Sunshine and Storm in Rhodesia - Being a Narrative of Events in Matabeleland Both Before and During the Recent Native Insurrection Up to the Date of the Disbandment of the Bulawayo Field Force

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Title: Sunshine and Storm in Rhodesia - Being a Narrative of Events in Matabeleland Both Before and During the Recent Native Insurrection Up to the Date of the Disbandment of the Bulawayo Field Force
Author: Selous, Frederick Courteney
Language: English
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SUNSHINE AND STORM IN RHODESIA

[Illustration: _Frontispiece._

MAHOLI

An old servant of the author's who came in with his master and mistress
from Essexvale, on the outbreak of the rebellion, and has been with
them ever since.]

SUNSHINE AND STORM IN RHODESIA

Being a Narrative of Events in Matabeleland
Both Before and During the Recent Native Insurrection
Up to the Date of the Disbandment of
the Bulawayo Field Force

FREDERICK COURTENEY SELOUS

Gold Medallist of the Royal Geographical Society
Author of 'Travel and Adventure,' etc.

With Map and Numerous Illustrations

London
Rowland Ward & Co., Limited
166 Piccadilly, W.
1896

To My Wife

WHO DURING THE LAST FEW MONTHS

HAS AT ONCE BEEN

MY GREATEST ANXIETY AND MY GREATEST COMFORT

I DEDICATE THIS BOOK

PREFACE

It was during the early days of the recent insurrection that I
first thought of utilising my spare time by writing some account
of what was taking place around me, and these rough notes, written
at odd moments during the campaign, I intended to have sent to the
_Field_ for publication in that journal, in the form of a series of
articles dealing entirely with my own personal experiences. After
the disbandment of the Bulawayo Field Force, however, and my own
resignation as an officer in that corps, finding that I had leisure
to do so, I determined to amplify these notes, and give some account
of every skirmish which had taken place between the Colonists and
the natives in Matabeleland up to the date of the disbandment of the
above-mentioned Force. To this I add a short account of my personal
experiences in the country during the months immediately preceding the
outbreak of the insurrection, and finding that I had then sufficient
material to fill the covers of a small book, I abandoned my original
idea of getting what I had written published in weekly numbers, and
determined for the third time to launch a book—always about Africa—on
the long-suffering British public.

What I have written as it were historically regarding the events which
have lately taken place in Matabeleland may, I think, be received as
a simple and unadorned statement of fact, for where I have had to go
outside my own personal experiences, my information has always been
obtained at first hand and checked by the corroborating accounts of
others who were also eye-witnesses of the events described. As to
any conclusions I may have arrived at from given facts, they may be
right or they may be wrong, but at any rate I claim the right to
express my opinions frankly and fearlessly as long as they are my
honest convictions. It may be said that, as I am a friend of Mr. Cecil
Rhodes and of Dr. Jameson, I ought not to have expressed the opinion
that it was the removal of the police force from Matabeleland to the
Transvaal which gave the natives their opportunity to revolt, since
the expression of such an opinion may be held to reflect upon the
administration of the Chartered Company. My reply is, that I have
written a history, which, to have any value, must be truthful, and that
as Dr. Jameson cannot lay claim to infallibility, he was, like other
mortals, liable to err. When he left Matabeleland he never dreamt that
the removal of the police force would have any more effect upon the
Matabele than the disbandment of the police in Mashunaland in 1891 had
had upon the natives in that country. This opinion, moreover, must have
been shared by the great majority of the inhabitants of Matabeleland,
since no remonstrance was made by any public man at the time that the
police left Bulawayo. We now know that the removal of the white police
force was a mistake; but it is easy to criticise after the event,
and as at the time the mistake was made no one in Rhodesia was wise
or prescient enough to foresee the possible effect it might have on
the natives of Matabeleland, it would be the height of meanness and
injustice to hold Dr. Jameson morally responsible for the present
insurrection.

Judging from the knowledge which we now possess of the secret history
of the rebellion, it appears that the leaders of the movement must
long ago have determined to revolt whenever a favourable opportunity
occurred, and a rebellion would therefore in all probability have taken
place sooner or later; so perhaps it is as well to have had it and got
over it at the same time as the rinderpest. The latter plague will have
far more lasting effects than the native rising; but when the railway
from the south reaches Bulawayo, the country will once again be able
to make a fair start, for with the greater knowledge now possessed by
the authorities of the native character, the outcome of which will be
a complete reorganisation of the native administration, no farther
insurrection ought to be possible. For the rest, it is very evident
that the Matabele broke out in rebellion because they disliked their
position as a conquered people, and imagined that they were strong
enough to throw off the yoke of their conquerors. But I fail to see
that the fact that they have rebelled is any more an indictment against
the general principles of the government of the Chartered Company, than
were the numerous rebellions which have taken place from time to time
in the Cape Colony an indictment against the wisdom and justice of the
Imperial Government.

Now that the rebellion has occurred, it will very possibly be said that
it was brought about by systematic brutality to the natives on the
part of the white men in the country. Such an allegation, however,
cannot be supported by facts, for, as the records of the magistrates'
court will prove, the present Government has done all that any other
civilised Government could have done to protect the natives from
ill-treatment at the hands of irresponsible individuals; and as a
native commissioner thoroughly conversant with the Matabele language,
and well in touch with the people, was stationed in each of the
districts into which the country has been divided, it cannot be urged
that the natives had no opportunity of making their grievances known.
Grievances of course they had, the chief of which, doubtless, was the
loss of their independence as a nation, and the fact that they found
themselves treated as a conquered people lately engaged in hostilities,
who had only been permitted to return to the country from which they
had been driven at the time of the first war under certain conditions,
one of which was that the indunas should, through the medium of the
native commissioners, supply miners and farmers with native labour—all
the able-bodied young men in the country being required to work for a
certain number of months per annum at a fixed rate of pay. This rate of
pay was fixed at 10s. a month with food; but as a matter of fact mining
work was almost always paid much more highly, as much as 30s. a month
with food being often given for unskilled labour, whilst the managers
of mines made it their business to see that the boys in their Company's
employ were well treated, and cruel treatment by individuals was, I do
not hesitate to say, the exception to the rule. Owing to the excessive
indolence of the people, however, there can be no doubt that the labour
regulations were most irksome to them. The indunas grew more and more
disinclined to exert their authority in the matter of inducing their
people to work when applications were made to them, with the result
that native policemen were sent to their kraals to insist on the labour
regulations being carried out, and these policemen, I fear, sometimes
exceeded their duties, and used their position to tyrannise over the
people.

I remember well that when Umlugulu[1] visited me for the first time,
after I had taken up my residence on Essexvale,[2] he complained
bitterly of the high-handed manner in which the "Ama Policey Minyama,"
the "Black Police," behaved to him and his people. "I have no
complaints to make," he said, "against the white policemen; but the
black police, wa duba, wa duba sebele—they give me trouble; they really
give me trouble." I myself complained to the acting Administrator, Mr.
Duncan, concerning the inconsiderate manner in which it appeared to
me that the labour regulations were sometimes carried out, and I was
led to believe that the whole question of native administration would
shortly be gone into by the Government, and all grievances remedied.

The cattle question I have dealt with in the course of my story. It
was never sagaciously handled, and its mismanagement probably caused
more discontent against the Chartered Company's rule amongst the
pure-blooded Matabele, or Abenzantsi, than anything else, whilst
the irritation excited by the regulation exacting a certain amount
of paid labour yearly from every able-bodied man produced a feeling
of bitterness and discontent throughout the other classes of the
community, which made them ripe for rebellion when they were called to
arms by the leaders of the insurrection. However, although no impartial
critic can deny that the confiscation of so large a number of their
cattle, and more especially the manner in which that confiscation was
carried out, was impolitic if not ungenerous; whilst the manner in
which the labour regulations were enforced was sometimes calculated
to provoke serious discontent; yet neither of these causes, nor both
combined, would, in my opinion, have been sufficient to induce the
mass of the population to break out in rebellion had there not been
amongst them many men who, having once belonged to the ruling class
in the country, were so dissatisfied at their loss of position and
power under the white man's rule, that they had determined to regain
their independence as a nation, or to attempt to do so, on the first
favourable opportunity which offered. The rebellion was not the
spontaneous act of the mass of the people goaded to desperation by an
insupportable tyranny. It was a drama into which they were surprised,
and in many cases dragged against their better judgment, by a few
leading spirits, who planned and carried out the first murders and
utilised the Makalaka Umlimo,[3] as a prophet.

To show that neither the cattle nor the labour questions were the only
causes of the rebellion, I may mention that on Mr. Arthur Rhodes'
block of farms on the Impembisi river, extending to some 50,000 acres,
there was a considerable native population which had been altogether
exempted from the general labour regulations—although required to
supply Mr. Arthur Rhodes himself with any labour necessary on the farm
for agricultural purposes; whilst there had been distributed amongst
them 1600 head of cattle, which they held, in addition to their own,
on exactly the same terms on which they had been formerly accustomed
to tend cattle for Lo Bengula. Now here was a population living, one
would have thought, in a state of the most absolute contentment—for
they were receiving the full benefit of the milk from a far larger
number of cattle than they had ever had to look after in Lo Bengula's
time; had been allowed to build their kraals wherever they thought fit,
make use of whatever land they desired for cultivation, and in fact
to lead their own life in their own way undisturbed by any one, for
the number of boys who came voluntarily to ask for employment was far
in excess of what was required for agricultural work on the estate.
And yet, when the rebellion broke out, these people to a man (always
excepting Captain Fynn's Delagoa Bay boy) joined the insurgents, and
not only burnt down Mr. Arthur Rhodes' homestead and swept off all
his cattle, but murdered Mr. Edwards the surveyor, who happened to
be working in the neighbourhood; against whom they could have had no
personal animus, as he was a complete stranger to them. Then, again,
if any one had heard the natives living in the villages close round my
homestead on Essexvale singing and dancing as they were wont to do on
every moonlight night, he could not have maintained that they appeared
to be weighed down by a sense of injustice and oppression, or, in fact,
that they were anything but joyous and happy. It is very difficult to
understand the workings of a Kafir's mind, as any one must admit who
has lived long amongst natives, but the fact that the Matabele broke
out into rebellion against the Government of the Chartered Company,
appears to me to be no proof of any special iniquity _per se_ on the
part of that Government, since history has shown us, that wherever a
savage race, entirely unaccustomed to order and restraint, has been
conquered by a highly civilised people, who have forthwith essayed
to govern that savage race as humanely as possible, but after all in
their own interests rather than in the interests of the conquered
people, a rebellion against the more intelligent ruling class has been
the result; for the ways of the civilised man are not the ways of the
savage, who, there can be no doubt, would rather put up with all the
ills from which we consider we have freed him, than be subject to the
restraints of a settled form of Government. Practically, he says "hang
your _Pax Britanica_"; give me the good old times of superstition and
bloodshed; then, even if I did not know the day nor the hour when I
might be "smelt out" as a witch, and forthwith knocked on the head, at
any rate I could have basked in the sun until my time came; and then,
too, when the "impi" went forth, what glorious times I had, and how I
revelled in blood and loot!

As to any general charges of systematic injustice and cruelty towards
the natives, which may and will now be made by the personal enemies of
Mr. Rhodes, against the Chartered Company, with the object of providing
a justification for the brutal murders of European women and children
which have been committed during the present rebellion, I would point
out that such charges come rather late in the day, for the natives
of Matabeleland had lived for over two years in an apparently fairly
contented condition under the Government of the Company before the
rebellion broke out, and during the whole of that time there were four
missionaries belonging to the London Missionary Society, besides some
people called "seventh-day adventists"—whatever that may mean, for I
have not the least idea myself—all of whom were working amongst, and
avowedly for the benefit of, the natives. Now, if systematic cruelty,
injustice, and oppression of the Matabele by the Government of the
Chartered Company had been going on constantly for over two years, it
must have been very well known to all these men, and it was their duty
not only to have protested against such gross misgovernment to the
Company's Administrator in Bulawayo, but also to have reported such
abuses to their Directors in England. No such allegations, however,
were ever made prior to the rebellion, and should any be now brought
forward they ought to be received with the very gravest suspicion. The
fact, too, remains that although individual acts of brutality have
occurred in Matabeleland—as they have done in every other country in
the world—during the last two years, and although mistakes have been
made, especially in dealing with the cattle and labour questions, yet,
on the whole, the conditions under which the natives in that territory
were living, were such that no one resident in the country, whether
missionary or miner, imagined before the rebellion broke out that there
could be any deep-seated discontent amongst them. That the government
of the natives has been all that was desirable from their point of view
I do not say, as it is my opinion that, when a black man's country has
been conquered by Europeans, the laws by which that country will be
subsequently governed will be made in the interests of the whites, and
some of them will be very unpalatable to the conquered race, however
just and equitable they may seem to their rulers. We Europeans make
the mistake of thinking that, when we free a tribe of savages from
what we consider a most oppressive and tyrannical form of government,
substituting in its place an orderly rule, under which every man's life
and property is protected and witch-doctors are not recognised, we
ought to earn their gratitude; but the fact is we invariably fail to
do so, as the present insurrection, as well as all the many rebellions
by the natives of the Cape Colony against the rule of the Imperial
Government has shown. Yet, as in the Cape Colony, so also will it be in
Matabeleland. The savages will discover the uselessness of rebelling
against the white man, and as time goes on will become more reconciled
to the ways of their conquerors; that is, if their grievances are
inquired into and as far as possible remedied, as I have every hope and
belief that they will be as soon as the present rebellion has come to
an end; for not until mutual confidence has again been restored between
the whites and the blacks can Rhodesia prosper. From the black man's
point of view the white man is probably not necessary as a factor in
the prosperity of the country. He could get along very well without
him. Unfortunately we cannot manage without the black man; he is
absolutely necessary for the development of the country on the white
man's lines. But a sulky, rebellious black man, only held in subjection
by fear, is both a useless and dangerous personality, and, therefore,
the dictates of policy will be at one with the promptings of humanity,
in demanding that the natives of Matabeleland shall be governed both
kindly and justly as well as firmly.

One word more. In the following pages I have given descriptions of
many barbarous deeds which have lately been committed in Matabeleland.
I have hidden nothing, but have told the naked truth, and related not
only how white men, women, and children were lately murdered, and
their senseless bodies afterwards cruelly mutilated by black men, but
also how, subsequently, black men were shot down pitilessly by the
whites, no mercy being shown or quarter given them by the outraged
colonists. By those who seek it, matter will doubtless be found in
some of my stories on which to found imputations against the colonists
of Rhodesia, who will be held up to execration for the "slaughter" of
"poor natives"; the insinuation being that the "poor natives" were
ruthlessly killed, with little or no provocation, in order to gratify
the lust for blood, which certain people in England appear to think
takes possession of their countrymen whenever they set foot on African
soil. But by the great mass of the English-speaking race I feel sure
that the conduct of their kith and kin in Matabeleland during the late
rebellion will not be too harshly judged. It will be remembered that
they were the avengers of the women and children of their own colour,
who had but lately been so mercilessly slain, and that, fighting as
they were against hordes of savages eager to spill the life-blood of
every white man in Rhodesia, savages in whose vocabulary no such words
as pity or mercy are to be found, nothing else could be expected than
that in the hour of victory no quarter should be given to the murderous
foe. It is as unfair as it is ridiculous to talk of the "slaughter" of
natives who, having come with arms in their hands, not only to kill
you, but your wife and child also, find they have reckoned without
their host, and are themselves discomfited and shot down by their
would-be victims. Now, possibly, there might be found in England a
philanthropist so meek and good that, were he suddenly confronted by a
burglar who told him plainly that he meant to kill him and walk into
his house, he would reply, although he carried a loaded revolver in
his hand, "Kill me and walk on, for it would be against my creed and
conscience to sully my hands with the slaughter of so fine a specimen
of the human race as yourself." I do not say that so noble a character
really exists within the four seas of Britain, but if he does, I
suppose he ought to be looked for amongst the ranks of those who have
been loudest in their condemnation of the British settlers in Rhodesia,
and who thereby arrogate to themselves the possession of a nobility of
nature to which ordinary mortals cannot hope to attain. For the sake
of example, therefore, let us say that such a man does exist, and that
he is none other than the editor of _Truth_, Mr. Henry Labouchere.
Well, granted then that Mr. Labouchere—the man whom, for the sake of
example, I have endowed with such a noble nature—would be prompted to
sacrifice his own life rather than sully his soul with the killing of
a burglar, would he go yet farther and still spare the robber's life
if he knew that, after he himself had been killed, his wife and child
would also be put to death? I cannot believe that he would, but imagine
rather that he would shoot as straight as possible to prevent such a
catastrophe, and I for one would wish that in such a special case his
practice might be better than his usual preaching.

Now the settlers in Rhodesia, on those occasions when they have been
accused of slaughtering the natives, have only taken the same course
as I think would have been adopted by the great-souled philanthropist,
whom I hope I am not wronging by imagining that he would steel his
heart to take the life of a burglar, if for no other reason than to
save the lives of those dear to him; and therefore I would ask my
readers not to judge too harshly of the deeds of the colonists which I
have recounted in the following pages, but to remember, when judging
of their actions, the terrible provocation which they had received. It
may be that I have here and there shown a very strong racial feeling
against the black man; but it must be remembered that my story has been
written in the midst of all the horrors of a native rebellion, that I
have seen many gruesome sights, and have with my own hands collected
together the broken skulls of murdered women and children—Dutch and
English—in order to give them Christian burial. Thus I have sometimes
written under the influence of strong emotions, making too little
allowance possibly for the black man smarting under what he perhaps
had some reason to consider the arrogance and injustice of his white
conquerors. However, my opinions after all are of little value, being
those of a single individual; but I trust that whoever may take the
trouble to read my narrative will accept my facts, and believe that
the account I have written of events which have lately occurred in
Matabeleland is a true and unvarnished one.

THE AUTHOR.

BULAWAYO, _21st August 1896_.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

I return to Matabeleland—Game plentiful near the Sewhoi-whoi river—An
adventure with a leopard—Bulawayo reached—Prosperous outlook—We
leave for Essexvale—Cattle-confiscation question—Its final
settlement Pages 1-9

CHAPTER II

Our life at Essexvale—Tree-planting and farming—Friendly disposition
of the natives—Umlugulu visits us—His anxiety to know the truth about
Jameson's surrender—Rumours of coming disaster—The Umlimo's
prophecy—Appearance of the rinderpest in Matabeleland—Mr. Jackson's
distrust of the native police—Superstitions regarding the Umlimo—I am
appointed cattle inspector—Spread of the rinderpest—Apprehensions of
famine—Rumours of a disturbance with the natives—Murder of a native
policeman by the Matabele 10-18

CHAPTER III

First overt act of rebellion—Natives borrow axes from Mrs.
Selous—Where are the white police?—Native woman gives information of
the murder of whites—Natives run off with the cattle—Murder of three
miners—Inscrutability of the Kafir mind—Matabele raid on cattle 19-26

CHAPTER IV

Precautions against native attack—Conference with the neighbouring
headmen—I take my wife into Bulawayo—Insurrection reported
general—Armed forces sent to disturbed districts—Return to Essexvale
with small mounted force—Short supply of horses and rifles—My views
of the Kafir rising—The progress of the insurrection at Essexvale
and the neighbourhood—Wholesale murders 27-32

CHAPTER V

Massacre of the whites near Edkins' store—Evidence of a
survivor—Mutilation and attempt to destroy identity—Murder of the
Cunningham family—Herbert Pomeroy Fynn's sworn statement—Murder of
Mr. Maddocks—Laager formed at Cumming's store—Hon. Maurice Gifford
proceeds to the relief of the whites at Cumming's store—Derelict
waggon—Murder of Dr. and Mrs. Langford—Relief of laager at
Cumming's store—Repulse of Matabele attack—Retreat to Bulawayo—Hon.
Maurice Gifford's letters 33-42

CHAPTER VI

Difficulties of the colonists much underrated—The Matabele campaign
of 1893—Military spirit scotched, not killed—Estimated native
losses—Disarmament of Matabele incomplete—Natives well supplied
with arms and ammunition—Defections amongst the native police 43-50

CHAPTER VII

Effect of removing the police force—Witch-doctors'
influence—Originators of the insurrection—Gambo detained at
Bulawayo—The Imbezu regiment—Unpreparedness of the Colonists
at the outbreak—The Rhodesia Horse—Horses in possession of
the Government—Rifles, guns, and ammunition in Government
stores—Want of community of action of the Matabele—The Umlimo's
mistake—Critical position at Bulawayo—Neglect of the Matabele to
block the roads—Force in Bulawayo at the outbreak—The Africander
Corps 51-60

CHAPTER VIII

Cattle stolen by Matabele—I recover the cattle and burn down
Matabele kraal—Start in pursuit of cattle-thieves—Surprise a
raiding party and recover two bands of cattle—Reflections on the
situation 61-67

CHAPTER IX

Return to Essexvale—Cattle left at Essexvale in charge of the
natives—Essexvale burnt down by Matabele and all the cattle carried
off—Start for Jackson's station—Desertion of the native police—The
Makalaka—False rumours—Start for Spiro's stores—Colonial Boys
report the district quiet—Decide to return to Bulawayo through the
Matopo Hills 68-73

CHAPTER X

Through the Matopo Hills—Skirmish with the rebels—A narrow
escape—Capture a band of cattle—Retire with wounded—Fidelity of
Mazhlabanyan—Reach Dawson's store—Arrive at Bulawayo 74-79

CHAPTER XI

O'Connor's wonderful escape—The importance of the Native question
in Rhodesia 80-89

CHAPTER XII

Laager formed at Bulawayo—Matabele scare—Colonel Spreckley's
valuable services—Meet Mr. Jackson—Disarmament of native
police—Account of the insurrection—Mr. Grey's narrow escape—Returns
to Bulawayo to give warning of the rising—Fortunate escape of a
hunting party—Wholesale murders—Grey's Scouts 90-97

CHAPTER XIII

Captain Grey's timely arrival at Tekwe store—Colonel Napier's
column arrives at Tekwe—Murder of Wood—Salisbury coach chased
by Kafirs—Forty-three persons rescued by patrols—Account of
Captain Pittendrigh's rescue party—Severe fighting—Massacre
of whites at Inyati—Escape of Madden—Defence of Campbell's
store—Relief of Captain Pittendrigh's party—Fight their way back to
Bulawayo—Courage and skill of the Africander Corps—Gallant conduct
of Henderson in bringing in a wounded comrade 98-108

CHAPTER XIV

Mr. Dawson's patrol—The last coach on the Tuli road—I take a
patrol down the Mangwe road—Interview at "Fig Tree" with Makalaka
Induna—Proceed to Shashani—Meet a shooting party—Death of Captain
Lumsden—I ride on by myself to Mangwe—Hearty reception—Ravages of
the rinderpest—Extraordinary absence of vultures 109-115

CHAPTER XV

Escort a convoy of waggons to Bulawayo—Murder of a Greek trader—Mr.
Gordon saved by native police—Mr. Reed warned of danger by
Makalakas—Patrols sent to Gwanda and Shiloh districts—Proceedings
of the Gwanda patrol—Scenes of pillage and desolation—Lieutenant
Webb's narrative—Six hours' severe fighting—Narrow escape of
patrol from annihilation—Captain Van Niekerk's cool judgment and
bravery—Gallant conduct of the patrol 116-126

CHAPTER XVI

Gifford's fight in the Shiloh Hills—Strength of the patrol—First
skirmish with the Matabele—Form a laager—March resumed—Second
skirmish—Patrol reach Fonseca's farm—Fight at Fonseca's
farm—Death of a witch-doctor—Colonel Gifford wounded—Messengers
sent to Bulawayo for assistance—Laager strengthened—Fighting
renewed—Captain Lumsden wounded—Matabele retire—Relief column
arrives—Return to Bulawayo—Death of Captain Lumsden—Colonel
Gifford's arm amputated 127-134

CHAPTER XVII

Despatch from Captain Laing—Laager formed at Belingwe—Strange
conduct of a native policeman—Three Matabele caught looting and
hanged—"Young Tradesman's" letter to the _Daily Graphic_—Matabele
capture a herd of cattle and murder some Zambesi Kafirs near
Bulawayo—Determination to build forts between Bulawayo and Mangwe—I
am sent to establish forts and take command of all troops on the
road—Fort Molyneux—I return to Bulawayo to report my views—Curious
position of affairs in Matabeleland 135-143

CHAPTER XVIII

Matabele advance on Bulawayo—Small force sent out to
reconnoitre—Skirmish with the Matabele—I receive instructions
to build a fort between Bulawayo and Fig Tree—The question
of provisioning the forts—Three men of the Africander Corps
killed—Attack by Matabele on Colonel Napier's farm—Captain
Macfarlane sent with relief party—I ride out to see what was going
on—I join relief party—Overtake Matabele near Colenbrander's
farm—Fighting commences—I take command of a few Africanders—Our
skirmish—Maxim jams at a critical time—Bad shooting of the
Matabele—Their want of combination 144-154

CHAPTER XIX

A force under command of Colonel Napier sent against the rebels at
the Umguza—Force retire without fighting—I obtain leave to join a
patrol sent out to the Umguza under Captain Bisset—Matabele dispute
our advance—I attack Kafirs' centre with Colonial Boys—Matabele
centre driven back—John Grootboom's escape—Matabele in flight—A
good chance lost—I receive orders to retire—I dismount to get a
shot—My horse bolts and leaves me—Nearly caught by Matabele—Windley
comes to my rescue—Windley's horse refuses to carry double—Reach
the Colonial Boys and am saved by Captain Windley's courage and
self-denial—Baxter's gallant action—Gallantry and devotion to
one another of Captain Grey's officers and men—Patrol retires to
Bulawayo Pages 155-166

CHAPTER XX

Telegraph wire to Fig Tree Fort cut—Patrol sent out to escort
coach—I join Captain Mainwaring's patrol—Repair telegraph wire—I
rejoin my troop at Dawe's store—Two murdered white men found near
Bulawayo—Fort Marquand—Lieutenant Grenfell's account of the fight
at Umguza 167-175

CHAPTER XXI

Hand over the command of Fort Marquand to Lieutenant
Grenfell—Proceed towards Bulawayo—Fort at Wilson's farm—Umguza
fight the first Matabele defeat—Murder of eight coolies on the
outskirts of Bulawayo—Arrival of Earl Grey at Bulawayo—Matabele
threaten Fort Dawson—Captain Molyneux's farm destroyed—I am sent to
Khami river to build a fort—Meet Cornelius Van Rooyen—Marzwe orders
his people to come to Fort Mabukitwani for protection—Marzwe's
kraal attacked, and all his people reported murdered—I start with
my men to visit Marzwe's kraal—Rebels defeated by Marzwe's people,
and prisoners and cattle recaptured—We return to the fort—I am
ordered to collect a force, and march to Bulawayo—Changes in the
command of the forts—Reach Bulawayo with my force 176-185

CHAPTER XXII

Large column commanded by Colonel Napier despatched for the
Tchangani to meet Salisbury relief force—Matabele impi reported
near Tekwe river—Matabele reported to be at Thaba Induna—I am
ordered to the front—Matabele retire—Column in laager near Graham's
store—Captain Grey's patrol has a skirmish with the Kafirs—Pursuit
of Kafirs—No quarter—Reflections—Several kraals burnt, coin and
cattle captured—Cold weather and storms—March with provision convoy
and laager at Dr. Jameson's old camp—Desolation along the line of
march—Burnham reports scouting party from Salisbury contingent had
been met with—We reach Pongo store—Bury the bodies of murdered
white men 186-196

CHAPTER XXIII

Meet Salisbury relief force, with Mr. Cecil Rhodes, Sir Charles
Metcalfe, and others—Column under Colonel Spreckley sent to the
south—Several kraals burnt—Scouting party sent out under Captain
Van Niekerk—Band of cattle captured—Large body of Kafirs met with—A
running fight; Burnham and Blick nearly captured—Patrol return to
laager—Capture a woman—Discover a body of Matabele, and send for
reinforcement of men on foot—We hear heavy firing in front—Mr.
Cecil Rhodes joins us with Colonial Boys—Advance and take part in
the fight—Enemy's fire silenced—We retire 197-207

CHAPTER XXIV

Position of laager shifted—Massacre of the Ross and Fourie
families—Remains of some of the Fourie's found—Advance on Matabele
scherms and find them deserted—Visit the scene of yesterday's
fight—Burn kraals and return to camp—Bury two men killed in
yesterday's fight and the remains of the Fourie family—Find the
remains of the Ross family—March down the Insiza valley—Burn a
large number of kraals—Colonel Spreckley's column captures cattle
and donkeys—Remains of several murdered Europeans found—The
murder of Dr. and Mrs. Langford—Column sent to the Filibusi
district—Return to Bulawayo—I visit Essexvale—A scene of desolation
208-216

CHAPTER XXV

Sir Frederick Carrington takes over the command of all forces
in Matabeleland—Account of Colonel Plumer's successful
engagement—General Carrington sends out three patrols to clear the
country of rebels to the west, north, and north-east—No enemy met
with, but much grain taken and destroyed—A large impi reported
camped on the Umguza—Force under Colonel Spreckley proceeds to
attack it—Kafirs charged by mounted men and bolt—Heavy Matabele
losses—How this impi was deceived by a witch-doctor—Incorrect
statements in _Truth_ 217-227

CHAPTER XXVI

I proceed with the column under Colonel Spreckley's command for
Shiloh—A bad time for the horses—I find the bodies of three Zambesi
boys at Stuart's mining camp—Account of the murders—A fort built
on the site of the old police camp—March for the Queen's Mine—Part
of the column sent on to Inyati—Bodies of six murdered men
found—Narrow escape of Mr. Rees and his family—Church and mission
houses at Inyati burnt down by the Matabele—Column move to Fynn's
farm—Patrol fall in with a large body of Kafirs—Council of war
decides to endeavour to drive rebels from their position—Kafirs
decamp during the night—A faithful servant—Kafirs disheartened
but afraid to surrender—Large amount of grain captured—Return to
Bulawayo—News of the rising in Mashunaland—A force sent to Eastern
Rhodesia—The prophetess "Salugazana"—Umlimos responsible for the
outbreak in Mashunaland—Loot the object of the Mashunas—Captain
Laing arrives at Bulawayo—His successful engagements with
the rebels—Matibi's valuable assistance—Loyalty of Chibi and
Chilimanzi—The Bulawayo Field Force disbanded—Lord Grey's address
to the members of the Bulawayo Field Force 228-240

SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER

Containing a few thoughts and opinions upon matters Rhodesian and
South African 241-259

APPENDICES 263

INDEX 285

ILLUSTRATIONS

MAHOLI _Frontispiece_

PAGE

ADVENTURE WITH A LEOPARD _To face_ 2

THE AUTHOR'S HOMESTEAD ON ESSEXVALE, MATABELELAND " 11

AN ANT-HEAP IN MATABELELAND " 18

HON. MAURICE GIFFORD, C.M.G. 39

VIEW IN THE MATOPO HILLS _To face_ 74

O'CONNOR'S ARRIVAL AT THE STORE " 86

LAAGER IN MARKET SQUARE, BULAWAYO 90

COLONEL J. A. SPRECKLEY 92

GREY'S SCOUTS _To face_ 94

HIS LAST OX " 114

CAPTAIN VAN NIEKERK 120

FORT MARQUAND, WITH A PORTION OF H TROOP OF THE
BULAWAYO FIELD FORCE IN THE FOREGROUND _To face_ 168

CAPTAIN R. MACFARLANE 171

COLONEL WILLIAM NAPIER 190

CAPTAIN TYRIE LAING 237

COMMANDANT VAN RENSBERG 243

MAP _To face_ 290

CHAPTER I

I return to Matabeleland—Game plentiful near the Sewhoi-whoi
river—An adventure with a leopard—Bulawayo reached—Prosperous
outlook—We leave for Essexvale—Cattle-confiscation question—Its
final settlement.

