum_; Blümner, _Technologie_, I., 2nd. ed., p. 135 ff.

=Cutlery.=--At the east end of Table-Case G will be seen a series of
Greek and Roman knives, ranging from the long Mycenaean hunting knife
from Ialysos in Rhodes (No. =438=) to the numerous Roman pocket-knives
with bronze handles, frequently in the form of animals (No. =439=).
The iron blade has often rusted away, as will be seen from the
illustration (fig. 183), which gives a selection of these knives.
(_a_) represents a handle in the form of a panther catching a deer,
(_b_) one in the form of a ram's head, with a leg projecting below to
assist the grip, (_e_) a hound catching a hare. The iron blades are
still preserved in the case of (_c_) and (_d_). The first, from Nîmes,
has a bronze handle ending in a woman's head; (_d_) has a handle of
the same material in the form of a hound catching a hare.

[Illustration: FIG. 183.--ROMAN KNIVES AND KNIFE-HANDLES (NO. 439).
Ca. 1:2.]

For two reliefs of a cutler's forge and a cutler's shop, see below,
pages 156, 157.

=Locks and Keys.=--The earliest and simplest form of door fastening
used by the Greeks seems to have consisted of a bar of wood set behind
the door, and made to slide into a hole or staple in the sidepost. An
advance on this arrangement was soon made, when the bar was pulled
to by a strap from the outside, and could be opened again from the
outside by means of a key passed through a hole in the door, and
adapted to lift up the pegs which held the bar fast in position. This
is the type of lock mentioned in the _Odyssey_,[47] where Penelope
releases the strap from the hook to which it was fastened, puts in the
key, and lifts the pegs, "striking them fairly." The key for such a
lock will probably have resembled No. =440=, marked _a_ in fig. 186
below, the working of which is shown in the sketch (fig. 184).[48]
It was passed narrow-wise through the central slot, then turned, and
drawn back so as to lift up the pegs fitted in grooves in the side
slots. The bar below would thus be freed and could be drawn to and
fro by the strap. This type of lock is still sometimes used in the

[Illustration: FIG. 184.--HOMERIC LOCK (RESTORED).]


[Illustration: FIG. 186.--ROMAN KEYS. 2:3.]

The majority of Roman locks, though of a more complicated structure,
are made on the same principle, as may be seen from the ancient lock
No. =441= (probably from Pompeii) here exhibited, together with model
lock of the same type (No. =442=) and a diagram showing its original
arrangement (fig. 185_a-d_). Here the bolt has been shot through
the end link of a chain, part of which remains (fig. 185_c_). It is
secured by pins, the ends of which fit into a series of perforations
in the bolt and are kept down by a spring. The bolt was released by a
key fitted with teeth corresponding to the perforations (fig. 185_d_).
The key lifted the pins out of the holes and took their place. The
bolt was then drawn aside, as the key was moved along the horizontal
slot. On account of the double movement, first vertical and then
horizontal, the keyhole is in the shape |¯. Several bolts, keys
(_e.g._ No. =442=; fig. 186_c_), and door plates for locks of this
type are exhibited in this Case. Three keys from Syria are shown (No.
=443=) fitted into the wards of the actual bolts for which they were
made. Notice the projections on the ring of key _c_, which were used
for shooting a supplementary bolt, a common device in Roman locks.

The modern type of lock, in which the key works on a pivot and moves
the bolt backwards and forwards by a rotatory movement, after passing
through a series of wards, was also known to the Romans. This is
proved by the existence of several Roman keys solely adapted to a
lock of this character (_e.g._, No. =444=; fig. 186_d_). Such keys are
frequently found combined with finger-rings, a convenient method of
lessening the danger of loss. We may conclude that this type of key
was a favourite one for use with small padlocks.

445). Ca. 1:3.]

[Illustration: FIG. 188.--ROMAN PADLOCKS (NOS. 446, 447). 1:1.]

Padlocks of Roman date are common. In this Case three of a barrel form
are shown. One (No. =445=; fig. 187) has the key still rusted in
it. The padlock has traces of a chain attachment at one end, and was
probably kept hanging to a doorpost, while the bolt was shot into the
end link of a chain attached to the door. Two other Roman padlocks
illustrated (fig. 188) are more ornamental in character. One (No.
=446=) is in the form of a circular box with hinged handle, the free
end of which was fastened by pin-bolts within the box. There is also
a secret catch underneath. The other padlock (No. =447=) is furnished
with a chain attached to one side of it. The last link of the free end
was fastened inside the box, the lid of which was closed with a secret
catch. The head on the cover is that of a Sphinx, a hint that the
riddle of opening was not easy to solve. A hole in the floor of
the box makes it probable that it was fastened to the object to be


Other objects deserving mention are the keys for raising latches (No.
=448=; fig. 186_b_), and the combined ward and pin keys (No. =449=;
fig. 186_e_), and also the very interesting Graeco-Roman bronze
strong-box from Tarentum (No. =450=; fig. 189). The box (_a_) has
a sliding lid (_b_), originally furnished on the inside with four
separate fastenings. Two are horizontal bolts shot home by turning
toothed discs from the outside; the third is the catch seen at the
end, which was held fast in the slot by a pin-bolt (_c_). This bolt
was moved by a disc on the outside of the cover, and was itself locked
by the turning of another disc behind it; it could only be drawn back
when the slot in that disc was brought into line with the bolt, as
indicated in design _d_ of the figure. The small catch on the right at
the end of the box fell into position automatically when the cover was
closed, and could only be unfastened by turning the box on its side.
The outside of the lid shows four similar circles, over which were the
revolving or sliding discs now lost (fig. 190).


[Illustration: FIG. 191.--SEALS AND SEAL-LOCKS (NOS. 452-4). 1:1.]

=Seals.=--These were closely connected with locks in ancient life, and
often in fact took their place. Aristophanes makes the women complain
that not only did their husbands carry the patent Laconian key,
but that they also (at the instigation of Euripides) carried very
complicated "worm-eaten" seals,[50] not likely to be forged. Several
objects in this Case illustrate the use of seals. When a man wished to
secure an object he tied it up with string and put a lump of clay over
the knot, impressing the clay with his signet. Such impressions are
seen on several baked lumps of clay here exhibited. One large lump
(No. =451=) has no fewer than eight Roman seal impressions (several
from the same seal), while the knot of the cord remains embedded in
the clay underneath. This Case also contains examples (No. =452=) of
Roman seal-locks (one in wood and several in ivory). The wooden lock,
found in Egypt, is shown in fig. 191_a_, where its probable use is
indicated. The lock was suspended from the door-jamb on a pivot
passed through the small hole seen at the left end. The loop or staple
attached to the door was then inserted in the groove, and the movable
cover slid through it, as shown in the figure. The clay or wax was
next pressed into the hole behind the lid, and sealed with a signet
(as in fig. 191_b_, top view). The door could then not be opened
unless the seal or the lock was broken. Such a lock would be very
useful to prevent the often-mentioned pilfering by slaves.[51] Another
interesting class of objects is that of the seal-boxes (No. =453=).
They are small bronze boxes with hinged lids, and resemble in form
a pear-shaped or circular lamp. Each box has a small slot cut out on
either side, and three or four holes pierced in its floor. The cover
not infrequently has a design in relief (such as might be impressed
from a seal), _e.g._, a frog (fig. 191_d_). The illustration (fig.
191_e_) shows a suggested method of using them. The box is fastened by
studs (passed through the holes in its floor) to the lid of the object
to be secured. The string is inserted in a staple on the front of it
and tied in a knot, which is placed in the seal-box and held fast by
wax stamped with a seal. The projecting stud-heads would assist the
natural tenacity of the wax, so that it would be impossible to remove
the string without breaking the seal. Other arrangements are, of
course, possible. For instance, the staple might not be used, and
string might instead be tied round the object to be secured. The
ends would be brought into the seal-box by two of the holes, there be
secured by the sealed knot, and would leave it by two other holes.

[Illustration: FIG. 192.--ROMAN CUTLER'S FORGE (NO. 457). Ht. 18-3/4

Another form of seal was that consisting of two lead discs connected
by a loop (No. =454=). The discs were pressed together and stamped on
the outer surfaces with a design (as in fig. 191_c_). In this way the
loop was securely attached to the object to be protected. Probably
these seals were attached to merchandise by manufacturers or customs
officials, just in the same way as lead seals are used in our own
time. Their use appears to have been confined almost, if not entirely,
to Sicily.

A variety of labels in lead, bronze, and ivory is shown in this Case.
They generally have a hole for attachment, and bear the name and
initials of their owner. The bronze label (No. =455=), to which a
portion of the iron object to which it was attached still adheres, has
the name of the owner, C. Junius Hermetus, inscribed upon it. A second
label has the name of another member of the family, Decius Junius
Hermetus (No. =456=).

[Illustration: FIG. 193.--ROMAN CUTLER'S SHOP (NO. 458). Ht. 19-1/2

Seals were applied by the use of signet rings of gold, silver, or
bronze with the impression of the seal cut in the metal or on a gem
set in the bezel (see p. 136). The engraved ring was usually employed
for purely personal purposes, such as the sealing of a letter or
document, and the device of the seal was more or less ornamental. For
the somewhat allied group of bronze tablets, used for marking objects,
rather than securing them, see p. 192.

    (441) On ancient locks, see Diels, _Parmenides_, p. 117 ff.;
    Fink, _Der Verschluss bei den Griechen u. Römern_; Daremberg
    and Saglio, s.v. _Sera_; (453) Cf. _Num. Chron._, 1897, p.
    293 ff.; (454) Cf. _Annali dell' Inst._, 1864, p. 343 ff., and
    _Mon. dell' Inst._, VIII., pl. xi.

      [Footnote 44: 616 C, D.]

      [Footnote 45: _Mon. d. Inst._, ix. pl. 42.]

      [Footnote 46: [Greek: Diogenês êpêtês men ôn hote ezê ...]]

      [Footnote 47: xxi. 46 ff.; [Greek:

        autik' ar' hê g' himanta thoôs apelyse korônês,
        en de klêid' hêke, thyreôn d' anekopten ochêas,
        anta tityskomenê.]

      [Footnote 48: After Jacobi, _Das Römerkastell Saalburg_,
      p. 469, fig. 74, 1, 2 (modified).]

      [Footnote 49: See _Ann. of Brit. School at Athens_, IX.,
      p. 190 ff.]

      [Footnote 50: Ar., _Thesm._ 421 ff.]

      [Footnote 51: Cf. Plin., _H.N._ xxxiii. 26: nunc cibi quoque
      ac potus anulo vindicantur a rapina.]


(Wall-Cases 41-53, Table Case H.)


The part of the collection now to be described deals generally
with commerce and the industrial arts. We have already seen the
bird-catcher (p. 115), the baker (p. 117), and the shoemaker at work
(p. 130).

In the corners of Cases 41 and 48 are casts of reliefs from the
gravestone of L. Cornelius Atimetus, a Roman cutler of the first
century A.D. One relief (No. =457=; fig. 192) shows the cutler's
workshop, with two men working at some object placed on an anvil in
front of a furnace. One man holds the object with the tongs, the other
hammers it into shape. Above them hang a knife, sickle, tongs, etc.
Behind on the left is the bellows. The other relief (No. =458=; fig.
193) represents the cutler's shop, with numerous knives and sickles
hanging in an open cupboard. The cutler on the right, who wears the
tunic only, is showing a knife to a customer on the left, who wears
the toga, as a mark of dignity.

In Case 41 is a cast of a relief of a pork-butcher's shop, in the
Dresden Museum (No. =459=). On the left, the butcher's wife, seated
in a high chair, is busy with a set of tablets, for the accounts. The
butcher is jointing a side of bacon on a massive block. Portions
of bacon hang on hooks. Behind the butcher is a spare chopper and
a steelyard, at present hung out of the way. The details of the
steelyard such as the weight, the alternative hook for suspension, and
the scalepan are shown (see below p. 161).


(Wall-Cases 41-44.)

=Greek Weights.=--In Case B of the First Vase Room will be seen the
plaster model of a large stone object of triangular form, pierced
towards the apex with a hole.[52] It has the design of an octopus on
either side, and may with some probability be regarded as a standard
hanging weight (64 pounds). This object was found by Sir A. Evans at
Knossos in Crete, in the "Palace of Minos," and may be dated roughly
at 2000 B.C. A set of very early weights of the Mycenaean period from
Cyprus is in Case 41, consisting of haematite objects in the form of
sling bolts (No. =460=), passing in a series of gradations from large
to small. No definite system can, however, be deduced from these

[Illustration: FIG. 194.--LEAD AND BRONZE WEIGHTS. 2:3.]

The Greek weights of the historic period here shown are mainly of two
leading standards, known as the Aeginetan and the Solonian or Attic.
The standard weight of the Aeginetan system was the heavy mina of
9,722 grains (about 1-2/5 lb. avoirdupois). The Solonian (Euboic) mina
weighed normally 6,737 grains (nearly 1 lb. avoirdupois), but there
was a special heavy mina in use which weighed exactly double the
normal. This last was the original mina introduced by Solon, which
gradually gave way to the light mina of half its weight. Weights
of the Aeginetan and Solonian systems are here exhibited. Through
incompleteness or inaccuracy they often show considerable variation
from the norm. The mina was subdivided into 100 drachmae, and the
drachma into 6 obols. Certain stamped devices distinguish these
Attic weights, viz., the astragalos or knuckle-bone, the amphora, the
tortoise, the dolphin, and the crescent. Fig. 194 shows three weights
of the later Solonian standard: (_a_) a mina in lead stamped with a
dolphin and inscribed [Greek: MNA] (7,010 grs.) (No. =461=); (_b_) a
half mina in lead (3,399 grs.) with the device of a tortoise and the
inscription [Greek: DÊMO] (= [Greek: dêmou]), "of the people," (No.
=462=); and (_c_) a bronze weight of 4 drachmae (283 grs.) stamped
with an amphora and the word [Greek: TESSARES] (No. =463=). Sometimes
a half tortoise occurs, as in No. =464=, a quarter mina, or a half
amphora, as on No. =465=, a one-third mina. Various other standards
are represented in this Case, _e.g._ that of Kyzikos in Asia Minor,
but these need not be particularly described. A noteworthy weight is
the bronze one (No. =466=), in the form of a series of rising steps,
inscribed on the top [Greek: DIOS]. This probably is a temple-weight,
very likely used to weigh votive objects. Weights of a similar type
have been found at Olympia. The peculiar series of stone weights (No.
=467=) decorated with female breasts was found in the precincts of the
temple of Demeter at Knidos, and may be regarded as temple-weights,
probably made as a votive offering. They do not seem to correspond to
any known standard.

Some weights are marked as standards. A lead weight of 10,863 grains,
with a design of two cornucopias (No. =468=) is inscribed [Greek:
Etous dls' dêmosia mna], _i.e._, "In the year 234 a public (or
standard) mina." The date is probably by the Seleucid era, and
equivalent to 78 B.C. Another example is the large square weight from
Herakleia in Bithynia, with a head of Herakles in relief (No. =469=;
fig. 195). It is inscribed "To the divine Augusti and the people"
([Greek: theois Sebastois kai tô damô]) on the rim in front, and on
the sides with the names of the aediles P. Clodius Rufus and Tertius
Vacilius (weight 41,494 grs., nearly 6 lb. avoirdupois).

We have instances of weights of artistic form in these Cases. The
hanging weights from steelyards in particular (No. =470=; fig. 195)
are often in the form of a head or bust.