When, in the end of December 1893, immediately after the close of
the first Matabele War, I rode away from Bulawayo and set out on my
journey to England, I thought it more than probable that I should
never again revisit the land over which Lo Bengula had so lately held
sway. Destiny, however, willed it otherwise. Perhaps I found that
the definition of "enough" as "a little more than you've got," when
applied to income, was a true one; or perhaps I thought the ways of
civilisation somewhat irksome, and at times pined for "a breath of the
veld" and one more look at the wild game in the wild country where I
had already passed so many years of my life. At any rate, when I was
asked by my old friend, Mr. Maurice Heany, to go out once more to
Matabeleland to assist him in the management of a land and gold-mining
company which he had recently floated, I gave the proposal my very
serious consideration, and when I found that my wife was quite willing
to face all the troubles and difficulties incidental to a life in a new
country, I agreed to undertake the duties required of me for a period
of two years.

We—my wife and I—left England for South Africa on 30th March 1895,
but we did not reach Bulawayo until the end of the following August;
as, after landing at Cape Town, we spent two months in the Cape Colony
and the Orange Free State, and then taking ship round the coast to
Beira, proceeded by river steamer to Fontesvilla, and thence by rail
to Chimoio. Here my waggon was awaiting us, and in it we travelled
slowly and comfortably for two months, keeping the main transport
road—which I had myself laid out four years before—to Salisbury, but
from there going across country to my old hunting camp on the Hanyani
river; thence to Hartley Hills on the Umfuli, and from there along the
old hunters' road to Bulawayo. On this portion of our route I found
game very plentiful, especially sable antelopes, large herds of which
beautiful animals I saw almost daily. Near the river Sewhoi-whoi I
was able to take my wife quite close up to the largest herd of these
antelopes that I have ever seen. As they cantered past us within a
hundred yards I counted them roughly and made their number between
seventy-five and eighty. Having plenty of meat at the waggon I had no
need to shoot; so we just sat on our horses and admired them, though
there was one cow with a beautiful curved pair of horns that tempted
me sorely. On several occasions we saw the fresh spoor of lions, but
we never either got a sight of the animals themselves or even heard
one roar. At the Sebakwe river I saw the tracks of a herd of elephants
that had passed only a few days before; and on this same day I met
with rather a curious experience, which, although I am not writing an
article on shooting incidents, I will take the liberty to relate.

[Illustration: ADVENTURE WITH A LEOPARD.

"It was close to me before I could even swing my rifle over the horse's
neck."]

Early on the morning of the day in question I had left the waggon and
ridden down to the river—the Sebakwe—intending to follow its course
to the point at which the road crossed it. Having plenty of meat, I
took no native attendants with me, and resolved not to shoot at
anything but a small antelope, a wild pig, or some animal the greater
part of which I could have carried behind my saddle. However, I saw no
game at all, large or small, with the exception of one reed buck ram
bounding through the long grass, and was approaching the ford across
the river without having fired a shot, when I noticed what I took to
be a jackal sitting on its haunches in the grass about a hundred and
fifty yards to my right. The grass being rather long I could not make
out very well what it was even from my horse's back, and when I had
dismounted I could barely see that there was anything there at all.
However, aiming rather low in the grass, I fired, and distinctly heard
the bullet strike something with a loud thud. Remounting my horse, and
marking by a small bush the spot near which the now invisible animal
had been before I fired, I rode leisurely up to see what I had shot. I
was carrying my rifle across the saddle in front of me, without having
reloaded it, and on nearing the bush I had marked pulled up my horse
and was looking about for a jackal lying dead on the ground. However
I could not see one, and was wondering how such a small animal could
have moved away after being hit by an expanding bullet, when a loud
grunting noise made me look up, and I saw a leopard rushing towards me
through the grass. As it only charged from a distance of fifteen yards,
it was close to me before I could even swing my rifle over the horse's
neck, and I made sure that it would spring upon him and bite and claw
him badly before I could load and shoot. However, strange to say, it
simply galloped past, almost, if not quite, brushing against my horse's
fore-leg, and passing beneath my right stirrup. After going about
thirty yards it stopped and sat down on its haunches. By this time I
had another cartridge in my rifle; so I hastily dismounted and gave
the leopard a shot behind the shoulder, killing it instantly. It proved
to be a large female in good condition, with a beautifully-marked
skin. The first bullet had struck it in the middle of the body, and
going right through, had made a large hole on the further side, out
of which a portion of the liver was protruding. This was of course
sufficient to account for the animal's display of bad temper; but why
it simply rushed past me without springing on to the horse, I don't
quite know. Had my horse turned, possibly it would have done so; but
being an animal of a very imperturbable temper he never moved, and
his immobility may have disconcerted the leopard, and caused it not
to act quite up to its original intention. After disembowelling it, I
lifted it on to my horse, and carried it behind the saddle to the ford
across the Sebakwe, where I found my waggon outspanned. This very mild
adventure is the only incident of interest which I have to record as
having occurred on our journey to Bulawayo, which we finally reached on
20th August.

When just twenty months previously I had left Matabeleland, there was
no other Bulawayo save a ruined kraal, but lately wrecked and destroyed
by the order of the unhappy Lo Bengula, who in despair at the defeat of
his bravest regiments, had blown up his European house, burnt his chief
town to ashes, and abandoning the land won by his father's assegais
to the victorious troopers of the Chartered Company, fled away to die
heart-broken in the forests to the north. Just across the stream which
runs below the kraal stood the camp of the white invaders, a rough,
hardy lot of men, whom some have called heroes and others filibusters;
a confusion of titles equally applicable, I fancy, to the followers of
Drake or Clive or any other body of men who have helped to make the
British Empire what it is. The site of the new township had indeed
been marked out, but not a house of any kind stood upon it. In the
short interval, however, a European town had sprung up, containing
many good, substantial buildings, whilst the bustle and movement in
the dusty streets gave an air of life and vigour to the new Bulawayo,
which is very commonly absent from the frontier towns of South Africa.
In short, at this time—the autumn of 1895—everything was apparently
_couleur de rose_ in Matabeleland. Properties, whether farm lands,
building sites in town, or mining claims, went up to very high values,
whilst almost every one believed that within a year Bulawayo would
contain a population of 5000 souls, and that the town itself would
receive a plentiful supply of water from the reservoirs already in
course of construction, and be lighted by the electric light. In fact,
all was mirth and joy and hope in the future; for what was to hinder
the ever-increasing prosperity of the country? Much good work had
already been done on many of the reefs, and on the whole the promise
was distinctly good. Then again, after a probation of eighteen months,
the country had been pronounced favourably upon by Dutch and Colonial
farmers, especially for cattle-ranching, whilst many predicted that
much of the high veld would carry sheep.

Apparently no difficulties with the natives were to be apprehended,
and certainly were not foreseen, as no one could have recognised
the identity in the quiet submissive native carrying nothing but a
stick, to the arrogant savage of old times who was seldom seen without
his shield and assegais, and who was usually insolent and brutal
in his manner to the white man. No one dreamt that within a very
few months the country would be well-nigh overwhelmed in calamity;
that that terrible scourge the rinderpest, which has swept like a
destroying angel from Masailand through Central and Eastern Africa,
almost annihilating in its course all bovine animals as well as all
the various and beautiful species of antelopes, was creeping ever
nearer to the Zambesi river, and was destined ere long to cross that
boundary, and travelling ever southwards destroy tens of thousands of
cattle in Matabeleland, thereby paralysing its transport service, and
rendering the cost of living almost prohibitive in a country separated
by 600 miles of wilderness from the nearest railway station. Still
less, looking at the submissive behaviour of the natives, did any one
picture to himself in the furthest recesses of his mind, the vision of
homesteads burned to ashes throughout Matabeleland, and around them the
corpses of their owners, among them many women and tender children, all
brutally murdered, lying unburied in their blood. Yet were these dire
disasters, with partial drought and plague of locusts superadded, soon
to crush all joy out of Matabeleland.

In spite of its air of prosperity and the light-heartedness of its
inhabitants, Bulawayo with its constant dust-storms, scarcity of water,
and general burnt-up appearance, had but few attractions either for
my wife or myself, and we made our arrangements to get away to our
Company's property of Essexvale as soon as possible. On this property a
rough two-roomed house of poles, plastered with mud and thatched with
grass, had been got ready for us temporarily, pending the arrival of
a wire-wove bungalow that had been sent out from England in sections,
and which was to be erected on a site chosen by myself. On our way to
Essexvale we spent a night with my old friends the missionaries at
Hope Fountain, and I had a long talk over old times, and the present
condition of the natives in Matabeleland. Mr. Helm told me that
although doubtless the members of the royal family, and the men of
position under the old regime, regretted the downfall of their king and
the conquest of the country by the white man, yet the great mass of
the people acknowledged that they were better off under the rule of the
Chartered Company than they had been in Lo Bengula's time; for although
individual white men were sometimes guilty of injustice and brutality
towards individual natives, yet, speaking generally, the lives and
property of the latter were now secure, and whatever they earned was
their own, all of which blessings were unknown to them before the
conquest of Matabeleland by the white man.

There was, however, one matter, Mr. Helm informed me, that was causing
a great deal of discontent throughout the country. This was the
periodical taking away of the cattle in small numbers by the Chartered
Company, subsequent to the first confiscation immediately after the
war. Probably if, after the subjugation of the country, the Chartered
Company had at once taken all the cattle they ever intended to take,
and given the natives the balance for their very own to do with as
they liked, there never would have been any heart-burning over the
cattle question at all. However, after the first confiscation, all
the remaining cattle in the country—about 90,000—were branded with
the Company's brand and left with the natives to look after. They
were told that the Company would take more from time to time as they
required them, but at the same time they were given to understand
that only cattle which had belonged to the king would be confiscated,
and none belonging to private owners interfered with. This promise
was made under the belief that nearly all the cattle in Matabeleland
had belonged to the king, and that the private owners had been but
few in number. That this was a mistake I think there can be little
doubt, as almost every man of any standing in Matabeleland had been
a cattle-owner, some of the chief Indunas possessing large herds of
private cattle. But when a native commissioner received an order from
the Government to send to Bulawayo without delay a certain number of
cattle from his district, he never could have done so had he listened
to all the claims made to private ownership previous to the war, some
of which were true, but others false; and he therefore had to use his
own discretion in selecting the cattle necessary to make up the total
required. In this way certain natives suffered wrong, more especially
owners of perhaps only three or four cows, who in some cases lost
their all, both in cattle and faith in the honesty and justice of the
Government of the Chartered Company, which they deemed had broken the
promise given to them, as indeed was the case, though the mistake was
made inadvertently and through not considering the investigation of the
whole question of sufficient importance to take any great trouble about.

"If," said Mr. Helm, "the Company would take, once for all, all the
cattle they intend taking, and give the natives the remainder, it would
restore their confidence, as they now believe that the cattle will be
constantly taken away from them in small lots until there are none left
to them. However," he continued, "the Company can do what it likes with
them, and treat them generously or otherwise as it pleases, for they
acknowledge themselves to be a conquered people, and will submit to any
terms imposed upon them." This remark was made by a man who had lived
in close intimacy with the natives of Matabeleland for twenty years,
but as subsequent events show, it was far from the truth. Shortly after
this conversation, the Government of the Chartered Company, acting on
the advice I believe of the chief native commissioner, Mr. Herbert
Taylor, decided to finally settle the cattle question. There were at
this time about 70,000 head of cattle in the hands of the natives, and
of this number the Government determined to take two-fifths, leaving
the remaining three-fifths as the absolute property of the Matabele.
A meeting was called at Bulawayo, at which all the chief Indunas in
the country were present, and when the proposition was laid before
them, they expressed themselves as thoroughly satisfied, and assured
Mr. Taylor that their people would also be satisfied; and from my own
subsequent observation, I believe that this final distribution of the
cattle caused a general feeling of relief throughout the country, and,
in the district in which I was living at any rate, the people seemed
well contented with this settlement of the question, which left them
for the most part fairly well off.

CHAPTER II

Our life at Essexvale—Tree-planting and farming—Friendly
disposition of the natives—Umlugulu visits us—His anxiety to
know the truth about Jameson's surrender—Rumours of coming
disaster—The Umlimo's prophecy—Appearance of the rinderpest
in Matabeleland—Mr. Jackson's distrust of the native
police—Superstitions regarding the Umlimo—I am appointed
cattle inspector—Spread of the rinderpest—Apprehensions of
famine—Rumours of a disturbance with the natives—Murder of a
native policeman by the Matabele.

Of our life on Essexvale I have but little of interest to relate.
In September and October the weather became intensely hot, but our
well-thatched house we found to be much cooler than any building in
Bulawayo, to which seat of light and learning we paid but occasional
visits. Our wire-wove house did not arrive in Matabeleland until late
in November, just as the rainy season was setting in, and it was not
until towards the end of the year that it was put together and stood
ready to receive us, on the site I had chosen for it. This was a very
picturesque position on the top of a cliff about eighty feet above the
Ingnaima river. Here we lived happily and contentedly for three months,
and were apparently on the most friendly terms with all the natives
living near us. Our Company bought about 1200 head of cattle, and these
I distributed amongst the natives living on Essexvale—an estate of
nearly 200,000 acres—to herd for us in lots of from ten to thirty in
number, which they were very glad to do for the sake of the milk. To
all the headmen living immediately round the homestead I gave a larger
proportion of milk cows, on the condition that they brought me daily
half the milk.

[Illustration: THE AUTHOR'S HOMESTEAD ON ESSEXVALE, MATABELELAND.

Destroyed by the natives in April 1896.]

I was assisted in the management of the estate by a young German, Herr
Blöcker, who had taken his diplomas in a German School of Forestry, as
it was part of our Company's scheme to start a plantation of gum trees,
the timber of which is valuable for mining purposes. We therefore
cleared and ploughed up about forty acres of land, and planted out over
5000 trees raised from seed on a strip of eight acres near the house.
The rest of the ploughed land we sowed with maize, reserving about an
acre near the river for a vegetable garden. The ground round the house
my wife laid out in flower-beds, and I had also beds prepared for the
planting of orange and other fruit trees, which I had ordered from
the Cape Colony; whilst several banana and grenadilla plants, which
had been given us by the Rev. Mr. Helm, were already growing well.
Altogether, in spite of the most unseasonable drought which prevailed
during January, February, and March, our homestead commenced to look
quite pretty, and another year's work would have made a nice place of
it; whilst the view from our front door up the river, with our cattle
and horses grazing on the banks, and ducks and geese swimming in the
pools or sunning themselves on the sand, was always singularly homelike.

As I have said above, up to the day of the native insurrection, which
broke out towards the end of March, all the natives on Essexvale
appeared to be on the most friendly terms with us, and were always
most civil and polite to my wife, who had grown to like them very
much. We had done them many good turns, and I believe they liked us
as individuals. Umlugulu, a relation of Lo Bengula's, and one of the
principal men in that king's time, as well as a high priest of the
ceremonies at the annual religious dance of the Inxwala, was living
about fifteen miles away, and often came to see us. He was a very
gentle-mannered savage, and always most courteous and polite in his
bearing, and by us he was always treated with the consideration due
to one who had held a high position and been a man of importance in
Lo Bengula's time. It is now supposed, and I think with justice, that
this man was one of the chief instigators of the rebellion; but if
this is so, I have strong reasons for believing that he only finally
made up his mind that the time had come for the attempt to be made to
drive the white men out of the country when he learnt that the whole
of the police force of Matabeleland, together with the artillery,
munitions of war, etc., which had been taken down to the Transvaal by
Dr. Jameson, had been captured by the Boers. My reason for thinking so
is, that before he heard this news he asked me several times to take
some unbranded cattle from him, and have them herded amongst my own, or
bought from him at my own price. This request I could not grant, but
advised him to go and tell Dr. Jameson the story he had told me, as to
how these cattle came to be in his possession without the Company's
brand on them. After he heard the news of Dr. Jameson's surrender,
Umlugulu never said anything more about these cattle, but he often
came to see me, and always questioned me very closely as to what had
actually happened in the Transvaal. Although at that time I had no
idea as to the lines on which I now think his mind was working, I gave
him little or no information, the more so that I could see he was very
anxious to get at the truth.

Towards the end of February, Mr. Jackson, the native commissioner in
my district, who was living with a sub-inspector and a force of native
police at a spot on one of the roads through Essexvale about twelve
miles distant from our house, informed me that rumours of coming
disaster to the white man, purporting to emanate from the "Umlimo" or
god of the Makalakas, who dwells in a cave of the Matopo Hills, were
being spread abroad amongst the people of Matabeleland. Shortly before
this there had been a total eclipse of the moon. This the Umlimo told
the natives meant that white man's blood was about to be spilt. Further
than this, they were informed that Lo Bengula was not dead, but was
now on his way back to Matabeleland with a large army from the north,
whilst two other armies were coming to help him against the white man
from the west and east. "Watch the coming moon," said the Umlimo,
"and be ready." He also claimed to have sent the rinderpest, which
had just reached the cattle in the north of Matabeleland—though of
what advantage that scourge was to the natives I don't quite see—and
promised that he would soon afflict the white men themselves with some
equally terrible disease.

Now, although these rumours of a native rising were current in
Matabeleland some time before the insurrection actually broke out, and
were reported to the then acting chief native commissioner, Mr. Thomas,
and to the heads of the Government, I do not think that they would have
been warranted in taking any steps of a suppressive nature at this
juncture; for there was absolutely nothing tangible to go upon, nor
could any commission of inquiry have come to any other conclusion than
that the natives had no intention of rebelling; for they were as quiet
and submissive in their demeanour towards Europeans as they ever had
been since the war, and there was absolutely no evidence of any secret
arming amongst them; and the fact remains that, with one exception,
all those Europeans in Matabeleland who had had a long experience of
natives—that is, the native commissioners, missionaries, and a few old
traders and hunters, amongst whom I must include myself—were unanimous
in the opinion that no rebellion on the part of the Matabele was to
be apprehended. I say there was one exception, as I have been told
that Mr. Usher, an old trader long resident in Matabeleland, and who
since the first war has been living altogether amongst the natives,
has always maintained that the Matabele would one day rise against the
white man.

For myself, I had many conversations with Mr. Jackson on the subject,
and we came to the conclusion, after talking with several intelligent
natives regarding the rumours going about, that the Matabele were not
likely to rebel until Lo Bengula appeared with his army. "However,"
said Mr. Jackson one evening, "it is very difficult to worm a secret
out of a native, and if there should be an insurrection those are the
devils we have to fear," pointing to his squad of native Matabele
policemen, sitting about round their huts all armed with repeating
Winchester rifles. At that time no one would have imagined that these
native policemen—all fine, active-looking young fellows, and very
smart at their drill—would have been likely to mutiny, since they
were not only very well disciplined but most civil and obedient to
their white officers; whilst, on the other hand, they were constantly
at loggerheads with their compatriots, whom they had to bring to
book for any transgression of the Chartered Company's laws, and more
particularly for evasion of the regulations exacting a certain amount
of labour annually at a fixed rate of pay from every able-bodied young
man. However, as subsequent events have shown, Mr. Jackson was right in
his prognostication, for when the rebellion did break out, about half
the native police at once turned their rifles against their employers.
The remainder were true to their salt, but had to be disarmed as a
precautionary measure.

I will now before going further say a word concerning the "Umlimo" or
god of the Makalakas, who has apparently played such an important part
in the present rebellion, but who, I think, has in reality only been
the instrument employed by the actual leaders of the insurrection to
work upon the superstitions of the people, and mould them to their
will. To the best of my belief, there exists amongst the Makalakas,
as amongst all the tribes of allied race throughout South-Eastern
Africa, an hereditary priesthood, confined to one family, though from
time to time certain other young men are adopted by the high priest
and initiated into the mysteries of his profession. These men in
common with the actual sons of the high priest are known henceforth as
children of the god. The head of the family lives in the Matopo Hills,
and is known as the Umlimo, but as far as one can understand from the
rather conflicting statements made concerning him by the natives, he
is not actually the Umlimo, but a being possessed of all the ordinary
attributes of man,—in fact a human being, with a spiritual nature
superadded which enables him to commune with the unseen Deity that
pervades space, and communicate the wishes or commands of the invisible
spirit to the people. The temple of the Umlimo is a cave in the Matopo
Hills, whither the people repair to consult him; and I believe that the
voice which is heard in answer to their questions from the depths of
the cave is supposed to emanate not from the human Umlimo or priest,
but to be the actual utterance of the invisible god. The human Umlimo
is kept wonderfully well posted up concerning everything that happens
in Matabeleland, probably by the various members of his family, who
live in different parts of the country, and who often visit him. He
is thus often enabled to make very shrewd answers to the questions
asked him, and to show himself conversant with matters which his
interlocutors thought were known only to themselves; and in this way he
has gained a great ascendency over the minds of the people.

If one asks who the Umlimo is, the answer is that he is a spirit or
supernatural being of infinite wisdom, known to man only as a voice
speaking from the depths of a cave. He is said to be able to speak all
languages, as well as to be possessed of the faculty of roaring like a
lion, crowing like a cock, barking like a dog, etc. On the other hand,
the human Umlimo accepts or rather demands presents from those who
visit his cave for the purpose of consulting the Deity, and possesses
not only cattle, sheep, and goats, but also a large number of wives.
The great mass of the Matabele people seem to me to have very vague
ideas concerning the Umlimo; and sometimes I think that besides the
priest in the Matopos through whom the voice of God is supposed to
be heard, there are other priests,[4] or so-called Umlimos, in other
parts of the country through whom they believe that the commands of
the Almighty can be conveyed to them. At any rate, both prior to and
during the present rebellion, utterances purporting to emanate from the
"Umlimo" have been implicitly believed in, and the commands attributed
to him obeyed with a blind fanaticism, that one would not have looked
for in a people who always seem to be extremely matter of fact and
practical in everyday life. It may seem strange that this "Umlimo,"
or god of the despised Makalakas, should be accepted as an oracle by
the Matabele, but I know that Lo Bengula professed a strong belief in
his magical powers, and from time to time consulted him. I believe,
however, that the Umlimo was made use of for the purposes of the
present rebellion by Umlugulu, and other members of the late king's
family.

These men were naturally not content with their position under the
white man's rule, and as ever since the war they had probably been
rebels at heart, they only wanted an opportunity to call the people to
arms. This opportunity they thought had come when they heard that the
entire police force of Matabeleland, together with most of the big guns
and munitions of war up till then stored in Bulawayo, had been captured
by the Boers. For to them the police represented the fighting or
military element amongst the white men, and they more or less despised
all other classes, whom they usually saw going about altogether unarmed
and defenceless. When the police were gone, therefore, they at once
probably set about stirring up a rebellion, and got the Umlimo to play
their game and work upon the superstitions of the people. This at any
rate is my own opinion of the origin of the insurrection.

About the middle of March I was appointed cattle inspector for the
district between the Umzingwani and Insiza rivers, and had to do a lot
of riding about in my endeavours to assist the Government to arrest the
spread of the rinderpest. However, one might as well have tried to stop
a rising tide on the sea-shore, as prevent this dreadful disease from
travelling steadily down the main roads, leaving nothing but rotting
carcasses and ruined men behind it. Therefore, while still strictly
prohibiting all movement of cattle from infected districts to parts of
the country yet free from the terrible scourge, the Government declared
the main roads open for traffic on Tuesday, 24th March, in order that
as many waggon-loads of provisions as possible might be brought into
Bulawayo, whilst any oxen were still left alive to pull them; for at
this time the only calamities apprehended in Matabeleland were famine,
and the complete dislocation of transport throughout the country owing
to the terrible mortality amongst the cattle from rinderpest. These
dangers indeed seemed so pressing that the Government was called upon
by a deputation from the Chamber of Commerce to at once purchase 2000
mules, to be used for the importation of food-stuffs into Bulawayo, and
their distribution from that centre to the various mining districts.

On Sunday, 22nd March, I reached Bulawayo late in the evening, after
a very long day's ride inspecting cattle, and I then heard rumours of
a disturbance having taken place between some of Mr. Jackson's native
police and the inhabitants of a Matabele kraal near the north-western
boundary of our Company's property of Essexvale. On the following day
I got a fresh horse and rode twenty-five miles down the Tuli road to
Dawson's store on the Umzingwani river—the limit of my beat in this
direction—issuing passes to all the waggons I met with to proceed on
their way up or down the road on the following morning. Arrived at the
store, I there met my friend Mr. Jackson, the native commissioner,
and Mr. Cooke, and learned from them that a native policeman had
been murdered by the Matabele on the previous Friday night, and that
the murderers had fled into the Matopo Hills, taking all their women
and children as well as their cattle with them. My friends were only
waiting for a detachment of native police, under two white inspectors,
to follow up the murderers and endeavour to bring them to justice.

[Illustration:

_By permission of the Proprietors of "Black and White."_

AN ANT-HEAP IN MATABELELAND.]

CHAPTER III

First overt act of rebellion—Natives borrow axes from Mrs.
Selous—Where are the white police?—Native woman gives information
of the murder of whites—Natives run off with the cattle—Murder of
three miners—Inscrutability of the Kafir mind—Matabele raid on
cattle.

Now this murder of a native policeman on the night of Friday, 20th
March, was the first overt act of rebellion on the part of the Matabele
against the Government of the British South Africa Company, and I
will therefore relate exactly what occurred. On the evening of the
aforementioned day, eight native policemen, acting on instructions of
Mr. Jackson, arrived at the town of Umgorshlwini, situated in the hills
near the Umzingwani river. Being accompanied by several boys carrying
their blankets, etc., they formed quite a little party, and so camped
outside the native town. They were sitting talking over their fires
after the evening meal, when a number of Matabele came up, and ranging
themselves in a line in front of them, commenced to dance. These men
all carried knob-kerries, and were led by a man named Umzobo,[5] who
had held a post of importance at Bulawayo in Lo Bengula's time. The
so-called dancing of all Kafirs of Zulu race is not dancing in the
European sense, but consists for the most part in stamping on the
ground, swaying the body and gesticulating with sticks. The stamping
is usually accompanied by a chant, the words of which are often
improvised for the occasion, and the effect of the whole dance is
decidedly stimulating, as I have often watched a stolid, stupid-looking
Kafir work himself up to a state of high excitability by this means.
On the present occasion Umzobo and his men very soon showed that they
had come to dance before the representatives of the law with a purpose,
that purpose being to pick a quarrel with them. They soon commenced
to "jia," or point with their sticks; then one of them ran out of the
line, and coming close up to the police, stooped forward, and drawing
his left hand rapidly backwards and forwards across his throat,
said: "You are killing us, you are killing us; why don't you cut our
throats, and make an end of it?" Then another ran out, and repeating
the formula, "you are killing us," pressed his finger on his temple,
and said: "Why don't you shoot us? why don't you put the bullet in
just here?" The expression, "you're killing us," so frequently used by
Umzobo's men, meant "you're making life unpleasant to us by enforcing
the Company's laws."

When these hostile demonstrations had gone on for some time, the
sergeant in charge of the police told Umzobo that he had better take
his men away, and tell them to go to sleep, as nobody wanted to fight
with them; but his words were without effect, and the dancing was still
going on, when one of the policemen saw a man creeping stealthily
towards them round the back of the cattle kraal. At once suspecting
mischief, he jumped up, and calling to his comrades "Look out, we're
amongst enemies," rushed upon the crouching figure that at once stood
up and revealed a Kafir armed with an assegai. Before he could make
use of his weapon, however, the policeman caught him by the wrist,
whilst another guardian of the law who had followed close behind
seized his other arm. They at once disarmed the man, and were putting
the handcuffs on him, when a shot was fired out of the cattle kraal,
aimed of course at the police, but so badly aimed that instead of
hitting one of them, it struck their prisoner in the back, killing him
almost instantly. Indeed, he fell dead with the handcuff on one wrist.
Immediately the shot was fired some of the police rushed into the kraal
and almost succeeded in capturing the man who had fired, so nearly in
fact that he dropped his rifle in his hurry to escape.