=Roman Weights.=--The standard was here the _libra_ or pound, which
weighed 5,050 grains (being ·721 of the pound avoirdupois, which is
equal to 7,000 grains), and was subdivided into 12 _unciae_ or ounces,
the ounce again being divided into 24 _scripula_ or scruples. The
Roman weights are here grouped according to multiples or divisions of
the pound, and generally have their values marked upon them in dotted
characters. Thus the pound is marked +I+, the half pound +S+(_emis_),
and so on. The series, beginning at the bottom of Case 51, runs 10,
5, 4, 3, 2, 1-1/2, and 1 pounds. Fractions of the pound are 1/2lb.
(semis) = 6 oz; 1/3lb. (triens) = 4 oz.; 1/4lb. (quadrans) = 3 oz.;
1/6lb. (sextans) = 2 oz.; and one ounce. Fractions of the ounce are
1/2oz. = 12 scruples; 1/3oz. = 8 scruples; 1/4oz. = 6 scruples; 1/8oz.
= 3 scruples; 1/12oz. = 2 scruples; and one scruple. Some of the
numerous dark stone weights have inscriptions, showing that they had
been certified by proper authority. Thus one _libra_ (No. =472=) is
inscribed: "On the authority of Q. Junius Rusticus, city-prefect" [167
A.D.]. In Sicily and Magna Graecia a weight called a _litra_ was used
instead of the Roman pound, weighing rather less than the _libra_. A
set of _litra_ weights in bronze, of late Imperial date, is shown
in Case 41 (No. =473=). An ounce weight (marked [Illustration] in
silver, and weighing 389 grains), belonging to this series, is seen in
fig. 194 above.

[Illustration: FIG. 195.--BRONZE WEIGHTS OF ARTISTIC FORM (NO. 400,
etc.). 4:7.]

[Illustration: FIG. 196.--ROMAN BRONZE STEELYARD (NO. 475). L. 12-3/4

=Weighing Instruments.=--Of these there are two chief varieties, the
simple balance (_libra_), and the steelyard (_statera_). In the former
weight is set against, weight, at equal distances from the point of
suspension. In the latter the object to be weighed, suspended from
the short arm of the lever, is set against a small weight in an
appropriate position on the long arm. The Greeks seem to have used
the former only; the Romans used both. The use of the balance is
illustrated by the Greek vase with the design of Hermes weighing the
souls of Achilles and Memnon, and by the Roman lamp showing a stork
weighing an elephant and a mouse (No. =474=). The steelyard was widely
used in the Roman world. Owing to its portability, it was doubtless
much employed by hawkers and street-sellers, as at the present day.
We have also seen it above (p. 158) in the pork-butcher's shop (No.
=459=). Out of the several steelyards exhibited here, one example,
from Catania in Sicily (No. =475=; fig. 196), may be described in
detail. It consists of a bronze rod of square section, divided
into two unequal portions. The shorter portion has (_a_) two hooks
suspended from chains attached to the end of the rod by a movable
collar working in a groove (the object to be weighed was of course
attached to these hooks); (_b_) three hooks, placed at intervals
of about 3/4, 1-1/2, and 3 in. respectively from the collar, and
suspended from small movable rings. These hooks are in different
planes, corresponding to three of the four edges in the longer portion
of the bar. The bar is graduated on three of its four faces, viz.,
on the first with nine divisions, each subdivided into twelfths. This
scale was used when the steelyard was suspended by the hook nearest
the graduated bar (as in the fig.). Objects weighing up to nine Roman
pounds could thus be weighed by moving a sliding weight along the
bar. The figure V will be seen at the fifth pound, the half pounds are
marked by three dots, and the twelfths correspond to the _unciae_. The
second face begins with VI and goes up to twenty-three pounds. It was
used when the steelyard was suspended by the middle hook. The third
face starts with XXII pounds, and goes up to fifty-nine pounds. In the
second and third scales, multiples of five and ten pounds are marked
by the figures V and X. Fifty pounds is indicated by the letter
[Greek: N] +N+, which has that numerical value in the Greek notation.
This third scale was used in conjunction with the hook nearest the
collar. The sliding weight (now lost) must have weighed about 17,000
grs. (2-3/7 lb. avoirdupois). All the other steelyards here shown work
on this principle, though many have only two graduated scales and two
suspending hooks.

[Illustration: FIG. 197.--STEELYARD FROM SMYRNA (NO. 476).]

Fig. 197 shows a highly ornate example of a steelyard (No. =476=),
lately acquired from the neighbourhood of Smyrna. The weight is in the
form of a bust of Silenus. The larger hooks are designed as heads of
serpents, and the smaller hooks as heads of eagles.

[Illustration: FIG. 198.--ROMAN BRONZE BALANCES (NOS. 477, 480). Ca.

The steelyard principle was also applied by the Romans to balances,
with a view to avoiding the use of numerous small weights. An example
is No. =477= (fig. 198), where one half of the bronze arm is graduated
with twelve divisions corresponding to scruples (1/24 of an ounce).
The sliding weight would thus be used to determine weights of less
than half an ounce. The bar of another balance (No. =478=) had 24 such
divisions for determining any weight below the ounce. A saucepan
from Pompeii (No. =479=) in the Naples Museum has the same principle
applied to its handle, for weighing the liquid contents. An
interesting little balance (No. =480=; fig. 198) may be mentioned
here. At one end is a fixed weight in the form of a head (of the
Sun-god?). This balance was adapted to test the weight of an object
weighing about 69 grains, perhaps a Roman coin such as the _denarius_
or _solidus_.

In the lower part of Cases 43, 44 it will be noted that the arm of a
steelyard and one of the arms of a balance are shown, with a bronze
fitting (No. =481=; fig. 199) designed to check the amplitude of the
oscillations. A corresponding piece may be seen on a railway platform
weighing machine. This piece was long misinterpreted as a standard,
etc., but its real intention is made certain by reliefs at Treves
(fig. 200) and Capua.

[Illustration: FIG. 199.--CHECK FOR STEELYARD (NO. 481).]

[Illustration: FIG. 200.--A STEELYARD IN USE.]

    (457, 458) Amelung, _Sculpt. d. Vat._, pl. 30, p. 275 ff.;
    (459) _Arch. Anzeiger_, IV., p. 102; (460) _Excavations in
    Cyprus_, pl. xi., 368, etc. On Greek and Roman weights see
    Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Pondus_; _Cambridge Companion
    to Greek_ and _to Latin Studies_; (466) Cf. _Olympia,
    V. (Inschriften)_, p. 801 ff.; (467) Newton, _Disc. at
    Halicarnassus_, II., pp. 387 and 804; (469) _Mon. dell'
    Inst._, 1855, pl. 1; (472) _C.I.L._, XIII., 10030 (10); (474)
    _Cat. of Lamps_, 595; (481) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 2909. For
    Treves relief (fig. 200) cf. Hettner, _Illustr. Führer_, p.
    6; for Capua relief, cf. _Jahreshefte d. Oesterr. Arch. Inst.,
    XVI., Beibl._, p. 10; for the standing balance, see also
    Stuart and Revett, IV., p. 15.

      [Footnote 52: See _Ann. of Brit. School at Athens_, VII.,
      p. 42, fig. 7.]


(Wall-Cases 45-48.)

=Tools.=--These are exhibited in Cases 45-46. The objects for the most
part speak for themselves, but attention may be called to one or two
of the most interesting. Such is the Roman bronze set-square (No.
=482=; fig. 201), furnished with a base to enable it to stand. Its
outer edges would be used by masons or carpenters to determine angles
of 90° and 45° respectively. The inner angle of 90° would be useful
for testing the true position of objects set at right angles to
one another, such as the sides of a box, etc. The simplest type of
set-square, that formed by two edges at right angles to one another,
is seen in No. =483=. Notice the set of bronze plummets (No. =484=),
which were suspended from strings. The one illustrated (fig. 201) has
_Bassi_, "belonging to Bassus," inscribed on it in punctured letters.
Two other inscribed tools are of interest. The one is the sickle-like
iron blade from, perhaps, a gardener's knife, with the inscription,
"Durra made me" (No. =485=), the other a finely made Greek bronze
chisel, bearing the name of Apollodoros (No. =486=).

[Illustration: FIG. 201.--ROMAN SET-SQUARE AND PLUMMET (NOS. 482,
484). 1:4.]

=Building materials and Sculptures.=--Cases 45-48 contain objects
illustrating the materials and methods of Greek and Roman builders and
sculptors. There are several Greek tiles dated by the impression of a
magistrate's name, _e.g._, "Under Aeschyliskos," "Under Apollodoros,"
the latter (No. =487=) bearing traces of the feet of a dog which has
run across the tile before it was dry.

The characteristic stamps on the Roman bricks of the Empire were
impressed by wooden blocks in which the legend was engraved direct
with a broad lettering, tending to exaggeration in the 3rd century and
later. The beginning of the inscription is marked by a small raised
circle, and the information given includes the name of the estate
(often imperial) from which the clay comes, the name of the potter and
his kiln, and sometimes the date by the consulship, though all these
pieces of information do not necessarily occur on the same tile. As
typical examples may be given: No. =488=, here illustrated (fig.
202), bearing the device of a pine-cone between two branches, and the
inscription _ex fig(linis) M. Herenni Pollionis dol(iare) L. Sessi
Successi_, "From the pottery of M. Herennius Pollio; baked by L.
Sessus Successus"; and No. =489=, with the device of Victory, and the
inscription: "Brick from the Publinian pottery (made with clay from)
the estate of Aemilia Severa." A large number of the estates from
which the clay came were, it should be noted, owned by women.

[Illustration: FIG. 202.--ROMAN STAMPED TILE (NO. 488). Ca. 1:3.]

No. =490= is an example of a dated brick--_Imp. Antonino II (= iterum)
et Br(u)ttio Co(n)s(ulibus)_ _i.e._, 139 A.D. The stamp was first
engraved by error with the name of Balbinus, consul of 137 A.D., and
afterwards corrected by re-engraving +RTTIO+ on +ALBIN+. No. =491=
refers to the _portus_, _i.e._, the depot of Licinius.

Many of the bronze accessories of building are shown here, such as two
pairs of bronze door-knockers from Syria (No. =492=).

The bronze dowels (No. =493=) were employed for fastening together
stone sections, such as the drums of columns. They are often in the
form of truncated cones placed base to base, the thickest part being
thus in the position where the strain was greatest (fig. 203_a_).
Other dowels from the Mausoleum at Halikarnassos are in the form
of bronze cylinders in collars of bronze, rigidly fixed by three
key-pieces. The cylinders were set in the great stone which closed the
entrance of the Mausoleum, and were intended to drop half their length
into the corresponding sockets in the lower sill of the entrance (Nos.

[Illustration: FIG. 203.--BRONZE DOWEL AND DOOR-PIVOT (NOS. 493, 496).

A series of bronze coverings (No. =496=) for the pivots of doors
reminds us of the fact that in ancient times most of the doors worked
on a different principle from our own. The bronze-covered pivots (fig.
203_b_), rigidly fixed to the door by a key-piece, turned in bronze
sockets(_c_) fitted into the lintel or threshold. This arrangement
explains the allusions to the grating of doors met with in ancient
writers.[53] Hinges of the modern type were, however, well known.
Examples are to be seen in Cases 47, 48, among them a hinge with the
fragments of the wood, to which it was originally attached, still
adhering (No. =497=).

Towards the end of the Republic and under the Empire the Romans
devoted much attention to the adornment of their buildings, public and
private. For this purpose marbles of every variety were imported from
all parts of the world, while an elaborate system of wall-painting was
also developed. Mamurra, an officer of Julius Caesar, is said to have
been the first to veneer the walls of his house with marble. A few
selected examples from the Tolley collection of polished specimens of
the materials used in ancient Rome are here exhibited (No. =498=). The
whole collection comprises some 700 specimens, so that we cannot be
surprised that Pliny declines to enumerate the varieties known in
his day, on account of the vastness of their number.[54] The simpler
building materials used at Rome were, besides the tiles or bricks
already mentioned, the hard limestone rock known as travertine and the
volcanic tufa and peperino. A specimen of the last is shown here.

The place of hanging pictures in ancient houses was largely taken by
fresco wall-paintings, several fragments of which are here shown.
The floors of the houses were not covered with carpets, but were
frequently decorated with mosaics, which might range from simple
geometric patterns in black and white (as in many of the specimens
here seen) to elaborate pictorial designs. The construction of these
pavements, out of small stone cubes (_tesserae_) set in cement, is
clearly seen in the examples exhibited. Genuine mosaic was sometimes
imitated in painted plaster. One or two such fragments can be seen in
the Case.

As examples of the processes of sculpture, note a half-finished
figure of a seated Sphinx (No. =499=); and a cast (No. =500=) of
a half-finished figure of Hermes, from a private collection. The
sculptor has made free use of the drill for the roughing out of the
figure, and at the same time has brought the exposed parts to a high
degree of finish. A piece of bead and reel moulding (No. =501=) is
also unfinished.

    (=484=) Cf. Daremberg and Saglio, s.v., _Perpendiculum_.

    (=488=) For the stamped Roman bricks see, _Cat. of
    Terracottas_, E 148-153. For _C.I.L._ reff., see _ibid._ (but E
    151 = _C.I.L._ xv. 214).

    (=494=, =495=) Newton, _Disc. at Halicarnassus_, II (1) p. 97;
    _Cat. of Sculpture_, II, 990, 991.

    (=498=) Cf. Pullen, _Handbook of Ancient Roman Marbles_.

      [Footnote 53: Virgil, _Ciris_, 222:

        Marmoreo aeratus stridens in limine cardo.

      [Footnote 54: _H.N._ xxxvi. 54.]


(Wall-Cases 49-51.)

=Chariots and Carts.=--The war-chariot plays a conspicuous part in
the Homeric poems, and the horse and chariot are there so closely
identified that we find the phrase "he leapt from his horses" used
as equivalent to "he leapt from his chariot." After the Homeric age,
however, the use of the chariot in war died out in Greece and it
thenceforward appears most conspicuously in the great Greek games,
where it was used for racing purposes. A very early example of this
racing chariot may be seen on a Boeotian bowl of the eighth century
(on the top of Case D, First Vase Room).[55] Here are depicted two
chariots with a high open framework at front and back, each drawn
(apparently) by a single horse, and driven by a man clothed in a long
robe distinctive of the Greek charioteer. There is little doubt that
in reality the chariots are meant to be drawn by two horses, and that
the deceptive appearance is due to the limitations of the artist.
On Greek monuments of a later date than this vase, the light racing
chariot is constantly represented. Some primitive chariots in
terracotta and stone from Cyprus are also shown in Case 50.

[Illustration: FIG. 204.--ROMAN RACING CHARIOT (NO. 502). L. 10-1/2

Roman chariots are represented by a good bronze model (No. =502=; fig.
204) found in the Tiber. This is a racing car, drawn at full speed by
two horses, one of which is now lost. It corresponds closely to the
cars used for racing in the circus, such as may be seen in Case 110.
At the end of the pole (appearing just behind the horse's mane) is
a decoration in the form of a ram's head, an ornament of the same
character as the four bronze objects placed with the horse-muzzles in
the upper part of Case 51 (No. =503=). These have decorations in the
form of the bust of a Satyr blowing a horn, and busts of a boy, an
Amazon, and a Cupid respectively. In the lowest parts of Cases 50 and
51 are various bronze decorations, which have no doubt belonged to
axle-boxes and other parts of a chariot, but their exact arrangement
is not clear.

(NO. 506). L. 2 ft. 10-1/2 in.]

Another form of Roman car is illustrated by the fine hanging bronze
lamp representing the Moon-goddess (Luna), drawn in her chariot by a
pair of bulls (No. =504=). The lamp was for three wicks, two on the
outer sides of the bulls, and one at the back of Luna's head. The
goddess is represented on coins of the second and third century after
Christ in a similar bull-car.[56] A terracotta (No. =505=) is in the
form of a four-wheeled hooded waggon, probably a travelling car of the
type called [Greek: apênê] by the Greeks and _raeda_ by the Romans.
In the top of Case 49 is a marble relief (No. =506=; fig. 205)
representing a covered two-wheeled cart drawn by four horses. The
sides of the cart are decorated with reliefs, depicting Jupiter and
the two Dioscuri, Castor and Pollux. Probably the car is a _tensa_,
used to convey images of the gods to and from the circus on the
occasion of the games, and for other religious purposes. The relief
formed part of a sarcophagus of about the third century after Christ.

=Horse-trappings.=--Case 50 contains two interesting sets of bronze
harness of an early date from Italy, probably of the eighth century
B.C. (No. =507=). They are mounted upon leather, and placed on models
of horses' heads; the sidepieces of the bits are themselves in the
form of horses. Of much later date, perhaps of the fifth or fourth
century B.C., is the Greek bit from Achaea (No. =508=; fig. 206). It
is remarkable for its severe character, but was certainly not out of
the ordinary, for a bit of precisely similar character is described
by Xenophon in his treatise on horsemanship (early fourth century
B.C.).[57] He says there were two varieties of this type of bit, the
mild and the severe. In the present example we may probably recognise
the severe variety, which had "the 'wheels' heavy and small and the
'hedgehogs' sharp, in order that the horse when he got it into his
mouth might be distressed by its roughness and give up resisting."
The "wheels" are clearly the central discs for pressing on the tongue,
while the prickly cylinders at the sides were aptly termed "hedgehogs"
by the Greeks. In this same Case there are also examples of the milder
Roman bit, one in iron and another in lead, perhaps intended for
votive use.

[Illustration: FIG. 206.--GREEK BIT (NO. 508). Width, ca. 9 in.]

Case 51 contains three examples of muzzles for horses (No. =509=),
nearly complete, with a fragment of a fourth. These muzzles are in
bronze, but we can hardly expect that this was the usual material.
Probably the bronze examples were reserved for state occasions or
else only used by the very wealthy. The muzzles depicted on vases
seem rather to be of some pliant material--leather, for example. It is
probable that all the bronze examples in this Case belong to the Greek
period, though the one here illustrated (fig. 207) has been assigned
to as late a date as the fourth century after Christ. The muzzle was
only used when the horse was being rubbed down or led, not when he
was ridden or driven. Xenophon[58] observes that "the groom must
understand how to put the muzzle on the horse, when he takes him out
to rub him or to roll him. And, indeed, wherever he takes him without
a bridle, he ought to muzzle him." The muzzles must have been fastened
to the horse's head by straps attached to the rings seen on each side
of them.

[Illustration: FIG. 207.--BRONZE HORSE-MUZZLE (NO. 509). Ht. ca. 9

It has been a subject of controversy whether Greek and Roman horses
were shod. There is no mention of horse-shoes in Greek literature,
and it seems improbable that they were used by the Greeks. Xenophon
advises the use of a specially constructed stone floor for hardening
the horse's hoofs,[59] but in spite of such precautions, it is not
surprising to hear that the Athenian cavalry horses sometimes went
lame as a result of continuous work on hard ground.[60] Horse-shoes
are occasionally (though rarely) spoken of in Roman literature. Their
use seems to have been quite exceptional as when Nero, for instance,
had his mules shod with silver.[61] In the lower part of Case 51 will
be seen a series of iron shoes of the Roman period (No. =510=; fig.
208), for the most part found in the south of France. It is impossible
to believe that these were ever used as ordinary horse-shoes. The
most plausible theory is that they were "hobbles," put on the feet of
horses and other quadrupeds to prevent them straying. The upper part
of this same Case contains sets of spurs (No. =511=), most of them
probably Roman. The arrangement for attaching the spurs to the heel
varies. Two have loops formed by the head and neck of swans, three
have discs or knobs, while another has holes for laces.

[Illustration: FIG. 208.--IRON HOBBLE (NO. 510). 1:4.]

    (=502=) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 2695; (=503=) _ibid._, 2696 ff.;
    (=504=) _ibid._, 2520; (=505=) _Cat. of Terracottas_, C
    612; (=506=) _Cat. of Sculpt._, III., 2310; (=507=) _Cat. of
    Bronzes_, 357; (=508=) Cf. Pernice, _Griech. Pferdegeschirr_,
    pll. ii. and iii. (56th _Winckelmannsfestprogramm_); (=509=)
    _ibid._, pl. i. and pp. 6-16; (=510=) Cf. _Rev. Arch._, 1900
    (36), p. 296 ff; Smith, _Dict. of Ant._^3, s.v. _Solea_.

      [Footnote 55: See _Journal of Hell. Stud._, xix., pl. 8.]

      [Footnote 56: _E.g._, on _B.M. Coins of Ionia_,
      pl. xx. 7 (Coin of Magnesia: Gordianus Pius).]

      [Footnote 57: Xen., _De re eq._ x. 6: [Greek: prôton men
      toinyn chrê ou meion duoin chalinoin kektêsthai; toutôn
      de estô ho men leios, tous trochous eumegetheis echôn, ho de
      heteros tous men trochous kai bareis kai tapeinous, tous d'
      echinous oxeis, hina hopotan men touton labê, aschallôn tê
      trachytêti dia touto aphiê].]

      [Footnote 58: _De re eq._ v. 3.]

      [Footnote 59: Xen., _op. cit._, iv. 3.]

      [Footnote 60: Thuc., vii. 27, 5.]

      [Footnote 61: Suet., _Ner._ 30.]


(Wall-Case 52.)

Farming, the rearing of live stock, the cultivation of corn, vines and
olives were practised by the earliest civilisations of the Aegean, and
of Greece.

The use of the plough was also known at that distant period. In this
Case are shown three bronze ploughshares (No. =512=), which belong
to the Mycenaean Age, and were found in Cyprus. A plough in its most
primitive form was merely the trunk of a tree which served as the
pole, with two branches on opposite sides, one forming the share,
the other the handle. This was the plough in one piece spoken of by
Hesiod. The Mycenaean ploughshare belongs to a later development, when
the plough is made up of several parts, the "joined plough" of Homer
and Hesiod. Such is the plough seen in the very primitive bronze group
(No. =513=), where it is in the act of being turned at the end of the
furrow. To effect the turning the two oxen are pulling the yoke in
opposite directions. A black-figured vase of the sixth century, here
exhibited (No. =514=), shows the later plough in a simple form, which
has changed but little for many centuries, as may still be observed in
the East. The different parts can be seen more clearly from a bronze
votive plough of the third century B.C. at Florence (fig. 209). It is
made up of (1) a horizontal share-beam, to which is fastened the iron
share, (2) a pole, at the end of which is the yoke, (3) the vertical
handle. This type of plough is exactly described by Virgil in the

[Illustration: FIG. 209.--BRONZE VOTIVE PLOUGH.]

[Illustration: FIG. 210.--WINE BEING DECOCTED (NO. 518). L. 1 ft. 9

[Illustration: FIG. 211.--MEN GATHERING OLIVES (NO. 521). Ca. 1:2.]

The ploughman was followed by the sower, who is represented on the
vase mentioned above (No. =514=) with a basket from which he scatters
the seed in the furrow. At harvest-time a sickle was used to cut the
grain, of which instrument two iron specimens are shown in the
Case, from Lycia in Asia Minor (No. =515=). Winnowing the grain was
accomplished either by means of a shovel or a basket of peculiar shape
([Greek: liknon], _vannus_); on a terracotta relief in the Museum (D
525, Case 75, Terracotta Room Annexe) the infant Dionysos is being
rocked in one of these objects instead of a cradle, by a Satyr and a

Of fruit crops the vine and the olive were by far the most important
in the Greek and Roman world, and great attention was paid to their
cultivation. The operations involved in the manufacture of both
wine and oil find many illustrations among ancient works of art. The
gathering of grapes is illustrated by a Roman terracotta relief (No.
=516=) exhibited in the Case, where a Satyr is picking grapes from
a vine. Another relief of the same class (No. =517=) depicts the
treading out of the grapes in the wine-press, also by Satyrs, two of
whom are balancing themselves by holding a ring between them while
they tread the grapes in an oblong trough to the tune of flutes. An
elderly Satyr brings up fresh supplies in a basket. The massive bronze
rings commonly known as "athletes' rings" may have been used at the
wine-press (No. =517*=).

The must or new wine was partly used for drinking as soon as ready,
partly decocted into a sort of jelly (_defrutum_), and partly stowed
in cellars in large casks or jars (_dolia_); in the latter case
after being fermented for nine days it was covered up and sealed. The
commoner kinds were drunk direct from the _dolia_, the finer sorts
drawn off into amphorae and stored up. On the marble reliefs here
given (No. =518=; fig. 210) we have a representation of the conversion
of the must into _defrutum_: two men are attending to a caldron
placed over a fire, while a third is pouring wine from an amphora into
another caldron, and a fourth is waiting to fill a jug from the same.
In the lowest part of the Case is exhibited the upper part of an
amphora with long neck and two handles (whence the frequent term
_diota_), as an example of those used for the storage of wine. The
terracotta figure of a man carrying a wineskin and one of these
_diotae_ (No. =519=), and a Roman lamp depicting slaves carrying casks
of wine, should also be noted (No. =520=).

The cultivation of the olive is well illustrated by a black-figured
vase of the sixth century B.C. (No. =521=; fig. 211), showing a
primitive method of gathering the fruit: a youth has climbed to the
top of the tree, and he and two men are beating the branches with
sticks to bring the fruit down, while another youth collects it in a
vessel. This method is expressly condemned by Varro, an early Roman
writer on agriculture.[63]

In order to extract the oil from the pulp of the fruit, it was
necessary to use a press of some kind, such as we see on the
terracotta relief here exhibited (No. =522=; fig. 212), of the first
century B.C. Here the press consists of flat stones between which
layers of olives are placed; to the uppermost stone is fastened a
long pole, which serves as a lever, and is being worked by two Satyrs;
round the press a rope is wound many times. Compare the large vase in
the Hall of Inscriptions (_Cat. of Sculpture_, 2502).

[Illustration: FIG. 212.--SATYRS AT OIL-PRESS (NO. 522). Ht. 7 in.]

The remaining objects in this Case are mostly illustrative of men or
beasts of burden engaged in agricultural and kindred occupations, such
as the goat-herd depicted on a Roman lamp, to whom the name of Titurus
is applied, with reference to Virgil's first Eclogue (No. =523=; fig.
213). The bronze figure of a donkey (No. =524=) with panniers recalls
the ornament of Trimalchio's dinner-table described by Petronius, and
may have served a similar purpose. Model panniers, and terracottas
of a donkey and a camel with the panniers laden with rural produce,
should also be noted. Several model carts from Amathus, in terracotta,
are either flat-bottomed, for general use, or in vase-shape, for the
transport of wine or other liquids (No. =525=).

[Illustration: FIG. 213.--GOATHERD WITH FLOCK (NO. 523). Diam. 3-3/4

    (=512=) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 15, 1477; (=516=,
    =517=) _Cat. of Terracottas_, D 542, D 544; (=518=) _Cat. of
    Sculpture_, III., 2212; (=520=) _Cat. of Lamps_, 1142; (=521=)
    _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 226; (=522=) _Cat. of Terracottas_, D
    550. Cf. Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Torcular_; (=523=)
    _Cat. of Lamps_, 661; (=524=) Cf. Daremberg and Saglio, s.v.
    _Clitellae_; (=525=) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 112.

      [Footnote 62: i. 169 ff.; Cf. Gow, _Journ. of Hellenic
      Studies_, xxxiv., p. 249.]

      [Footnote 63: Varro, _Res Rust._ i. 55: de oliveto
      oleam ... legere oportet potius quam quatere.]


(Table-Case H.)

In Table Case H we have objects illustrating the craft of the metal
worker, the potter, the turner, and the woodworker.

(NO. 531). Ht. 4-1/2 in.]

Towards one end of the case are objects illustrating the processes of
metal work. A Greek vase of the sixth century B.C. depicts a man in
the act of thrusting a mass of metal into a blazing furnace.
Anvil, tongs, and hammers are visible (No. =526=). Beside it is a
reproduction of a Vase in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, showing an
armourer at work on a helmet (No. =527=). Two limestone moulds of a
very early period are for casting primitive implements (No. =528=).
Note also a mould (No. =529=) for a metal weight of a type similar to
that with the head of Herakles in Case 41. The mould shows a female
head with a cornucopia before it, apparently a personification of
Profit ([Greek: Kerdos]), whose name appears above the head. Another
mould (No. =530=) is intended for a series of lead weights of values
[Greek: a'] to [Greek: ê'], that is, 1 to 8. (Compare a similar set in
Case 42.) It should be observed that the moulds seen here are, for
the most part, only half-moulds, or in some cases even less. A
corresponding half-mould had to be placed in position before casting
could be effected. This is well shown by a limestone half-mould from
Rome (No. =531=; fig. 214) for casting lead counters, with designs
representing Victory, Fortune, and Athena. Here can be seen the
channels by which the molten metal was introduced, and the holes for
the studs joining the two half-moulds together. In one of these a lead
stud still remains.


The steatite mould for a ring of the Mycenaean period (No. =532=; Fig.
215) required a counterpart piece, and a third piece at the bottom to
complete it. Some of the steatite moulds which have no channels for
the molten metal, were probably used for the production of ornaments
by pressing and rubbing thin foil into the forms.

[Illustration: FIG. 216.--GREEK POTTER AT WORK (NO. 533). Ht. 4-1/2

[Illustration: FIG. 217.--POTTER'S WHEEL IN TERRACOTTA (NO. 534).
Diam. 9-3/4 in.]


[Illustration: FIG. 219.--POTTER'S KILN (NO. 536).]

[Illustration: FIG. 220.--CLAY LAMPS SPOILED IN BAKING (NO. 538). Ca.

(NO. 545).]

=The Potter.=--At the end of the case are exhibits connected with
potters and pottery. Here is seen the limestone figure of a Greek
potter from Cyprus (No. =533=; fig. 216), seated and modelling clay on
the wheel. He reminds us of Homer's description of the potter's action
when he compares the whirling motion of dancers to the revolving of a
potter's wheel--"a motion exceeding light, as when a potter sits and
makes trial of a wheel fitted to his hands, to see whether it will
run."[64] Immediately behind is a potter's wheel in terracotta
(No. =534=; fig. 217), which has in the centre a depression for the
insertion of the pivot on which it turned. It was found on a primitive
site at Gournià in Crete. As the clay spun round on the wheel the
potter moulded it into shape inside and outside with his hands. The
foot, the handles, and the neck of the vase were moulded separately
as a rule and attached afterwards to the body. A design on a sixth
century Greek vase here exhibited (No. =535=; fig. 218), depicts a
Greek potter in the act of attaching a handle to a cup which rests
upon a wheel. When the vase or other object had been modelled in clay,
it then had to be fired. For this purpose a kiln was required, such
as one (probably Roman) excavated at Shoeburyness, a model of which is
here exhibited (No. =536=). It consists of a barrel-shaped chamber,
at about half the height of which is a horizontal table on a conical
support, with eight round openings pierced in its circumference to
allow the heat to penetrate above. Fuel was introduced below through a
small fire-chamber constructed at the side (fig. 219). The packing of
the objects to be fired required considerable care. For this purpose
the so-called "cockspurs" (No. =537=) were used for the larger pieces.
But sometimes there were failures, such as the two batches of Roman
lamps seen in this Case, which have become fused together in the
baking (No. =538=; fig. 220). If it survived the risks of manufacture,
the pot often needed repair when in use, and several examples are
shown of rivets, large and small, employed for this purpose (No.
=539=). The cover of a toilet-box (No. =540=) shows the method of
painting employed in the Greek red-figured vases; here the grotesque
head has been outlined in black, but the background has not been
filled in with black in the usual way. Two terracotta heads with
projecting stumps (No. =541=) show the manner in which the terracotta
figurines were built up of several parts. The heads were inserted into
holes in the trunks, and were then fastened in position with clay. An
unfinished clay relief (No. =542=) of a man with his dog, shows the
first process in the production of modelled relief, such as those in
the Room of Terracottas, Case 8.

A mould (No. =543=) for making a bowl of the ware called Arretine from
its place of manufacture, Arretium in Central Italy, is shown, with a
cast from the mould beside it. An impression is also shown of the
mark of M. Perennius, the most noted of the Arretine potters, in
combination with his slave Bargates (No. =544=). Near the mould are
stamps, one with a design of a slave heating some fluid in a caldron,
and others of a bear and lion (No. =545=; fig. 221). These stamps were
used for producing the designs in the moulds, being impressed in the
clay while it was soft. Several specimens of these moulds and bowls,
which are of about the first century B.C., will be seen in Cases 39-40
of the Fourth Vase Room.

[Illustration: FIG. 222.--MOULD FOR LOWER PART OF CLAY LAMP (NO. 546).
L. 4-1/4 in.]

The moulds for parts of Roman lamps, show the way in which these
objects were produced. The clay was pressed into the lower mould (such
as No. =546=; fig. 222) and also into a corresponding upper mould
(compare No. =547=), and then the two halves were joined together and
ready for baking.