Umzobo and his men had now disappeared, and the police having collected
together, were standing in the light of their camp fires uncertain what
to do, when a volley was fired amongst them from the bush outside the
kraal. None of the police were hit, but one of their blanket-carriers
was shot through the head and killed on the spot. Not knowing the
number of their unseen enemies, the representatives of the law then
thought it advisable to beat a retreat. They reached Mr. Jackson's camp
at 1 A.M. on Saturday, handing him the captured rifle, and reporting
the loss of two of their boys; for besides the one whom they knew to be
dead, another small boy some ten or twelve years of age was missing.
This boy Mr. Jackson found lying dead half under the kraal fence, when
he visited Umgorshlwini with all the police he could muster on the
morning after the disturbance. The town was then deserted, and Mr.
Jackson thinks that this small boy must have been discovered trying to
hide under the fence after the police had left. He had been murdered
in a most brutal way, his skull having been smashed to atoms with
knob-kerries.

But the murder of these two police boys and the accidental killing of
one of Umzobo's men was not the only deed of blood which occurred on
this Friday night. Amongst Umzobo's men was one Ganyana. After the
retreat of the police this man went alone to the kraal of a nephew of
Lo Bengula—Umfondisi, the son of Lo Magazi—and waking him up, told
him what had happened. According to the report of a stranger who was
sleeping in Umfondisi's kraal that night, Ganyana was very much excited
and called out, "Come, Umfondisi; why are you sleeping? don't you know
we're fighting? we've killed some policemen, come; blood is running
and men are lying dead; come with me and let us do some more killing."
Umfondisi was nothing loth, and arming himself with an assegai went off
with Ganyana to a neighbouring kraal, the headman of which they at once
awakened in order to tell him the news. At this kraal there happened to
be one of Mr. Jackson's native policemen. He was asleep in a hut when
Ganyana and Umfondisi arrived, but the loud and excited conversation
that was being carried on awoke him, and he got up and came out of the
hut, asking as he did so what all the noise was about. "Who are you?"
said Ganyana. "I am so and so, one of Mr. Jackson's policemen," was the
answer. "What!" responded Ganyana; "do you tell me that you are one
of the witches who are always troubling us?" and running up to him he
shot him, and as he fell down mortally wounded, Umfondisi, the king's
nephew, plunged his assegai into him.

When on Monday evening, 23rd March, I heard from Mr. Jackson what had
happened on the previous Friday night, I imagined that the disturbance
was merely the outcome of local discontent, and little thought that
this attack on native policemen was but the prelude to the most
terrible massacre of Europeans that has ever yet taken place in a
native rising in South Africa; and more than this, that even whilst
I listened to the story, white men, women, and children lay freshly
murdered not many miles away. On the following morning, Tuesday, 24th
March, I rode through the hills to my own place, passing Umgorshlwini
on the way. Riding round the kraal I found bloodstains where the three
men had been killed, but the bodies had been taken away and buried by
the order of Mr. Jackson. The kraal itself, together with many smaller
ones in its vicinity, was absolutely deserted, and a splendid crop of
corn left standing in the valley below.

Having been absent since the previous Sunday morning, I was still all
unsuspicious of danger, but knowing now all that actually happened
during that time within a short distance of my house, I shudder to
think of what might have occurred there during my absence; for my
wife had been quite alone in the house with two little native girls;
Mr. Blöcker, my German assistant, and a young Scotchman, Mr. Notman,
occupying huts some distance away.

I reached home about mid-day, and found everything going on as usual.
My wife told me that during the morning several men—all of whom I
knew well—had come over to see her from the chief village of the
district—Intuntini—which had been a big military kraal before the war.
These men were all true-blooded Matabele, and several of them were in
charge of cattle belonging to my Company. They all wished to borrow
axes from her, to be used for the purpose of strengthening their cattle
kraals, they said, but I know now that they wanted them as weapons of
offence, as many of the murders were committed with axes. As we were
accustomed to assist the natives in any small matter of this kind, she
let them have all the axes that could be spared, and allowed them to
sharpen them on the grindstone. About sundown some of these same men
brought the usual evening's milk, and my wife and I chatted with them
for some time. We spoke about the recent murders on the Umzingwani,
and the conduct of Umzobo and Umfondisi, and my wife asked me to say
that she thought they had acted very foolishly, as the white men would
punish them. At this they laughed, and one of them said significantly,
"How can the white men punish them? where are the white police? there
are none left in the country."

Soon after these men had left us, George, a colonial Kafir in my
employ, came and said he wished to speak to me, and on my going aside
with him informed me that his wife—a Matabele woman—had just heard
from another native woman that white men had been murdered on the
previous day by the Matabele, on the further side of the Malungwani
range, amongst them a native commissioner, who, it was said, had had
his throat cut by his own black police. On hearing this disagreeable
news, which I did not doubt was substantially true, I began to think
that we were going to have a native rising after all. However, I did
not consider that we were in any danger, except from natives coming
from a distance, as I could not believe that any of the people living
close round us would be keen to murder either my wife or myself or any
one living with us, as we had benefited them in many ways, and had
certainly never given them any cause to dislike our presence amongst
them. I, of course, said nothing to my wife as to what I had heard, but
I told Mr. Blöcker and the young Scotchman to keep their rifles handy
in case of accidents. I had, too, some very good watch-dogs that I knew
would give me warning if any Kafirs came near the house, and I kept
awake all night with my rifle and a belt full of cartridges alongside
of me. But the night passed off quite quietly.

Why no attempt was made to murder us on that Tuesday night will
always remain a mystery to me. I should like to think that because
we had always treated them kindly and considerately, our immediate
neighbours shrank from killing us; but after all that has happened I
find it very difficult to believe this. They may have come with the
intention of killing us on the Tuesday morning, but finding me absent,
and Mr. Blöcker with a rifle in his hands—for when they arrived at
the homestead he was just going off to shoot a cow whose hip had been
dislocated in branding—may not have thought the opportunity a good one.
My wife noticed that they seemed very excited, and they also seemed
very anxious to know when I would return.

All things considered, I am afraid we owe them little, as if they did
not attempt to murder us they at any rate gave us no warning, and went
off on the Tuesday night with all the cattle I had entrusted to their
care, and in all likelihood assisted in the murder of Messrs. Foster,
Eagleson, and Anderson, all three of whom were carrying on mining work
on Essexvale; Foster's camp being within four miles of my home.

The events of the last three months have taught me at least this,
that it is impossible for a European to understand the workings of a
native's mind; and, speaking personally, after having spent over twenty
years of my life amongst the Kafirs, I now see that I know nothing
about them, and recognise that I am quite incompetent to express an
opinion as to the line of conduct they would be likely to adopt under
any given circumstances.

On the following morning I got up early, and after seeing the Kafirs
make a start on the work on which I was then engaged—which was the
preparation of a piece of ground round the house for a plantation of
fruit trees—I went up to George's hut and told him to try and get some
farther particulars, through his wife, as to the murders said to have
been committed on the previous Monday. Then I strolled back to the
house and worked at one thing and another till breakfast time, and was
just going indoors to sit down to that meal, when I saw George running
down from his hut to our house, followed by a Kafir boy. As he came
near he shouted out to the horse-herd who was standing by the stable,
"Bring the horses, bring the horses; make haste!"

I knew then there was something wrong, and half thought that an attack
was imminent, and having my wife's safety to provide for, was much
relieved when George told me that no pressing danger threatened, but
that armed Kafirs had driven off some of my Company's cattle. The boy
who accompanied George belonged to a small kraal, to the members of
which I had given some twenty or thirty head of cattle to look after
for our Company, they getting full benefit of all the milk, a great
boon to them, as they possessed no cattle of their own. He had been
sent by the headman to inform me that just at daylight a number of
Matabele from the kraal of Gwibu, a nephew of Lo Bengula, had opened
the cattle kraal and driven off all the cattle, threatening the life of
any one who interfered with them. These men, he said, were all armed
either with guns or shields and assegais, and wore white ox-tails
round their left arms and necks. Whilst I was still speaking, another
messenger arrived to tell me that all the Intuntini people had left
in the night, taking all their cattle with them, the greater part of
which belonged to my Company. I now knew that we were face to face
with a native rising, but I thought—what was indeed the fact—that this
rising had been fomented by members of the late king's family, and was
confined so far to the Abenzantsi, or Matabele of pure Zulu descent,
and I cherished the hope that if energetic measures were at once
adopted by the Government, the more numerous and useful section of the
nation, of Makalaka and Mashuna descent, might be kept quiet and the
rebellion speedily suppressed.

CHAPTER IV

Precautions against native attack—Conference with the
neighbouring headmen—I take my wife into Bulawayo—Insurrection
reported general—Armed forces sent to disturbed districts—Return
to Essexvale with small mounted force—Short supply of horses
and rifles—My views of the Kafir rising—The progress of the
insurrection at Essexvale and the neighbourhood—Wholesale murders.

The first thing to be done was to take my wife into Bulawayo, and
then return at once with a body of armed men to Essexvale, in order
to make a display of force which might deter those natives, who were
still sitting quiet watching events, from joining the rebels; for I
knew that the general idea was, that there being now no longer any
police force in the country, the Government was practically powerless
to cope with an organised rebellion. I therefore had all our horses
saddled up immediately to be ready for emergencies, and in order to
guard against surprise placed George as a vidette on the top of a rise
behind the house, from which a good view of the surrounding country was
obtainable. Then, whilst we were having breakfast, I sent messengers
to summon all the headmen of the kraals in the immediate vicinity
of the homestead. These men, I may say, were all in possession of
cattle belonging to my Company, and as none of them were pure-blooded
Matabele, I imagined they would have no sympathy with the insurgents.

They all answered my summons, accompanied by many of their people,
and before leaving I spoke to them, and did my best to impress upon
them the folly of rebelling against the white man. They professed
themselves in perfect accord with all I said; averred that they were
quite content to live with me as their "inkosi,"[6] and protested that
they had nothing to hope for from the overthrow of the white man by the
Matabele. In conclusion, I told them that I was going into Bulawayo
to place my wife in a position of safety, but that I would return
immediately with an armed force and endeavour to recover some of the
cattle stolen by Gwibu and the rest of the Matabele. Mr. Blöcker wished
to remain at the homestead until my return, but this I would not allow,
as I did not care to leave a white man all by himself; and besides
I required him to help me in getting some men together. George—the
colonial Kafir—however, stopped behind, as he considered himself quite
safe with Umsetchi's people,—Umsetchi being the headman of several
little kraals close to the house, with the inhabitants of which we had
always been on the most friendly terms.

Our ride into Bulawayo was altogether uneventful, as our road lay
almost entirely through uninhabited country, and did not cross the line
that the rebel natives of the district would have been likely to take
on their way to the fastnesses of the Malungwani Hills. As, however, it
was a scorching hot day it was a very trying experience for my wife.

Just before reaching town we met Mr. Claude Grenfell, who, with
Messrs. Norton and Edmonds, was on his way out to Essexvale with a
cart and horses to bring in my wife, and from them we learned that
the insurrection was becoming general all over the country, and that
forces had already been raised and sent out to relieve miners and
settlers in the outlying districts. The Hon. Maurice Gifford had left
the previous day for the Insiza, whilst Messrs. Napier and Spreckley
were just on the point of starting for other disturbed parts of the
country.

After handing over my wife to the kind care of her good friend Mrs.
Spreckley, I at once set to work to get together a mounted force with
which to return immediately to Essexvale, and thanks to the energetic
assistance of Mr. Blöcker and Mr. Norton I was able to leave Bulawayo
again at eight o'clock the same evening with thirty-six mounted men.
I had wished to raise a force of 100 men, but found it impossible
to do so, nearly all the horses and rifles in the possession of the
Government having been given out to equip the forces already sent out
before my arrival in town. There were men enough left, and good men
too, ready to go with me anywhere, but the Government could only supply
six horses—and not good ones at that—and twenty rifles. However, I
managed to raise thirty private horses, and some private rifles, and
got away about two hours after sundown with a compact little force of
thirty-six mounted men.

The moon was now getting near the full, and by its light we pushed
on, and at 2 A.M. on Thursday, 26th March, were back at my homestead,
which is just twenty-three miles distant from Bulawayo. Here I found
everything as I had left it, George having installed himself with some
of Umsetchi's men in the stable, which being built very solidly of
stone, they might easily have held against any ordinary attack.

I had left Essexvale a few hours before, without any very bitter
feeling against the Kafirs, for after all, looking at things from their
point of view, if they thought they could succeed in shaking off the
white man's rule, and retaking all the cattle that once were theirs
or their king's, and all those brought into the country since the war
as well, why shouldn't they try the chances of rebellion? I knew they
would have to fight to accomplish their ends, and it was for them to
consider whether the game was worth the candle or not. At that time,
however, I was far from realising what had happened, and was inclined
to judge the Kafirs very leniently. But my visit to Bulawayo had
changed my sentiments entirely, and the accounts which I had there
heard of the cruel and treacherous murders that had been perpetrated
on defenceless women and children, besides at once destroying whatever
sympathy I may have at first felt for the rebels, had not only filled
me with indignation, but had excited a desire for vengeance, which
could only be satisfied by a personal and active participation in the
killing of the murderers. I don't defend such feelings, nor deny that
they are vile and brutal when viewed from a high moral standpoint; only
I would say to the highly moral critic, Be charitable if you have not
yourself lived through similar experiences; be not too harsh in your
judgment of your fellow-man, for you probably know not your own nature,
nor are you capable of analysing passions which can only be understood
by those Europeans who have lived through a native rising, in which
women and children of their race have been barbarously murdered by
savages; by beings whom, in their hearts, they despise; as rightly or
wrongly they consider that they belong to a lower type of the human
family than themselves.

I offer no opinion upon this sentiment, but I say that it undoubtedly
exists, and must always aggravate the savagery of a conflict between
the two races; whilst the murder of white women and children, by
natives, seems to the colonist not merely a crime, but a sacrilege,
and calls forth all the latent ferocity of the more civilised race.
For, kind and considerate though any European may be under ordinary
circumstances to the savages amongst whom he happens to be living, yet
deep down in his heart, whether he be a miner or a missionary, is the
conviction that the black man belongs to a lower type of humanity than
the white; and if this is a mistaken conviction, ask the negrophilist
who professes to think so, whether he would give his daughter in
marriage to a negro, and if not, why not?

At any rate the lovers and admirers of the Matabele would do well to
caution their protégés not to commence another insurrection by the
murder of white women and children, for should they do so, they will
once more have cause to rue a war of retaliation, that will be waged
with all the merciless ferocity which must inevitably follow upon
such a course; as, although the murder of Europeans by savages may
commend itself to certain arm-chair philosophers in England, who can
see no good in a colonist, nor any harm in a savage, yet the colonists
themselves cannot look upon such matters from the same point of view,
and will take such steps to prevent the recurrence of any farther
ebullitions of temper, as were taken by the United States troops after
the massacres of Minnesota, or by the British troops at Secunderabad
and other places in suppressing the Indian Mutiny.

Before resuming my personal narrative, I will give a short account
of what had already taken place in the progress of the insurrection
on Essexvale itself, and in those parts of the Insiza and Filibusi
districts which border upon Essexvale.

There is reason to believe that the outbreak of the rebellion,
commencing as it did with the murder of a native policeman on Friday,
20th March, was somewhat premature, and thus there was an interval of
nearly three days between the date of this murder and the day when the
first white men were killed by the natives. From the Umzingwani, the
flame of rebellion spread through the Filibusi and Insiza districts,
to the Tchangani and Inyati, and thence to the mining camps in the
neighbourhood of the Gwelo and Ingwenia rivers, and indeed throughout
the country wherever white men, women, and children could be taken
by surprise and murdered either singly or in small parties; and so
quickly was this cruel work accomplished, that although it was only on
23rd March that the first Europeans were murdered, there is reason to
believe that by the evening of the 30th not a white man was left alive
in the outlying districts of Matabeleland. Between these two dates many
people escaped or were brought in to Bulawayo by relief parties, but a
large number were cruelly and treacherously murdered.

CHAPTER V

Massacre of the whites near Edkins' store—Evidence of a
survivor—Mutilation and attempt to destroy identity—Murder of the
Cunningham family—Herbert Pomeroy Fynn's sworn statement—Murder
of Mr. Maddocks—Laager formed at Cumming's store—Hon. Maurice
Gifford proceeds to the relief of the whites at Cumming's
store—Derelict waggon—Murder of Dr. and Mrs. Langford—Relief of
laager at Cumming's store—Repulse of Matabele attack—Retreat to
Bulawayo—Hon. Maurice Gifford's letters.

Not far from the once large military kraal of Gorshlwayo, near the
southern border of Essexvale, was a trading station known as Edkins'
store. In the neighbourhood were several mining camps and the residence
of a native commissioner, and it is here probably that the first
murders of Europeans were committed during the present native rising.

At any rate some time on Monday, 23rd March,[7] seven white men, two
colonial boys and a coolie cook were murdered there. Among the murdered
men was Mr. Bentley, the native commissioner, who was shot or stabbed
from behind, whilst sitting in his hut writing—the date above the
last words he ever wrote being 23rd March. Mr. Edkins and three other
white men, together with their two colonial servants and the coolie
cook, were killed in and round the store, whilst Messrs. Ivers and
Ottens were killed, the former near the Celtic mining camp, and the
latter about half-way between the camp and the store, from which it was
distant about a mile and a half. The corpses of these poor fellows were
found by Colonel Spreckley's relief party four days subsequent to the
massacre. A colonial native was also discovered still living, though
terribly injured. He had evidently been left for dead by the Matabele,
and besides the wounds which they had inflicted on him in order to kill
him, they had slit his mouth open from ear to ear. It was not thought
that this man could possibly live, but his wounds were dressed, and
food given him, and, wonderful to relate, he eventually made his way to
Bulawayo, where, thanks to the skilful treatment and kind nursing he
received in the hospital there, he in time recovered from his injuries.

He was able to give evidence concerning the murders, which he said were
committed suddenly and without warning by native policemen, aided by
natives from the surrounding kraals under two brothers of Lo Bengula,
Maschlaschlin and Umfaizella, who, with Umlugulu, Gwibu, Umfondisi, and
other members of the king's family, were the chief instigators of the
rebellion; and this being so, no peace can be made that will satisfy
the colonists until all the members of the late king's family, as well
as every Induna and every native policeman who it can be proved took
part in the murders which marked the outbreak of the rebellion, have
been either hanged or shot.

This may seem a big order to some people—who, however, do not probably
contemplate residing on a lonely farm in Rhodesia—but it is necessary
for the future safety of the country.

The bodies of Ottens and Bentley had been mutilated, and dry grass had
been heaped up and burnt over the faces of all the dead, possibly with
the idea of destroying their identity.

Almost simultaneously with the murders at Edkins' store, or at any rate
on the same day, the massacre of the whites was commenced in the Insiza
district, the first sufferers being probably the Cunningham family, who
were living on a farm near the Insiza river. These poor people seem to
have been attacked early in the afternoon, as when their homestead was
visited on the following day by Messrs. Liebert and Fynn, the remains
of the mid-day meal were still on the table, whilst old Mr. Cunningham
seemed to have been murdered whilst reclining on a couch reading a
newspaper. Here is the sworn deposition of Mr. Fynn, the assistant
native commissioner for the Insiza district, as to the finding of the
bodies.

Herbert Pomeroy Fynn's sworn statement:—

"I am an assistant native commissioner for the Insiza district. I
accompanied last witness—Mr. Liebert—and Orpen to Cunningham's farm
on Tuesday morning, 24th March. On arrival there I saw eight dead
bodies lying on the ground about twenty yards from the homestead. We
made a cursory examination and saw that the deceased persons had been
murdered by means of knob-kerries and battle-axes, or similar weapons.
The ground was covered with native footprints, and there were broken
knob-kerries lying about. I identified among the dead bodies those of
Mr. Cunningham senior, Mrs. Cunningham, two Miss Cunninghams, Master
Cunningham, and three children whom I identified as the grandchildren
of Mr. Cunningham senior. The deceased persons appeared to have been
killed inside the house and afterwards dragged out and thrown outside
in the position in which we found them. From the fact that all the
native kraals in the vicinity were quite deserted, I have absolutely no
doubt that the persons who killed the deceased were Matabele natives.
Young Cunningham, aged about fourteen years, was still alive when we
arrived, but unconscious, and died immediately after our arrival."

Such is the bald account of the discovery of the battered and bloody
remains of this unfortunate family, which, alas! was not the only one
suddenly blotted out of existence, root and branch, during the first
terrible days of the Matabele rebellion. The hideous barbarity of these
murders, and the feeling of intense exasperation they would be likely
to excite amongst the surviving settlers, seem to have been somewhat
underrated in England; whilst for obvious reasons they have been
carefully kept out of sight by those dishonest speakers who recently
endeavoured to excite public opinion against the white population of
Rhodesia. You can respect an honest enemy even if you can't like him;
but when a fanatic endeavours to support either his or her theories by
the suppression of truth, he or she becomes contemptible.

But we are thankful for the sympathy of that most determined enemy of
everything Rhodesian—except the noble savages who therein dwell—Mr.
Labouchere, who has professed himself "sorry for the women and children
who have been killed." Sorry—only sorry! Wonderful indeed is the calm
serenity of soul that enables that noble nature to view all mundane
affairs from the same cold, passionless plane, whether it be the cruel
murder of an English settler's wife and family in Rhodesia, or an
accident to the wheel of a friend's bicycle in Hyde Park! But the men
who have looked upon the corpses of the murdered ones, who have seen
the shattered skulls of their countrywomen, the long grey locks of the
aged and the sunny curls of the girls and little children all alike
dabbled in their blood, are something more than sorry; indignation
mingles with their sorrow, and they are determined to exact such
punishment for the crimes committed, as shall preclude as far as
possible their recurrence in the future.

At a distance of a few miles from the Cunninghams' farm was a mining
property belonging to the Nellie Reef Development Company, where work
was being carried on under the superintendence of Mr. Thomas Maddocks,
the manager of the Nellie Reef Mine. At about a quarter to six on the
evening of Monday, 23rd March, that is probably some four hours after
the murder of the Cunningham family, Mr. Maddocks and two miners,
Messrs. Hocking and Hosking, were sitting smoking outside their huts
just before dinner, when some fifteen natives came up armed with
knob-kerries and battle-axes. The man who appeared to be their leader
spoke to Mr. Maddocks and said that he and his companions had been sent
by Mr. Fynn, the native commissioner, to work, and on being asked if he
had a letter from that gentleman, called to some more natives who were
standing not far off. What followed I will tell in the words of Mr.
John Hosking, who, in his sworn statement regarding the death of Mr.
Maddocks, deposes as follows:—

"The call was answered by a shout of 'Tchaia,' 'strike.' A number of
natives joined those who were with us, and the leader then struck
deceased on the head with a knob-kerry. I immediately retired into
my hut for my revolver. When I came back three natives were hitting
Hocking with kerries and axes. I fired a shot and dropped one man,
and just as I had fired my second shot, I received a blow on the head
causing the mark I now show. Hocking then managed to get into the hut,
whereupon the natives cleared off; Hocking and I then went to Maddocks,
but found him dead. We retired into an iron store, at which the natives
fired a shot. The bullet passed inside through the iron, which caused
us to retire again to the hut." By this time it was growing dusk, so
the two wounded miners, fearing that the natives would soon return and
fire the hut, crept out, and getting into the long grass, made their
escape to Cumming's store, three miles from Maddocks' camp, where about
twenty men had already collected, many of whom, however, were unarmed.
A laager was at once formed, and Mr. Cumming and another rode into
Bulawayo for assistance. They first, however, warned several miners and
farmers living in the neighbourhood, that the natives had risen, thus
saving the lives of these people, as they all got safely to the laager
and ultimately escaped to Bulawayo, whereas but for this timely warning
they would most certainly have been murdered.

Mr. Cumming and his companion reached Bulawayo on Tuesday morning, and
at once reported themselves to Mr. Duncan, the Administrator.

[Illustration:

_From a photograph by J. Edwards, Hyde Park Corner._

HON. MAURICE GIFFORD, C.M.G.]

At this time no organised force existed in the country, with the
exception of the few men of the Matabele Mounted Police under Captain
Southey; and there were only some 370 rifles in the Government stores.
However, no difficulty was experienced in getting men together who
were ready to proceed at once to the relief of their countrymen and
countrywomen; and, as I have already narrated, three small corps under
experienced leaders were despatched to various outlying districts
within a few hours of the time when the first alarm was given. The
Hon. Maurice Gifford, as energetic as he is brave, got off that same
evening with about forty men, including Captain Southey and twelve of
his Mounted Police; his object being the relief of the men who had
laagered up at Cumming's store. The first sign of the rising seen by
this party was near Woodford's store, about fourteen miles beyond
Thaba Induna, or twenty-six from Bulawayo. Here an abandoned waggon
was found standing in the road, the sixteen donkeys that had been
harnessed to it lying all of a heap dead. They had for the most part
been stabbed to death with assegais, but some had been shot. Nothing on
the waggon had been touched, though it was loaded with flour, whisky,
etc. No trace of those who had been in charge of the waggon could be
discovered, but it has been subsequently ascertained that they were
murdered in the bush some little distance away. They were colonial
boys taking down a load of stores to the Insiza district. Soon after
this derelict waggon had been passed, three colonial boys were met
making their way to Bulawayo, one armed with a rifle and another with
a revolver. They reported to Mr. Gifford that the rising was general
in the Insiza district, and said that a Dr. and Mrs. Langford had been
killed on the previous day—Wednesday, 25th March—near Rixon's farm; but
that Mr. Rixon, the Blicks, and others in the district had escaped to
the laager at Cumming's store. They also told Mr. Gifford that they had
seen several troops of cattle being driven by armed Matabele towards
the Malungwani and Matopo Hills. On meeting Mr. Gifford these "boys"
turned back and accompanied him to the Insiza, and did good service in
the subsequent fight, in which one of them was wounded.

On Thursday night the relief party reached Cumming's store, where they
found about thirty men in laager. Of these, however, a large proportion
were unarmed, so that Mr. Gifford had only about fifty rifles at his
command altogether. The night passed off quietly, but at about 5 A.M.,
just before daylight on Friday morning, a most determined attack was
made on the position by a large party of Matabele, who did not finally
retreat until they had suffered heavy loss from the steady fire of the
white men. The natives came on with the utmost fearlessness, as may
be inferred from the fact that one was killed with his hands on the
window-sill of the store, whilst six others lay dead close round; and
it was afterwards ascertained that their total loss was twenty-five.

On the side of the whites, Sergt.-Major O'Leary of the Matabele Mounted
Police was killed, as well as an educated American negro, a servant of
Mr. Wrey's, whilst six white men were wounded. As soon as the attack
had been completely beaten off, the waggons were inspanned, and the
beleaguered white men broke up their laager and commenced their retreat
to Bulawayo.

The first portion of the road to be travelled led amongst broken
wooded hills, through which it was expected they would have to fight
their way; but although the Matabele once gathered on the top of a
neighbouring hill, and seemed about to attack, they did not do so, and
thus allowed the whites to get out into the open country, where they
were comparatively safe, without further molestation.

I think it will not be out of place to here reproduce, with the kind
permission of Mr. Maurice Gifford, two letters written by him on the
night after the fight, of which I happen to have copies, as they cannot
fail, I think, to interest my readers.

To A. H. F. DUNCAN, Esq.,

Bulawayo.

14 miles from Lee's Store,

10.5 P.M.

DEAR SIR—We have relieved Insiza, and brought away thirty-six
men and one woman. At 5 A.M. this morning were attacked and
enemy repulsed. Details of same will be given you by bearer. We
have at present six wounded, and the woman with a child. One of
the wounded is a serious case. Suggest the following for your
consideration and for our assistance. Send out two large American
spiders with mules to bring them in. Leave it to your judgment to
say whether you consider escort necessary. Suggest fifteen men.
We can then bring in the remainder of the party. I am sending two
men who have brought me dispatches this morning from Napier to
advise him of the serious nature of this rising; but again leave
it to your judgment whether you consider it advisable to send him
advice from your end, taking into consideration the possibility
of these two men not being able to reach him. If a doctor can
come with the spiders, so much the better; also suggest making
arrangements for beds for wounded. Advise me as to your knowledge
of any possible attacks from natives _en route_ from here to
Bulawayo. Written by moonlight. We are all well and cheery, and
hope to have a drink with you to-morrow night at 9 P.M.—Yours
faithfully,

MAURICE R. GIFFORD.

Written at the Camp where Thackeray
and friend left you,
10.30 P.M.

DEAR NAPIER—Your dispatch duly received. Just a line from me to
let you know that the Kafirs mean business this time. We were
attacked this morning at one hour before sunrise by about three
hundred natives, who came on in the most fanatical and plucky
style—the old Zulu rush. Three natives were shot alongside the
walls of our barricade. I mention this to you to put you on your
guard, as you must have many new chums with you, and to advise
great caution to prevent night surprises. We never thought an
attack probable, but fortunately were well prepared. This, in my
opinion, will prove a more serious business than the old war, and
I am sure that prompt action is necessary.—Yours,

M. R. GIFFORD.

CHAPTER VI

Difficulties of the colonists much underrated—The Matabele
campaign of 1893—Military spirit scotched, not killed—Estimated
native losses—Disarmament of Matabele incomplete—Natives well
supplied with arms and ammunition—Defections amongst the native
police.

As will be seen from the last sentence of Mr. Gifford's letter to
Colonel Napier, even at this early stage of the insurrection he
predicted that it would prove a more serious business than the first
war, and that this prediction has been fully justified will never I
think be gainsaid by any man who has taken part in both campaigns.
As, however, the difficulties experienced by the colonists in coping
with the present rebellion have been very much underrated in certain
quarters, and invidious comparisons instituted between Dr. Jameson's
victorious march on Bulawayo in 1893 and the conduct of the present
campaign, I will take the liberty of giving my own opinion on the
subject; which is that the essential differences in the circumstances
under which the two campaigns were conducted render it impossible to
institute any comparison between them. In 1893 Dr. Jameson marched from
Mashunaland to Bulawayo with a compact force of 670 white men, 400 of
whom were mounted, a small number of native allies, and a strong party
of artillery consisting of 5 Maxim guns, 2 seven-pounders, 1 Gardner
gun, and 1 Hotchkiss. Choosing its own line, and under the guidance
of Nyenyezi —a Matabele of high position, whose whole family to the
number of seventy had lately been put to death by the order of Lo
Bengula, and who was himself a proscribed fugitive—this force kept in
the open country as much as possible, but were obliged to pass through
some broken wooded country in the neighbourhood of the Tchangani
river. Here, at 4 A.M. on the morning of the 25th of October, it was
attacked for the first time by the eastern division of the Matabele
army, computed at some 5000 strong, though it is improbable that all
the regiments composing this division were actually engaged, as all the
fighting seems to have been done by the Insukamini regiment, aided
by small detachments of the Inhlati and Umquicho.