    (=526=) _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 507; (=528=) _Excavations in
    Cyprus_, p. 26, fig. 50; (=531=) Cf. _Bull. della Comm. Arch._
    xxxiii. (1905), p. 146 ff; (=532=) _Cat. of Jewellery,_ No.
    609; (=533=) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 93, fig. 145; (=535=)
    _Cat. of Vases_ II., B 432; (=536=) _Proc. of Soc. of Ant._,
    Ser. II., xvi., p. 40; (=542=) _Cat. of Terracottas_, B 376.
    pl. 20; (=545=) _Cat. of Roman Pottery_, M 82, 83; (=546=)
    _Cat. of Lamps_, 1401.

=Gems and Pastes.=--In the next division of Case H are objects
illustrating the processes of producing Gems and Pastes. These include
a series of scarabs, scarabaeoids, and other beads at various
stages of manufacture (No. =548=); a series of clay moulds for
Graeco-Egyptian porcelain scarabs from Naukratis (No. =549=) and a
fine specimen of a paste cameo head of Silenos (No. =550=). Here also
are examples of stone socket-handles for a bow-drill (No. =551=). In
this and the next compartment several pieces of work are incised with
designs intended to be filled in with inlay (No. =552=). See also
a series of fragments of an acanthus pattern in ivory, evidently
intended to be inlaid. A piece of rock crystal is carved with ears
of corn in intaglio, gilded (No. =553=). See also examples of enamel
work, of the period of the Roman empire, on studs, seal boxes, etc.
(cf. p. 135, 155).

=Woodworking, etc.=--An interesting wooden box of Roman date is
derived from Panticapaeum, in the Crimea (No. =554=). This has two
sliding lids, above and below respectively, each furnished with two
catches. The interior was divided by a horizontal partition, and was
again subdivided into numerous small divisions. An inlaid pattern
decorates the border of the box. Another box of simpler construction
(No. =555=) was found in a grave in Bulgaria. Various specimens of
fretwork in jet and ivory are shown, and two pieces of an egg and
tongue moulding, carved in wood, and coloured with scarlet and
gilding, from a sarcophagus, also found at Panticapaeum (No. =555*=).

=The Lathe.=--In the next division are examples of work finished on
the lathe, in a variety of materials, as marble, alabaster, coloured
stones, crystal, bronze, ivory, bone, and wood; also a rough piece of
alabaster from Cyprus, derived from a lathe mandrel.

      [Footnote 64: _Il._ xviii. 600 ff.]


(Table-Case H.)

=Greek Medicine.=--From the earliest times, as indicated by passages
in the Homeric poems, the Greeks practised simple forms of surgery in
such matters as the treatment of the wounded.[65] In the historic
age of Greece we find temple or wonder-working medicine, practised in
temples of Asklepios, especially at Epidaurus; and at the same time a
school of medicine, of the Asklepiadae, seated in the island of Kos.

A lively account of temple-healing is given in the _Plutus_ of
Aristophanes, where the slave Karion relates the experiences of his
master and himself when passing the night in the temple.[66] Examples
of the votive offerings deposited in the temples by those who had
been made whole have been mentioned in the section on Religion and
Superstition, p. 47 ff., and are to be seen in Cases 103-106.

[Illustration: FIG. 223.--GREEK SURGEON AT WORK (NO. 556).]

The more serious side of Greek medicine is inseparably connected with
the name of Hippokrates (born 460 B.C.), though the Koan school had
existed some time before his birth. The Asklepiadae were originally
members of a single clan, but the admission of persons from outside
soon made the clan into a medical school. The famous Hippokratean
oath, imposed upon members of the Koan school, shows the standard set
up before the medical profession: "I will conduct the treatment of the
sick for their advantage, to the best of my ability and judgment,
and I will abstain from all evil and all injustice. I will administer
poison to none, if asked to do so, nor will I ever make such a
suggestion. I will pass my life and exercise my art in innocence and
purity." In Greece there were both public and private physicians.
There were further dispensaries, or perhaps more accurately surgeries,
called [Greek: iatreia]. These were furnished with the necessary
surgical and medical appliances. The scene from a fifth century
vase-painting (No. =556=; fig. 223)[67] depicts a young surgeon at
work in an [Greek: iatreion]. He is operating on a patient's arm
(perhaps bleeding him), while another man, also wounded in the arm,
sits before him. A dwarf slave is ushering other patients into the
surgery, where bleeding-cups are seen hanging on the wall. Patients
also went to the [Greek: iatreia] to get draughts of medicine.[68]
Before the Alexandrian age it is probable that medicine was in advance
of surgery, for up to that time no scientific study of anatomy had
been attempted. Aristotle observes that the internal organs of the
human body were in his time very little known,[69] and what dissection
there was must have been practised on animals. The terracotta model
(No. =122=; fig. 36, above) of the heart, liver, lungs and kidneys
shows how vague the ancient idea as to the position of these organs
sometimes was.

=Roman Medicine.=--Medical science for a long time made but little
progress in Rome. The Greek physician Archagathos, who began to
practise there in 219 B.C., became extremely unpopular owing to his
bold methods of surgery.[70] The Roman doctors were chiefly of Greek
nationality, and not infrequently were slaves or freedmen. Julius
Caesar encouraged foreign physicians to settle in Rome by granting
them citizenship, and under the early Empire Rome was overcrowded with
medical men, if we may believe Pliny and Martial.[71]

The objects illustrating Greek and Roman Medicine and Surgery are
exhibited in part of Table-Case H. First in importance are the
surgical instruments, a selection of which is shown in fig. 224.
With rare exceptions these instruments are of bronze. The principal
varieties are here represented. There are several knives or
bistouries, an excellent example being the one from Myndos in Asia
Minor, with the upper part of the handle inlaid with silver (No.
=557=; fig. 224_g_). The lower part of the handle was in iron, and has
fallen away. The heavier bronze blades must have been used for various
purposes in connection with dissecting. The forceps is fairly common.
The interesting variety seen on the right of the illustration (_k_)
with its fine toothed ends (No. =558=) is probably an uvula forceps,
used for crushing the part intended to be amputated. An instrument
frequently found is the spatula or "spathomele" (No. =559=; fig.
224 _a-c_, _e_, _f_), so called from its flat broad end. This was
principally employed for mixing and spreading ointments, while the
olive-shaped ends were used as probes. Other instruments which call
for notice are the fine-toothed surgical saw (No. =560=; fig. 224_h_),
the sharp hook (No. =561=; fig. 224_d_), used for "seizing and raising
small pieces of tissue for excision, and for fixing and retracting the
edges of wounds." The bifurcated probes (No. =562=) were perhaps used
for the extraction of arrows and other weapons. A curious instrument
(No. =563=), the use of which was for long a puzzle, appears to be a
folding drill-bow and has been completed accordingly.

More elaborate than any of these are the examples of surgical
appliances which have been found in the excavations at Pompeii,
and are now at Naples. These are represented here by a group of
electrotype reproductions, including anal and vaginal specula, and
other objects (No. =564=).

[Illustration: FIG. 224.--BRONZE SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS (NO. 557, etc.).

The bronze cupping-vessel (No. =565=) should be noticed. Similar
vessels are seen suspended on the walls of the surgery depicted in
the vase-scene figured above (fig. 223). Burning lint or some other
lighted substance was placed in the vessel to rarify the air, and
its mouth was then applied to the part from which blood was to be
extracted. One such cupping vessel appears on the marble relief in the
Phigaleian Room, representing a physician named Jason treating a boy
with a swollen stomach (Fig. 225). Compare a similar consultation on
an engraved gem, under the immediate superintendence of Asklepios.
The bronze box (No. =566=), probably from the Cyrenaica, was almost
certainly used by a Roman physician for his drugs. It is divided into
several compartments, each furnished with a separate cover, and has
a sliding lid. Boxes of a precisely similar character have been found
with surgical instruments. Compare also the cast from Athens of a
votive relief with a fitted case of instruments (No. =567=).

Ht. 2 ft. 7 in.]

A very interesting class of antiquities is furnished by the stamps of
oculists (No. =569=). These take the form of square or oblong
plates, generally of steatite or slate. On the edges are engraved
inscriptions, giving the name of the oculist, the name of his
specific, and its purpose. These salves were pounded on the stone
into a paste. They generally bear a Greek name, such as Diasmyrnes,
Crocodes, etc., indicating their composition. They appear to have been
made up into the form of sticks impressed with the engraved edge of
the stone, and put into cylindrical bronze boxes, which have from
time to time been found with Roman surgical instruments. One or two
examples of the stamps may be given: "Saffron ointment for scars
and discharges prepared by Junius Taurus after the prescription of
Paccius"[72] (fig. 226, bottom). "The anodyne of Q. Junius Taurus for
every kind of defective eyesight."[73] Puff names for the drugs, such
as "Invincible," "Inimitable," also occur. An engraved gem, from a
drug compounder's ring has a seated Athena and the legend +HEROPHILI
OPOBALSAMUM+--"Balsam of Herophilus" (No. =570=). Whether the balsam
was named in honour of the founder of scientific anatomy, or of a
more obscure oculist of the first century B.C., or of an unknown
drug-seller cannot be determined. A set of Roman lead weights,
probably used for the weighing of drugs, is here exhibited. They are
marked 1 to 10, the unit probably being the _scripulum_ of 18 grains
(No. =571=). Two small lead pots placed near the weights were used for
holding eye-salves. One from Corfu bears the letters +A T+; the other,
from Athens, has the tripod of Apollo, the god of healing, and is
inscribed "The Lykian salve from Musaeos" (No. =572=). Near these
pots are spoons with channels for melting and pouring the salves
into wounds (No. =573=). A piece of stone with corrugated surfaces
is thought to be for rolling pills (No. =574=). The ivory figure of
a dwarf afflicted with a peculiar form of spinal curvature causing
pigeon-breastedness is a work of considerable spirit, probably of the
third century A.D. (No. =574*=).

569). 4:5.]

    (=563=) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 2674; _Journ. of Hellenic Stud._
    34, p. 116; (=567=) Svoronos, _Athen. Nationalmus._
    xlvii, 1378; (=568=) Cf. Espérandieu, _Signacula Medicorum
    Oculariorum_; (=574*=) _Papers of the Brit. School at Rome_,
    iv, pp. 279-282.

    See on ancient medicine and surgery generally, Daremberg
    and Saglio, s.v. _Chirurgia_, _Medicus_; Milne, _Surgical
    Instruments in Greek and Roman Times_; Deneffe, _Étude sur la
    trousse d'un chirurgien gallo-romain du III^e siècle_ (found
    near Paris, 1880).

      [Footnote 65: Cf. _Il._ iv. 218; xi. 844.]

      [Footnote 66: Ar. _Plut._ 653 ff.]

      [Footnote 67: See _Mon. Piot_, XIII. (1906), pl. xiii.,
      p. 149 ff. From a vase in a  private collection in Paris.]

      [Footnote 68: Plat., _Leg._ i. 646: [Greek: tous eis ta
      iatreia autous badizontas epi pharmakoposian].

      [Footnote 69: _Hist. An._ i. 16.]

      [Footnote 70: Plin., _H.N._ xxix. 12 f.]

      [Footnote 71: Plin., _H.N._ xxix. 11:
      hinc illae circa aegros miserae sententiarum concertationes,
      hinc illa infelix monimenti inscriptio: turba se medicorum
      periisse. Cf. Martial, v. 9.]

      [Footnote 72: _Juni Tauri crocod(es) Paccian(um) ad
      cicat(rices) et reum(a)._]

      [Footnote 73: _Q. Jun(i) Tauri anodynum ad omn(em)


[Illustration: FIG. 227.--ROMAN BRONZE FOOT-RULE (NO. 578). L. 292

[Illustration: FIG. 228.--BRONZE PROPORTIONAL COMPASSES (NO. 579). L.
7-1/2 in.]

=Measures.=--In Case H are a few examples of ancient measures and
geometrical instruments. A Greek clay cup (No. =575=), inscribed
[Greek: hêmikotylion], contains exactly half a pint. The Greek kotyle,
therefore, according to this standard, measured exactly a pint. A copy
of a well-known Roman standard gallon, the so-called Farnese Congius,
is in Case 44 (No. =576=). Nos. =577= and =578= are two Roman bronze
foot-rules, measuring respectively 294 mm. (11·6 in.) and 292 mm.
(11·5 in.). The normal Roman foot measured 296 mm., and was adopted
under Greek influence, whereas the early Italic foot had only measured
278 mm. (slightly under 11 in.). Fig. 227 (No. =578=) shows the
subdivisions of these foot rules. One side is marked by dots into
sixteenths (_digiti_); another into twelfths (_unciae_); another into
fourths (_palmi_). The foot-rule illustrated has the remains of a
catch (indicated in the fig.) for keeping it rigid, when opened. There
are several pairs of ordinary compasses and dividers, and also two
pairs of proportional (2:1) compasses (No. =579=). One of these is
figured here (fig. 228). Notice the method of tightening by means of
a wedge, with the object of keeping the compasses fixed in any
particular position.

    =Measures.=--(=575=) _Cat. of Vases_, IV, F 595; (=577=) Cf.
    Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Pes_; _Hermes_, XXII., p. 17 ff.
    and p. 79 ff.; _Ath. Mitt._, IX. (1884), p. 198 ff.

=Bronze Stamps.=--The large bronze stamps shown in Case H are somewhat
akin to seals in their intention. But while the engraved ring was
usually employed for purely personal purposes, such as the sealing
of a letter or document, and the device of the seal was more or less
ornamental, the bronze tablets were used for commercial or domestic
purposes and seldom bear anything but the name of the person using

(NO. 584).]

These tablets are of various forms, but the majority are rectangular,
and bear the owner's name, like the one in this Case from Arles
(No. =580=), with the name of Q. Julius Renatus; others have merely
initials. Some are made in the form of a shoe or the sole of a foot,
and this is a shape frequently employed by the potters of the Roman
period in Italy for stamping their names on vases. Other forms to be
here observed are a leaf (No. =581=), a ship (No. =582=), and a fish
(No. =583=). The letters in most cases are in relief, producing an
impression in _intaglio_ on a soft substance such as unbaked clay.
They were probably used for the most part for stamping the plaster
stoppers of wine jars, loaves of bread and such like objects.

An example of a rare form is the rolling stamp with the name of
Alexander (No. =584=; fig. 229).

The remainder of the guide is devoted to the personal life of the
individual from the cradle to the grave. Successive sections are
devoted to Infancy and its Amusements; to Education and School
Life--to which sections on Writing and Painting are annexed; to games,
marriages, music, dancing, pet animals; and, finally, to objects
bearing on death and burial.


At the end of Case J are four terracotta models of cradles (No.
=585=) with young children in them. One is a winged Eros, and one is
swaddled. Beside the cradles are three cups (No. =586=), with spouts
shaped as mouth-pieces, which may be supposed to be for milk or pap.
Here also are two clay rattles (No. =587=), and a child's wooden
clapper (No. =588=).

[Illustration: FIG. 230.--CHILD IN HIGH CHAIR (NO. 590).]

A set of small trefoil-lipped jugs (No. =589=) is painted with designs
closely connected with child life. Children are shown playing with
jugs of this type, with animals and toy carts, or other objects. It
is probable that these jugs were given to Athenian children on the
festival day of the wine god Dionysos, which went by the name of
[Greek: Choes] ("Jugs"). Note No. =590= (fig. 230), with a child
confined in a turret-shaped high chair, and No. =591= (fig. 231), with
two children with draw-carts, each holding a jug.

=Toys.=--Children of all ages and nations bear a great resemblance to
one another; consequently, it is not surprising, though it is always
interesting, to find that Greek and Roman toys are often very similar
to those of modern times. At the corner of Case J is a series of small
reproductions of furniture, implements and the like in lead, bronze,
pottery and terracotta (No. =592=). Often no doubt, they are simply
toys, like the furniture of a doll's house. Sometimes, however, they
must be supposed to have had a more serious votive character in a
temple. In some cases, perhaps, they were of both kinds. Among the
treasures of Hera at Olympia, the traveller Pausanias saw a small
couch said to have been a plaything of Hippodameia,[74] and it was
not uncommon for children on growing up to dedicate their toys in a

[Illustration: FIG. 231.--GREEK TOY JUG (NO. 591). 1:1 and 1:2.]

[Illustration: FIG. 232.--GREEK TERRACOTTA DOLL (NO. 593). Ht. 5-1/8

[Illustration: FIG. 233.--OLD WOMAN ON MULE (NO. 596). 1:1.]