The attack failed, the Matabele being beaten off from the laager with
heavy loss, whilst the column marched on towards Bulawayo, and was not
again attacked until after the Impembisi had been crossed.

At a point a few miles beyond this river the laager was again attacked
on 1st November, this time in perfectly open ground, and in the middle
of the day. The attack was made by the Imbezu and Ingubu regiments,
computed by Sir John Willoughby to number together about 1700 men; some
5000 more of other regiments who were hanging round never having come
into action at all. In this engagement these two regiments suffered
very heavily from the fire of the Maxim guns, although, as they have
both reformed and taken a prominent part in the present rebellion, they
were certainly not annihilated. On hearing of the defeat of the Imbezu
and Ingubu, one or other of which regiments he usually kept near him as
a sort of bodyguard, Lo Bengula fled from Bulawayo, after first burning
the kraal and blowing up his European house; but before doing so he
recalled his son-in-law, Gambo, from the Mangwe Pass, thus leaving it
open for the unopposed advance of the southern column under Colonel
Gould Adams, who with the 400 men under his command was thus enabled to
effect a junction with Dr. Jameson on 15th November. Gambo had been in
command of all the regiments composing the Eegapa and the Umschlopay,
the two largest military divisions of the four into which the country
was divided, numbering together at least 8000 men. Excepting, however,
a small detachment which attacked Colonel Gould Adams at the Singuesi
river, none of the men composing this force took any part in the first
Matabele war, although it numbered in its ranks some of the king's best
regiments, such as the Inyama Nghlovu and M'schlaschlanglela. Neither
were the men under Sikombo, Umlugulu, and many other influential
Indunas living to the south-east of Bulawayo, ever engaged in the first
war, as although they were all mustered and were close to Bulawayo at
the time of the defeat of their compatriots at the Impembisi, they seem
to have lost heart when they heard of the disastrous result of that
fight, immediately followed as it was by the flight of their king, and
so retired to the Matopo Hills, and subsequently surrendered without
fighting.

The death of Lo Bengula probably closed the campaign, for but for this
event his pursuit to the lower Tchangani, resulting as it did in the
death of Major Wilson and all his brave companions, would scarcely have
had any other effect than to show the Matabele that although white men
were invincible when defending a laager with Maxim guns, they were by
no means so when only armed with rifles, if they could be outnumbered
and surrounded in difficult country.

But the death of their king left them like a swarm of bees bereft of
their queen. Their councils were divided; their military arrogance
crushed out of them by the heavy defeats their best regiments had
sustained at the Tchangani, the Impembisi, and in a minor degree at
the Singuesi. Short of food, and living like wild beasts in the rocks
and forests, with all the bitter discomfort which such a life entails
even on savages during the rainy season in a sub-tropical country, they
saw their women and children sicken and die day by day, until their
only hope of life seemed to lie in a speedy return to the high and
healthy plateau from which they had fled. But there lay the laagers of
the white men strongly defended with cannon and Maxim guns. From such
positions they could not hope to drive them, nor without a leader or
any cohesion between the numberless little parties into which they were
divided did they dare to try conclusions with the mounted patrols which
scoured the open country. What wonder then that when liberal terms of
peace were offered them, first one Induna with all his people, and
then another and another, surrendered, until in a short time the whole
nation had freely and frankly submitted itself to the white man's rule?
Such is a brief account of the conquest of Matabeleland in 1893, which
was practically settled by two battles, in which the Matabele attacked
the white men in laager and were in each case driven off with heavy
loss by the fire of the Maxim guns.

The brilliancy of the exploit, resulting as it did in the overthrow
of one of the most cruel and barbarous despotisms that has ever
existed even in barbarous Africa, and in the throwing open to European
enterprise of a rich and fertile territory, blessed with a climate in
which white men can live and thrive, will ever be remembered as one
of the most brilliant episodes in the history of British colonisation
in South Africa; and no one, in this country at any rate, would wish
to detract one iota from the honour due to all those who took part
in Dr. Jameson's historic march to Bulawayo in 1893. It was admirable
both in the boldness of its conception and the steady and unflinching
resolution with which it was carried out.

All I wish to point out is that in 1893 the fighting power and the
military spirit of the Matabele nation was only scotched, not killed;
for more than half the regiments which had formed the king's army at
the time of the war did not lose a single man during the hostilities,
never having been engaged in any of the fights; whilst the only
regiments which lost really heavily were the Insukamini, the Imbezu,
and the Ingubu. It is difficult to state with any degree of exactitude
the number of men lost by the Matabele in 1893, but personally I find
it difficult to believe that their loss in men killed or who died from
wounds can have exceeded 1000—that is, 200 at the Tchangani, 500 at
the Impembisi, 100 at the Inguesi, and 200 killed during the fighting
on the lower Tchangani. Be it remembered by those who consider this
too low an estimate, that if more than 500 Matabele were killed at the
Impembisi fight, it would mean over 30 per cent of the entire force
engaged, as the strength of the Imbezu and Ingubu together did not
exceed 1700, whilst the number of the survivors who have been and still
are taking part in the present rebellion is by no means inconsiderable.
As regards the loss inflicted on the Matabele by Major Wilson and
his brave companions during their last desperate stand on the lower
Tchangani, we have nothing to go upon, except what natives who were
there can tell us, and I think there is reason to believe that their
loss there was not actually so heavy as at one time it was supposed
to be, as they were always able to fire on the whites from behind
the shelter of trees. Apart, however, from the direct loss sustained
in the various fights, the Matabele must have suffered heavily from
the ravages of sickness caused by exposure and want of food after the
fighting had ceased. The greatest sufferers were naturally the women
and children, the able-bodied men having been better able to withstand
the unaccustomed hardships. Altogether, I think that if to the 1000,
which is my estimate of those killed in battle, or who died from the
effects of their wounds, another 1000 is added for the able-bodied men
who died of sickness afterwards, the aggregate will be a very liberal
allowance for the total losses sustained by the Matabele in fighting
men during, and in consequence of, the war of 1893.

However, to avoid all cavilling let us add another 1000 to this number,
making 3000 altogether. Subtract these 3000 from the entire fighting
strength of the nation before the war, which has never been estimated
at less than 20,000, and it leaves a residue of 17,000 able-bodied
men. This total may be a thousand or two out one way or the other;
but, whatever the fighting strength of the nation may be, every man
composing it throughout the length and breadth of the land is now in
arms against the white men, with the exception of some of Gambo's
people and a few others, numbering in all under 1000 men, about whom I
shall say a few words later on.

But, it has been said, however many Matabele may have rebelled against
the Government, they cannot be very dangerous foes, since the whole
nation was disarmed after the first war. This is an error. After the
war of 1893 a considerable number of guns were certainly given up,
but that the total handed in and destroyed was but a small proportion
of what they had possessed before the war no one who knew anything
about the matter ever doubted. Besides muzzle-loading guns of every
description, the Matabele were formerly in possession of at least 2000
breech-loading rifles, principally Martini-Henrys, a certain number
of which were captured from them during the war or surrendered after
hostilities were over. As no count seems ever to have been kept of the
number of these rifles captured or handed in, no exact figure can be
given. General report says 150 to 300, whilst the highest number I have
ever heard ventured was "between 400 and 500."

Even taking the highest number to be correct, considering that a
considerable number of Martini-Henry rifles have been illicitly sold to
the Matabele during the last two years, that nearly 100 breech-loading
rifles were taken over to the enemy by the rebel police, whilst many
more were captured from murdered men during the first days of the
rebellion, it cannot be denied that they have regained more than they
lost, so that in the matter of breech-loading arms they entered upon
the present insurrection with a larger supply than they possessed in
1893, whilst, as I have said before, however many muzzle-loading guns
they may have surrendered, they kept back a great many which they
are now using. As regards ammunition, I, for one, certainly thought
when the present rebellion broke out that their supply would soon run
short, but it has not yet done so, and, moreover, it seems to be fairly
distributed through the whole nation, as every impi with which we have
yet been engaged has shown itself to be well supplied, especially with
Martini-Henry cartridges.

Thus we now see that after the first conquest of Matabeleland a very
large proportion of the former military strength of the country was
still available, and that although this large number of able-bodied
savages were apparently without arms, their weapons were only hidden
for the time being. Where the large supply of ammunition which they
have proved themselves to be possessed of came from, I cannot say.
Probably large quantities were buried with the rifles after the first
war, and this store has been constantly added to by theft and illicit
purchase ever since.

However, over two years of most submissive behaviour, unbroken by
any attempt whatever to rebel against the authority of the Chartered
Company, lulled every white man in the country into a feeling of
security which events have not justified.

A native police force was raised, which was apparently working
admirably up to the time of the rebellion; and even then, it is but
fair to say, almost all the police who had been first enrolled, and
who had done more than a year's service, held themselves aloof from
the rebels, the great majority of defections occurring amongst those
who had been but lately enrolled and amongst whom there was therefore
little or no _esprit de corps_.

CHAPTER VII

In spite of their submissive behaviour, it seems probable that all
the members of the late king's family and many of the chief Indunas
were only biding their time, and waiting for an opportunity to try the
chances of a rebellion against the white man.

This opportunity did not present itself as long as there was a strong
police force in the country, but once that police force was removed, I
think the malcontents began to act.

That the plague of locusts with which Matabeleland has been afflicted
ever since 1890, the first year of the occupation of Mashunaland by
Europeans; the partial drought of the last two years; and, finally, the
outbreak of the rinderpest, would all be ascribed to the evil influence
of the white man, and made use of by the witch-doctors to incite the
mass of the people to join the insurgents, is doubtless true; but
that the insurrection can be fairly ascribed to the bitterness caused
by these visitations alone, I very much doubt, for it is remarkable
that throughout the Umzingwani, Filibusi, and Insiza districts, where
all the first murders of white men were committed, the rainfall had
been plentiful, and the locusts had done but little damage, so that,
as I can personally bear witness, the crops throughout these portions
of the country were exceptionally good, whilst as the rinderpest had
not yet approached this part of Matabeleland, the people living in
these districts could have known little or nothing about it. In its
inception, the insurrection was, in my opinion, a rebellion against
the white man's rule by the Matabele of Zulu origin alone, and I am
convinced that, in the district where I was living at least, the other
section of the tribe were at first not in the secret; however, the
greater part of these soon joined, some unwillingly and under threats
from their former masters, but most of them readily enough, believing,
as they did, that with the assistance of the Umlimo they would be able
to completely root out the white man, and revel once more in loot and
wholesale murder. And a merry time they had of it, if it was but a
short one, to be followed by a heavy retribution.

When the first news of the rising reached Bulawayo, Gambo was in the
town on a visit to the chief native commissioner, by whom he was very
wisely detained as a prisoner. Whether, if he had been at large, he
would have joined the rebels or not, it is difficult to say. Since
the war, he has lost control over the greater part of the people who
formerly composed the Eegapa military division, and many of these have
joined the ranks of the insurgents, but all Gambo's own people, under
his head Induna, Marzwe, have remained loyal to the Government. Umjan,
once the Induna of the Imbezu regiment, and now quite an old man, has
also refrained from taking part in the present hostilities, although he
is one of the few whose cattle were shot by order of the Government
because they were infected with the rinderpest. He came in to Bulawayo
soon after the outbreak of the rebellion with his wives and immediate
attendants, and is now living quietly near the town. His sons, however,
have joined the rebels, whilst the men whom he formerly commanded—the
Imbezu—reformed themselves into a regiment, and have been fighting
since the outbreak of the insurrection.

Besides Gambo's men, a few hundreds of Matabele Maholi (men of Makalaka
and Mashuna descent) living on my Company's property of Essexvale, on
Colonel Napier's land and round the Hope Fountain mission station, have
thought it advisable to stand by the Government, and have, therefore,
come in to live near Bulawayo for protection. But putting aside these
few hundreds of natives who have not joined in the rebellion, the
fact remains that at least nine-tenths, I think I might safely say
nineteen-twentieths, of the Matabele nation are now in arms against the
whites.

And, now, let us see how the colonists were prepared to meet the onset
of these hordes of savages. When the rising first broke out, with
the exception of the native police, there was no organised force in
Matabeleland worth speaking of; and as one-half of the native police
at once went over to the enemy, and the remainder had to be disarmed,
for fear lest they should follow suit, it may be said that there was
no police force at all. Of the old Mounted Police there only remained
forty-eight officers, non-commissioned officers, and men, in the whole
of Matabeleland, under Inspector Southey. Of these, twenty-two were
stationed in Bulawayo, and the rest distributed over the country at
the police stations of Gwelo, Selukwe, Belingwe, Inyati, Mangwe, Tuli,
Matopos, Umzingwani, and Iron Mine Hill. When the rebellion broke out
only twelve of these men were available at Bulawayo for immediate
service, and these, under Inspector Southey, accompanied Mr. Gifford
to the Insiza. The Rhodesia Horse, a volunteer force which had been
raised and equipped the previous year, had also practically ceased
to exist as an effective force fit for use at a moment's notice, for
although there were some six hundred men in Matabeleland who had
enrolled themselves as members of this corps, they were scattered all
over the country at the outbreak of the rebellion. Some of these were
murdered, whilst others had to take refuge in the laagers of Belingwe
and Gwelo. However, about five hundred were soon mustered in Bulawayo,
but the services of the majority could not be utilised except to defend
the town, owing to the want of horses, since, so great had been the
ravages of the fatal horse-sickness during the rainy season then just
coming to an end, that when Colonel Napier, the senior officer of
the Rhodesia Horse, called on the Government for seventy horses for
immediate use on 23rd March, he could only be supplied with sixty-two.

The actual number of horses in the possession of the Government
throughout Matabeleland on the day when the first tidings of the
outbreak of the insurrection reached Bulawayo is as follows:—

Horses in Government stables 77

Horses in possession of members of the Rhodesia
Horse Volunteers scattered over various
parts of Matabeleland 117

In possession of cattle inspectors 28

Unfit for work 58

Of the 117 horses that had been issued to Volunteers, a good many never
returned to Bulawayo, as they either died of horse-sickness or were
taken to Gwelo or Belingwe, so that in the first days of the rebellion
the Government could not command the services of more than 100 horses;
but no expense was spared to procure more, and very soon all the
private horses in Bulawayo were bought up, whilst others were sent up
from the Transvaal, so that by the end of April there were nearly 450
horses in the Government stables, the large majority of which were fit
for active service.

The number of rifles belonging to the Government throughout the country
on 25th March was as follows:—

Lee-Metford Lee-Metford
Rifles. Carbines.

At Gwanda 20 ――

At Gwelo 40 ――

With Colonel Napier's patrol 33 52

" " Spreckley's patrol 36 2

To guard coaches 7 ――

In stores 295 70

Permanent staff 25 ――

――― ―――

Total 456 124
═══ ═══

Making a total of 580 rifles all told.

Besides these, however, there were about eighty old Martini-Henry
rifles in the Government stores, but these were nearly all
unserviceable at the outbreak of the rebellion, though the armourer has
since been able to get most of them into working order. Of ammunition
there was a good supply, viz. 1,500,000 rounds.

In the way of artillery there was in Bulawayo when the insurrection
broke out one 303 Maxim gun in good order, and a second so much out of
repair as to be useless; two 2.5 screw guns in good order, but with
only seventeen rounds of ammunition for the two; one Hotchkiss gun and
limber, one Gatling, one Gardner, one Nordenfeldt—all in good order—and
one seven-pounder, useless except at Bulawayo owing to carriage having
been destroyed by white ants. In addition to this ordnance there
arrived in Bulawayo from Macloutsie, on the very day on which Mr.
Maddocks was murdered, two old Maxims and two seven-pounders. These,
however, were unserviceable at the time, one of the seven-pounders
being without a carriage and the two Maxims being also out of repair.
The armourer here has now, however, I believe, put them all in working
order.

Taking these figures as correct—and they are absolutely beyond
question—it cannot, I think, be said that the colonists in Matabeleland
were very well prepared to cope with a sudden and unexpected rising
of at least 10,000 natives, about one-fifth of whom were armed with
breech-loading rifles and well supplied with ammunition, whilst
many more were in possession of muzzle-loading guns; and when it is
remembered that at the time of the outbreak the food supply was very
low in Bulawayo, owing to the ravages of the rinderpest, it must be
acknowledged that the position was at one time a very serious one,
which a little more intelligence on the part of the Matabele might have
rendered absolutely disastrous.

But all through they have behaved in an incomprehensible manner, their
leaders apparently never having arranged any settled plan of campaign,
the consequence being that there has never been any understanding or
community of action between the various hordes into which the nation
is now divided. All through there appears to have been a general
belief amongst them that they would receive supernatural aid from the
"Umlimo," or god, but this belief must be getting a little thin now,
and they would have done far better had they worked together under one
intelligent general.

Why, when the rebellion first broke out, they never attempted to block
the main road to Mangwe will ever remain a mystery. No one doubts
that they might have done so, nor that, if they had placed a couple
of thousand men in the Shashani Pass, we could not have raised a
sufficient force on this side to dislodge them and open the road; for
it must be remembered that as there were over six hundred women and
children in Bulawayo a large force was always necessary to protect
them. Possibly there is some truth in the report that the road to
Mangwe has been purposely left open by command of the Umlimo in order
to give the white men the opportunity of escaping from the country.
That this was an error of judgment, if it is a fact, is very clear,
as in the critical time but few men left the country, and such as did
could be well spared, as they were of no use as defenders of the women
and children, and were only consuming valuable food. On the other hand,
owing to the road having been left open, stores of arms and food and
horses were constantly being brought in.

It certainly seems very strange that no attempt has ever been made
to stop waggons and coaches on this road, when it is remembered that
at one time Government House—which is less than three miles from
the centre of Bulawayo—was practically in the hands of the rebels,
sometimes in the daytime and always at nights for a period of about ten
days, their impis during that time lying in a semicircle to the west
and north of the town, and being sometimes within two miles of it.

Yet although two Dutchmen, living in their waggon standing near the
boundary of the town commonage, about four and a half miles along the
road from Bulawayo, were murdered, no waggon or coach moving along the
road was ever interfered with, nor was the Government House burnt, the
reason for this being, it is said, because the Umlimo told the people
that when Bulawayo had been destroyed, and all the white men in the
country killed, they would find Lo Bengula sitting there, ready to rule
them once more; for, be it said, Government House has been built in the
centre of the old kraal of Bulawayo, just where the king's house once
stood.

For over a month, an impi, supposed to be at least a thousand strong,
was camped just within the Matopo Hills, not ten miles from the nearest
point on the road to Mangwe, and no one doubts that at any moment a
portion of this impi might have moved over to the road by night, and,
by shooting a mule or two, have had a coachload of white men at its
mercy; and God help the unfortunate white man who has nothing else to
trust to but the mercy of the Matabele!

Of course there were forts along the road, and patrols rode daily
between the forts, but even so I maintain that much damage might have
been done if the natives had determined at any moment to block the
road. Now, however, that the impi of which I have been speaking has
been driven from its position by the forces under Major-General Sir
Frederick Carrington, it is not likely that the safety of the road will
ever again be threatened.

And, now, let me hark back to the early days of the rebellion. I think
I have shown by figures that on the outbreak of the insurrection the
country was not over well supplied with either horses or arms, nor was
there any superfluity of men, and the smallness of the number will,
I think, astonish some critics of the present campaign in England.
Turning to the _Matabele Times_ of 6th April last, I find it stated
under the heading "The Native Rising up to Date," "A census was taken
of all those who had been in the laager on Friday night as they made
their exit on Saturday morning, or remained on the waggons. The count
was carefully made, and showed that the refugees numbered 632 women
and children, and 915 men, making a total of 1547"; and further on we
read—"A general parade was held yesterday of the men now in town who
have enrolled themselves in the Bulawayo Field Force. They fell in at
ten o'clock, the scouts, under Captain Grey, in front making a splendid
display of the class of men whom the hostile natives will not seek to
tackle twice. The men on foot looked like business, and went through
their movements with sufficient precision. The Africander Corps now
consists of three companies, numbering 76, 64, and 73, with 6 on the
staff. The total number on parade was over 500, of whom about 300 were
fully armed, and about 100 were engineers and artillerymen. To this
number have to be added the 169 out under the Hon. M. Gifford and
Captain Dawson, and the 100 men gone down to Gwanda under Captain Brand
and Captain Van Niekerk. The total efficient force now available for
the reconquest of Matabeleland may be put down at 700, nearer 800."

From these figures it will be seen that at the outbreak of the
rebellion there were under 1000 men in Bulawayo, some 200 of whom were
unfit for active service. The remainder of the male population of the
country were shut up in the laagers at Gwelo, Belingwe, and Mangwe, and
therefore unavailable for offensive operations against the Matabele;
whilst of the 800 fighting men in Bulawayo, it was necessary to have
at least 400 always in town to protect the women and children, and 130
were drafted off to man the forts on the Mangwe road, leaving less than
300 available for active operations against the enemy. This force was,
however, augmented by about 150 Cape boys, chiefly Amaxosa Kafirs and
Zulus. These boys were got together and formed into a regiment by Mr.
Johan Colenbrander, and they have done most excellent service during
the present campaign, being man for man both braver and better armed
than the Matabele.

Thus, all things considered, I do not think the colonists have done
so badly. With small patrols they first succeeded in bringing in
many scattered whites from the outlying districts, and then after a
series of engagements, always fought on ground of the enemy's own
choosing, succeeded in driving them from the immediate neighbourhood
of Bulawayo, and forcing them to take refuge in the forests and hills,
from which they will be finally driven by the forces now in the country
under the command of Major-General Sir Frederick Carrington.

It is worthy of remark that whilst in the first war the Matabele
attacked strong positions defended by artillery and Maxim guns, thereby
suffering very heavy loss themselves but killing very few white men, in
the present war all the fighting has been amongst broken ground, and in
country more or less covered with bush, and all the killing has been
done with rifles; for in the first war the natives learnt the futility
of attacking fortified positions, and now only fight in the bush in
skirmishing order, giving but little opportunity for the effective use
of machine guns; so that, although a good many rounds have been fired
from Maxims at long ranges, only a very small amount of execution has
been done by them.

CHAPTER VIII

I will now again take up the thread of my own personal experiences. As
will be remembered, I reached my homestead at 2 A.M. on Thursday, 26th
March, and found everything as I had left it seventeen hours before.
A mule cart carrying food supplies for my men was to have followed
immediately behind us, but the men in charge lost the road, and the
provisions did not turn up till late the next day.

On the following morning, just at daybreak, a native named Inshlupo,
who had been in charge of a herd of over thirty head of cattle
belonging to my Company, turned up and informed me that on the previous
evening the headman of a small Matabele kraal, situated in the
broken ground just below the Malungwani Hills, had paid him a visit,
accompanied by several armed men, and taken off all the cattle.

On the receipt of this news I had the horses saddled up at once, as,
it being still so early, I had little doubt that, if no time was lost,
we should find the stolen cattle still in the kraal to which they had
been taken the previous evening. Before moving, however, I said a few
words to my men, telling them that my object in visiting Essexvale and
other parts of the country with an armed force was twofold, namely, to
endeavour by prompt action to strike terror into the hearts of some
of the rebels before they had time to concentrate, and at the same
time to reassure those who were content with the white man's rule,
but who, in the absence of any display of power on the part of the
Government, might be led to believe that their only chance of safety
from the vengeance of the Matabele lay in taking part with them in the
rebellion. In conclusion, I told them that any Kafirs we might find
with arms in their hands, who had left their kraals and gone off into
the hills with stolen cattle, ought to be shot without question and
without mercy, as they were every one of them more or less responsible
for the cruel murders of white men that had already been committed.

Under the guidance of Inshlupo we reached the neighbourhood of the
kraal where I hoped to find my Company's cattle before the sun was an
hour higher. Here I halted my men, and sent half of them round under
the shelter of the bush to a certain point where they were to show
themselves, that being the signal for a simultaneous advance as rapidly
as possible on the kraal from both sides. However, although we found
all the cattle still in the kraal, there were no men there, and in
fact no one but a Matabele woman, the wife of the headman, and several
children. The woman would offer no explanation of the undeniable fact
that my Company's cattle were in her husband's kraal, and would give
no information concerning his whereabouts, so, after driving out the
stolen cattle, I had the whole place burnt, first allowing the woman
to remove all her private effects. When this had been done, I sent the
recaptured cattle back to the homestead, in charge of two of Inshlupo's
boys, and then proceeded straight into the Malungwani Hills, in the
hope of coming across some of the rebels who had gone off with the
first lot of my Company's cattle that had been stolen on the previous
Tuesday night.

As we proceeded, the hills became thickly wooded, and in the valleys
between them we found the spoor of a good many cattle that had passed
during the last two days, although we saw no fresh tracks.

About nine o'clock I gave the order to off-saddle in a little grassy
hollow, after first placing sentries all round to guard against any
sudden attack, for we were now, of course, in the enemy's country.
After an hour's rest the horses were just being caught when one of the
sentries reported that a herd of cattle was being driven up a valley
at the foot of a high ridge to our left. I at once went up to have a
look myself, but by this time the cattle were out of sight. However, I
carefully examined the ground, and saw that by following another valley
running parallel to the one in which the cattle had been seen, and then
ascending the steep ridge at its head, we should in all probability
drop right on to the rebels in charge of them.

And this is exactly what happened, as upon cresting the ridge we found
that both Kafirs and cattle were immediately below us. Some of the
former were driving the cattle, but most of them were in the bush
ahead. We at once opened fire on them, which they made no attempt to
return. Indeed, taken by surprise as they were, and having so much the
worse of the position, and, moreover, not being in any force, they
could scarcely be expected to do anything else but run for it. And
run they did, throwing down almost everything they were carrying, and
abandoning the cattle. I saw one man throw a gun away, probably fearing
lest he should be caught with it in his possession, but most of them
were, I think, only armed with assegais. We chased them up and down
several hills, and expended a lot of ammunition on them, but did them I
am afraid very little damage, as the hills were all thickly wooded, and
our horses were not able to climb up and down them any faster than the
light-footed savages we were pursuing. In the second valley we found
another herd of cattle, but could see no Kafirs near them, and I think
they must have heard the firing, and run off before we came in sight.
Altogether we captured over 150 head of cattle, every one of which had
been taken from white men, a large number having Mr. Colenbrander's
brand on them.

I have stated plainly that we fired on these Kafirs at sight, and that
although they offered no resistance, but ran away as hard as they
could, we chased them and kept on firing at them as long as we could
see them, and this action may possibly be cited as an example of the
brutality and inhumanity of the Englishmen in Rhodesia. The fact that
the Kafirs whom we sought to destroy—with as little compunction as
though they were a pack of wild dogs—were taking part in a rebellion
which had just been inaugurated by a series of the foulest murders it
is possible to conceive, and the ultimate object of which was evidently
to stamp out the white man throughout the land, will, of course, be
entirely lost sight of or quietly ignored. In fact, I should not be at
all surprised to see it stated that the rebellion was caused by the
inhuman behaviour of the white men in Rhodesia, who, it will be said,
were in the habit of shooting down the poor, meek, inoffensive Matabele.

The Kafirs upon whom we fired were, of course, caught red-handed,
driving off a herd of cattle, every animal in which had been taken
from a white man, and we afterwards learnt that they were the very men
who had stopped Mr. Meikle's waggon two days before on the Insiza road
(some eight or ten miles distant), murdered the colonial boys in charge
of it, and assegaied the sixteen donkeys harnessed to it.

For breaking out into rebellion against the white man's rule, and for
taking all the cattle in the country, I should have borne them no great
animosity, especially as the great majority of these cattle had once
belonged to their king or to them personally. Being a representative of
the race that had conquered them, I should, of course, have lent the
services of my rifle to help to quell the rebellion no matter what form
it had taken; but had it not been accompanied by the cruel murders of
white women and children, I should not have been animated by the same
vengeful feelings as now possessed me, as well as every other white man
in Matabeleland.

"But," the kind-hearted, untravelled humanitarian may say, "such
incidents are the necessary accompaniments of a native rebellion
against Europeans, and ought not therefore to excite any greater
surprise or indignation in your colonist than they do in myself; and,
moreover, given that you admit that, looking at things from their point
of view, the Matabele were justified in rebelling against the white
man's rule, go further and acknowledge that the white men were wrong
in ever attempting the colonisation of any of the territories between
the Limpopo and the Zambesi, since it was the occupation of Mashunaland
in 1890 that led to the various disagreements between Lo Bengula and
the Chartered Company which culminated in the invasion and conquest of
Matabeleland in 1893."

To this proposition I would answer that the whole question of the
colonisation by Europeans of countries previously inhabited by savage
tribes must be looked upon from a broad point of view, and be judged
by its final results as compared with the primitive conditions it has
superseded. Two hundred years ago, the Eastern States of North America
were inhabited by savage tribes who, by incessant internecine war and
the practice of many abominable customs, constantly deluged the whole
land with blood. Now the noble red man has disappeared from those
territories—has been exterminated by the more intelligent white man—and
in place of a cruel, hopeless savagery there has arisen a civilisation
whose ideals are surely higher than those of the displaced barbarism.
In like manner, before Van Kiebek landed at the Cape of Good Hope, the
whole of South Africa was in the hands of savages, a people, be it
noted, who were not living in Arcadian simplicity, a peaceful happy
race amongst whom crime and misery were unknown quantities, but on the
contrary, who were a prey to cruel superstitions, involving a constant
sacrifice of innocent life, and who were, moreover, continually exposed
to all the horrors of intertribal wars. Now an orderly civilisation
has been established over a large area of this once completely savage
country, and no one but an ignorant fanatic would, I think, assert that
its present condition is not preferable from a humanitarian point of
view to its former barbarism. Well, the present state of Matabeleland
is one of transition. Its past history—and this fact ought not to be
ignored by the impartial critic of what is happening there to-day—has
been one of ceaseless cruelty and bloodshed. But in time a civilisation
will have been built up in that blood-stained land, as orderly and
humane as that which has been established—in place of a parallel
barbarism—in the older States of South Africa.