AND SHOES (NO. 599). Ca. 1:2.]

VASE-PAINTING. (NO. 600). Ht. of Model on right, 4-1/4 in.]

The dolls that survive from Greek times were chiefly of terracotta,
and frequently furnished with movable arms and legs. It will be
noticed that most of these dolls have holes pierced in the top of
their heads for the passage of strings connected with the arms and
sometimes with the legs. These would produce a movement of the
arms and legs, and explain the term [Greek: neurospasta] ("drawn
by strings") applied to these dolls. In Xenophon's _Symposium_ a
travelling showman speaks of being kept by the profits drawn from such
puppets.[75] One, holding castanets, is illustrated here (fig. 232;
No. =593=). We get allusions in literature to these dolls and other
small terracotta figures, which show that one of their chief uses was
the amusement of children. One writer[76] speaks of "those who make
little figures of clay in the form of all kinds of animals destined
for the beguiling of little children." Such a figure is that of
the donkey with a sea-perch tied on its back (No. =594=) or the
fascinating group of the little boy on the goose (No. =595=), and the
old woman on the mule (No. =596=; fig. 233). Many of these toys bring
vividly to mind country scenes in Greece at the present day. Though
they were doubtless intended chiefly for little children, women did
not altogether disdain these terracotta toys. A Greek tombstone of
the fifth century B.C. has a relief showing a girl, quite grown up,
standing with a terracotta doll, exactly like those in this Case, in
her hands, while a young slave-girl holds the figure of a duck before
her.[77] Humbler but less breakable toys of Roman date are the wooden
horse (No. =597=) and rag doll (No. =598=) from Egypt. For the most
part these toys have been found in the tombs of children. The seated
figure of a girl (No. =599=; fig. 234), holding an ivory dove in her
hand, and surrounded by her spinning instrument for the knee (see p.
145), her shoes, and marriage-bowl, was found in a tomb near Athens,
probably of the fourth century B.C. The bowl is almost certainly the
[Greek: lebês gamikos], used by the bridal pair immediately after
marriage. It is therefore not unreasonable to conclude that the tomb
was that of a newly wedded bride. Another plaything in vogue among the
Greeks was the whipping top, an ancient model of which in terracotta
(No. =600=) is seen in the Case and is illustrated on the right of
fig. 235. On the left of the figure is another form of Greek whipping
top (of terracotta, found in the sanctuary of the Kabeiri at
Thebes), and in the centre a design from a vase, in which a woman is
represented whipping such a top. In a Greek epigram[78] the top is
mentioned as a boy's plaything, together with a ball, a rattle, and
the favourite knucklebones, and an inscription from the sanctuary
of the Kabeiri at Thebes speaks of four knucklebones, a top
([Greek: strobilos]), a whip, and a torch dedicated by a woman named

    (=591=) _Cat. of Vases_, III., E 533 ff.; Benndorf, _Griech.
    u. Sicil. Vasenbilder_, p 64; (=599=) For the [Greek: lebês
    gamikos], see _Ath. Mitt._, XXXII. (1907), p. 111 f.; (=600=)
    See _Ath. Mitt._, XIII., p. 426 f., and _Van Branteghem
    Coll._, No. 167.

      [Footnote 74: Paus. V. 20. 1.]

      [Footnote 75: Xen., _Symp._ 55.]

      [Footnote 76: Suidas, s.v. [Greek: Koroplathoi].]

      [Footnote 77: Conze, _Att. Grabreliefs_, No. 880,
      pl. clxx.]

      [Footnote 78: _Anth. Pal._ vi. 309. [Greek:

        euphêmon toi sphairan, eukrotalon te Philoklês
          Hermeiê tautên pyxineên platagên,
        astragalas th' hais poll' epemênato, kai ton helikton
          rhombon, kourosynês paigni', anekremasen].

      [Footnote 79: _Athen. Mitt._, XIII., p. 427: [Greek: Okythoa
      astragalôs pettaras, strobilon, mastiga, daida,....]


(Table-Case J.)

=Education.=--Case J contains several objects illustrating that part
of the Greek child's education which was connected with the arts of
reading, arithmetic and writing. A Greek terracotta of the fourth
century B.C. with Silenus holding the child Dionysos by the hand (No.
=601=), may be supposed to represent the old pedagogue, the slave
whose duty it was to take the child to school. (Scenes in a music
school are shown on the vases E 171, E 172, in cases 55-56.)

LESSONS (NO. 602). Ht. 4-1/4 in. and 4-3/4 in.]

=Reading.=--Another terracotta group of about the third century B.C.
(No. =602=, fig. 236, _right_) shows a kindly old schoolmaster seated
and teaching a boy who stands by his side to read from a roll. The
ancient book differed from our own in taking the form of a roll. The
reader would first unroll the beginning, and then, as he went on, roll
up the part he had finished, making thus a double roll, as it were,
of the part read and the part unread. See the tablet in Case 56 of
the child Avita, reading her scrolls, with her dog in attendance (No.

[Illustration: FIG. 237.--SPELLING EXERCISE (NO. 605).]

A simple Greek alphabet is inscribed on marble (No. =604=) [Greek:
...de...thiklmnxoprstuphchps]. A fragment of a syllabic reading or
spelling exercise is shown on a piece of pottery (No. =605=; fig. 237).
Each letter of the alphabet is combined with each vowel in turn, as
[Greek: ra re rê r[i ro ru rô] sa se sê si s[o su sô]] and so on.
In the case of [Greek: rê] the syllable was miswritten [Greek: re] and
corrected. A school-boy's wax tablet (No. =606=; fig. 238) shows on
its right half how syllables constitute words as [Greek: the ôn] for
[Greek: theôn]. A large wooden board with an iron handle (No. =607=)
is inscribed with lines of Homer (_Iliad_ i., 468 ff.), no doubt for
use in school. A fragment of an 'Iliac table,' (No. =608=) with a
scene from the _Iliad_ (Achilles dragging the body of Hector round
Troy, and Achilles conversing with Athena) was probably also intended
for teaching purposes.

=Arithmetic.=--The left side of the tablet (No. =606=; fig. 238) gives
a multiplication table, from [Greek: a´ a´ a´], once one is one, to
[Greek: g´ i´ l´], thrice ten is thirty. The Greek numerals follow the
alphabet to [Greek: i´] = 10, followed by [Greek: k´] = 20, [Greek:
l´] = 30, and so on. Six is represented by the sign [Greek: stigma´
(f´)], which occupies the place of F in the Latin alphabet, and stands
for the old digamma or vau.

=Writing.=--The wax-coated tablet which contains the foregoing table
was the usual appliance for writing. A writing lesson is shown in
the terracotta group (No. =602=, fig. 236, _left_). The instrument
employed was a pointed implement, called by the Romans a _stilus_. An
example in ivory, here figured (No. =609=; fig. 239), was found in a
tomb of the fifth century B.C. at Eretria in Euboea. The broad flat
end was used for erasures, so that we find the Romans using the
phrase _vertere stilum_, "to turn the pen" in the sense of "to
erase." Numerous _stili_ in bronze are shown in the Case, and some
are illustrated in fig. 240. The fifth example from the top in the
illustration is in silver bound with gold wire, probably from France
and of late Roman date. These tablets were not as a rule used singly,
but strung together, so that the waxen surface was protected when the
two or more leaves were closed. The present tablet was composed of
two leaves, one of which is in the Department of Manuscripts with
a writing exercise upon it. The arrangement of several tablets in a
fashion anticipating the form of the modern book is well shown in the
relief of the pork butcher (Case 41).

EXERCISE (NO. 606).]

[Illustration: FIG. 239.--IVORY _Stilus_ (NO. 609). 2:3.]

For documents of a more permanent character paper was made from the
papyrus plant, whence it takes its name. It was manufactured chiefly
at Alexandria from the time of the foundation of that town in the
fourth century B.C., and pen and ink were used to write on it. A
specimen of Greek writing on papyrus is seen in the Case (No. =610=).
It is a letter of the first century after Christ, asking that a supply
of drugs of good quality--"none of your rotten stuff that won't pass
muster in Alexandria"--should be sent to the writer, Prokleios.
Later on, parchment, prepared from the skins of animals, and made
principally at Pergamon, in Asia Minor, began to rival papyrus as
writing-material. Specimens of ancient reed and bronze pens (No.
=611=) are given in the illustration above (fig. 240), and a series of
ancient inkpots is here figured (No. =612=; fig. 241). The pens, whose
split nibs have a curiously modern appearance, are all of Roman date.
The reed pens come from Behnesa, in Egypt, and one of the bronze pens
was found in the Tiber at Rome. The inkpots are also of Roman date.
The middle one of the lower row has its hinged cover still remaining,
with the inlaid vine-spray in silver round the rim. The one to the
right of it is in blue faïence, and was found in Egypt.

[Illustration: FIG. 240.--ROMAN PENS AND _Stili_. 1:2.]

Writing was sometimes put directly upon wood. Such is the case with
the fragment of board from Egypt mentioned above. The lawyer's tablet
(No. =612*=), of about the fifth century A.D., which deals with loans,
etc., has the surface specially whitened for the writing and a space
for keeping the pen. Parts of the two outer leaves, which contained
between them eight inner leaves, are shown in the Case.

    (=604=) _B.M. Inscr._, 323; (=605=) _Journ. Hell. Stud._,
    XXVIII. (1908), p. 123; cf. Dumont, _Inscriptions céramiques_,
    p. 405 (5); (=608=) _Cat. of Sculpt._, III., 2192; (=610=)
    _B.M. Papyri_, ccclvi.

    On Greek education generally, see Freeman, _Schools of
    Hellas_, and the select bibliography there given. For ancient
    books, cf. E. M. Thompson, _Handbook of Greek and Latin
    Palaeography_. For relics of Graeco-Egyptian school-life, see
    _Journ. Hell. Stud._, _loc. cit._

[Illustration: FIG. 241.--ROMAN INKPOTS (NO. 612). Ca. 1:2.]

=Painting.=--Adjoining the objects connected with writing, are
illustrations of the art of painting in Roman times. They include
a series of ancient colours, pestles and mortars, some paintings on
wood, one, painted by the encaustic process, enclosed in its ancient
wooden frame. The colours, as may be seen, were kept in a dry
condition, and had to be pounded with pestle and mortar before they
were mixed for the use of the artist. A good number of ancient colours
are shown here, the blue (silicate of copper) being particularly
prominent. The six saucers (No. =613=), found together in a tomb of
the Roman period at Hawara, Egypt, contain water-colour paints. These
are _dark red_ (oxide of iron), _yellow_ (ochre, oxide of iron),
_white_ (sulphate of lime), _pink_ (organic colour, probably madder,
in sulphate of lime), _blue_ (glass coloured by copper), _red_ (oxide
of lead). The saucers were found piled by the side of the owner's
body. Pestles and mortars for pounding the colours are shown in the
Case. A favourite form of pestle is that which resembles a bent leg or
thumb, such as the one from Rhodes (No. =614=), inscribed with what is
probably the owner's name. Near it is the terracotta figure of a dwarf
(No. =615=), seated (apparently in a violent passion) before a pestle
and mortar. We may imagine that he is a slave set to mix his master's

The methods of painting illustrated here are two, viz., painting on
a dry ground in water-colours, and what is known as "encaustic"
painting. For the first, water-colours were used, and the ground
material was generally a thin piece of wood, whitened to receive the
colours. Egypt has furnished many examples of this kind of painting.
Among them is the portrait of a woman from the Fayum, wearing a fillet
(No. =616=). This no doubt comes from a mummy of the Roman period,
such as the one exhibited in Case 72 next the entrance to the Gold
Room Corridor, which has a similar painted portrait (in encaustic,
however) placed over the face. Other water-colour paintings of Roman
date from Egypt are shown in Case J, such as the figures of Fortune
and Venus painted in several colours on a red ground (No. =617=),
and the fragmentary figure (No. =618=), wearing a jewel of gold and
pearls, and inscribed with the name of Sarapis ([Greek: SARAPI]). The
encaustic process was that employed in the case of the framed portrait
(No. =619=), found at Hawara in Egypt. The frame is carefully made,
the sides being joined by tenons and mortises. There is a groove for a
glass covering, and the cord by which it was suspended still remains.
The portrait was painted in wax, by a process which can hardly have
been other than that called "encaustic" by Pliny.[80] The nature of
this process has been much disputed, but probably the colours were
ground in with the wax, which was fused by the heat of the sun or
artificial means, and then laid on by the brush. A stump (_cestrum_)
was also sometimes employed. Probably a box divided into compartments
was used for holding these wax-colours in their fluid state. Such a
receptacle may perhaps be recognised in the long terracotta vessel,
which has a groove in the middle for a brush (No. =620=).

    (=613=) Petrie, _Hawara_, p. 11; (=619=) _ibid._, p. 10.

      [Footnote 80: Plin. _H.N._ xxxv. 122, 149.]


(Table-Case J.)


Herodotus has a curious story to the effect that the Lydians invented
dice, knucklebones, balls, and other playthings to help them to pass a
time of famine, by playing and eating on alternate days.[81] Draughts
([Greek: pessoi]) are expressly excepted from his list, and were
ascribed to the fertile invention of Palamedes at the time of the
Trojan war. Games played with knucklebones (small bones forming part
of the ankle-joint in cloven-footed animals) may be described
first, since they were, as may be judged from the number of ancient
knucklebones found (No. =621= in this Case), extremely common. We are
told in the _Anthology_ of a boy who gained eighty knucklebones as a
writing-prize.[82] Among women too they were a favourite plaything.
The illustration (fig. 242), from a painting on marble found at Resina
(the ancient Herculaneum), shows two women engaged at knucklebones.
(See also the terracotta group D 161 in the Room of Terracottas, Case
32). This game was called "five-stones" ([Greek: pentelithoi]), a
name still given by children to a very similar game. The lexicographer
Pollux describes the game thus: "The knucklebones are thrown up into
the air, and an attempt is made to catch them on the back of the
hand. If you are only partially successful, you have to pick up the
knucklebones which have fallen to the ground, without letting fall
those already on the hand.... It is, above all, a woman's game."[83]
This description makes the illustration clear. Each woman has five
knucklebones, and the one whose turn it is to play has caught three
on the back of her hand; the two which are falling to the ground she
would have to pick up without shaking off those already on the hand.

[Illustration: FIG. 243.--KNUCKLEBONES AND DICE (NOS. 621-3). 1:1.]

Besides being used in various kinds of games, knucklebones were also
employed as dice. The four long faces of the knucklebone differed from
one another in form, one being convex, another concave, another nearly
flat, and the fourth sinuous and irregular. The values assigned to
these sides were: (_a_) to the flat side ([Greek: chion]), 1; (_b_)
the sinuous side ([Greek: kôon]), 6; (_c_) the concave ([Greek:
hyption]), 3; (_d_) the convex ([Greek: prênes]), 4. This is the order
in which they are shown in fig. 243, from left to right. Astragali
thus required no marks of value upon them, since their sides were
naturally distinguished. The ordinary cube-shaped dice, marked 1-6
(No. =622=) were also widely used by the Greeks and Romans (fig. 243).
The usual arrangement of numbers was, as now, 1 opposite 6, 2 opposite
5, and 3 opposite 4,[84] but other arrangements occur. Some dice are
interesting on account of their peculiar form, _e.g._, the squatting
silver figures (No. =623=, fig. 204), which are marked with the values
1-6 on different parts of the body. A Roman bronze dice-box is shown
in fig. 244 (No. =624=). The ordinary materials of dice were ivory,
bone, or wood. Of the multifarious ways of playing with dice known to
the Greeks and Romans, the one most in vogue may be mentioned. In this
three dice were used, and the object was to throw the highest number
([Greek: pleistobolinda]). The best throw, three sixes, became
proverbial. In Aeschylos' _Agamemnon_ the watchman, when he saw the
beacon-fire blaze forth which told of Agamemnon's victorious return,
exclaimed:----"I'll count my master's fortunes fallen fair, now that
my beacon watch has thrown a triple six."[85] With astragali, on the
other hand, the best throw was 1, 3, 4, 6, and was called "the throw
of Venus." For this each bone had to present a different face.[86] The
worst throw was the "Dogs," when four aces turned up.[87]

[Illustration: FIG. 244.--BRONZE DICE-BOX (NO. 624). 4:5.]

Dice of exceptional form are the twenty-sided one, inscribed with the
Greek letters [Greek: A] to [Greek: Y] (No. =625=), a fourteen-sided
one inscribed with Roman numerals (No. =626=), and an uninscribed
fourteen-sided crystal die from Naukratis. With these may be mentioned
the triple teetotum (No. =627=) and the four-sided triple die, one
side of which has been left plain (No. =628=).

[Illustration: FIG. 245.--IVORY PIECES FROM GAMES (NOS. 630-631).

Of the rules governing other games, represented here by several
pieces, we are entirely ignorant. The plaster pawns (No. =629=) found
at Panticapaeum (Kertch) in the Crimea, probably belonged to some game
analogous to our draughts. An interesting set of pieces is that of
the ivory discs (No. =630=; fig. 245), which bear on their obverse a
design in relief _e.g._ two Muses and the head of the Sun-god, and on
their reverse a number, from 1 to 15, in both Greek and Latin figures,
as well as a word descriptive of the design on the obverse. Thus the
two illustrated have on their reverse

    [Greek: MOUSAI]
    [Greek: TH]
    [Greek: F]


    [Greek: HÊLIOS]
    [Greek: B]

(_i.e._, VI.--Nine ([Greek: th´]) Muses--6, and II.--Helios--2)
respectively. It seems pretty clearly established that these discs
were used as pieces in a game, which probably resembled draughts or
backgammon. Fifteen of these pieces have been found together in a
child's tomb at Panticapaeum. The game appears to have been popular
in the first and second centuries after Christ, and probably had its
origin in Alexandria. It seems likely that it bore a resemblance to
the Roman game called _duodecim scripta_ ("twelve lines"), played with
fifteen pieces on either side. The moves were determined by the throw
of the dice, as in our backgammon. Another set of pieces belonging to
a game are the label-shaped ivories (No. =631=; fig. 245), inscribed
on one side with words, often of an abusive character, such as
_male (e)st_ ("bad luck"), _fur_ ("thief"), _nugator_ ("trifler"),
_stumacose_ ("ill-tempered fellow"), etc., and on the other with
numbers. The pieces mentioned have the numbers +XXIII+, +A+, +II+,
+I+, and +II A+ respectively on their reverse sides (see fig. 245).
The whole series of numbers on these ivories runs from 1 to 25, and
includes in addition 30 and 60; it is noteworthy that the highest
numbers have inscriptions of a complimentary character, _e.g._,
_felix_ and _benigne_. The pieces may have been used in the Roman game
called "the game of soldiers" (_ludus latrunculorum_).[1]

At the top of Cases 57-58 is an oblong marble board (No. =632=),
inscribed with six words of six letters each. It was found in a tomb
near the Porta Portese, Rome. The words are--

    +IANVAE TE+        ? _te(nsae)_

"Circus full," "Great shouting," "Doors bursting (?)."

Each word is separated from that opposite it by a flower within a
circle. Many such stones are known, always with six words of six
letters, so that it seems clear that they were used as boards for a
game, possibly the _duodecim scripta_ already mentioned. The pieces
used were probably the so-called "contorniates," bronze discs of coin
form, with designs in relief on either side within a raised rim and
a circular depression. Two examples of these contorniates (in
electrotype) are exhibited below the stone board (No. =633=). The
pieces are of late Imperial date, of about the time of Constantine.
Many have subjects closely connected with the circus, a fact which
harmonizes well with the inscription on the board described. One of
the two exhibited has a head of Alexander and a representation of a
chariot race, the other a head of Nero and a water organ (see below,
p. 216).

    (=630=) Cf. _Röm. Mitt._, 1896, p. 238 ff.; _Rev. Arch._, 4th
    Series V. (1905), p. 110 ff.; (=631=) _Röm. Mitt._, 1896, p.
    227 ff.; (=632=) Cf. _Num. Chron._ (4th Series), VI., p. 232
    ff.; _Notizie degli Scavi_, 1887, p. 118.

    On ancient toys and games generally, see Becq de Fouquières,
    _Les jeux des anciens_; Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Ludus_.

      [Footnote 81: Herodot., i. 94.]

      [Footnote 82: _Anth. Pal._ vi. 308: [Greek:

        Nikêsas tous paidas, epei kala grammat' egrapsen,
          Konnaros ogdôkont' astragalous elaben.]

      [Footnote 83: Pollux, ix. 126 (reading [Greek: ephistatai] and
      omitting [Greek: ê]).]

      [Footnote 84: Cf. _Anth. Pal._ xiv. 8: [Greek:

        hex, hen, pente, dyo, tria, tessara kybos elaunei.]

      [Footnote 85: Aesch., _Agam._ 32: [Greek:

        ta despotôn gar eu pesonta thêsomai,
        tris hex balousês têsde moi phryktôrias.]

      [Footnote 86: Mart., xiv. 14:

        Cum steterit nullus vultu tibi talus eodem,
          Munera me dices magna dedisse tibi.

      [Footnote 87: Prop., iv. 8, 45 f.:

        Me quoque per talos Venerem quaerente secundos,
          Semper damnosi subsiluere canes.

      [Footnote 88: _Latro_ originally meant "a mercenary soldier."]


(Wall-Case 53.)

=Greek Marriage.=--Though neither Greek nor Roman marriage was
definitely associated with the religion of the state, it was, however,
among both peoples closely associated with religious rites of a
domestic character. Plato in his _Laws_ makes it the distinguishing
mark of the legally wedded wife that "she had come into the house with
gods and sacred marriage rites." These rites are sometimes represented
upon Greek vases, as may be seen from the objects and illustrations
placed in this Case. The ceremonies may be conveniently divided into
those concerning (_a_) the preparation of the bride; (_b_) the removal
of the bride from the house of her father to that of her husband;
(_c_) the reception at that house; and (_d_) the presents given on the
day following the marriage ([Greek: epaulia]).

[Illustration: FIG. 246.--DECKING OF A GREEK BRIDE (NO. 635).]

(_a_) On the day before her wedding the bride not infrequently made an
offering of the playthings of her childhood to some deity, presenting
her toys to Artemis in particular. On the day before marriage, too,
water for the bridal bath was brought in procession in the special
form of tall vase called a [Greek: loutrophoros]; a small model is
seen in Case 59 (No. =634=). The vase is also seen standing on the
chest in the room of the bride here depicted (No. =635=; fig. 246).
The scene is taken from the design on a toilet box of the fifth
century B.C. (E 774), which shows the bride being adorned for her
marriage. Besides the tall amphora already mentioned, two vases called
"marriage bowls" ([Greek: lebêtes gamikoi]) are seen standing on tall
stems before the door, on the further side of which one of the bride's
friends is turning the magic wheel intended to inspire the bridegroom
with a greater longing of love. So Theocritus sings:

  "Draw to my home, O mystic wheel,
      the man that I long for."[89]

(_b_) The arrival of the husband, who comes to fetch the bride to his
home, may probably be recognised in the design on the fifth-century
vase No. =636=. It is, however, a special and sacred occasion which
is here represented. The bride, who is seated and holds a sceptre, is
probably the Basilinna, wife of the Basileus, the magistrate at Athens
who was charged with the supervision of the state-religion. She turns
back to look at the bridegroom, who is none other than the wine-god
Dionysos, holding his thyrsos or staff crowned with the pine-cone. Two
love-gods fly towards the pair with wedding gifts, while on the right
approaches a Victory holding lighted torches, which served to light
the night-procession to the bridegroom's house. The subject is
explained by a ceremony which took place at the Attic wine-festival
of the Anthesteria, celebrated annually in February and March. On the
second day of the festival there was a mystic marriage between the
wine-god Dionysos and the wife of the Basileus,[90] and it can hardly
be doubted that the present design refers to this.

HOME (NO. 637).]

(_c_) The actual progress of the bride to her husband's home is
depicted on the black-figured vase No. =637=, of sixth-century date
(fig. 247). The departure took place at nightfall by torch-light, and
the bride and bridegroom usually (as in the present instance) made the
journey in a mule-car, attended by a friend called the _parochos_. On
the vase (fig. 247) the bride and bridegroom are seen in front of the
mule-car, and the _parochos_ is seated behind. When the pair reached
their home, they were welcomed by the father and mother of the
bridegroom, and a procession was formed to the hearth-altar. This is
a scene depicted on No. =638=, a reproduction of a painting on a
toilet-box in the Third Vase Room (D 11, on Case F). The bridegroom
leads the bride by the hand towards the hearth-altar, by the side of
which stands the hearth-goddess Hestia, holding a sceptre and what
is probably a fig, an allusion to the figs, dates and other fruits
showered over the wedded pair as they reached the hearth, and thence
called [Greek: katachysmata] (down-pourings). Before the pair go a
boy playing on the double-flutes and two women holding torches, who
probably move round the altar, as well as another woman, who perhaps
leads the way to the bridal chamber (figs. 248 and 249).


Design on the toilet-box (No. 638).]

(_d_) Upon the day following the marriage the relations and friends
brought presents to the house ([Greek: epaulia]).[91] The presents
consisted chiefly in objects likely to be useful to the bride, such as
vases, articles of toilet, spinning implements, etc. The subject was
a favourite one with the Greek vase-painters, probable examples being
the designs on E 188 in Case 47 and the toilet-box E 773 in Case H in
the Third Vase Room. A still better instance occurs on the restored
"marriage vase" E 810 in Case H in the same room.

=Roman Marriage.=--Roman practice recognised various methods of lawful
marriage. The illustrations and objects shown in this Case deal only
with certain ceremonies which were common to all of them. They concern
(_a_) the betrothal; (_b_) the actual wedding rites; and (_c_) the
escorting (_deductio_) of the bride to the house of the bridegroom.

[Illustration: FIG. 250.--ROMAN WEDDING CEREMONY (NO. 641).]

(_a_) The betrothal took the form of a solemn contract between the
fathers and guardians on either side. In all Roman contracts it
was customary that a pledge should be given, and this pledge often
consisted in a ring. It was fitting, therefore, that a ring given to
the woman by her betrothed should come to be a sign of the betrothal
contract. It is natural to identify these rings with a series of Roman
rings which have for their design two clasped right hands. An example
in gold of about the third century A.D. (No. =639=) is shown in this

(_b_) The actual ceremony of marriage consisted in the solemn clasping
of hands (_dextrarum iunctio_), an action seen on the relief on the
sepulchral chest (No. =640=) placed in this Case. The inscription
shows that the chest was dedicated by a freedman and imperial scribe
named Vitalis to the memory of his wife Vernasia Cyclas. The ceremony
is only shown in an abbreviated form on this chest, but it appears in
more detail on a relief from a sarcophagus (No. =641=; fig. 250). The
husband and wife clasp hands, and between them stands the _pronuba_ or
matron-friend of the bride, placing a hand on the shoulder of each.
On the left of the group stands a man, perhaps the bride's father.
To left and right of this scene of everyday Roman life we have
the mythological personages whose attendance at the wedding may be
supposed to be of good augury--Mars, Victory and Fortune. The clasping
of hands was followed by a sacrifice to Jupiter, and this closed
the actual wedding ceremonies. The sacrifice is represented in the
illustration (fig. 251) taken from a Roman sarcophagus.[92] The bride,
and bridegroom stand by the burning altar, upon which the latter
pours a libation. Behind the pair stands _Juno pronuba_, the presiding
goddess of the wedding rites. On the right a bull is being led up to
sacrifice, and on the left stand Venus, Hymenaeus and the Graces.

[Illustration: FIG. 251.--ROMAN WEDDING SACRIFICE.]

(_c_) When night had fallen there followed the procession, in
which the bride was escorted from her father's house to that of the
bridegroom, a procession described in one of the most splendid of the
poems of Catullus.[93] Torch-bearers and flute-players led the way,
and the wedding train was accompanied by a crowd, the boys in
which chanted rude jesting verses and petitioned the bridegroom for
nuts.[94] When the doorway of the house was reached, the bridegroom
carefully lifted the bride over the threshold, that there might be no
ill-omened stumbling. "Carry the gilded feet across the threshold,"
sings Catullus, "that the omen may be favourable." This moment is
illustrated by a scene from a Roman comedy (No. =54=), taken from a
lamp exhibited on Table-Case K (see above, p. 28, fig. 17). The bride
is being carried on the back of a man, while a Cupid waits at the
door to receive her. Within the house she received a gift of fire and
water, elements so necessary to the performance of the housewife's
duties, and on the day following the wedding she did sacrifice at her
husband's altar.

    (=635=) _Cat. of Vases_, III., E 774; Furtwängler and
    Reichhold, _Griech. Vasenmalerei_, I., pl. 57 (3); (=637=)
    _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 485; (=638=) _Cat. of Vases_, III.,
    D 11; _Ath. Mitt._, XXXII., 1907, p. 80 ff.; (=639=) _Cat. of
    Rings_, 276; (=640=) _Cat. of Sculpt._ 2379; (=641=) _Journ.
    of Hellenic Studies_, XXXVI., p. 85.

    See also Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Matrimonium_.

      [Footnote 89: Theocr. ii. 17: [Greek:

        iunx, helke ty tênon emon poti dôma ton andra].

      [Footnote 90: Cf. Aristot. [Greek: Ath. Pol.] 3, 5; Dem. _c.
      Neaer._, c. 76; Mommsen, _Feste d. Stadt Athen_, p. 393 ff.]

      [Footnote 91: See _Jahrb. d. arch. Inst._, 1900, p. 144 ff.]

      [Footnote 92: _Mon. dell' Inst._ iv., pl. 9.]

      [Footnote 93: No. lxi.]

      [Footnote 94: _Ibid._, l. 131 f.]


(Wall-Cases 54-56.)

=Music.=--The Greek term [Greek: mousikê] (music) included much more
than we mean by music. It was applied to the education of the mind
as opposed to [Greek: gymnastikê] (gymnastics), the education of the
body. In the narrower sense, however, it corresponded to the modern
term, and to this the Greeks from early times attached a high
importance. It was the effect of music upon the character which
appealed to them above all things, and it was this which caused Plato
to banish from his ideal state certain modes of music which would, he
thought, be injurious to its well-being. These modes or "harmonies"
were named after race-divisions. We find the Dorian, the Aeolic,
the Ionic, the Lydian, and the Phrygian. The Dorian was universally
approved for its manly qualities, but Plato rejected the Lydian as
useless and effeminate.[95]

Of the stringed instruments used among the Greeks, the lyre was the
most prominent. There were two varieties of this, the kithara and the
lyre proper. The kithara, an instrument with a large wooden sounding
board and upright arms, was played chiefly by professional musicians,
such as the kitharist represented on a fine vase in the Third Vase
Room, who has won a victory at one of the great musical contests (E
460; Pedestal 7). The illustration (fig. 252), taken from an amphora
of the fifth century (E 256, Case H, Third Vase Room), shows Apollo
playing on the kithara, which is supported by a band passing round his
left wrist, but leaving the fingers of the left hand free to play
on the strings. In his right hand he holds the _plectrum_, which is
attached by a cord to the instrument. The _plectrum_ was of various
forms, but its most essential part was the tooth for catching and
sounding the wires. The lyre proper (fig. 253) is distinguished by
its curving arms and sounding board of tortoiseshell (hence called
_chelys_). The wooden framework and parts of the shell of a Greek lyre
found in a tomb near Athens are shown in Case 56 (No. =642=). As the
popular instrument, the lyre was naturally taught in schools. Two
interesting Greek vases (Nos. =643= and =644=), exhibited in these
Cases, give pictures of boys receiving music lessons at a school. In
one instance a boy is learning the lyre, in another the boy is playing
the flutes, while the master, who holds a _plectrum_, is playing on a
lyre. Domestic animals are freely admitted, and the discipline seems
far from severe.

[Illustration: FIG. 252. APOLLO PLAYING ON A KITHARA.]

[Illustration: FIG. 253. LYRE.]