Yet, just as in the establishment of the white man's supremacy in the
Cape Colony, the aboriginal black races have either been displaced or
reduced to a state of submission to the white man's rule at the cost
of much blood and injustice to the black man, so also will it be in
Matabeleland, and so must it ever be in any country where the European
comes into contact with native races, and where at the same time the
climate is such that the more highly organised and intelligent race
can live and thrive, as it can do in Matabeleland; whilst the presence
of valuable minerals or anything else that excites the greed of the
stronger race will naturally hasten the process. Therefore Matabeleland
is doomed by what seems a law of nature to be ruled by the white man,
and the black man must go, or conform to the white man's laws, or die
in resisting them. It seems a hard and cruel fate for the black man,
but it is a destiny which the broadest philanthropy cannot avert,
whilst the British colonist is but the irresponsible atom employed in
carrying out a preordained law—the law which has ruled upon this planet
ever since, in the far-off misty depths of time, organic life was first
evolved upon the earth—the inexorable law which Darwin has aptly termed
the "Survival of the Fittest."

Now there may be those who maintain that the aboriginal savagery of
the Red Indians in the Eastern States of North America, or of the
Kafirs in the Cape Colony, was a preferable state of things to the
imperfect civilisations which have superseded them. To such I have
no reply. "Chacun à son goût." Only I would ask them to endeavour to
make themselves as well acquainted as possible with the subject under
discussion, either by actual travel or by reading, and I would beg
them not to accept too readily the assertions constantly made without
any regard to truth or honesty by the newspaper opponents of British
colonisation, which are broadly to the effect that no savagery exists
in Africa except that practised on the blacks by Europeans.

CHAPTER IX

Return to Essexvale—Cattle left at Essexvale in charge of the
natives—Essexvale burnt down by Matabele and all the cattle
carried off—Start for Jackson's station—Desertion of the
native police—The Makalaka—False rumours—Start for Spiro's
stores—Colonial boys report the district quiet—Decide to return
to Bulawayo through the Matopo Hills.

When on the afternoon of Thursday, 26th March, we got back to my
homestead with the recaptured cattle, both men and horses were tired
out, as the heat had been intense, and the former had had no food since
early dawn. However, the cart carrying provisions having arrived, the
men were soon able to get a good meal, whilst the horses were turned
into a twenty-five acre patch of maize, which, although it had been
sadly destroyed as a crop by the locusts, still afforded an abundance
of sweet succulent food for stock. In order to allow the horses time
to recover from the effects of their hard day's work in the hills, I
resolved to let them feed and rest until the cool of the afternoon of
the following day, and then make a night march over to Mr. Jackson's
police station at Makupikupeni, where I hoped to be able to get some
news as to the whereabouts of Colonel Spreckley's patrol, with which
I was anxious to effect a junction. I should have sent the recaptured
cattle at once in to Bulawayo, had it not been for the rinderpest
scourge which would have rendered such a course worse than useless,
since every one of them would have died within a week. The only other
plan open to me was to commit them to the care of the natives living
immediately round my homestead, who, at this time at any rate, did not
seem at all inclined to take part in the rebellion.

As there were now at least 500 head of cattle collected together in a
small area, I fully recognised the danger there would be lest so rich a
bait should attract a Matabele raiding party as soon as it became known
that there was no one left to defend them. However, no other course was
open to me, so the cattle were left on the off chance that they would
not fall into the hands of the rebels.

Some ten days later the not unexpected came to pass. Inxnozan, an
old Matabele warrior, whom I knew well, and whose manly independent
bearing I had always admired, descended upon my homestead with a
following of some 300 men, burnt down my house and stables and all
adjoining storehouses and huts, and either carried off or destroyed
everything they contained. Then they collected all the cattle in the
neighbourhood, all of which belonged to my Company by right of purchase
or capture, and went off. All the Kafirs who up to this time had been
living quietly in their kraals looking after my cattle went away into
the hills after Inxnozan's visit, and as they have never sent me any
message, I do not know whether they have joined the rebels or have only
taken refuge in the hills until the war is over. At any rate I shall
do all I can to protect them, as they must have been placed in a very
difficult position—fearing the enmity of the rebels on the one hand, if
they refused to join them, and the vengeance of the white man on the
other for suspected complicity in some of the outrages that had taken
place in the district if they remained at their kraals.

On the Friday afternoon we made a start for Mr. Jackson's police
station, passing the remains of the once large military kraal of
Intuntini, and still the largest in the district. Such as it was, we
set it alight, and as it was situated on the shoulder of a hill the
burning huts must have been plainly visible to the people who had so
lately deserted it, from almost any point in the Malungwani range, to
which they had probably retired.

Shortly after midnight we reached the police station, which we found
entirely deserted, though all the huts were still standing. A closer
inspection showed that these huts had been very hastily evacuated by
the native police to whom they had belonged, as they were still full of
their personal effects, such as coats, hats, blankets, etc. In one of
the huts we found a broken Winchester rifle, and in one of the coats
a purse containing a few shillings in silver, about the last thing a
Kafir would willingly leave behind him. We afterwards learned that
Colonel Spreckley's patrol had reached the police station—which was
situated on the main road to the Filibusi district from Bulawayo—late
at night on the previous Wednesday. At this time there were seven
native policemen with a sergeant in the huts. These men, hearing the
horsemen approaching, immediately fled, taking nothing with them but
their arms and ammunition, and went over to the rebels. That they must
have previously made up their minds to desert, is, I think, certain,
otherwise there was no reason why they should have left the station of
which they were in charge on the approach of the white men. In one of
the huts we found several bags of maize, and so were able to give all
our horses a good feed.

On the following morning I paid a visit to several kraals in the
neighbourhood, the inhabitants of which were in charge of cattle
belonging to my Company. These people I found in their villages. They
were subsequently attacked by the rebels, who carried off a large
proportion of the cattle in their charge. They however escaped with
the remainder, which they brought in to Bulawayo, where they very
soon all died of rinderpest. These Kafirs are amongst the few who
out of the entire nation have stood by the Government and rendered
active assistance to the white men during the present crisis. They
are Matabele Maholi of Makalaka descent, as I think are all the
"friendlies," with the exception of a small leavening amongst them of
"Abenzantsi" or Matabele of pure Zulu blood, and I think I am correct
in stating that there is not a single Maholi of any other descent who
is not in arms with the pure-blooded Matabele against the Government.

The Makalaka proper, a numerous people living on the western border of
Matabeleland, have—except possibly with some individual exceptions—held
themselves resolutely aloof from any participation in the present
rebellion, just as they took no part in the war of 1893. They are
an industrious, peaceable people, and have found the rule of the
Chartered Company if not perfect, at any rate a vast improvement on the
oppressive tyranny under which they lived in the good old days of Lo
Bengula.

At Makupikupeni we heard a rumour, which happily proved to be entirely
false, though at the time it disturbed my peace of mind very much,
to the effect that the ninety native police who had accompanied Mr.
Jackson and his companions into the Matopo Hills, on the trail of
Umzobo and Umfondisi, had mutinied and murdered their officers, Mr.
Jackson having been bound to a tree, and then having had his throat
cut. We also heard that Colonel Spreckley had buried the white men who
were murdered at Edkins' store, and then crossed over to the Tuli road
and returned to Bulawayo.

This being so, I determined to make for Spiro's store, situated just
on the edge of the Matopo Hills on the main road from Bulawayo to
the Transvaal, and about twelve miles distant from the Makupikupeni
police station, as I was in hopes of there hearing something authentic
concerning the fate of my friend Mr. Jackson and his companions. I knew
the way across country to the store well enough myself, but had I not
done so, I had a good guide with me in the person of one Mazhlabanyan,
a Matabele—not of Zulu blood, but of Makalaka descent—who had joined
me that morning. This man had known me in former years when he was an
elephant-hunter in the employ of the late Mr. Thomas, and on hearing
that I was residing on Essexvale, had come with his wives and family to
live near me, and I had given him a nice little herd of cattle—amongst
them some good milk cows—to look after for our Company, for which he
was very grateful. He fought in the war of 1893 against the whites and
was with the Imbezu at the battle of the Impembisi, on which occasion
he was the recipient of a bullet through the shoulder.

During the present troubles, however, he has stood by the Government,
and joined the rest of the "friendlies." Shortly before sundown
we reached Spiro's store, which we found had been deserted by its
occupants not many hours prior to our arrival. The colonial boys in
charge of the coach mules were still at their post, and reported
everything quiet in the district as far as they knew, nor could they
give any information concerning Mr. Jackson.

Since mid-day the weather, which had been intensely dry and hot for
some time past, had changed suddenly, the sky became overcast and a
light rain commenced to fall. Luckily, however, there proved to be
sufficient accommodation in the out-buildings and beneath the broad
verandah which surrounded the store for all my men, and we were thus
spared the disagreeable necessity of sleeping out on the wet ground
and beneath a rainy sky.

The next day—Sunday, 29th March—broke fine, but cool and cloudy, a very
pleasant change after the excessive heat we had recently experienced.
The question now arose as to whether any other course was open to me
but to return at once to Bulawayo by the Tuli road. To my left lay the
rugged mass of broken granite hills called the Matopos, within whose
recesses it was believed by many people at Bulawayo that the Matabele
had already massed in large numbers. Now I fully realised that had this
been the case, it would have been madness to take so small a force as
that at my disposal into so difficult a country. As, however, I had
very good reasons for believing that as yet no large number of Matabele
had assembled in this part of the country, I was anxious to make a
reconnaissance through them in order to see what the difficulties of
the country really were.

Before starting I paraded my men and told them what I wished to do,
stating that in my opinion, although we should have some very rough
country to get over, and should have to walk and lead our horses most
of the way, we should not meet any large force of hostile Kafirs,
or indeed be likely to fire a shot at all unless we met some of the
revolted police who had murdered Jackson—for at this time I believed
that he had really been murdered. However, I told them that I did
not wish any one to go with me who did not care to do so, which was
unnecessary, as no one was willing to be left behind.

CHAPTER X

Through the Matopo Hills—Skirmish with the rebels—A narrow
escape—Capture a band of cattle—Retire with wounded—Fidelity of
Mazhlabanyan—Reach Dawson's store—Arrive at Bulawayo.

It was about seven o'clock when we entered the first gorge leading in
amongst the foothills, which were here well wooded. Mr. Blöcker, who is
an excellent walker and a very good shot, I told off to scout on foot a
short distance ahead of us, whilst Messrs. Simms and Fletcher, two Cape
Colonists and both steady, reliable men, scouted on the left and right
flanks respectively.

After we had proceeded for about an hour through very broken and, for
the most part, thickly wooded country, we emerged upon a huge bare
granite rock. Here Mr. Simms rejoined us and reported that as he was
scouting on the left flank, upon emerging from a patch of bush, he had
come suddenly upon four Kafirs, one carrying a gun whilst the rest were
armed with assegais. These men quickly moved out of sight, fearing to
attack Simms lest there should prove to be more white men behind him,
whilst he on his side did not care to fire on them, as he did not know
how many more natives there might be close at hand.

[Illustration: _By permission of the Proprietors of "Black and White."_

VIEW IN THE MATOPO HILLS.]

Beyond us there now lay a large open grassy valley enclosed on every
side by rocky granite hills. In its broadest part this valley was over
a mile in width, but at its top end it gradually narrowed into a
rocky gorge, which apparently led on to some higher ground beyond the
farthest hills we could see. Much of the valley was under cultivation,
and a splendid crop of corn was standing, still unreaped, in the
fields. Mazhlabanyan told me that these cornfields belonged to Banyubi,
a tribe allied to the Makalakas, and who are the aboriginal inhabitants
of the district. After carefully looking over the country on ahead, I
decided to keep straight up the valley, and make my way to the higher
ground by the gorge I have spoken of. When we were half-way through the
open valley, Kafirs began to shout to one another amongst the hills to
our left, and presently we saw some, but they were a long way off and
we could not make out whether they were armed or not. I now gave orders
that any Kafir who approached us must be fired on if he was armed, but
not unless.

We had just entered the neck of the gorge and were finding a good deal
of difficulty in getting our horses through a stream that was too
deep to ford and could only be crossed on flat slippery stones, when
some shots were fired at us from a rocky kopje about 300 yards to our
left rear. However, as the Kafirs who had fired were hidden behind
rocks, we could see nothing of them, nor did we catch a glimpse of the
enemy until we had all crossed the stream. We then saw a few natives
amongst the wooded hills directly ahead of us, and at once commenced
a skirmishing fight with them. They were in no great numbers, and
they retired before us without firing many shots or giving us much
of a chance at them. In this way we had advanced slowly but steadily
in extended order for about 300 yards through rocks and bush when we
suddenly came upon a kraal filled with cattle, at the foot of a mass of
bare castellated rocks. From these rocks we drove the enemy, without
any loss on our side, though many of us were fired at at very close
quarters, but, as has so often been remarked, Kafirs always make
wretched shooting if at all hustled. Personally I had one little piece
of luck. A Kafir had fired either at me or Mr. Blöcker—we were close
together—from behind a buttress of rock, and as I knew that his rifle
was therefore empty, and hoped he had been alone, I ran up the flat
slope of rock on which I was standing, thinking to get a good shot at
him round the corner of the rock. When I got there, however, I did not
see the man who had fired at me, but found another Kafir waiting for me
with his rifle at his shoulder. He was on a lower level than the rock
slab on which I was standing, and must have heard me approaching as
he was evidently on the lookout for me to show myself. I was carrying
my own rifle at the ready, but had to get it up to my shoulder before
I could fire. There was no time to get a sight, so, looking at him, I
raised my rifle as quickly as possible and fired, and at almost the
same moment he fired at me. The result was mutually disappointing, as
we both missed our mark. How I managed to make so bad a shot I don't
know, as the Kafir was not more than fifteen yards from me. However,
had I waited for the few seconds necessary to get the sight on him, he
might very likely have shot me first, whilst my quick snap-shot very
probably disconcerted him and made him miss. Immediately he had fired,
he dodged behind a rock, and I did not get another chance at him.

We now took possession of the rocks above the cattle kraal, and got a
few good shots at a lot of Kafirs running away amongst the trees to the
left. Having placed several men as sentinels on the highest boulders,
I went down to look at the cattle, considering it very bad luck having
ever come across them, as I did not like to leave them and then
continue my reconnaissance, nor did I think it would be possible to
drive them out of the hills to the Tuli road without any Kafirs on foot
to help. I first thought of shooting the lot, but as there were over a
hundred, could not spare the ammunition that would have been required
for the purpose. I therefore determined to try and drive them out of
the hills and take them to Bulawayo.

With a great deal of trouble we got them down to the broken ground
above the stream, but farther than this we could not drive them, as
they scattered in all directions, but would not go down the rocks.
Over and over again we rounded them up and tried to force them to go
the way we wanted them to take, but without success, and I was once
more thinking of shooting them all when some shots were fired at us
from the broken ground to our left front. By a mistake the sentinels
had left their posts on the top of the rocks and rejoined the rest of
our party, and the Kafirs, now heavily reinforced, had got back to
positions amongst the wooded cliffs above us without being observed. I
at once sent Mr. Blöcker and a few men who were good shots to take up
a position beyond the stream, from which they could check the enemy's
fire, whilst the rest of the men were crossing. I myself with Mr.
Claude Grenfell and a few more men protected the rear. However, before
we got down into the open ground, we had four horses killed and two men
wounded, Mr. Stracey and Mr. Munzberg. How it was that more men were
not hit, I don't know, as the bullets were pinging about pretty freely.
Everyone, I think, although I spread the men out as much as possible,
had some narrow shaves, and my Sergeant-Major got two bullets through
his gaiter, and one through his trousers between his legs, yet he was
not touched.

Not knowing how many Kafirs we had to deal with, nor whether some of
them would not try to get round in front of us, I now sent Mr. Blöcker
on with half the troop and the wounded men to take up a position on
ahead, on our line of retreat; whilst Mr. Grenfell and I with the rest
of the men remained behind to keep the Kafirs from coming out of the
broken ground behind us. However, having lost a few of their number,
they showed no disposition to leave the shelter of the rocks, so we
retired slowly and off-saddled on an open spot just beyond the hills.

The Kafirs with whom we had been engaged had been for the most part,
I think, members of the native police force, as I had seen several
myself who were wearing the white knickerbocker trousers of the police
uniform. They all, too, seemed to be young men, and were shooting with
Winchester rifles; and did not shoot badly either—that is for natives.
It was most fortunate that neither of the two men hit was mortally
wounded, as if they had been we should have found it very difficult to
carry them. Mr. Stracey was shot through the knee, though fortunately
the bone was not much shattered, so he not only did not lose his leg,
but will eventually, the doctor promises, have as good a limb as ever.
Mr. Munzberg, a young German, was hit in the small of the back, and had
a wonderful escape, as the bullet struck a kind of chain belt he was
wearing round his waist. It went through this, but being much flattened
out lost its velocity, and only inflicted a deep flesh wound.

In some ways the Kafirs may be said to have had the best of this
encounter, as we left them in possession of the field. However, whilst
we lost no men, we left a few of our opponents ready for burial, and
our retreat, although it was a retreat, was of the slowest and most
orderly character. Our horses were simply a nuisance to us amongst the
granite boulders, and we could have done much better without them.
Indeed, I saw enough this day to assure me that all subsequent fighting
in the Matopos would have to be done on foot.

During the firing old Mazhlabanyan had behaved with great coolness. At
first, when we were driving the Kafirs from the rocks above the cattle
kraal, he had remained below holding my horse, but after recrossing the
stream, I told him to go on with Mr. Blöcker. Finding that I did not
immediately follow, the old fellow seems to have got very nervous about
my safety, as after asking Mr. Blöcker a great many times where his
master was, he came back to look. However, old Jack will be comfortably
settled on my Company's land when these troublous times are over, and
when the rinderpest has died out, and fresh cattle can be brought into
the country, his fidelity will not be forgotten. After an hour's rest
we again saddled up, and made straight across country to Dawson's
store, at the Umzingwani ford on the Tuli road, twenty-five miles from
Bulawayo. Here we were able to obtain a stretcher on which to carry Mr.
Stracey, Mr. Munzberg still being able to ride.

As there could now be no doubt that there were hostile Kafirs at no
great distance, I advised Mr. Boyce, who was in charge of the store, to
lock up everything and accompany us to Bulawayo, which he did.

We started at sundown, all of us taking it in turns to carry our
wounded comrade, and reached the post station, twelve miles from
Bulawayo, soon after midnight. Here we passed a wretched night in the
mule stable, as we were all wet through, a soaking rain having come on
about an hour previously, which lasted for the rest of the night.

I sent two men on at once to Bulawayo, asking that a cart and a doctor
might be sent out for the wounded men in the morning. The cart was
sent, but no doctor could be spared. However, by mid-day we reached
Bulawayo, and the wounded men were soon made comfortable in the
hospital.

CHAPTER XI

O'Connor's wonderful escape—The importance of the Native Question
in Rhodesia.

In the course of conversation, during our journey to Bulawayo, Mr.
Boyce, the manager of Mr. Dawson's store on the Umzingwani, told me
that, on the night before our arrival there, a miner named O'Connor had
reached the store in a dreadful condition, having been terribly beaten
about the head by Kafirs, from whose tender mercies he had escaped on
24th March. This poor fellow had been sent in to the hospital on the
morning of the day on which we readied the store, and as his escape was
a most remarkable one, I will tell it as I heard it from the man's own
lips.

O'Connor, it appears, was engaged in mining work together with two
other miners named Ivers and Ottens, on a reef called the Celtic,
situated some mile and a half from Edkins' store.

On the morning of Tuesday, 24th March, after their early cup of
coffee, the three miners were discussing matters in general, and more
particularly the fact that during the last few days thirteen of their
boys had run away for no apparent reason, unless it were that they
had gone off to take part in a beer drink at the neighbouring kraal
of Gorshlwayo. About seven o'clock they had an early breakfast, and
shortly afterwards Ottens went off to see the Native Commissioner,
Mr. Bentley, who was living at the police camp not far from Edkins'
store. Then Ivers went away to see how the work was progressing at one
of the shafts on the Celtic reef, leaving O'Connor alone. He, after
kneading a loaf of bread and placing it in the sun to rise, went into
his hut, and sitting down on his bed, threw his hat on a chair beside
him, and lit his pipe. He had been sitting smoking some few minutes,
when he was suddenly startled by the loud and angry barking of Ottens'
dogs, Captain and Snowball, just outside his hut. "The angry condition
of the dogs was so unusual," said O'Connor, "that I give you my word
I thought there was a lion in the camp." Jumping up, he ran to the
door of the hut, only to find a Kafir standing just on one side of
the entrance with a musket pointed towards him in his hands. "For an
instant," said O'Connor, "I was paralysed, and retreated back into
the hut, the door of which was immediately afterwards blocked by a
crowd of Kafirs all armed with heavy knob-kerries. Then, seeing that
they had come to murder me, I became mad, and rushed in amongst them.
I succeeded in wresting two knob-kerries from them, and with these I
fought desperately, always making my way towards the mouth of No. 1
shaft, which was something over 100 yards from my hut. I was repeatedly
knocked down, and heavy blows were continually rained upon me, but,
now on my knees, again on my feet, and sometimes rolling, I got to the
mouth of the shaft with the remains of two broken sticks in my hands."

During this desperate struggle, O'Connor remembers hearing the Kafirs,
who were attacking him with sticks, continually calling to the one with
the gun, _u injani wena ai posa_—"why don't you shoot?"—and says that
this man actually fired at him more than once, holding his gun at his
hip, and always missing him. Just as he fell at the mouth of the shaft
he was fired at for the last time. Then O'Connor rolled down the shaft
"like a football," as he expressed it.

This was what is called an "incline shaft," going down for 136 feet
at an angle of about 45 degrees. From the bottom of the incline shaft
a tunnel had been driven into the reef 170 feet in length. Arrived at
the bottom of the shaft, the hapless miner was at once attacked by his
own boys—ten in number—who had been working in the tunnel. These devils
fell upon him with hammers and drills, O'Connor defending himself as
best he could with stones, and finally driving them all, as he thought,
up the shaft.

After the terrible punishment he had received, which included thirteen
scalp wounds—one of which had broken the outer table of the skull
above the left temple—heavy blows with a hammer on each cheek-bone,
and bruises and contusions all over the body, it may be wondered how
O'Connor managed to retain his senses. But the fact remains that he
did, and, thanks to a good old Irish head, still lives to tell the tale
of the sufferings he endured, which, however, were not yet over by any
means.

Believing that all his assailants had left the mine, he bethought him
of a place of refuge, at a spot some half-way up the incline, where
a vertical shaft had been cut into it. Here the shafts cut through
some old workings, which formed a recess, into which O'Connor crept.
Just as he was about to avail himself of this hiding-place, a Kafir,
who, during the last fight, must have run back down the tunnel, rushed
past him up the incline shaft. This man must have told the rest of the
would-be murderers where the white man was hiding, and they did not
leave him long in peace, for shortly afterwards several Kafirs came
down the shaft, some with lighted candles, and four with guns. Two
of these men carried muzzle-loaders, whilst the other two were armed
with breech-loading rifles. The latter O'Connor recognised by the light
of the candles as "boys" who had been working for himself and his
companions. Their names were "Candle," and "Makupeni," and they had
been in the employ of the miners for nearly eighteen months, and as
they were both good shots they had often been sent out with the only
two rifles in camp to shoot game for the sake of the meat. Latterly, so
implicit was the trust reposed in them by their masters that the rifles
had been left entirely in their possession, but now they were among the
first to volunteer their services to put an end to their employer in
his sore extremity.

When O'Connor recognised his own trusted servants amongst his
assailants he spoke to them, asking what harm he had done them, and
why they wished to kill him, to which they answered, "We're going to
kill you and all the white men in the country." However, although their
would-be victim could see them, they could not see him, and seemed
afraid to advance their heads into the recess where he lay—as they
would have had to do in order to shoot him—for fear probably of being
hit with a lump of quartz, which, even though it had been gold-bearing,
might have made a nasty mark on their skulls.

During this time the Kafirs at the top of the shaft kept continually
calling out to those below with the guns, "What are you doing; why
don't you shoot the white man?" but still the cowardly murderers lacked
the courage to creep into the recess and finish their victim. Suddenly
there was a commotion at the top of the mine, and shouts of "_Amakiwa_,
_Amakiwa_"—"white men, white men,"—and the four men with guns, together
with those who were holding the candles, ran up the shaft, leaving the
white man once more alone.

This cry of "white men" must have been a false alarm, as all the
Europeans at the neighbouring police station and at Edkins' store were
murdered without offering any resistance, having been taken completely
by surprise. However, it gave O'Connor a few minutes' respite and
enabled him to gain the shelter of another hiding-place where he
thought he would be more secure from the guns of his enemies. This was
a spot about half-way down the tunnel, where some loose ground had
fallen in and rendered a certain amount of timbering necessary. Here,
behind some boulders, O'Connor took refuge, but his enemies having
recovered from their alarm and again come down the mine with candles,
soon found out, probably by his tracks, where he had hidden. And now
the fruits of education were brought to the aid of native devilry to
compass his destruction, for some of his own boys threw two charges
of dynamite with short fuses into his hiding-place. Then the Kafirs
all ran out of the mine, nor did they return, thinking probably that
they had blown the white man to pieces. Having only seen the wonderful
effects of dynamite when employed for blasting rocks and exploded at
the bottom of a hole drilled deep into solid stone, they did not know
that a loose charge exploded on the surface of the ground would have
comparatively little effect. However O'Connor, except that he was
nearly suffocated by the fumes of the dynamite, remained uninjured
in the shelter of the boulder behind which he lay. Shortly after the
explosions he thinks he must have become unconscious and remained
so for many hours. When he came to himself, hearing no sound that
betokened the proximity of his enemies, he crept from his hiding-place,
and made his way to the mouth of the tunnel, and then ascended the
incline shaft.

It was a bright moonlight night, and from the position of the moon he
judged that it was about eight o'clock. A glance showed him that his
camp had been destroyed and all the huts burnt down, but he could see
no Kafirs about. He then made his way to an old mining camp about one
and a half miles distant, called Nelson's Camp, from which he could
look down on the police station, which he still hoped to find in the
possession of white men. In the brilliant moonlight he saw the huts
still standing; but there was no life or movement perceptible, and no
lights or fires burning, and he therefore felt assured that the whites
had either been murdered or left the camp. Then he went down to the
stream which ran between the police camp and Edkins' store, and as he
expressed it "wallowed in it like a pig."

After having quenched his thirst and washed the blood from his wounds
he carefully approached Edkins' store, which he found had been burnt
down, whilst the smell of murder was in the air, and the deathlike
stillness was unbroken by even the bark of a dog. Then, indeed, the
unfortunate man recognised to the full all the terrors of his dreadful
position. All hope of succour from his immediate neighbours was gone;
they had all been killed or forced to flee for their lives, whilst he
stood alone amongst a nation of murderers. But his stout Irish heart
never quailed, and weakened as he was by loss of blood he set out to
the north-west, towards Bulawayo.

Leaving the Matabele kraal of Gorshlwayo as far as possible to his
left, he at length reached the Insiza river some four miles from the
camp he had left. By this time he was completely exhausted, and lay
down in the reeds on the river's edge. Here he remained hidden all that
night and the next day. On Wednesday night he again tried to get on
towards Bulawayo, but by this time he was becoming more or less light
headed, and unable to steer a good course, nor does he know exactly
where he wandered. He lay hidden by day, and only moved at night, nor
was it until Saturday night at about eleven o'clock, more than 110
hours after he had been attacked by the Kafirs, that he found his way
to Mr. Dawson's store on the Umzingwani river.

All this time he had had no food. On approaching the store he found
two men standing outside—Messrs. Schultz and Judge—whom he knew well,
but who had looked upon him as dead. As he approached them in the
moonlight, hatless, his face and head covered with wounds, he thinks
they took him for an apparition come to call the white men to avenge
his murder, for they fell back as if they had seen a ghost, and he
said, "What, don't you know me—Joe O'Connor?" Then as they rushed up
and seized him by the hands, he fell down senseless and they carried
him to the store. Mr. Judge at once rode in to Bulawayo to try and get
a doctor to come out and dress his wounds.

The following morning he was sent on by waggon from the Umzingwani
store, and was met half-way by Mr. Lyons, the dispenser at the
hospital, who, as no doctor could be spared, had volunteered to go to
the wounded man's assistance. On Sunday afternoon he reached Bulawayo,
where he lay a long time in hospital. All that medical skill and kindly
nursing could do for him was done, and he eventually recovered from the
dreadful injuries he had received; but the terrible experiences he has
passed through have turned his hair partially grey, he being a young
man of only twenty-six years of age. He has, too, to mourn the loss of
his brother and cousin, both of whom were murdered by the Matabele.

[Illustration: O'CONNOR'S ARRIVAL AT THE STORE.

"As he approached them in the moonlight, hatless, his face
and head covered with wounds, he thinks they took him for an
apparition come to call the white men to avenge his murder."]

I was present in Colonel Napier's office, when a Zambesi boy, who had
been working for them, gave evidence as to the manner in which they
had been killed. He said, "I saw them killed with my eyes; they were
killed by their own boys. O'Connor's brother was drawn up from the
bottom of the shaft in which he was working by two men, who held the
windlass still when his head came above the level of the ground, whilst
others beat his brains out with knob-kerries; the other man—O'Connor's
cousin—was stabbed to death with assegais." I have made many inquiries
concerning O'Connor, and find that he bears the character of being a
hard-working man, whilst he was known to the Native Commissioner of his
district as one who always got on well with the natives.