As the school scene shows, flute-playing, though condemned by Plato
and Aristotle,[96] was commonly taught at Athens. Ancient flutes are
distinguished from the modern instruments by the vibrating reed which
formed the mouthpiece, and by the fact that they were always played
in pairs. Hence the frequency with which pairs of ancient flutes are
found. Two of sycamore wood (No. =645=; Case 56) were discovered in
the same tomb (near Athens) as the lyre described above (No. =642=).
Another pair of flutes (in bronze) from Italy (No. =646=; fig. 254)
have their mouthpieces in the form of busts of Maenads. A terracotta
shows a pair of female musicians (No. =647=) playing with a drum and
double flutes. To assist the playing of the two flutes together a
mouth-band was often worn, as may be seen from designs on vases,
_e.g._, on a cup of Epiktetos (E 38; Third Vase Room), and on some of
the Cypriote sculptures in the Gold Ornament Room passage.

A framed impression from a Greek hymn to Apollo inscribed on stone is
here exhibited (No. =648=). Musical notes, indicated by letters of the
Greek alphabet in various positions, are placed at intervals over
the letters to guide the singer. The inscription was found at Delphi,
where other inscriptions of a similar character have come to light.

Flute-playing was very popular with the Romans, among whom it was
considered the proper accompaniment of every kind of ceremony.[97] For
military purposes they used several other wind instruments. Two bronze
mouthpieces (No. =649=) in Case 55 may perhaps come from long straight
trumpets (_tubae_). The Roman curved horn (_cornu_) is represented by
two large specimens in bronze (No. =650=) placed at the top of Cases
55, 56. The terracotta bugle in Case 55 is probably a model of the
Roman _bucina_ (No. =651=).

[Illustration: FIG. 254.--BRONZE FLUTES AND CYMBALS (NOS. 646, 654).

The simplest of all ancient wind instruments is the rustic Pan's pipe
(_syrinx_), usually formed of seven or eight hollow reeds fastened
together with wax. The Greek Pan's pipe has the reeds of equal length,
the different notes being produced by the different positions of the
natural joints of the reed. An example may be seen among the Cypriote
sculptures in the Gold Ornament Room passage. The Roman _syrinx_
had its lower edge sloping, the result of cutting off the reeds
immediately below the natural joints. A terracotta statuette in Case
55 (No. =652=) represents a shepherd boy playing on a Pan's pipe of
the Roman kind, and a marble relief from Ephesus at the top of Case 54
(No. =653=) shows a beardless man seated with a large _syrinx_ in his
hands. The Greek inscription tells us that the relief was dedicated by
Ebenos, a "first flute," to Hierokles his piper.

It was the Pan's pipe which gave Ktesibios of Alexandria (third
century B.C.; cf. p. 120) the model on which he constructed his
water-organ, an instrument which became popular with the Romans. A
Roman "contorniate" shown in Case 58 has one of these water-organs
represented upon it. The air was supplied by water pressure and the
notes were played by means of a key-board.

Cymbals were largely used by the Greeks and Romans in religious
ceremonies of an ecstatic character, such as the mysteries of Demeter
and Kore and the worship of Kybele. Among the cymbals in Case 56 is
an interesting pair (No. =654=; fig. 254) inscribed in Greek with the
name of Oata their owner ([Greek: Oatas eimi]). They were originally
joined together by a chain, part of which still remains. In the lower
part of Cases 55-56 is a considerable variety of bells in bronze (No.

    (=643=) and (=644=) _Cat. of Vases_, III., E 171, 172;
    (=645=) For the structure of the ancient flute, cf. especially
    Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, s.v. _Flöten;_ (=648=) _Bull. de
    Corr. Hell._, XVIII., pl. 21; (=652=) For the _syrinx_, cf.
    Tillyard in _Journ. Hell. Stud._, XXVII. (1907), p. 167 ff.;
    (=653=) _Cat. of Sculpt._, II., 1271.

    See in general, _Camb. Comp. to Gk. Stud._, pp. 370-374;
    Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Musica_.

=Dancing.=--Dancing among the Greeks and Romans differed in many
ways from our own. In the first place dances (which were generally
accompanied by the flutes) were largely associated with religion.
Plato in his _Laws_ gave it as his opinion that, in imitation of
the Egyptian example, all dancing should be made to take a religious
character.[98] This ceremonial side of Greek dancing is illustrated
by a primitive stone vessel from Cyprus (No. =655=), which represents
three draped women dancing in a ring. Among the Romans the processions
of the Salii or dancing priests of Mars are among the best-known
examples of religious dancing.

In private life dancing was regarded by the Greeks rather as an
entertainment to be provided by hired performers than as a recreation
in which guests could take their part.[99] Hence with them men and
women did not dance together as in the modern fashion. The demand for
dancing girls to entertain the guests at banquets led to the training
of large numbers of this class. A vase (No. =656=), placed in the
lower part of Case 54, shows dancing girls being instructed in their
art. They repeatedly appear on Greek vases dancing before the feasting
guests (_e.g._ on E 68 in Case E in the Third Vase Room, the interior
of a cup in the style of Brygos). These girls often carried castanets
when dancing, as may be seen on the lekythos (No. =657=) and in the
relief from Melos (No. =658=).

[Illustration: FIG. 255.--GREEK WOMEN DANCING. Ca. 2:7.]

Greek women sometimes danced in private among themselves, especially
on the occasion of some domestic festival.[100] It is with this kind
of dancing that we should probably associate the terracotta figurines
(fig. 255). They illustrate the important part played by the arms and
the drapery in ancient dancing, which was largely mimetic. Ovid notes
that supple arms are one of the principal qualifications for a good
dancer.[101] This tradition was undoubtedly inherited from Greek
dancing, for (religious rites apart) the Romans regarded the art as an
unseemly one, so much so that Cicero remarked "that practically no one
except a madman danced when sober."[102]

    (=656=) _Cat. of Vases_, III., E 185; (=657=) _Ibid._, E
    642: (658) _Cat. of Terracottas_, B 370. For Greek dancing in
    general, cf. Emmanuel, _La danse grecque_.

      [Footnote 95: Plat., _Rep._ iii. 398-9.]

      [Footnote 96: Plato, _Rep._ iii. 399 D;
      Arist., _Pol._ viii. 6, 5 ff.]

      [Footnote 97: Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 659 f.:

        cantabat fanis, cantabat tibia ludis,
          cantabat maestis tibia funeribus.

      [Footnote 98: Plat., _Leg._ 799 A.]

      [Footnote 99: Cf. the famous story of Hippokleides
      (Herodot., vi. 129), whose dancing lost him a bride.]

      [Footnote 100: Aristoph., _Lys._ 408; Athen., xv. 668 D.]

      [Footnote 101: _Ars. Amat._ i. 595:

        si vox est, canta; si mollia bracchia, salta.

      [Footnote 102: _Pro Mur._ 6; cf. Nepos, _Epam._ 1.]


(Wall-Cases 57-58.)

The upper part of Wall-Cases 57, 58 contains a number of
representations of domesticated and pet animals. The series includes
cattle, goats, pigs, dogs, cats, pigeons and poultry. Often, but not
always, the animal is associated with some human actor, as when the
child rides on a dog, pig, or goat, or when the large cock tries to
peck at the bunch of grapes in a child's hand (No. =659=).

More than one of the pigeons wears a _bulla_ round its neck (No.
=660=) to avert the evil eye (see p. 136), and a cock is decked with
a wreath of ivy leaves (No. =661=). On a vase (No. =662=) a girl has
tied a string to the hind leg of a tortoise, and dangles it before her
dog; on another (No. =663=) two children are making a dog jump through
a hoop. In a relief already mentioned (p. 198, No. =603=) the dog
seeks the notice of its studious mistress, little Avita. In the scene
of the music school (No. =643= in Case 55) the boy plays with the cat
behind the master's chair. Another form of amusement is illustrated
by the kylix, No. =664=. A boy is seated, and holds on his knee a cage
containing a bird, probably a quail. Quail-fighting was a very popular
amusement at Athens, where odds were freely betted on the result of
the encounter. The wooden instrument, seen above the boy, would be
used to provoke the quails to fight with one another. The game of
quail-striking ([Greek: ortygokopia]) was another variety of sport
with quails. In this the object was to prove the endurance of the
quail by striking it with the fingers or pulling out its feathers.
A Roman lamp (No. =665=; fig. 256) gives an interesting view of an
itinerant with his troop of performing animals. On his right is an
ape, on his left a cat climbing a ladder. Above are two hoops for the
animals to jump through.


=Flowers.=--In Cases 57-58 will be seen a set of funeral wreaths (No.
=666=; cf. p. 226), found at Hawara, in Egypt. Among the flowers which
can be identified in those wreaths are the rose, narcissus, sweet
marjoram, and immortelle. We know, from an epigram of Martial,[103]
that Egypt cultivated roses with such success that she exported them
from Alexandria to Rome during the winter, though at the time when the
poet wrote (latter part of first century A.D.), Italy was, according
to him, in a position to export roses to Egypt. In their gardens the
Romans devoted most of their attention to their trees, which they
cut into fantastic shapes by the agency of the landscape gardener
(_topiarius_). The species of flowers known to them were decidedly
limited in number, but we find gardens of singular beauty depicted
on their wall-paintings, notably on one found at Prima Porta near

    (=659=) _Cat. of Terracottas_, C 539; (=662=) _Cat. of Vases_,
    IV., F 101; (=665=) _Cat. of Lamps_, 679; (=666=) Petrie,
    _Hawara_, p. 47.

      [Footnote 103: vi. 80.]

      [Footnote 104: _Ant. Denkmäler_, I., pl. 11.]


(Wall-Cases 58-64.)

=Greece.=--In the prehistoric period known as Mycenaean, the
inhabitants of Greek lands probably buried their dead and did not
cremate them. It is possible, however, that a partial burning was in
vogue in this and the succeeding periods in Greece. In the case of the
more wealthy Mycenaean dead, the bodies were elaborately decked with
gold ornaments. Oval plates of gold were tied over the forehead and
mouth of the corpse, in the latter case (where the impression of the
lips can be seen) perhaps with the idea of keeping out evil spirits.
The window-cases in the Gold Ornament Room contain many examples of
these funeral diadems and mouthpieces from Cyprus. In the Homeric
poems we find the bodies of the dead burnt upon a pyre and the ashes
buried beneath a mound.

[Illustration: FIG. 257. FUNERAL LEKYTHOS. Ht. 15-1/4 in.]

Scenes representing the preparation of the body for cremation or
burial are frequently depicted on Greek vases. They occur on the large
"Dipylon" vases, made specially for standing outside the tomb (see
examples in the First Vase Room), and on black-figure vases, where the
body is seen lying on the bier surrounded by mourners. It is, however,
upon the white lekythi of the fifth century (No. =668=; fig. 257), one
of which is here illustrated, that funeral scenes are most commonly
found. We know from Greek literature that these vases were expressly
made for putting in tombs. A speaker in the _Ekklesiazusae_ of
Aristophanes talks of "the man who paints the lekythi for the
dead."[105] On the vase here figured a woman is making offerings at
the tombstone. These offerings were made by the relatives from time
to time, and consisted mainly of sashes, wreaths, and vases, as may be
seen from the vases placed in the Case. The Greek funeral monuments of
the best period are characterised by their restrained beauty. Examples
of the different types will be found in the Phigaleian Room downstairs
and in the Gallery of Casts. In the Cases 59-60, the only tombstones
are the archaic one of Idagygos of Halikarnassos (No. =669=; fig.
258) found in Cyprus, inscribed with an elegiac couplet in which he is
called "the squire of Ares,"[106] and a round stone (No. =670=) with
a late inscription showing that the tomb was that of Menestratos, a
Corinthian buried in Attic soil. The Greek tombs were generally ranged
on either side of the main roads leading from the city gates.

[Illustration: FIG. 258.--INSCRIBED TOMBSTONE OF IDAGYGOS (NO. 669).
Ht. 5 ft. 8 in.]

A terracotta urn of about the third century B.C. (No. =671=) in Case
60 serves as an example of the vases used to contain the calcined
remains of the dead. It holds a number of burnt bones, among them part
of a jaw-bone, with a silver obol adhering to it. The coin was placed
in the mouth of the corpse as the fee of the ferryman Charon for
piloting the dead across Acheron. The gilded figure of a Siren found
in this vase is emblematic of the spirit world.

Two later monuments with Greek inscriptions are the marble chests in
Cases 61-62. Each has a lock-plate (cf. those in Case G), carved
in front in low relief. No. =672= is the cinerary chest of Metras
Tryphon, who had been publicly crowned by the people of Ephesus, and
has this crown represented on his urn. The second chest (No. =673=),
from the temple of Kybele at Sardes, is inscribed with the name of
Metrodoros, who is called a "sprinkler" ([Greek: perirantês]) no doubt
with reference to an office held by him in the temple service. Below
this chest is a marble cup from Rhodes (No. =674=), bearing the
inscription: "The burying-place of those who have lost their ancestral
tomb." This cup, which is ornamented above with flying birds and has
holes for a metal attachment, seems to have been set on a column as a
boundary mark.

[Illustration: FIG. 259.--ITALIAN HUT-URN (NO. 675). Ca. 1:4.]

=Italy.=--In the earliest period inhumation was the custom in Italy,
but cremation gradually became more and more common. The Twelve Tables
(450 B.C.) show both practices prevailing side by side. The hut-urns
(Nos. =675= and =676=; fig. 259) found at Monte Albano, near Rome, are
evidence of cremation having been practised at a very early date in
Italy (eighth to seventh century B.C.). They served as receptacles for
the ashes of the dead, and are an instance of the custom of making
the last resting-place of the deceased as like as possible to his
habitation during life. They represent rude wattled huts, in which
the roof-beams of rough branches can be clearly distinguished. The
Etruscan tomb-chambers, one of which is shown in a picture in Case 59,
furnish a later instance (seventh to sixth century B.C.) of sepulchres
built in imitation of living-rooms. A small model (in Case 59) of an
Etruscan built tomb shows the skeleton in armour, with painted
vases placed about it (No. =677=). The Etruscan cinerary urns are
distinguished by the frequent introduction of the portrait. The
"Canopic" urns, which take the shape of jars roughly in the form of
a human body and head, are especially noteworthy. The example
illustrated (No. =678=, fig. 260), probably of the seventh century
B.C., has the face pierced with numerous holes, most likely for the
attachment of a mask. Two Etruscan sepulchral masks (No. =679=) in
terracotta, of about the end of the sixth century B.C., are exhibited
near the Canopic urn and are shown in fig. 261. These remarkable masks
are covered with incised designs, most likely of magic significance,
intended to avert evil from the dead. A separate half-mask (No. =680=)
of this type is exhibited here, and another will be found with the
objects illustrating superstition in Case 106. In these masks we can
see the innate Italian tendency to preserve the features of the dead,
and we may perhaps recognise in them the origin of the waxen portrait
masks of his ancestors which the Roman noble set up in his hall.
The portrait is again found on the lid of the sixth-century Etruscan
funeral urn (No. =681=; fig. 262) in Case 59. Here a draped woman lies
on a couch of elaborate form, decorated below with a relief of two
lions devouring a bull. A kindred type of Etruscan funeral monument
will be seen in the two large terracotta sarcophagi in the Terracotta

[Illustration: FIG. 260.--CANOPIC URN (NO. 678). Ht. 1 ft. 11 in.]

[Illustration: FIG. 261.--ETRUSCAN FUNERAL MASKS (NO. 679). Ca. 1:6.]

[Illustration: FIG. 262.--ETRUSCAN FUNERAL URN (NO. 681). L. 1 ft.
11-1/2 in.]

[Illustration: FIG. 263.--ROMAN FUNERAL URN (NO. 682). Ht. 1 ft. 5-1/2

With rare exceptions (conspicuously in the case of members of the
noble families of the Cornelian house and all infants) the Romans,
during the period of the Republic, burned their dead. This system
continued under the early Empire, but gradually gave way to burial
under the influence of Christianity. Several examples of Roman
cinerary urns and sepulchral relief are here shown. These urns are of
various shapes, but the altar-form (No. =682=; fig. 263) was specially
favoured. The inscription gives the names of L. Dexius Clymenus and C.
Sergius Alcimus. The latter, a child of three and a quarter, is stated
to have received his portion of corn on the tenth day at the office of
distribution numbered XXXIX, a curious side-light on the practice
of free distribution of corn under the Roman Empire, already noticed
above (p. 11). Other Roman funeral urns which may be mentioned are the
vase (No. =683=) with the remains of L. Laelius Victor, a soldier of
the fourteenth city cohort, and the alabaster caskets numbered
=684= and =685=. These urns of the wealthier classes were generally
deposited in a vault underneath a monument placed at the side of one
of the great roads leading from the city gates. Those, however, who
could not afford such expensive monuments subscribed for a joint tomb
(_columbarium_), a large chamber containing in its walls numerous
niches for the urns. An interesting tablet (No. =686=) in Case 62
throws light on the arrangements adopted in the case of these joint
tombs. It is inscribed with the name of P. Sontius Philostorgus and
marked the niche in which the urn containing his ashes was placed. The
inscription reads: "Lot I in block III." From other inscriptions of
the same character it appears that the niches were arranged in five
horizontal rows of thirty-six, and that each of the members of the
burial club was allotted one place in each of the five rows.