From some remarks which he made, however, subsequent to the relation of
his trying experiences, I judge that he has now abandoned any latent
intention he may ever have had of becoming a member of the Aborigines
Protection Society, nor do I think that the funds of that admirable
institution are likely to be added to by any donation from Mr. O'Connor.

The worst feature in the foregoing history of the attempted murder of
O'Connor and the actual murder and mutilation of his two companions,
Messrs. Ivers and Ottens, is the participation in the crimes by two
trusted servants who had been in the employ of the murdered men for so
long a time as eighteen months, since the very fact that these boys had
worked for so many months for the same white men shows conclusively
that they must have been kindly treated by them, for no Kafir will
remain long in the service of a master who ill-treats him.

Now I am not so unreasonable as to think that the natures of the
Matabele natives ought to be judged of by the unamiable qualities shown
by two individuals; indeed I know that as a set-off, even during the
present rebellion, the lives of some few white men have been saved
by the fidelity of natives in their employ. But unfortunately the
evil deeds get more noised abroad, and they add to the bitterness of
the exasperation felt by the whites against the blacks; for it seems
inevitable that during an insurrection such as the present, the average
nature of the native will be judged of by the average European on the
spot, according to the worst atrocities that have been committed,
and such an instance of treachery as I have related will harden the
kindest heart and produce a feeling of distrust in the whole race that
can never be eradicated from the mind. In many, too—and these by no
means the most brutal or worst educated in the community—such acts,
coupled with the indiscriminate murder of women and children, produce
a conviction that beings who are capable of such deeds, who can lick
your hand and fawn upon you for eighteen months and then one day turn
and murder you, and afterwards perhaps mutilate your senseless corpse,
are not men and brothers, but monsters in human shape, that ought to be
shot down mercilessly like wild dogs or hyaenas, until they are reduced
to a state of abject submission to the white man's rule.

In time, however, let us hope that the cruel deeds of the last few
months will be forgotten, and the fierce passions they have evoked on
both sides gradually smoulder out and die from the lack of fresh fuel.
Henceforth it will, I trust, be recognised by the authorities that
the native question in Rhodesia is one of the very first importance,
and that it is also one which demands the most careful handling in
order to ensure the future peace and prosperity of the country. When
this rebellion is quelled and the natives have once more submitted
themselves to the white man's rule, they must know exactly the terms on
which their submission has been accepted; and they must also understand
precisely what will be required of them in the shape of hut-tax,
labour, etc. Then if they are treated kindly and justly, as well as
firmly, they ought not to have any valid reason for again rebelling
against the government of their white conquerors; but lest they should
ever be inclined to make such an attempt without any valid reason, they
must now be so thoroughly and completely disarmed as to render any such
action futile.

CHAPTER XII

Laager formed at Bulawayo—Matabele scare—Colonel
Spreckley's valuable services—Meet Mr. Jackson—Disarmament
of native police—Account of the insurrection—Mr. Grey's
narrow escape—Returns to Bulawayo to give warning of the
rising—Fortunate escape of a hunting party—Wholesale
murders—Grey's Scouts.

[Illustration: THE LAAGER IN THE MARKET SQUARE, BULAWAYO, APRIL 1896.]

On our return to Bulawayo, we found that a very strong laager had been
formed in the large square round the Market Buildings. Within this
laager the whole population of the town, with few exceptions, slept
every night; the women and children within the buildings, whilst the
men manned the waggons in readiness to resist any sudden attack.

The Bulawayo laager was probably the strongest ever constructed in
South Africa, and the whole Matabele nation, I think, would never have
taken it by assault. But if 2000 of them, or even a smaller number, had
made a night attack upon the town before the laager had been formed,
I think it more than probable that the entire white population would
have been massacred. It appears that there was a terrible scare on the
very night on which I had left the town for Essexvale, viz. Wednesday,
25th March. This scare was absolutely groundless and seems to have been
caused by a drunken man galloping about calling out "The Matabele are
here; the Matabele are here."

My wife was resting in Mrs. Spreckley's house at the time, being much
fatigued by her long ride in the hot sun from Essexvale. However, she
and her kind hostess, as well as all the other ladies living on the
suburban stands, were hurried over to the new Club-house, nearly a mile
distant, in the centre of the town. Here the large number of women
and children in Bulawayo, many of them hastily summoned from their
beds, and most of them terribly frightened, passed a miserable night
all huddled up together, but getting neither rest nor sleep, as they
were constantly kept on the _qui vive_ by fresh rumours, all equally
groundless, as happily at this time there was no force of hostile
natives within twenty miles of Bulawayo. On the following day the
laager was formed, and by the time I got back to town Colonel Spreckley
and Mr. Scott (the town major) had, after an immense amount of hard
work, got everything into good order.

These two gentlemen deserve the utmost credit not only for getting the
laager into good order, but also for keeping it in that condition for
the next two months. Major Scott was indefatigable in looking after
the sanitary arrangements, whilst Colonel Spreckley, by his genial
good nature, backed by great common sense and strength of character,
kept all the various human elements shut up in that confined space not
only in good order but in good humour. Nobody in Bulawayo, I think,
could have performed the very difficult duties required from the chief
officer in charge of the laager so ably as Colonel Spreckley during the
first two months of the insurrection, and his conduct was all the more
admirable because he was carrying out a very arduous and harassing duty
against his inclination, or rather burning desire, to be out of town at
the head of a patrol doing active work against the insurgents.

[Illustration: COLONEL J. A. SPRECKLEY.]

Soon after my arrival in town, I was delighted to meet the Native
Commissioner of my district, Mr. Jackson, whom I had never thought
to see again. He and his white companions had received warning of
the rising from his sub-inspector, and were also cautioned lest there
should be a plot on foot for their murder by the native police. At this
time, however, the ninety men they had with them, each of whom was
armed with a Winchester rifle and seventy rounds of ammunition, did
not know that the rebellion had commenced, and they managed to bring
them all in to Bulawayo without any trouble, where they were at once
disarmed.

Now by this time it had become evident that the insurrection had become
general throughout the length and breadth of Matabeleland, and I will
give a brief account of what had happened so far as is known.

I have already related that Mr. Cumming and another man brought the
first news of the murders of white men in the Insiza district to
Bulawayo. On reaching Lee's store, twenty-four miles from the town,
they found that their horses were completely knocked up, and they could
thus only have proceeded on foot, had not Mr. Claude Grenfell just
happened to be passing the store with a cart and horses on his way from
Gwelo to Bulawayo.

On hearing the alarming news Mr. Grenfell took Mr. Cumming on with him
at once to headquarters, his companion, Mr. Edmunds, giving up his seat
to him, and walking. Before reaching Lee's store, Mr. Grenfell had met
Mr. George Grey, travelling alone in a Cape cart with a coloured boy,
on his way to inspect some of his mining properties near the Tchangani
river, and when the news of the murders in the Insiza district became
known, much anxiety was naturally felt concerning Mr. Grey's safety, as
well as that of all other Europeans who were living at a distance from
Bulawayo in mining camps or on lonely farms.

Early on Thursday morning, however, Mr. Grey returned to town, having
escaped death by the merest chance, as he must only just have escaped
falling into the hands of more than one party of murderers.

On reaching the Pongo store some twelve miles from the Tchangani river,
Mr. Grey had found all the outhouses just burnt. The store itself
seemed to have been looted, but was not at this time burnt down. No
trace of the owners could be found, but the ground was thickly covered
with the naked footprints of natives, and, more ominous still, a large
pool of blood was seen in the road in front of the store. We now know
that at this time the recently-murdered corpses of three white men were
lying, two of them close to the store, and the third on the top of a
rise a short distance away. I was present some six weeks later when the
bodies were discovered and buried. The unfortunate men must have been
suddenly attacked with knob-kerries and axes, as their skulls had all
been smashed in. In this instance the clothes were not removed from the
bodies.

This was the first intimation that Mr. Grey got that mischief was
brewing in the country. Soon after passing the Pongo store, he turned
off the main road and went down to the Eagle mine some four miles
distant. This he found had been only recently deserted by the Europeans
employed there, and with his suspicions now fully aroused he returned
at once to the main road, and made for the Tchangani store. On his way
there he came across a white man on the roadside, who had escaped from
a party of Kafirs, after receiving two severe battle-axe wounds, one of
which had cut his face open from nose to ear, whilst the second had cut
his arm to the bone and severed all the tendons of the wrist. This man
had been working with two companions on a farm in the neighbourhood,
when on the previous day—Tuesday, 24th March—they had been suddenly
and without any warning attacked by a party of Kafirs armed with
knob-kerries and battle-axes. Although two of them were wounded,
they managed to retreat to their hut, on which the natives, probably
thinking that they had firearms there, retired.

[Illustration:

Those numbers refer to the four gentlemen with folded arms.

3 2 1 4

GREY'S SCOUTS.

1. Captain George Grey.
2. Lieutenant F. Crewe.
3. Lieutenant Jack Stuart.
4. Lieutenant Hodgson.]

After sundown the three white men left their hut, intending to make for
Stewart's store at the Tekwe. Unfortunately it was a bright moonlight
night, and the Kafirs must have been watching them, as they immediately
followed, and chased them into a maize field, through which they hunted
them. During this pursuit the white men became separated. One of them
reached Mr. Stewart's store in safety; the second, Mr. Scott by name,
found his way to the road near the Pongo store and was picked up and
taken to the Tchangani by Mr. Grey; but the third must have fallen into
the hands of the Kafirs, and, of course, been murdered, as he has never
again been heard of from that day to this. The man who made his way to
the Tekwe had received a severe blow on the head with a knob-kerry.

Arrived at the Tchangani, Mr. Grey found seventeen Europeans in laager
there, amongst them the men from the Eagle mine, who had been pursued
on their way to the store. The natives, however, were afraid to come to
close quarters with them as they were armed with rifles, and at this
time the rebels in this district had not yet dug up the firearms which
they had buried after the war of 1893, and were therefore only able to
kill white men whom they could take by surprise with knob-kerries and
axes.

Now fully realising the very serious aspect of affairs, Mr. Grey,
instead of remaining in the shelter of the laager, most pluckily
determined to return to Bulawayo at once, making use of the post mules
along the road, in order to warn all people with as little delay as
possible that the Kafirs had risen.

A few hours after he had left the Tchangani, the garrison of the
laager was augmented by the arrival of Messrs. Farquhar, Weston
Jarvis, Currie, and Mr. Egerton (M.P. for Knutsford) and his son.
These gentlemen had been on a hunting trip to the Sebakwe river, and
were returning to Bulawayo only just in time, as had they remained
out in the veld any longer they would certainly have been murdered,
for although they would doubtless have given a very good account of
themselves, yet a few men cannot fight an army.

On the following day—Thursday, 26th March—two small patrols were
organised and sent out from the Tchangani, one of which, consisting of
Mr. Mowbray Farquhar and two companions, visited a mine where a white
man was known to have been working a day or two previously, whilst the
other, consisting of Mr. Robinson and two others, visited the Pongo
store and the Eagle mine. A careful search was made by the latter all
round the store, and the bodies of two out of the three men who had
been murdered there two days previously were discovered and covered
with blankets, which were still in their places when we buried the
remains some six weeks later. The third corpse they did not find, as it
was lying some distance from the store.

Mr. Farquhar and his two companions visited Comployer's camp, and found
the unfortunate man lying murdered in front of the door of his hut.
They tried to get on to Gracey's camp, but could not do so for fear
of being surrounded and cut off by the Kafirs, who were all in their
kraals watching them. It has since been ascertained that Gracey was
murdered on the same day as Comployer.

On returning to the laager, they found that a mule-waggon had been
sent from Gwelo, with orders from the officer commanding there that
all Europeans should come in as quickly as possible to assist in the
defence of the town against the Kafirs.

Leaving the Tchangani at 5 P.M. on Thursday evening, the whole party
reached Gwelo in safety on Friday morning at half-past eight. In the
meantime Mr. Grey, travelling at express speed with relays of coach
mules, reached Bulawayo early on Thursday morning. On passing the Tekwe
store, he found assembled there Mr. Stewart, five other white men,
and two women, who were endeavouring to fortify a hut. Promising them
speedy relief, Mr. Grey hurried on to warn others of their danger, but
beyond the Tekwe he found that the occupants of the roadside hotels
and post stations had already taken the alarm and made their way to
Bulawayo.

On Thursday, 26th March, Mr. Grey got together twenty-three good men,
and started back for the Tekwe that same evening. These men formed the
nucleus of a force which has done splendid service in the suppression
of the present rebellion, under the name of Grey's Scouts. They were
a picked body of men, and neither their name nor their brave deeds
will ever be forgotten in Rhodesia, whilst I think we all regard
Captain Grey as one of the finest specimens of an Englishman in the
country—quiet, self-contained and unassuming, but at the same time,
brave, capable, and energetic.

CHAPTER XIII

Captain Grey's timely arrival at Tekwe store—Colonel Napier's
column arrives at Tekwe—Murder of Wood—Salisbury coach chased
by Kafirs—Forty-three persons rescued by patrols—Account of
Captain Pittendrigh's rescue party—Severe fighting—Massacre
of whites at Inyati—Escape of Madden—Defence of Campbell's
store—Relief of Captain Pittendrigh's party—Fight their way back
to Bulawayo—Courage and skill of the Africander Corps—Gallant
conduct of Henderson in bringing in a wounded comrade.

Captain Grey and his men reached Tekwe store about 2 P.M. on Friday,
27th March, and were only just in time to save the beleaguered whites
there; for shortly before their arrival a party of Kafirs had driven
off all Mr. Stewart's cattle, and killed a horse belonging to him. At
the same time they had been kind enough to send him a message by the
boy who had been looking after his cattle, to the effect that they
meant to return and kill all the white people that night. However, they
made no attack when they found that Mr. Stewart's small party had been
reinforced by some twenty well-armed men.

On the following day Colonel Napier's column, which had left Bulawayo
on the previous Tuesday, and had been patrolling the country in the
direction of the Insiza river, came across country to the Tekwe store.
Besides saving the lives of Mr. Stewart and his party, the presence of
Colonel Napier and Captain Grey with the men under their command on
the Salisbury road at this juncture was the means of saving the lives
of nine other white men and two coloured boys, the latter being the
drivers, whilst the former were the guard, sent down with the last mail
coach from Gwelo.

This coach left Gwelo on Saturday, 28th March, arriving at the
Tchangani early the following morning. Here they found the body of a
white man, just murdered and stripped stark naked, lying in the middle
of the road in front of the store. This was the body of a prospector
named Wood in the employ of Willoughby's Consolidated Company, who had
come across country from the Selukwe district. Unfortunately he arrived
at the Tchangani store on the day after it had been evacuated by the
white men who had been in laager there, and he probably found it in
possession of the Kafirs, who of course murdered him.

On seeing this ghastly sign of the times, the men in charge of the
coach determined to drive on at once without outspanning, and soon
observed Kafirs running in the bush and keeping pace with the coach on
both sides of the road. These natives, however, seemed to have no guns,
and by continually firing at them the white men kept them from coming
to close quarters. After a time the Pongo store was reached, but no
halt was possible owing to the threatening attitude of the Kafirs. The
mules were now almost done up, and could only get the coach along at a
walk, but still the Kafirs hung on either flank, as thirsty for blood
as a pack of wild dogs awaiting the moment to rush in upon a wounded
buffalo.

Some three miles farther on the poor mules came to a standstill, and
the white men were forced to leave the coach, and keep on on foot along
the road, the Kafirs ever keeping pace with them in the bush on either
side, and doubtless only waiting for the darkness of night to enable
them to rush in and kill them with as little loss to themselves as
possible. But just at dusk they reached Colonel Napier's column in a
very exhausted condition.

Some six weeks later, when we found the bodies of the men who had been
murdered at the Pongo store, we also found some three miles on this
side of the store the coach which had been captured by the Kafirs.
A linch-pin had been removed, and one of the wheels taken off. The
pole had also been sawn in two, and all the mail bags cut open, their
contents being scattered all over the ground. The poor mules had all
been stabbed to death with assegais, and lay in a heap together, still
in their harness.

Altogether the combined patrols under Colonel Napier and Captain Grey
collected and brought back with them to Bulawayo forty-three persons,
including two women and a child, many, if not all of whom, had they not
been thus timely rescued, would have fallen victims to the Kafirs. The
names of the poor fellows murdered at the Pongo store are Frederick
Hurlstone, J. Beddington, and H. Zeeburg. At midnight on the Saturday
before my return to Bulawayo from the Matopo Hills, Captain Pittendrigh
of the Africander Corps had left town with a small party only eleven
strong, in order first of all to reinforce for the night a small party
at Jenkins' store, and then push on some thirty miles farther, in order
to relieve Mr. Graham, the native commissioner at Inyati, who with
Sub-inspector Hanley and five other white men was believed to be in
laager there. There were many volunteers for this expedition, but as
the Government was unable to furnish them with horses or rifles, only
those could go who were in a position to equip themselves.

Jenkins' store was reached at half-past two on Sunday morning. Here ten
men were found in laager, including a younger brother of Mr. Graham the
native commissioner. He, with an assistant native commissioner, Mr.
Carter, a cart and four mules and two spare horses, had been on his
way to Inyati to bring his brother, who was suffering from an attack of
fever, into Bulawayo. As an attack had been expected on the store that
night, the thatch had been removed from the roof, and a rough fence put
up round the building. However, no attack was made, and at 5 A.M. the
whole party, now consisting of nineteen men, with the two spare horses
and the cart and mules driven by two colonial boys, set out for the
Bembisi,[8] twenty-three miles distant.

For the subsequent experiences of this small rescue party, I am
indebted to the kindness of Mr. Moodie Thomson, the able editor of the
_Matabele Times_, who accompanied Captain Pittendrigh and wrote an
account of the expedition. This he has kindly placed at my disposal,
and I will take up his narrative at the point when the start was made
from Jenkins' store early on Sunday morning. It proceeds as follows:—

"We were now in a very different country from the open veld of the
earlier ride. Kopjes were close on either hand, the road was of the
roughest, and progress with the mule cart consequently slow. The word
was constantly given for a good look-out on either hand, but for over
an hour not a man or a woman was seen, though tracks crossing the
path were met with at frequent intervals. The kopjes in which we had
expected to have trouble were passed, and the more open undulating
ground at the Elibaini Hills reached. Progress was slow along this
portion of the ascending road, and near the highest point skirting the
base of the most prominent hill a strip of bush was entered. No sooner
had we made our way into this cover than a shot was heard from the
hill-slope. In a second it was seen to be occupied by half a dozen or
so natives, who sent in another and another shot. It was impossible to
make a sufficient reply from our position, and a dash was made from
the road through the strip of bush to the open slope of the hill. One
or more of the natives was shot as they retreated over the crest, and a
hot pursuit was made.

"When those of our party who were foremost reached the top of the hill
they found that affairs had assumed a different aspect from repulsing
a handful of stray rebels. A glance was sufficient. The natives were
there in a dense mass, throwing out skirmishers on either flank to
surround us, one body proceeding rapidly around the lower slope to
cut us off. Our advance men fell back, and the natives began to show
themselves in the open. Firing became hot on both sides, but taking
advantage of the strip of bush we were able at first to inflict
considerable damage. The natives to the number of about three hundred
were soon in the bush also, advancing in excellent open order and
becoming formidable. Several rushed in to close quarters, and Captain
Pittendrigh, who had dismounted, lost his horse. Before he could get
one of the spare horses, a native armed with an assegai grappled him,
and a hand-to-hand struggle took place. The native, however, was thrown
off and shot, and the captain escaped with some slits in his coat. At
the same moment Thomas Haden, who had been fighting most determinedly
in the front, received a shot on the upper part of his bandoleer,
which exploded three of his cartridges, one bullet passing through his
shoulder and with a ricochet entering his neck and passing through his
cheek. Immediately after Mr. S. Carter received a bullet through his
ankle. The natives began to approach closer in their attack despite our
heavy fire, and as they were gradually surrounding us, it was found
advisable, encumbered as we were with two wounded men, to retire to the
road.

"With a rush through without further casualty on our side, we regained
the road and found that one of our boys at the mule waggon had
vanished, and the other was getting away on one of the spare horses.
The mules and cart had therefore to be abandoned, and at a good pace we
cut across through the lower bush over rough ground, avoiding the curve
round the hills, to where the road bent round on the open.

"Here half-sections were again formed, the wounded in front, and a
quick canter gave us a good start. Looking back, the natives could be
seen in hot pursuit, and it was thought they might be able to reach one
of the kopjes ahead whose base we must skirt. Suggestions as to taking
up a position on a kopje were untenable on account of the wounded men,
and there was nothing for it but to get over the seventeen miles to the
Bembisi as rapidly as possible. Again and again the natives seemed to
be closing up on us, and sundry indications were closely scrutinised as
to the presence of hostile forces ahead. The ride was made heavier by
two of the ponies becoming done up. It was an anxious time, as the road
ran through the hollows, but the clearness of the day gave abundant
scope for noting the absence of an enemy ahead and the black mass
falling farther astern.

"About eleven o'clock Campbell's store came in sight, and we crossed
the Bembisi with gladdened spirits. These, however, were immediately
damped. The news was awaiting us that the party at Inyati, eight miles
farther on, which we had been sent to relieve, had been massacred. The
intelligence was given by Patrick Madden, miner, who, and a native
in his employ, were the sole survivors. This man told with most
circumstantial and convincing detail how Native Commissioner Graham,
Inspector Hanley, George Hurford, George Case, and S. H. Corke had
fought against ever-increasing odds on the evening of the previous
Friday—this was now Sunday—until they were killed. Madden, another
miner named Tim Donovan, and a colonial native had made for the hills,
and after two days' hiding Madden and the native had reached this store.

"The narrative, it may be said, has been fully corroborated since from
other sources, with the addition that Donovan was also pursued and
killed. Further, there was the news that an impi of from 1200 to 1500
lay at Inyati. It was hard to decide to abandon the projected relief,
but the facts were obvious that with an impi ahead, and with a body
of 300 at least following us, and very shortly seen to be in the bush
across the river, there was nothing for it but to take up the strongest
position possible.

"Across the river the natives could be seen in the bush, and were we
even to venture with our wounded to go by the road, we were at their
mercy. At the store we had found Mr. Campbell with a waggon and oxen,
hourly expecting to be pounced upon, and it was resolved to set to
work to fortify the store. The verandah thatch was cut away, passages
were pierced so that there might be free communication through the
large building, and loopholes were cut through the brick walls in every
direction. In addition, a case of dynamite was found in the store which
was utilised to lay mines with ingeniously-contrived short fuse, and to
make a score or so hand grenades with a radius of about fifteen yards
that could be thrown at assailants. The large stock of meal in sacks
was put into service to block windows, and then we were certain that,
having about 2000 rounds of ammunition, we could hold out well against
a night attack.

"It was necessary, however, to send word to Bulawayo of our condition
and the intelligence we had received, and to obtain reinforcements
which we calculated could arrive in time to fall on the rear of the
natives attacking us at daybreak. Messrs. Fincham and Mostert were
mounted on the best horses as despatch-riders. A diversion was made by
the whole party crossing the river as if returning by the road we had
come, and as we saw the natives moving to meet us the despatch-riders
went off at an angle by the Queen's Reef road, passing the Shiloh
Hills. The rest of the day was spent in completing our fortifications.
Strong guard was set at night, and we waited eagerly for the natives to
come for the reception prepared for them. The wounded had been bandaged
and made as comfortable as possible; the horses were stabled in the bar
and store-room, and every man was at his post carefully looking out.

"About four on Monday morning the silence was broken by the sound of
firing, and speculation was rife as to its meaning. It came nearer and
nearer, and it was soon decided that this was the reinforcing party
fighting its way through the natives lying in wait for us. There was
silence for a time, broken again by the cracking of shots, and with
the dim dawn we could see a body of men emerging from the thick bush.
As they came nearer it became plain that they were white men, and
we left the store to send up a cheer to let them know we were still
safe. As day came more brightly, in they rode across the open veld,
and with answering cheers dashed up the river-bank to the store.
They were thirty strong, fifteen from the Africander Corps under
Commandant Van Rensburg and Captain Van Niekerk, and the remainder from
various Rhodesia Horse Volunteers, troops or volunteers under Captain
Macfarlane. They had ridden the whole night through, with only a brief
halt at the Queen's Reef, and in our vicinity had been met in the black
darkness of the bush with a volley fired not twenty yards off. They had
replied, and a running fire had been kept up for about half an hour. No
one in the party had been wounded, but two men in the advanced guard,
Messrs. Celliers and Henderson, were missing. Several dead bodies of
natives seen in the bush testified later to the effect of the replying
fire.

"About nine o'clock it was decided that the whole party should return
by the Queen's Reef road and ride straight for Bulawayo. A start was
made with strong flanking parties, Captain Pittendrigh's men being
placed in the rear-guard after the waggon containing our two wounded.
Cautious progress was made through the bush where the natives had
been assembled and where spoor was thick, but without a sign of life
visible. The Queen's Reef was reached about eleven o'clock, and at noon
the column got again into dangerous bush.

"Nothing occurred, however, until the Shiloh Hills were reached, when
on the spur of a kopje and in the bush below natives were seen. They
opened fire, but their aim was high. Those of them who were venturous
enough to make the attack were summarily disposed of—nothing being more
convincing of the perfection of the fire of our party than the manner
in which seven, eight, or nine shots would simultaneously bowl over a
native who exposed himself even for a moment. On our side a horse—one
of Mr. Zeederberg's finest animals—was shot through the lower part
of the stomach, and subsequently died from the effects of the wound.
This was our only casualty, and on the other side there must have
been a loss of a dozen men at least. The fire was fairly hot while it
lasted, but a party of about fifty was too strong for the natives, even
though they may have been several hundred. They had to depend upon
their firing, as close quarters against such marksmen was almost an
impossibility.

"The Kotki river was reached after a heavy detour through the bush to
avoid giving the natives around us too much opportunity at the kopjes,
and a halt made for an hour. Just before reaching there a herd of
native cattle had been met and seized, and heifer steaks cooked on
ramrods proved refreshing after our twenty-mile ride at ox-waggon pace.
Then on again, the remaining fifteen miles without further attack,
until in the darkness a cheer from the pickets about ten o'clock
announced that Bulawayo had been reached.

"The wounded were conveyed to the hospital, and tired horses and
men had the satisfaction of seeking what comfort was available in a
laagered town. The men in Captain Pittendrigh's party who had this
experience of Matabele skirmishing, were, with one or two additional
exceptions, members of the Africander Corps. It is useful to testify
that their courage, their determination, their skill with the rifle,
and their expert employment of every ruse in such fighting as we had at
the Elibaini Hills, command the highest admiration. We were in a fairly
tight place, as may be judged when hand-to-hand fighting was possible,
and we were only nineteen against several hundreds; but the pluck and
brilliant dash displayed, as well as the good comradeship throughout,
are convincing that in a like or even a stiffer affray one could
neither wish nor hope to have better men than these. It remains to be
said that the two missing men came in to Bulawayo on Wednesday morning.
Celliers had had his horse shot under him and was himself badly wounded
in the knee. With that consideration which is akin to heroism Henderson
placed him on his horse, and walking beside him for three days they
had hidden amongst the hills, making their way through most dangerous
country. Henderson tended his wounded comrade in every way possible,
and succeeded in keeping clear of natives, though at times they passed
in unpleasantly close proximity. Such conduct is something more than
typical of the men who are bent upon holding Matabeleland."

The devoted courage shown by Mr. Henderson in giving up his own horse
to his wounded comrade and sticking to him for three days, during
the whole of which time they were surrounded by the enemy, and in
continual danger of being discovered, appears to me to be as brave a
deed as has yet been chronicled in the annals of Rhodesia. I commend
it to the notice of Mr. Labouchere, as I feel sure that it will be
quite a revelation to him to learn that there exists amongst the
"Buccaneers"[9] at least one man who has shown himself capable of a
self-sacrificing and generous act. Yet all Mr. Henderson's gallantry
could not save his comrade's life, as Mr. Celliers eventually died from
the effects of the amputation of his leg, owing principally to the
length of time which had elapsed between the time when he was wounded
and the date when the operation was performed.

CHAPTER XIV

Besides the patrols of which I have already spoken that were sent out
from Bulawayo during the first days of the insurrection, I must not
forget that which was taken down to the Gwanda district by Mr. James
Dawson. Mr. Dawson, who has lived amongst the natives of Matabeleland
for many years, and both speaks their language and understands their
character well, could not believe that a general rising throughout the
country was possible, and even after hearing of the murders in the
Insiza and Filibusi districts, and my own report as to what had taken
place on Essexvale, imagined that the disturbance was only local.
However, in order to assure himself of the true position of affairs, he
got together some ten or twelve men, and leaving Bulawayo with them on
Wednesday night, 25th March, proceeded down the Tuli road to his own
store at "Amanzi minyama," situated in the Gwanda district, and distant
about seventy-five miles from Bulawayo.

On his way there he found everything perfectly quiet along the road,
all the wayside stores being still in the occupation of their owners,
none of whom had heard anything about the native rising—a state of
things which of course confirmed Mr. Dawson in his scepticism.

On the return journey, however, shortly before reaching Spiro's store,
which is distant thirty-seven miles from Bulawayo, the fresh tracks
of numbers of natives—men, women, and children—as well as of cattle,
goats, and sheep, were noticed crossing the road. These were doubtless
the trails made by the Matabele from the Filibusi district, who were
making their way to the Matopo Hills, and at once aroused suspicion.

Spiro's store was reached on Sunday, a few hours after I had left it
the same morning on my way into the hills. Here Mr. Dawson found no
one, for after my departure the boys who had been looking after the
coach mules became frightened and took them in to Bulawayo, leaving the
cattle behind; and these were still in the kraal, with no one to tend
them, when Mr. Dawson passed. Not quite liking the look of things, the
patrol went on beyond the store, and slept some four miles away from it.

On the following morning early they reached the wayside hotel at the
Umzingwani river, which we had left at sundown on the evening before.
Here in one of the huts were found the blood-stained shirt of Mr.
Munzberg, and also a sock soaked with blood that had been taken from
Mr. Stracey. During Monday Mr. Dawson and his men remained at the
Umzingwani, but sent messengers to Bulawayo to obtain news as to what
was going on.

Late that evening an answer was received requesting him to come on
to town at once, as the Kafirs were reported to be massing in the
neighbourhood. Before this there had been several alarms, and it was
believed that natives were on the watch round about the store. Thus
when the start was made for Bulawayo, the lights were left burning, in
order to make the Kafirs believe that some of the party were still in
the house. Arrived at the river some 600 yards distant from the store,
Mr. Dawson rode back alone to reconnoitre, but hearing natives talking,
retired and rejoined his men.

Early on Tuesday morning Inspector Southey was met with a small force
at the head of the pass leading down to the Umzingwani. He had been
sent out to escort the coach to Bulawayo, which was now some time
overdue from Tuli. However, as Mr. Dawson had heard nothing of this
coach, it was thought that it must have turned back; so Inspector
Southey, who had been ordered not to descend the pass, returned to
town, where shortly after his arrival the coach turned up too without
an escort.

This was the last coach that ran on the Tuli road, and it seems to have
been missed by the natives by a miracle, as they had broken into the
Umzingwani store and gone away again in the interval between the time
of its arrival there and Mr. Dawson's departure.

This coach reached Bulawayo on the morning of Tuesday, 31st March, and
on the same day—the day after my own return from the Matopos—I was
asked to take a patrol of twenty-five men down the Mangwe road, in
order to ascertain if it was still clear, as a coach loaded with rifles
and ammunition and ten waggon-loads of provisions were on their way up.

We left town about 2 P.M., each man carrying three days' rations with
him, and reaching Mabukitwani, twenty miles distant from Bulawayo, the
same night, arrived at "Fig Tree" by noon the following day, where we
found a store and mule stable in charge of Mr. Elliott.

The people living in the neighbourhood are nearly all of Makalaka
descent, and have taken no part in the present insurrection. At the
time of my visit they were in a great state of alarm, and the greater
part of them had left their villages and fled into the hills, fearing
lest the white men should visit the sins of the insurgents upon them. I
therefore sent one of Mr. Elliott's boys to call the principal Induna
to come and see me. With this man, an intelligent-looking Makalaka
named Jackal, who bears a striking resemblance to the chief Khama, I
had a long interview, and finally persuaded him to send messengers to
the refugees ordering them to return to their kraals. Jackal assured
me that the first news of the rebellion was brought to him by the son
of Umfaizella (the brother of Lo Bengula, who with Umlugulu and others
is responsible for the murders at Edkins' store), who was sent by his
father to incite some of the Makalaka to revolt. When he found that
Jackal's people did not seem very anxious to assist the Matabele in
their attempt to regain their independence, he said to him, "You say
that your people don't want to fight; that they wish to sit still.
Don't you know that the white men are killing all the black men they
can catch? Don't you know that they have shot Gambo through the head,
and thrown his body to the birds? Have you not heard that every Kafir
boy who was working in Bulawayo has had his throat cut?" "I did not
believe him," said Jackal, "and soon afterwards one of my own men, who
had been working in town, came home, and told me that the white men had
killed no one in Bulawayo except a few Matabele spies. Then I knew that
the son of Umfaizella had lied to me, but still the bad news frightened
my people." I may here state that Jackal expressed the opinion that
if they were unable to kill all the white men, a large section of the
Matabele would probably leave the country with as many cattle as they
could get together, and seek a new home beyond the Zambesi. What amount
of truth there may be in this view, and how far the original plan may
have been modified owing to the destruction of all the cattle by the
rinderpest, remains to be seen. At present, however, no section of
the tribe seems actually to have made a move beyond the outskirts of
Matabeleland proper.

In the afternoon we proceeded to the Shashani. Before reaching "Fig
Tree," the coach, loaded with ammunition, had passed us on its way to
Bulawayo in charge of the escort that had accompanied it from Mangwe.
As, according to the information I had received before leaving town,
the convoy of waggons ought now to have been close at hand, and I
did not wish to tire all my horses by taking them any farther than
necessary down the road, I left Lieutenant Grenfell in charge of the
patrol at the deserted shanty, which had done duty as an hotel, near to
which we had off-saddled, and rode on alone.

Shortly before reaching the Shashani hotel we had met a light
waggonette drawn by a team of horses on its way to Bulawayo. In it were
two gentlemen, Captain Lumsden (late of the 4th Battalion Scottish
Rifles) and Mr. Frost, on their way to Matabeleland on a shooting
expedition. We halted and gave one another the news from up and down
country respectively, and had a laugh and a joke about the kind of
shooting one was likely to get in Matabeleland at the present time.
When Captain Lumsden got out of the waggonette I saw what a fine
specimen of a man he was—tall and broad-shouldered, with a pleasant
face and keen blue eye—and I little thought that when next I met him,
only a week later, it would be in the Bulawayo hospital, where, poor
fellow, he lay with a leg shattered by a Kafir's bullet, on what
soon proved to be his deathbed, for he died from the effects of the
subsequent amputation of the limb.

After leaving my men I rode quietly on, but only met the waggons I
was looking out for when close to Mangwe. Having many friends in the
laager there, I determined to ride a little farther and pay them a
visit. First, however, I exhorted the man in charge of the waggons to
push on at once, as I was anxious to return to Bulawayo as soon as
possible, in the hope of getting something more exciting to do there
than escorting waggons.

When still some three miles from Mangwe I met a party of horsemen
riding towards me along the road. They proved to be old friends who had
come out to meet me, as they had heard by telegraph that I was coming
their way. Amongst them was one of my oldest and most esteemed friends,
Cornelius Van Rooyen, with whom in the good old days I had wandered and
hunted for months together over the then unknown wilds of Mashunaland.

Arrived at the laager, I received a very warm welcome from both Dutch
and English. Major Armstrong was in command, whom, though a very young
man, I thought both shrewd and capable, and the excellent service he
has done for the Government during the present insurrection has, I
think, been fully recognised.

Before leaving Bulawayo I had heard it said that in the Mangwe laager
order and discipline were conspicuous by their absence; but this I did
not find to be at all the case. On the contrary, it seemed to me that
Major Armstrong and Commandant Van Rooyen, by the exercise of great
tact, had between them got everything into excellent order; and this is
no small praise, for it must be remembered that the occupants of the
Mangwe laager belonged to two nationalities, Dutch and English, each of
which has its own way of doing things, and the two can only be brought
to work harmoniously together by the exercise of both forbearance and
good sense on the part of the officer commanding the combined force.

[Illustration:

_By permission of the Proprietors of "Black and White."_

HIS LAST OX.]

All my Dutch friends at Mangwe had suffered terrible losses amongst
their stock from the rinderpest; indeed, some who had been rich men
a couple of months before, possessing several hundred head of stock,
had now scarcely a beast left. All along the road, too, from Bulawayo
to Mangwe the evidences of the ruthless severity of this plague were
most lamentable. Hundreds of carcasses in every stage of putrefaction
everywhere lined the track, whilst here and there were groups of empty
waggons abandoned by their owners, who, having lost their means of
livelihood through the death of their oxen, had left the rest of their
property standing uncared for in the wilderness, and walked away ruined
men.

At Wilson's farm, six miles from Bulawayo, where herds of infected
cattle had been slaughtered in the hopeless endeavour to stamp out the
disease, acres of carcasses were lying festering in the sun, and any
one passing along the road did not require to look at them to know they
were there. Strangely enough, in spite of the exceptional opportunities
offering for free meals throughout Matabeleland at this time, not
a vulture was to be seen. I have heard it said that too hearty an
indulgence in rinderpest meat in the early days of the plague killed
all the vultures, and whether this is so or not, certain it is that
these useful birds are now as scarce as cows in Matabeleland.

CHAPTER XV

Escort a convoy of waggons to Bulawayo—Murder of a Greek
trader—Mr. Gordon saved by native police—Mr. Reed warned
of danger by Makalakas—Patrols sent to Gwanda and Shiloh
districts—Proceedings of the Gwanda patrol—Scenes of pillage
and desolation—Lieutenant Webb's narrative—Six hours' severe
fighting—Narrow escape of patrol from annihilation—Captain Van
Niekerk's cool judgment and bravery—Gallant conduct of the patrol.

Leaving Mangwe on 2nd April, I rejoined my men on the following day,
and we then escorted the convoy of waggons to Bulawayo, where we
arrived early on the morning of Saturday, 4th April.

Before reaching Bulawayo, I had heard that a Greek trader had been
murdered in the Bulilima district, near the Maitengwe river, and
this news was confirmed by the Rev. Mr. Reed and Assistant Native
Commissioner Gordon, both of whom had been stationed in the same
district, and both of whom owe their escape to the fact that they
received notice from friendly natives that their lives were in danger.
Mr. Gordon was informed by his own native police that a Matabele
Induna, named Langabi, had given orders to his people to kill him, and
they not only warned him of his danger, but escorted him by bypaths
through the dangerous part of the country, and put him on to the main
road to Bulawayo.

These police, thirty in number, have all remained loyal to the
Government. One of them was murdered by the rebels, but the remainder
all reported themselves to the Chief Native Commissioner, by whom they
were disarmed, but they have since been employed on Government service.

Mr. Reed was saved by the Makalaka amongst whom he was working. They
informed him that the Greek trader living near him had been murdered,
and told him plainly that he too would be killed unless he got away
to a place of safety. At the same time a horse was sent to him by the
Rev. Mr. Carnegie from Hope Fountain, together with a letter containing
information concerning the generally disturbed state of the country.
This decided him to leave his station for the time being and retire on
Bulawayo, which place he reached safely the day before the return of my
patrol from Mangwe.

During my absence two patrols, somewhat stronger than those first sent
out, had been despatched to the Gwanda and Shiloh districts. The first,
under Captains Brand and Van Niekerk, had left town on the previous
Thursday, in order to relieve a party of prospectors and families
said to be in laager in the Gwanda district. This patrol consisted of
one hundred mounted men—fifty of C troop and fifty of the Africander
Corps—and was accompanied by a mule waggon and a Maxim gun. The
second patrol, numbering one hundred and sixty-nine men all told, and
accompanied by a Maxim gun, was commanded by the Hon. Maurice Gifford,
and had started on the Friday night to dislodge an impi, which it was
reported had gathered in the hills near Shiloh. I will first give a
short account of the proceedings of the Gwanda patrol, for the most
interesting portion of which, namely the account of the return journey
to Bulawayo, I am indebted to Lieutenant Webb of the Africander Corps,
who has most kindly placed the graphic description which he has himself
written of this fateful march at my disposal.

Leaving Bulawayo at six o'clock on Thursday evening, 2nd April, the
first halt was made at Spargot's store, some six miles from town. Here
the horses were off-saddled for an hour. During the halt one of the
sentries found a wounded Kafir lying in the grass, who, on examination,
proved to be the colonial boy "Jim," who had been so terribly knocked
about by the Matabele at Edkins' store, that when discovered there it
was not thought he could possibly survive many hours; and yet, thanks
to the food that had been left with him, he had not only been able to
keep body and soul together, but had recovered in the course of a few
days sufficiently to enable him to make his way slowly and by easy
stages, travelling always by night, to Bulawayo. Fortunately he was
never short of food, as the rainy season being not yet over, the young
maize cobs—green mealies—were standing ready for plucking in all the
native fields.

After leaving Spargot's the next halting-place was Dawson's store at
the Umzingwani river, which was reached late at night. The store it was
found had been burnt and destroyed by the Kafirs, but the mule stables
were still standing, and in them a plentiful supply of maize was
obtained for the horses. The latter were all placed inside the stable
fence, whilst the men lay down behind their saddles on the rising
ground outside. The pickets were fired on during the night, but a few
volleys from a portion of the Africander Corps drove the Kafirs off,
though they were afterwards heard calling to one another in the hills
near the river.

When day broke no natives were to be seen, and the horses were at
once saddled up, and the march continued. Spiro's store, thirty-seven
miles from Bulawayo, was found to have been totally destroyed by fire,
but Grainger's hotel, twelve miles farther on, was still standing. The
Kafirs had, however, apparently only just left it before the patrol
arrived, as everything was in the utmost disorder, and water was
discovered in a bucket which had evidently only just been brought up
from the stream, as some of it had been spilt on the ground. A large
supply of maize was again found in the mule stables, so the horses got
another good feed.

In the evening the expedition moved on to Grainger's second store,
which it was found had not been interfered with by the natives. Here
Friday night was passed, the men again lying down behind their saddles.
Early the following morning Dawson's store at "Amanzi minyama" was
reached. It was found to have been very recently deserted by its
European occupants, and since their departure had been partially looted
by Kafirs. From here a move was made to Mr. Nicholson's camp, some four
miles farther down the road, where it was thought that all the white
men in the Gwanda district had probably collected. On arriving there a
most excellent fort was discovered on the top of a kopje near the camp.
Whilst the fort was being strengthened, Mr. Zeederberg, the well-known
post contractor, and three more men rode down the Tuli road to discover
how far ahead the Gwanda people were. Mr. Zeederberg and one of these
men rode through to Tuli, in order to despatch telegrams to Bulawayo;
but the other two returned the following day, after having caught up
the waggon with the people from Dawson's store, who were retiring
on Tuli, and who reported that the Gwanda party was thirteen hours
ahead of them, making for the same destination. On Sunday, 5th April,
two more despatch-riders were sent to Tuli with farther messages for
Bulawayo, asking that reinforcements and a Hotchkiss gun should be sent
down to meet the patrol on its return, as, from information received
from a native scout, it was believed that the Kafirs would attack
them in force at some point along the road. On Wednesday morning the
despatch-riders returned, with a message informing Captain Brand that
it was impossible to send the reinforcements asked for, and requesting
him to return as soon as possible to Bulawayo. On Monday, the day after
the despatch-riders had left, an escort which had been sent in charge
of a waggon to Dawson's store to bring in some supplies was fired on by
the Kafirs. Captain Van Niekerk with some men of the Africander Corps,
and some of C troop under Mr. Holland, immediately went off in pursuit,
but beyond a few stragglers saw nothing of them. On the following day
Captain Van Niekerk and Mr. Purssell went out with a force to patrol
round the store and bring in all the remaining stores left. They found
the country strewn for several miles with blankets, boots, etc., left
by the Kafirs in their hasty flight on the preceding day, but again no
resistance was met with.

[Illustration:

_From a photo by C. H. Newberry, Bulawayo._

CAPTAIN VAN NIEKERK

who commanded the Africander Corps of the Bulawayo Field Force in many
engagements during the last campaign.]

From this point I will proceed with the narrative in Lieutenant Webb's
own words, as follows:—"We started early the next morning, 9th April,
on our return journey. By lunch time we had marched fifteen miles, and
reached Grainger's store No. 2. This place we found had been burnt
to the ground by the Matabele during our stay at Gwanda, and judging
by the spoor a large number of them had been at work. We decided to
stay the rest of the day at this place, and were careful to take
every necessary precaution in case of a night attack. Next morning we
saddled up at daybreak, and covered twelve miles to Grainger's store
No. 1, before halting. This store had in our absence shared the same
fate as the other, and we recovered nothing from the ashes. As we were
now entering a most dangerous section of the road, we were careful to
use extra vigilance. At about ten o'clock we came up with some cattle
at the foot of the range of hills on our left, but before capturing
them, narrowly inspected the hills for natives, as we suspected a
trap. Sure enough on a ridge about 1000 yards away we made out a body
of men hiding under cover. We at once put the Maxim on them, and as
they retreated in haste up the side of the hill, we found that several
hundreds of them had been waiting in ambush. They only returned our
fire with one or two shots. We were then going through thick bush, with
hills a couple of hundred yards away towering on each side.

"Upon emerging from these, we came to the ruins of Spiro's store, and
about a mile beyond we saw a column of smoke ascending, and rightly
conjectured that this was the place where they meant to attack us. The
situation was all in their favour. We had to pass through a narrow neck
amongst the hills in order to emerge into comparatively open country,
though even this latter afforded them ample cover from our fire. The
first evidence we had of the ambuscade was a steady and prolonged fire
directed at the head of the column (composed of our corps) from the
kopjes on the left flank. We at once returned the fire; but so well was
the enemy concealed amongst the rocks, that I may tell you—though you
will hardly credit my statement—that I scarcely saw one of them for
half an hour. As the column was pressing on to get out of the dangerous
position we were in, a few of Captain Brand's men fired just in front
of the faces of the mules drawing the provision waggon. The mules
swerved round suddenly, and broke the disselboom. Whilst the damage was
being repaired, Mr. Jobson, who was in command of the Maxim, brought
his gun into action with the greatest coolness and promptitude; but
this unfortunate accident delayed us for half an hour, and was largely
responsible for the wounds of many horses and men.

"When we at last emerged from the pass, the disorganised appearance
of the column showed the severity of the enemy's fire, and I firmly
believe it was due to the fact that there were a number of old
campaigners in the Africander Corps, which was commanded by our
cool and experienced chief Captain Van Niekerk, that we escaped
annihilation. When we had got the men into skirmishing order, we were
better able to cope with the enemy; and when I tell you that the
latter were over 1000 strong and followed us for over five miles at
a distance of little more than 200 yards, you will be better able to
judge of the task we had in hand. Our route lay over successive ranges
of ridges and valleys, and afforded plenty of cover for the enemy, as
the grass was about three feet high, and the country thickly studded
with bush and trees. They formed a half-moon round us and skirmished
excellently, taking advantage of every bit of cover. They also fought
with ferocious determination, and often showed pluck verging on lunacy.
They were kept well in hand by their leaders, who constantly urged them
to fire low. Our horses and men were now falling with deadly monotony,
and we all saw the importance of getting into more open country. Our
men were firing steadily and rapidly all this time, and the Maxim did
good service; but being on the move and owing to the tactics of the
enemy, did not do the execution we were accustomed to see in the first
Matabele war.

"At last, after about three hours' fighting, we saw about a mile ahead
of us a round stone kopje, for which we made in order to take a short
halt. The enemy at once saw through our movement, and a number of
them endeavoured to defeat our object by out-flanking our advance.
Our horsemen, however, were too sharp for them, and by hard riding
reached the kopje first, and held them in check until the main body
arrived. The kopje we thus reached was nothing but a huge flat rock,
showing out about twelve or fifteen feet above the surrounding country.
It was almost surrounded by broken rocks and trees, and under this
cover—in some instances only some thirty to forty yards from where we
were standing—the Matabele concealed themselves, and continued their
fire upon us. This alone will give you some idea of their astounding
audacity and bravery. We had to charge them four times to make them at
last give in and retire. It was now about sundown (5.30 P.M.), and we
had actually been about six hours fighting over five miles of country.

"When at last we had time to look about us, we saw a scene that I for
one shall never forget. The men still stood at their posts about the
kopje keeping a good look-out. Across the plain through which we had
come could be seen the carcasses of horses slain, and the bodies of
men lying as they fell. On the kopje itself was the little ammunition
waggonette, capable of holding two men comfortably, and now surrounded
by the wounded and dying. We found that we had lost five men shot dead,
and two more were dying, whilst over twenty others were wounded, and
thirty-three horses had been killed. Of the enemy we estimated that
we had killed and wounded between two and three hundred. I do not
think that any one of us had reckoned upon having such a tough job in
getting through the pass, and even now our position was very grave.
Prompt action was needed to get us out of our difficulty, and after
consultation amongst the officers, we decided at once to move on, so as
to give the Matabele no time for united action to surround us during
the night. Our greatest difficulty was the conveyance of our wounded,
and how any of the poor fellows survived that night will always remain
a mystery. In the little waggonette we had to place eight, and on
the Maxim gun-carriage we carried several more. The remainder were
fortunately able to ride.

"We left the kopje at dusk, and for the next sixteen miles had a most
unpleasant section of the road to traverse, on any portion of which the
Matabele had us at their mercy had they chosen to attack. Whether they
had had enough fighting, or whether they did not suspect our departure,
is not known, but we were all heartily glad to get through that section
of the country unmolested. At half-past four on the morning of the
11th of April, we met the relief force sent to meet us, and two hours
later we halted in front of the Government Offices in Bulawayo. That
afternoon we buried one of my most intimate friends, poor Baker, who
had been shot in the fight, and died on the homeward march."

From the foregoing narrative it is evident that this small patrol of
100 men narrowly escaped annihilation at the hands of the Matabele; and
I should be doing an injustice if I did not state that, in the opinion
of at any rate the majority of those who took part in the fight, they
were only saved from destruction by the determined bravery combined
with cool judgment—the result of long experience gained in many a
previous fight with Kafirs in the Old Colony and the Transvaal—shown
by Captain Van Niekerk, who took over the command during the action.
Captain Brand, who was the senior officer, and who is as gallant a
fellow as ever stepped, indeed brave to the point of foolhardiness,
but who had had no previous experience of native warfare, showed both
generosity of character and soundness of judgment in asking Van Niekerk
to take over the command directly he saw that his men were in a tight
place. Van Niekerk himself speaks enthusiastically of the cool bravery
shown throughout this trying time by all the men forming the patrol.
They were all equally brave, he says. But amongst the Africanders there
were many old Kafir fighters, such as old Mr. Steyn and Messrs. Loots
and Ferreira, and these old campaigners were naturally more useful
than inexperienced men. Lieutenants Webb and Holland, Purssell and
Jobson—the latter in charge of the Maxim gun—did their duty throughout
the engagement as coolly as if they were on parade. Five dead men had
to be left on the field, viz. Messrs. Forbes, Pack, Greer, Hayland, and
Green. Mr. Baker died on the Maxim carriage, and his body was laid on
the roadside eight miles from Bulawayo.

On the following morning, Saturday, 11th April, a party was sent out to
bring in the body, which they did, but they were fired on from a kopje
near the road. No damage however was done, and poor Baker was buried
the same afternoon.

About half-past eight on the previous evening, a messenger—Mr. White,
attached to the Africander Corps—had reached town, with a despatch
from Captain Brand, saying that he was in a tight place and feared
that his ammunition might run short if the fight lasted much longer.
Mr. White had left the patrol about four o'clock in the afternoon, and
some two hours earlier had been struck on the head by a bullet, which
luckily however only inflicted a scalp wound, stunning him for the
moment.

On his arrival there was great excitement in Bulawayo, and a relief
force was at once organised to go to Captain Brand's assistance. Being
then in town, I and my men of course volunteered like every one else,
and I well remember how bitterly disappointed we were that we could
not go. As it happened, the relief force was not required to rescue
the patrol, which had extricated itself from a very difficult position
without assistance; but its appearance must have been most welcome to
the jaded men, whose horses when they reached Bulawayo had been upwards
of twenty-six hours under the saddle without food or rest. Thus ended
one of the toughest fights of the present campaign, in which more than
one-third of the men engaged were either killed or wounded, and more
than one-third of the horses were likewise killed. Several men, whose
wounds were slight, never reported themselves at all. Brave Captain
Van Niekerk was twice hit, one bullet cutting his bandoleer-strap
and bruising his shoulder, and the second smashing the stock of his
revolver and bruising his side. The Kafirs, although they probably lost
heavily, had the satisfaction of getting possession of the dead bodies
of five white men to mutilate, together with the saddles and other
accoutrements of the horses killed; whilst, worst of all from our point
of view, several Lee-Metford rifles and bandoleers full of cartridges
fell into their hands.

CHAPTER XVI

For the following narrative of what is now known as Gifford's fight in
the Shiloh Hills, I am indebted to an officer in Gifford's Horse, who
has done very good service throughout the campaign, but who however has
modestly asked me not to mention his name.

"The patrol under Lieutenant-Colonel Gifford—now commonly known as the
Shiloh Patrol—consisted of Gifford's Horse, with thirty-one men of
F troop under Captain Dawson, and eleven men of Grey's Scouts under
Lieutenant F. Crewe—one hundred and eighteen Europeans in all, with one
Maxim gun and forty-nine Colonial Boys under Captain Bisset. Captain J.
W. Lumsden accompanied the patrol as chief of the Staff and second in
command.

"We left Bulawayo about one o'clock on Saturday morning, 4th April. It
was bright moonlight, and we travelled on without any delay or anything
exciting happening till the sun rose, when we outspanned at M'Kisa's
kraal, about twelve miles from Bulawayo. I believe we had a sort of
roving commission to go down to the Khami river, break up an impi or
two there, then to go over to Inyati, do the same there, and finally to
come out on the Salisbury road at the Bembisi.

"At our first outspan however Colonel Gifford obtained information
that there was an impi encamped down the Umguza, on Holm's farm, about
fourteen miles to the north of us, and he determined to have a go at
them. We therefore broke camp about two o'clock and trekked on through
very bad country, heavy sand and thick bush.

"We had just got into better and more open country when continuous
firing was heard on our right, in which direction a few of our scouts
were out, and shortly afterwards a party of two or three hundred
Matabele were seen coming down from a ridge on our right, and the
rear-guard—B troop, under Captain Fynn—were soon engaged with them. At
this juncture Colonel Gifford sent back Captain Dawson's troop and the
Colonial Boys to support Captain Fynn, and after about an hour's heavy
firing the Matabele withdrew into the hills close by.

"In the meantime, the rest of the column had drawn out into an open
space and laagered up. The scouts turned up just before the Matabele
attacked, having narrowly escaped being cut off. We passed a quiet
night as the enemy made no move, though we could see them in the hills,
and they fired occasional shots at the laager before it got dark. Next
morning we started again after breakfast, but had not gone more than
a couple of miles, when the wily Matabele showed himself again, and
in stronger force. Our advance guard, A troop, under Captain Meikle,
were attacked, and at the same time a party of two or three hundred
came down on our right and attacked the column. They did not come on
very close—to do this they would have had to cross the Umguza river,
and this they did not seem to care about doing, but kept on the other
side of the river firing at the column and showing themselves in pretty
strong force. Colonel Gifford then opened on them with the Maxim at
about 600 yards, and this quite quenched their military ardour. It was
funny to see the way in which they all immediately lay down in the
grass and then spread out, and finally strutted off into the bush,
bending down and hiding themselves as much as they could in the grass
all the time.

"During this time A troop had beaten off the attack on the advance, and
Captain Bisset's boys who were on the left advance fell on the already
defeated party and did some damage, killing twenty or thirty of them.
As the enemy appeared to be all round us, we outspanned again, and, the
men remaining at their posts, a biscuit each was served out all round,
and the horses were allowed to graze. No further attack was made, and
we trekked on again to Fonseca's farm without any further hindrance
from our enemy, though we could see an impi on our right keeping along
with us all the way, though at a safe distance.

"We camped and laagered behind our saddles in an open glade. Behind us
was a ridge of kopjes, on one of which was the homestead, on our left
was thick bush, and on our right was a dry river-bed. Just beyond, and
parallel to it, ran a stream in which were some deep pools of water.
These riverbeds afterwards proved to be our salvation, or at any rate
of great assistance in our defence.

"We passed another quiet night, and next morning, Easter Monday, at
daybreak, the men made the fires and were soon brewing their coffee, as
it was bitterly cold. The usual patrol of five or six men was sent out
to scout round, and the Colonial Boys were sent out to look for cattle,
as we had so far only had "bully" to eat, and a change was desirable.
They had not been out long when Lieutenant Rorke, who was in command
of the morning patrol, came across the impi holding an "indaba" in a
kraal. He and his patrol opened fire on them, to which they promptly
replied by rushing our men. Lieutenant Rorke had a very narrow escape;
his horse broke away from him, and he was compelled to retire as best
he could on foot. The Colonial Boys, who were not far behind, and his
own few men, however, checked the enemy, and saved his life.

"This opened the ball; as soon as the firing was heard in camp,
Colonel Gifford ordered Dawson's troop out in support, and B troop
under Captain Fynn were ordered up into the kopjes where Fonseca's
homestead stood. The battle soon became general, and there was heavy
firing through the bush on our left, which was occupied by the Colonial
Boys, Captains Dawson's and Fynn's troops. Colonel Gifford then gave
the order for the men in laager to take cover in the bed of the stream
to which I have already referred. The two small waggons, one of which
carried ammunition, and the other our provisions, and on which the
Maxim was standing on its tripod, were quickly drawn up alongside of
the gully, and the men took up their positions and manned the banks
of both streams, which formed a natural laager. Colonel Gifford then
sent out the gallopers to call the troops in to laager, not a minute
too soon. Captain Fynn's troop, with whom was Captain Lumsden, were
fairly rushed by the enemy, who poured a fire into them at close range.
Here Trooper Kenneth M'Kenzie was shot through the head and dropped
dead from his horse. Trooper Fielding was wounded in the leg, and his
horse shot under him, and Captain Lumsden's horse also fell shot under
him. Captain Fynn, however, brought his men into laager in good order,
returning the enemy's fire. Captain Dawson and the Colonial Boys also
retired in good order into laager.

"The Matabele came on close behind, and our men were hardly in laager
when they rushed out into the open from the bush, with the evident
intention of charging the laager. The steady fire from the men,
however, soon checked them, and a few shots from the Maxim made them
retire into the bush again. A few of their bravest, having taken cover
behind some stumps and dead trees which were lying in the open, kept up
a galling fire on the laager, but these were soon picked off by some of
our good shots.

"One man, however, came on in the open and appeared to bear a charmed
life, as no bullets touched him; he had no gun or assegai, but came on
alone down the valley towards us. He must have got to within about 150
yards of the laager when he fell shot in the leg. He rose again, and
only then turned to fly, but the charm seemed to be broken, and he fell
dead, shot through with several bullets.

"In the afternoon, when we were able to go out to where he lay, we
found he had in his hands a skin-bag full of fat, and some of the
usual witch-doctor's throwing bones—no arms of any sort. Apparently
he was a witch-doctor, or one of the priests of the much-talked-of
'Umlimo,' who thought he'd do for the white man by means of his bones
and incantations and that the white man's bullets were to turn to water
before him as had been predicted. The Matabele lined the bush all down
our front and took to the kopjes, from where, at about 600 yards, they
kept up a continuous fire.