(NO. 687). Width 3 ft. 5 in.]

Another noteworthy monument is (No. =687=) an inscribed relief of the
first century B.C., belonging to Aurelius Hermia, a butcher from
the Viminal hill, and his wife Aurelia Philematio(n), who are seen
clasping hands (fig. 264). The husband praises the virtues of his
wife, and the wife those of her husband, her fellow-freedman, who had
been more than a father to her. Other interesting inscriptions from
tombstones are No. =688=, on a hunting dog named Margarita, a great
favourite with her master and mistress, who died in giving birth to
puppies, and No. =689=, which sheds light on the memorial ceremonies
after burial. A testator here leaves seven twenty-fourths of the rent
accruing from a block of flats to his freedmen and freedwomen, on
condition that they celebrate his memory four times in a year--on his
birthday, the Day of Roses, the Day of Violets, and the feast of
the Parentalia, the last the Roman All Souls' Day, held publicly in
February, but privately on the anniversary of the day of death.
A lighted lamp, with incense, was to be placed on the tomb on the
Kalends, Nones, and Ides, the three dividing days of each month.

The funeral wreaths from Hawara (Cases 57, 58; No. =666=, see p. 219)
are an instance of offerings at tombs belonging to the Roman period.
They have been so thoroughly preserved in the dry climate of Egypt
that the different varieties of flowers can still be distinguished.

    (=668=) Cf. Murray and Smith, _White Athenian Vases in the
    B.M._; (=669=) _B.M. Inscr._ 971; (=670=) _ibid._, 102;
    (=671=) _Cat. of Terracottas_, C 12 and 13; (=672=) _Cat. of
    Sculpt._, II., 1277; (=674=) _ibid._, III., 2400; (=675=) Cf.
    Walters, _Hist. of Anc. Pottery_, II., p 288; (=678=) _ibid._
    II., p. 304 ff; (=679=) Benndorf, _Ant. Gesichtshelme_, p. 42,
    pl. xi; (=681=) _Cat. of Terracottas_, B 629; (=682=) _Cat. of
    Sculpt._, III., 2359; (683) _ibid._, 2402; (=684=) and
    (=685=) _ibid._, 2420 and 2425; (=686=) Dessau, _Inscrr. Lat.
    Selectae_, 7892 a; (=687=) _Cat. of Sculpt._, III., 2274;
    (=688=) _C.I.L._ VI., 29,896; (=689=) _C.I.L._ VI., 10,248.

    On Greek tombstones, see Conze, _Attische Grabreliefs_; P.
    Gardner, _Sculptured tombs of Hellas_. On Roman monuments,
    Altmann, _Röm. Grabaltäre_.

      [Footnote 105: Aristoph., _Ekkl._ 996: [Greek:

        hos tois nekroisi zôgraphei tas lêkythous].

      [Footnote 106: [Greek:

        enthade moiran echôn Halikarnêsseus Idagygos
          keitai, Aristokleos pais, Areos therapôn.]


_The numbers refer to the pages of the Guide._


  ACTORS, 31


  ALTARS, 39


  AMPHORAE, on weights, 159;
  for wine, 177



  APHRODITE, dedication to, 45;
  in shrine, 43





  ARMOUR, 74;
  Dacian, 92

  ARROWHEADS, Mycenaean, 97;
  Greek and Roman, 107

  ARTEMIS BRAURONIA, garments dedicated to, 45

  AS, 20, 22

  ASKLEPIADAE, school of, 185

  ASTRAGALOS, on weights, 159;
  in games, 203.
  _See also_ KNUCKLE-BONES



  ATRIUM, 109

  AUGURY, 43

  AURELIUS HERMIA, tombstone of, 226

  AXE, 108

  AXE-HEAD, votive, 50


  BAKERS, 117

  BALANCES, 25, 161

  BASKET, votive, 46

  BATHS, 118

  BEASTS in the arena, 69

  BELL, votive, 51

  BELT, metal, 87


  BIRDS, actors as, 28


  BITS, 172

  BOARD, inscribed for school use, 198

  BOATS, terracotta, 34

  BONA DEA, 39

  BOOTS, 129

  BOXES, 139, 153, 185, 189

  BOXING, 58






  BRICKS, Roman, 167


  BUCINA, 215

  BULLA, 136, 218

  BULLS, bronze votive, 50

  BURIAL, 220


  CALDRON, given as prize, 63




  CANGUE, 13



  CARTS, models of, 171, 179, 193

  CHAIR, Infant's, 193

  dress of, 71, 170




  CHESTS, funeral, 223

  CHITON, Dorian, 123;
  Ionian, 124

  CHLAMYS, 126

  CIRCUS, 70


  CLOTH, pieces of ancient, 147

  COIN-BALANCE, 25, 165

  COINS, Greek, 14;
  Roman, 19;
  special uses, 24;
  false, 24



  COMBS, 138

  COMEDY, 26-33






  COUCH, bronze, 110

  CRADLES, 193

  CRESTS, on helmets, 83




  CURSES, 56

  CUTLER'S FORGE, 156, 158

  CUTLER'S SHOP, 157, 158

  CUTLERY, 148

  CYMBALS, 216


  DAGGERS, early and Mycenaean, 94;
  Italian, 98

  DANCING, 216

  DEDICATIONS, 7, 24, 38




  DICE, 204


  DIOSCURI at Theoxenia, 43;
  dedications to 49, 51, 61

  DIPLOMA, Roman bronze, 9

  DISKOS, 60


  DOLLS, 194


  DOWELS, 167

  DRAGON-STANDARD (Dacian), 92

  DRAMA, Greek and Roman, 25

  DRAUGHTS, 203, 206

  DRESS, Greek 123;
  Roman, 127

  DRILL-BOW, surgical, 187

  DRUG-BOX, 189


  EAR-PICKS, 142





  EPINETRON, 145, 196

  EYES, painted on ships, 35


  FASCES, 12

  FERONIA, dedication to, 55


  FIBULAE, 131





  "FIVE-STONES," 203

  FLOWERS, 219

  FLUES, 122

  FLUTES, 214

  FOOD, from Pompeii, 116



  FORCEPS, 187


  FRAME, for picture, 202


  (toy), 193

  GAMES, 203

  GEMS, 184

  GETA, name of, erased from inscriptions, 39

  armour of, 68;
  discharge tickets of, 69




  HAIR, votive, 48


  HANDS, magical, 56


  HARE, votive, 49

  HARNESS, 171


  HELMETS, 74;
  Aegean, 79;
  Attic, 77;
  Corinthian, 74;
  Etruscan, 81;
  Gladiatorial, 68;
  Inscribed, 76, 81;
  Italian, 80;
  Roman, 81;
  votive, from Kyme, 7, 81;
  Parade vizor-masks, 82


  HERA, axe-head dedicated to, 50

  HIERON, helmet dedicated by, 7, 81


  HINGES, 168


  HOOKS, surgical, 187


  HOUSE, Greek and Roman, 109

  HUNTSMEN, dedications by, 49

  HUT-URNS, 222

  INKPOTS, 200

  INLAY, ivory, 185

  INTERNAL ORGANS, model of, 47

  INVENTORIES, temple, 45

  ISIS, worship of, 57

  JASON, relief of the physician, 189




  JUNO, dedication to, 55


  JUPITER DOLICHENUS, silver plaques dedicated to, 52

  JUPITER POENINUS, dedication to, 55


  KEYS, 149;
  Temple, 42

  KILN, potter's, 182

  KINYRAS, legend of, 34

  KITCHEN, 115

  KITHARA, 213

  KNIVES, 148


  KNUCKLEBONES, 197, 203


  LABELS, 45, 156


  LAMPS, 112;
  combined with altar, 40;
  moulds for, 184


  LARES, 55

  LATHE, use of, 185


  LEAD FIGURINES, votive, 55

  LEG, votive, 48

  LEGIONARY, armour of, 88, 91

  LEKYTHI, white funeral, 220

  LETTER on papyrus, 200

  LIBRA, 160


  LIGHTING, methods of, 110

  LITRA, 160

  LOCK, 149

  LOCK-PLATES, 152, 221

  LOOM, 145



  LYRE, 213

  MAGIC symbols, 56;
  wheel, 208


  MARATHON, weapons from, 101

  MARBLES, specimens of, 168

  MARRIAGE, Greek, 207;
  Roman, 211;
  military, 9;
  vases used in, 208

  MASKS, dramatic, 31;
  sepulchral, 222





  MIRRORS, 140;
  with magical symbols, 57


  MORTARS, 118

  MOSAICS, 169

  MOULDS, for cooking, 116;
  for counters, 180;
  for vases and terracottas, 184;
  for weights, 180

  MOUTH-BAND, for flutes, 214

  MOUTH-PIECES, funeral, 220


  MUSIC, 213



  MUZZLES, for horses, 173


  NAILS, magical, 56



  NEEDLES, 147



  OBOL, 221



  OIL-PRESS, 178



  OSCAN dedicatory tablet, 44



  PAINTING, 201;
  of vases, 183



  PAN'S PIPE, 215

  PAPYRUS, 199



  PASTES, 184

  PENS, 200



  PERSEPHONE, dedications to, 46

  PESTLES, 118

  PHILIP (Emperor), _diploma_ granted by, 9;
  seal with name of, 55


  PIG, as sacrificial animal, 40

  PILUM, 103

  PINS, 137, 147;
  pin dedicated to Aphrodite, 45

  PIVOTS from doors, 168

  PLATING of cuirass, 86

  PLAUTUS, _Casina_, 29


  PLOUGH, 174


  PNYX, votive reliefs from, 47



  POTTERY, 181

  PRAYER, 42

  PRIZE VASES, 60, 63

  PROBES, 187


  PROW of trireme, 35

  PROXENIA, decrees of, 3

  PUMPS, 120



  RAEDA, 171

  RAG-DOLL, 196

  RATTLES, 193

  RAZORS, 141

  READING, 198



  RINGS, 135

  RIVETS, 183

  ROSE-DAY, 226





  SALII, dances of, 216


  SANDALS, 129

  SAW, surgical, 187



  SCRUPLE (weight), 160, 190

  SCULPTURE, unfinished, 169



  SEALS, 154

  SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, altar dedicated for return of, 39




  SHIPS, 33

  SHOES, 89, 129

  SHOPS, 158


  SHUTTLE, 146

  SICKLE, 175

  SIREN, 221




  SLAVES, dedicated to temple-service, 45;
  in drama, 32

  SLINGSHOT, 101, 107

  SOLES, 130


  SOWER, 175


  SPEARS, classical, 102;
  Italian, 99;
  Mycenaean, 97;
  primitive, 94;
  votive, 9;
  butts of, 103


  SPOONS, 117

  SPURS, 174

  STAMPS for moulds, 184;
  for other purposes, 167, 189, 192


  STATUETTE, pierced, 42


  STILI (pens), 199

  STONES, sacred, 44

  STOOL, bronze, 110;
  votive, 46





  STUDS, 136




  SWORDS, Mycenaean, 95;
  Greek, 100 ff;
  Italian, 99;
  Roman, 104


  TABLE, votive, 40

  TABLE-LEG, 110

  TABLETS, 44, 192, 198, 200





  TENSA, 171

  TERRACOTTAS, method of making, 183

  THEOXENIA, festival of, 42


  THIMBLE, 147

  TIBERIUS, sword of (so-called), 104

  TICKETS, 6, 11, 12, 69


  TILES, Greek, 166;
  Roman, 167;
  from Palaestra at Olympia, 64

  TITURUS, 178

  TOGA, 127

  TOILET, articles of, 138;
  on votive reliefs, 46


  TOMBS, 220

  TOOLS, 166

  TOYS, 193

  TRAGEDY, 25;
  chorus in, 26;
  Roman, 54


  TRIPODS, 110



  TUNIC, 123


  UNCIA (coin), 20;
  weight, 160


  URN, funeral, 223



  VINTAGE, 177


  VOTIVE OFFERING, 7, 44, 194








  WEAVING, 145


  Greek, 158;
  Roman, 160;
  hanging, 161;
  medical, 190

  WHEELS, votive, 51


  WHORLS, 143




  WOOD, paintings on, 202


  WREATHS, 219, 226


  WRITING, 198

  ZEUS LYKAEOS, votive offering to, 50


  ZEUS THE HIGHEST, votive offerings to, 47


  Transcriber's Note

  - - represents italic text; = = represents bold text; + + represents
  strong text, sans serif. ^ denotes a superscript.

  | inserted by the author to represent the end of a line of carving
  on a document or monument. Sometimes | occurs in the middle of a
  word, indicating the word has been split by a line-break.

  In the all-caps Greek text, the book preserves some different Greek

  Compare the capital theta with a cross at the top of
  p. 77, and theta with a dot at the bottom of p. 130.

  There is a
  V-like upsilon on p. 77, l. 7, and Y-like upsilon on p. 77, l. 12.

  There is a capital lunate sigma, and an alpha with a v-shaped
  crossbar on p. 202 ... and on p. 161, as a marking in silver on an
  ounce weight with another symbol.

  And there is the zeta like a rotated H on p. 6, and an upper and
  lower case Koppa (Qoppa), and the Digamma (wau, stigm).

  C.I.L. is abbreviation for '_Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_'.

  'Inscrr.', 'reff.': a double consonant signifies plural.

  Some missing or damaged punctuation has been repaired.

  Any illustration which intersected a paragraph, e.g., at a page
  turn, has been moved to a more convenient position.

  Page 20: (.··) corrected to (···) for consistency.

  Page 56: 'suppose' corrected to 'supposed'.

    "... _defixiones_, because they were supposed to fix down, as it
    were, the hated enemy."

  Page 64 (Footnote 32): A colon : has been used to represent the
  triple vertical dots (a punctuation mark, much like a colon)
  after [Greek: "Eksoida(s) m'anethêke Diwos qouroin megaloio]"

  Page 103: Spearbutts; p. 104: Spear-Butts. Both retained.

  Page 111: Superfluous 'a' removed.

    "The stem may be fluted, or...."

  Page 114: 'emall' corrected to 'small'.

    "Just below the lantern is a small bronze statuette,..."

  Page 145: Loom Weight; loom-weights ... various spellings; all

  Numerous other instances of words being sometimes hyphenated and
  sometimes un-hyphenated appear in the text. All have been retained.

  Page 150: 'to' corrected to 'so'.

    "... then turned, and drawn back so as to lift up the pegs...."

  Page 152: "the keyhole is in the shape" (of an inverted right-angle,
  represented by) |¯.

  Page 160: 1-1/2oz. corrected to 1/12oz.

    "... 1/12oz. = 2 scruples;"

  Page 190: extra 'a' removed.

    "These salves were pounded on the stone into a paste."

  Page 192: 'Nos.' corrected to 'No.'.

    "An example of a rare form is the rolling stamp with the name of
    Alexander (No. =584=; fig. 229)."

  Page 198:

  From Wikipedia (https: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Digamma):

  Digamma, waw, or wau (uppercase: (F), lowercase: (F), numeral:
  [Greek: st]) is an archaic letter of the Greek alphabet.
  It originally stood for the sound /w/ but it has principally
  remained in use as a Greek numeral for 6.

  Whereas it was originally called waw or wau, its most common
  appellation in classical Greek is digamma; as a numeral, it was
  called epis[=e]mon during the Byzantine era and is now known as
  stigma after the value of the Byzantine ligature combining
  [Greek: s-t] ... In modern Greek, this is often replaced by the
  digraph [Greek: st].

  ([=e] represents e-macron)

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