"Colonel Gifford had all the time been standing on the waggon alongside
of the Maxim directing the fire, and giving his orders to the men. The
enemy on our front were not more than 200 yards away, and were making
good shooting, aiming especially at the waggon and Maxim. Here poor
Reynolds was mortally wounded, having been shot through the arm and
lungs, and dying within a brief space. Soon afterwards Colonel Gifford
was wounded in the shoulder. The men saw he had been hit; but he called
out, "It's all right, boys, don't mind me—give it to them—give it to
them." He had soon, however, to be lifted down from the waggon and
carried into the bed of the stream, at the same time calling on Captain
Lumsden to take command. Troopers J. Walker (Gifford's Horse) and
Eatwell (Dawson's) were wounded shortly afterwards.

"The fire from the enemy slackened soon after this, but they kept up a
desultory fire till about twelve o'clock, when they finally drew off
and left us in peace, though we could see them every now and then in
the bush.

"Shortly after Colonel Gifford was wounded Captain Lumsden, after
consulting the officers, sent in to Bulawayo a despatch by two of
Captain Bisset's boys on horseback, reporting that Colonel Gifford was
wounded, and asking for assistance, as both ammunition and food were
running short.

"As soon as the natives drew off the horses were let out to graze, and
we spent the afternoon, as far as we could, strengthening our position.
As the sun went down we could see smoke from what we judged to be the
enemy's camp behind the kopjes, and on the top of one of these, against
the sky, we saw what was evidently their sentry carefully watching us.
We passed a quiet night, and next day had a repetition of our Monday's
experience.

"After an early breakfast of one biscuit per man all round, some of
the Colonial Boys were sent up on to the kopjes to see where our enemy
had got to. This was soon very evident, as the Matabele came up from
beyond the kopjes and chased our boys down and back into camp. They
came out into the open again exactly as on the previous day, but this
time from the kopje side. The fire from our men soon checked them and
drove them back into the bush, and they then spread right round us and
opened fire from every side. Captain Lumsden was wounded in the leg
while walking about the laager, giving orders and directing the Maxim,
and immediately carried down into the donga, which was our place of
safety. Captain Bisset then took command. Lieutenant Hulbert was soon
afterwards wounded in the leg by a Lee-Metford bullet. After keeping
up a desultory fire till about mid-day, the enemy again retired, as we
afterwards found out having had quite enough of the white men in the
dongas. In the afternoon some of B troop and the Colonial Boys went out
and recovered poor M'Kenzie's body, which was lying where he fell. Both
he and Corporal Reynolds were buried by their comrades in the centre of
our laager, between the two dongas.

"At about two o'clock a despatch-rider arrived from Captain Macfarlane,
who, with the relief column, was about five miles off.

"Captain Macfarlane's column arrived soon afterwards, and we were very
glad to see them, as provisions were running short. We had about a
biscuit per man and seven tins of bully beef left, and not too much
ammunition for another fight. Our troubles were then over, except for
our poor wounded.

"We broke laager next morning, and carried them off on the waggons
as carefully as we could into town, arriving in Bulawayo that night
(Wednesday), late. It was, however, a long weary journey for them,
twenty-two miles over the stumps and stones of a South African road.
Captain Lumsden died next day in hospital, to the universal regret of
all who had met him and served under him. Our own brave Colonel had
to lose his arm, so our leaders suffered severely. Certainly they by
their coolness and daring behaviour inspired confidence in their men,
and helped to keep the fire steady. That the firing of our men was
exceptionally steady there is no doubt. After the first rush it was
impossible for a Matabele to show himself without receiving three or
four bullets most uncomfortably near him, if he did not receive his
quietus. It was estimated that the patrol killed at lowest 200 of the
enemy, and many more must have been wounded. The Maxim did not have
much chance, as after the first rush the Matabele spread themselves
out in the bush, and kept under very good cover, and it then became
a matter of sharpshooting. On the Monday, and the last day's fight,
the enemy must have been about 1500 strong. As we could see, they
increased every day, and we afterwards heard from native reports that
reinforcements were joining them all the time. We also heard that after
the failure of the last attack the impi retired and sent round the
country for still further reinforcements. When they arrived and the
impis came back to the scene of their flight, they found the dongas
empty—the white men had gone."

CHAPTER XVII

Despatch from Captain Laing—Laager formed at Belingwe—Strange
conduct of a native policeman—Three Matabele caught looting and
hanged—"Young Tradesman's" letter to the _Daily Graphic_—Matabele
capture a herd of cattle and murder some Zambesi Kafirs near
Bulawayo—Determination to build forts between Bulawayo and
Mangwe—I am sent to establish forts and take command of all
troops on the road—Fort Molyneux—I return to Bulawayo to report
my views—Curious position of affairs in Matabeleland.

On the day before the return of Brand's patrol, the first news was
received from Belingwe that had reached Bulawayo since the outbreak
of the insurrection. The despatch was from Captain Laing, who was
in command there, and was to the effect that all the whites in the
district were in laager, and that they felt confident of being able to
resist any attack made upon them by the natives.

This news gave great relief to many people who had friends in the
Belingwe district, for it was not known whether they had been able to
collect together and form a laager, or whether they had been surprised
and murdered before they were aware that anything was amiss; as indeed
they would have been, in all probability, had not Mr. H. P. Fynn, the
native commissioner in the Insiza district, sent a message to Captain
Laing to warn him that a native rising seemed imminent immediately
after he was informed of the murder of Mr. Maddocks. This message was
faithfully carried by one of Mr. Fynn's native policemen, and Captain
Laing, recognising the gravity of the situation, at once acted with the
promptitude and decision which always distinguish him, and ordered all
the whites in his district to immediately come in to laager at Belingwe.

They were only just in time, for the natives showed their teeth very
soon afterwards, and although fearing to attack the laager, succeeded
in driving off a considerable number of cattle. Captain Laing,
accompanied by only nine men—all he was able to mount—then in his
turn attacked the insurgents, and succeeded in recapturing some of
the cattle, though these were of little value, as the rinderpest was
amongst them. It is worthy of remark that the native policeman who
took the message to Captain Laing, which probably saved many white
men's lives in the Belingwe district, never returned to his duty, but
as is now known, went over to the rebels with his rifle and bandoleer
full of cartridges. This fact, taken in conjunction with many other
circumstances, goes to prove that the secret of the actual date of the
outbreak of the insurrection was not known to the mass of the people,
though probably, owing to the prophetic utterances ascribed to the
Umlimo, which had been diligently circulated amongst them, they were
in a state of expectancy; but this policeman, for instance, must have
been thoroughly taken by surprise, and after the first murders remained
loyal to the Government until he was got at by some one capable of
explaining to him the scope of the whole plot.

On 10th April, too, a further excitement was caused in Bulawayo by the
arrest of three Matabele rebels. They were captured near Soluso's, some
twenty miles west of Bulawayo, by Marzwe's Friendlies, and sent in to
town by Josana, having been caught red-handed, looting and burning
property belonging to white men. I was present when the evidence was
taken, and it certainly seemed to me to be overwhelming, especially
as one of them was known to Mr. Colenbrander, and they all three
acknowledged themselves to be the subjects of a certain Induna named
Maiyaisa, who with all his people has been amongst the rebels from
the first outbreak of the insurrection. They were caught, too, with
assegais in their hands, looting a white man's farm, so that it might
very reasonably be asked "que diable allaient-ils faire dans cette
galère?"

At any rate they were condemned to death, and hanged forthwith, all
three on one tree on the outskirts of Bulawayo. Besides these three
men who had been incontestably guilty of taking part in the rebellion,
and who were hanged together, six others were hanged singly and
at different times, all of whom, if they were tried in a somewhat
rough-and-ready fashion, were undoubtedly spies and rebels.

These are the only Matabele who have been hanged during the present
insurrection, and a letter therefore on the subject of hanging
natives which appeared in the _Daily Graphic_ of Saturday, 13th June,
purporting to have been written by a young tradesman of Bulawayo, is a
trifle incorrect, to say the least of it. A portion of the letter runs
as follows: "My stand has one big tree on it, and it is often used as
a gallows. Yesterday there was a goodly crop of seven Matabele hanging
there; to-day there are eight, the eighth being a nigger who was heard
boasting to a companion that he had helped to kill white men, and got
back to town without being suspected."

This letter was reproduced by Mr. Labouchere in _Truth_, as well as
another he got hold of at the same time, in which the writer expresses
it as his opinion that "it is grand fun potting niggers off, and seeing
them fall like nine-pins," while further on he speaks of it being
"quite a nice sight" to see men shot as spies. I can quite believe
that a man who can write in this strain would take pleasure in, or
"would not object," as he puts it, to seeing Kafirs shot, but I doubt
very much if such an one would ever risk his skin to enjoy "the grand
fun" he speaks of.

It seems a pity that a writer who takes "Truth" as the motto of his
paper, should seize upon every little scrap of published matter he
can discover (apparently without inquiry as to its real value), and
not only reproduce it as gospel in an ensuing number of his journal,
but found a sermon upon it into the bargain on the iniquities of his
fellow-countrymen in Rhodesia. However, we have the consolation of
knowing that nothing has discredited the editor of _Truth_ in the eyes
of all fair-minded men so much as the hostile feeling he has ever shown
against the British settlers in Rhodesia, whilst, happily for that
colony, his rage is as impotent as that of "a viper gnawing at an old
file."

During the week in which the aforesaid Kafirs were hanged, some parties
of Matabele approached the town very closely at nights, and on the
night of 6th April one of them succeeded in capturing a herd of cattle
within a mile and a half of the hospital, at the same time murdering
some Zambesi Kafirs who were sleeping outside the cattle kraal. As at
this time there was a herd of cattle which was penned every night in a
kraal near Dr. Sauer's house, some two miles away on the other side of
the town, I was asked to take some of my men and lie in wait for any
Matabele who might attempt to capture them on the following night.

I went down and reconnoitred the position during the day, and after
dark rode down with fifteen good men. We first off-saddled our horses,
and tied them up within the paling round Dr. Sauer's house, and then
took up our positions along two walls of the square stone cattle
kraal. During the night, the weather, which had been fine and warm,
suddenly changed; a cold wind sprang up, and masses of cloud spread
over the sky from the south-east. It looked as if it was going to
rain every minute, but luckily the wind kept it off. However, it was
bitterly cold, and we were all of us very glad when day at last dawned
and our weary vigil was over, for no Kafirs came near us; and when
I examined the cattle I did not think it likely they would, as the
rinderpest was rife amongst them, two lying dead in the kraal, whilst
many others, the herd boy told us, lay rotting about the veld all round.

About this time the authorities determined to carry out a scheme for
keeping open communications with the south by means of forts which
were to be built along the road between Bulawayo and Mangwe. As a
commencement in this direction, Captain Molyneux left Bulawayo, on
Saturday, 11th April, with sixty men to establish a fort at Fig Tree,
distant thirty miles down the road, whilst at the same time Captain
Luck was ordered up from Mangwe with fifty men to build a second fort
some fifteen miles from that place, in the centre of the hilly country
through which the coach road passes.

Two days later I was sent down the road to establish further forts
between Fig Tree and Mangwe, and to take command of all garrisons on
the road, the force with which I left town consisting of sixty men of H
troop of the Bulawayo Field Force (my own), forty men of E troop under
Captain Halsted, and twenty of the Africander Corps under Lieutenant
Webb.

We left Bulawayo on the evening of Monday, 13th April, and slept that
night at Wilson's farm, reaching Mabukitwani the following evening.
From information I received there concerning the movements of the
Matabele, I became convinced that the dangerous part of the road was
that portion of it lying between Bulawayo and Fig Tree, and not the
hill passes farther on, as the inhabitants of the latter are all
Makalakas, the rebel Matabele who had been living amongst them having
all come up nearer to Bulawayo, and joined their compatriots on the
Khami river.

According to the plan which I had been asked to carry out, the thirty
miles of road between Bulawayo and Fig Tree would have been left
entirely undefended, which did not appear to me to be at all advisable
in view of the fact that there was a large impi under the Induna
Maiyaisa encamped on the Khami, only twelve miles below the ford on the
main coach road. I therefore took it upon myself to send Lieutenant
Webb with his twenty men back to the Khami river, to commence a fort
there, at the same time despatching a messenger to Bulawayo requesting
Colonel Napier to reinforce him with another twenty or thirty men. At
the same time I gave it as my opinion that a fort ought also to be
established at Mabukitwani.

On Wednesday afternoon we reached Fig Tree, where we found that Captain
Molyneux had already nearly completed an almost impregnable fort, which
had been built on a small isolated kopje, itself a natural stronghold,
about 200 yards from the mule stables, hotel, and telegraph office at
Fig Tree. The natural strength of this kopje had been most cunningly
taken advantage of and increased by blasting a rock out here and
there, and fortifying the weak places with sand-bags. Good water was
obtainable in the bed of a stream at the very foot of the kopje, whilst
a recess amongst the rocks near its base had been cleared in such a way
as to form a stable within which some twenty horses could be completely
sheltered from the bullets of any attacking force. Altogether, Fort
Molyneux was a perfect little place of its kind, and did every credit
to the very capable officer by whom it was built.

On the following day we went on to Shashani neck, some five and a half
miles beyond Fort Molyneux. Here the road descends for a distance
of three miles into the Shashani valley, winding continually in and
out amongst thickly-wooded granite hills. Had the Kafirs, at the
commencement of the insurrection, put a force of 1000 men armed with
rifles, backed by another 1000 with assegais, into this pass, it is
my opinion that they would have completely cut off all communication
between Bulawayo and the south until a body of troops at least 1000
strong had been sent up from Mafeking to open the road. However,
luckily they missed this opportunity, as they have missed every other
chance they have had of striking a really effective blow at the white
men. In fact, they have shown a general want of intelligence that
stamps them as an altogether inferior people, in brain capacity at
least, to the European.

About one-third of the way down the pass Captain Halsted and I found
a kopje close to water, which commanded the road, and at the same
time could be rendered absolutely impregnable to such enemies as the
Matabele with a comparatively small amount of labour. Here I left
Captain Halsted with the men of E troop to build a fort, and on Friday
morning, 17th April, went on with my own troop to the Matoli river
where Captain Luck had already almost completed a strong fort of
earthworks and palisades in the centre of a large open space amongst
the hills, by none of which, however, was it commanded. Here I met
Major Armstrong from Mangwe, and as all I heard from him regarding the
state of affairs in his district only confirmed me in the opinion that
it would be a waste of time and men to build another fort between
Matoli and Mangwe, as I had been instructed to do, whilst on the other
hand I felt that it was of vital importance to establish forts without
delay between Fig Tree and Bulawayo, I determined to return to town
and lay my views before the administrator personally before proceeding
farther southwards.

Major Armstrong having also official business to transact in Bulawayo,
we arranged to ride in together forthwith. On passing Captain Halsted
late in the afternoon we found that he had already made wonderful
progress with the stronghold which is now known to fame as Fort
Halsted. Just at dusk we reached Fort Molyneux, where we got an
excellent dinner and were made comfortable for the night. Here I
received a telegram from Colonel Napier, telling me that at the present
moment he could not possibly spare any men from Bulawayo to reinforce
Lieutenant Webb at the Khami river, as the Kafirs were massing round
the town; and that as twenty men was too small a number to leave alone
without reinforcements, he had ordered him to fall back on Fig Tree, or
join Captain Halsted for the present.

At daylight Lieutenant Webb turned up, and as Captain Molyneux had
over fifty men at Fig Tree, and Captain Halsted only forty, I sent him
on to the latter. Major Armstrong and I then saddled up, and reached
Bulawayo about two o'clock on Saturday, 18th April, having passed
the down coach accompanied by a strong escort at the Khami river.
The situation in Matabeleland was now a sufficiently curious one. In
Bulawayo were some 1500 white men, women, and children, all of whom,
although they were able to visit their houses in different parts of
the town by day, had to seek safety within the laager at nights, and
were not allowed to leave it before seven o'clock in the morning. At
this time the whole of Matabeleland, with the exception of Bulawayo,
and the laagers of Gwelo and Belingwe, was absolutely in the hands of
the Kafirs, although, apparently by the orders of the Umlimo, the main
road to the south had not been closed. A large impi lay at Mr. Crewe's
farm, Redbank, on the Khami river, about twelve miles to the west of
the town, besides which some thousands of rebels, amongst whom it was
said was Lo Bengula's eldest son, Inyamanda, were camped all along the
Umguza, considerable numbers of them being actually within three miles
of Bulawayo, whilst other two large impis had taken up their quarters
amongst the Elibaini Hills, and in the neighbourhood of Intaba Induna,
there being altogether not less than 10,000 hostile natives spread
out in a semicircle from the west to the north-east of the town. Had
these different impis only combined and acted in concert under one
leader they might have accomplished something; but each impi appears
to have been acting independently of the others, and my own belief
is that they kept hanging round the town without any general plan of
action, in the expectation of some supernatural interference by the
deity on their behalf. At least this is what we hear from themselves,
and I think it is the truth. Besides the impis to the north and west,
there were others encamped within the edge of the Matopo Hills. These
latter, however, although they blocked the Tuli road and destroyed the
mission station at Hope Fountain, which had been established for over
twenty-five years, never approached Bulawayo.

CHAPTER XVIII

Matabele advance on Bulawayo—Small force sent out to
reconnoitre—Skirmish with the Matabele—I receive instructions
to build a fort between Bulawayo and Fig Tree—The question
of provisioning the forts—Three men of the Africander Corps
killed—Attack by Matabele on Colonel Napier's farm—Captain
Macfarlane sent with relief party—I ride out to see what
was going on—I join relief party—Overtake Matabele near
Colenbrander's farm—Fighting commences—I take command of a few
Africanders—Our skirmish—Maxim jams at a critical time—Bad
shooting of the Matabele—Their want of combination.

It was, I think, on Thursday, 16th April, that it was first realised
that the Matabele had really advanced to within a short distance of the
town. On that day, information having been received that there was an
impi on the Umguza just below Government House, a small force was got
together to go out and ascertain the truth of the report. This force
consisted of twenty-one Scouts under Captain Grey and twenty-two of
the Africander Corps under Captain Van Niekerk, Captains Nicholson and
Howard Brown accompanying them, so that there were only forty-five men
and officers all told.

Leaving town before daylight on the Friday morning, this little force
crossed the stream on this side of Government House just as the sun
was rising. It then, after emerging on to the high ground, turned to
the right towards the Umguza. Soon numbers of Kafirs were seen moving
about in the bush on the farther side of the river, who, when they saw
the white men advancing at once opened fire on them, at a distance at
first of about 800 yards. This fire was not answered, but as soon as
the Scouts and Africanders could be thrown out in skirmishing order,
they were ordered to advance towards the river at a canter. On reaching
it they at once crossed at two different places, the Africanders being
on the right and Grey's Scouts on the left. When the top of the farther
bank was reached the white men found themselves within 150 yards of
a number of Matabele advancing rapidly towards them in skirmishing
order through the bush. These latter at once fired a volley, all their
bullets going high, and then turned and ran as the horsemen came
galloping towards them. As Grey's Scouts got amongst them it was seen
that the line of skirmishers was supported by a large body of men some
distance in their rear, from which two flanking parties had been thrown
out on either side. Van Niekerk charged with his men right on to the
head of the left-hand flanking party and drove it back, but Captain
Grey with his Scouts, whilst driving in the skirmishers on the main
body, passed the right-hand flanking party, which then attempted to cut
off his retreat to the river.

At once recognising that the natives were in force, and that the number
of men at his command was altogether too small to cope with them, he
gave the word to retire, and then both the Scouts and Africanders got
back across the river again as quickly as possible, closely followed by
the Kafirs. On reaching a rise some few hundred yards on the near side
of the river, the white men halted, and dismounting kept the Kafirs in
check for a while, but it was soon seen that their numbers were such
that they would have been completely surrounded, so, one man and three
horses having already been wounded, it was deemed advisable to retire
and leave the field for the time being in possession of the Matabele.
The wounded man was Mr. Harker, who was shot through the leg, but
eventually recovered without losing the limb. The three horses that
were wounded all died subsequently.

Upon reaching Bulawayo I at once had interviews with Mr. Duncan and
Colonel Napier, and convinced them both that it was more necessary to
establish a fort on the road between Bulawayo and Fig Tree than to add
one more to the two already existing between Fig Tree and Mangwe, and I
then and there received instructions to bring my own troop back again
from Matoli, in order to build a fort at Mabukitwani. I should have
left the same evening, to rejoin my men and carry out these orders, but
the question arose as to the best means of provisioning the garrisons
of the various forts, amounting altogether to 180 men. It was most
inadvisable that any more food-stuff should be sent out of Bulawayo at
this juncture than was absolutely necessary, so as there were three
Government mule waggons at different forts along the road, I suggested
that these should be sent down to Tati, where I understood that there
was a good deal of food-stuff stored, to bring up full loads of the
most necessary kinds of provisions, the balance of which, when the
garrisons of the forts had been supplied with a month's rations, could
be brought on to Bulawayo. Colonel Napier at once telegraphed to Mr.
Vigers, who was in charge at Tati, to ascertain what food supplies he
had on hand, and requested me not to leave Bulawayo until an answer
had been received. I therefore spent Saturday night in bed, instead
of on horseback riding down the Mangwe road. About eight o'clock on
the following morning, Sunday, 19th April, a horse came galloping into
town riderless, and with its saddle and bridle covered with blood.
This horse was soon identified as having belonged to one of three men
of the Africander Corps, who had left Bulawayo on picket duty in the
neighbourhood of Government House on the preceding evening. It was
subsequently discovered that these poor fellows had been surprised and
killed by the Matabele early in the morning, two of their horses being
also killed or captured, whilst the third made good its escape and
galloped back into Bulawayo with a bullet-wound through its neck. The
names of the unfortunate men were Heinemann, Van Zyl, and Montgomerie.

The excitement caused by this incident had scarcely subsided when news
was received that Colonel Napier's homestead at Maatjiumschlopay, only
about three miles to the south of the town, was being attacked by a
large force of Matabele. At this homestead there were a large number of
friendly natives, mostly armed with assegais, and also sixteen white
men who occupied a small fort which had been built on the top of a
small kopje overlooking the farm.

The first news received was that the Matabele had carried off a lot of
cattle, killed a large number of the Friendlies, and were now besieging
the white men in their fort. A small force of mounted men was therefore
hastily got together and sent out to their assistance under Captain
Macfarlane. This force consisted of a troop of the Africander Corps
under Captain Pittendrigh, a few of Grey's Scouts, and some men of K
troop under Captain Reid; about sixty troopers all told, with a Maxim
gun in charge of Lieutenant Biscoe. It left town at about ten o'clock,
taking the Tuli road.

At this time I had an appointment with Colonel Napier at his office,
to get the answer expected to the telegram sent the day before to
Mr. Vigers at Tati. However, on inquiry at the office, I found that
Colonel Napier was out, and that no reply had yet been received from
Tati. On asking where Colonel Napier was, I was told that he had
accompanied Captain Macfarlane. Now I had been requested not to leave
Bulawayo until Colonel Napier had communicated to me the contents of
the telegraphic message he was expecting from Tati, and therefore,
believing that he had gone out with Captain Macfarlane's patrol, and
that I would not be able to make a start for Matoli until he returned,
I thought that I might as well take a ride out and see what was going
on too.

Major Armstrong very kindly lent me the pony which he had ridden from
Mangwe, which I knew was a very steady animal, trained for shooting.
It did not take me long to saddle up, and I was soon riding hard on
the tracks of Captain Macfarlane's troopers. I came up with them on
the race-course, not far beyond the suburban stands, and learned from
the officer in command that the attack on Maatjiumschlopay had been
repulsed by the Friendlies, with the assistance of the white men
in garrison there. The Matabele had not been in any force, and had
evidently intended to sweep off a herd of cattle which was kept on the
farm, and which the sixteen white men were there to protect.

No doubt the rebels were ignorant of the presence of these latter,
for they cleared off when they were fired upon, hotly pursued by the
Friendlies, who overtook and killed six of their number with clubs and
assegais.

As these marauders had had ample time to reach the thick bush bordering
the Umguza, where they would have been able to scatter and hide,
Captain Macfarlane determined to waste no time in pursuing them, but to
make a reconnaissance down the Umguza towards Government House, in the
hope of coming across a larger body of rebels who would be likely to
make a stand.

We therefore crossed the Salisbury road and followed down the bank
of a stream which runs into the Umguza some two and a half miles
from Bulawayo, just beyond a deserted farmhouse belonging to Mr.
Colenbrander. The farmhouse stands on a rising piece of ground, in the
angle formed by the two streams, but is about 400 yards distant from
the Umguza, though close to its tributary.

When we got near the farmhouse, being still on the near side of the
stream we had been following, some Colonial Boys, who proved to be
scouts sent out by Mr. Colenbrander, came up and informed Captain
Macfarlane that there were a lot of Matabele along the river, and that
a number of them had only just left the farmhouse opposite.

The right-hand flanking party, under Lieutenant Hook, had now crossed
the stream, so I galloped after them to get a look round from the
high ground. Standing near the house, we could see large numbers of
Kafirs spread out in skirmishing order amongst the scrubby bush on
the farther side of the Umguza. As soon as they saw us, they at once
commenced their usual tactics, throwing out flanking parties on either
side, no doubt with the idea of surrounding us, whilst at the same time
skirmishers were sent forward from the centre, evidently to take up a
position in the bed of the river.

At this moment a messenger arrived recalling Lieutenant Hook to the
other side of the stream, and upon riding through with him Captain
Macfarlane informed me that, having just heard that another impi was
approaching from the direction of Government House, he intended to take
up his position on a fairly open piece of ground, near the junction
of the smaller stream with the Umguza, and let the Kafirs attack him
there, his force being altogether too small to risk crossing to the
other side.

As we advanced the Kafirs opened fire on us, and a skirmishing fight
soon commenced. I was asked to take a few of the Africanders across the
smaller stream, so as to keep the Kafirs from taking possession of it,
which I at once proceeded to do, but as I thus became separated from
the main body I can only give an account of our own little skirmish.

As we rode up the rising ground beyond the stream, some Kafirs sent a
few bullets whizzing amongst us from the shelter of the river, and then
as we still advanced they very foolishly abandoned a good position and
ran up the farther bank, and then along the river in a line, and in
such a manner that if the one aimed at was missed, the next was very
likely to be hit. The men I had with me were all good shots, and I saw
several natives drop to our fire before they got round a bend of the
river. Keeping a sharp look-out on ahead, I noticed a lot more coming
down from the scrubby bush beyond it and crossing to our side, and
rightly divining that their object was to advance up the valley behind
the next ridge and then close in on us, I called to the few men with
me to gallop at once to the top of the rise to prevent being taken by
surprise and fired on from above.

Just at this moment we were joined by Lieutenant Hook and a few more
men, and spreading out in skirmishing order, we rode to the top of the
rise. We were just in time to meet a number of Kafirs—I daresay fifty
or sixty altogether—making for the same position from the opposite
side. They were right in the open, the nearest being within 150 yards
of us. Some were armed with guns and rifles, but many of them had
nothing but assegais and shields.

As soon as we appeared on the rise in front of them they all stopped,
and those with rifles fired on us, their bullets nearly all going high,
but on two of their number falling they commenced to retreat towards
a strip of thickish bush which ran from near the bank of the Umguza
river right up behind Colenbrander's farmhouse. This bush was about 400
yards from the top of the ridge from which the men with me were firing,
and from its shelter a number of Kafirs were answering us and covering
the retreat of their men across the valley. However, as the horses
were quickly taken behind the ridge, and the men showed as little of
themselves as possible, their fire did us no harm. On the other hand,
several of the Kafirs fell to our shots before they reached the cover
of the bush. They made no attempt to run fast, but went off crouching
down at a slow trot. I myself was sitting down with my back against a
stone, and shooting as carefully as possible, when a bullet struck a
small stone close to my left foot and ricochetted with a loud buzzing
noise close past poor Pat Whelan, a brave son of Erin, who had been
with me on the first patrol to the Matopos, and who, having come out
from Bulawayo on this day for the fun of the thing, thought it his duty
to keep near me. "That was a fair buzzer," said Pat.

The Kafirs were now calling to one another, or some one was giving
them orders in the bush, and we could see that they were all making
up within its shelter towards the farmhouse. Thinking that their idea
was to get behind it, and then fire on the position taken up by the
Maxim, I gave the word to the men with me to mount and take possession
of it first. This we promptly did, just getting there as the foremost
of the enemy were about half-way between the bush and the house. They
stopped and fired at us as before, and then retired to the bush again,
from which they kept up a fusillade on the house, which, however,
unless they had made a heavy rush, we could have held against them
if necessary; but just then Lieutenant Moffat came up with a message
from Captain Macfarlane, requesting me to retire on his position and
endeavour to draw the Kafirs on to the Maxim.

As we withdrew from the house they at once came on out of the bush,
and when we got down to the stream they were already firing at us from
behind it, and, their advance not being opposed, some of them came
right down into the bed of the stream.

At this time there was a really good chance for the Maxim to do some
execution, for although the Kafirs were nowhere in masses, there was
a straggling line of a couple of hundred of them right out in the
open, and not more than 400 yards from the gun. But when the word was
given to fire it most unfortunately jammed at the sixth shot, and the
Kafirs had to be driven back by rifle fire. The cause of the mishap was
that a cartridge-case had broken off at the rim in the barrel of the
Maxim, rendering it for the time being useless. The natives now again
commenced to try and get round us on both sides, and it being reported
that the other impi was advancing from the direction of Government
House, Captain Macfarlane gave the word to retire.

At this time I was with Captain Reid and the men of his troop, helping
to keep the Kafirs from crossing the Umguza at a point where they were
trying to do so a few hundred yards below us, and it was here that a
man named Boyes, of the Africander Corps, was killed. He, with another
man, seems to have gone down close to where the smaller stream joined
the river, and was shot from the cover of the bank right through the
chest, his horse being shot at the same time I think. He fell dead at
once, and his companion galloped back to the main body.

Captain Macfarlane was already retiring, and the order had come to
Captain Reid to do the same, acting as flanking party to the right of
the main body. Unfortunately, the death of Boyes was not reported to
the commanding officer until the patrol was half-way to Bulawayo, so
that the poor fellow's corpse fell into the hands of the Kafirs. The
only other casualty was one man badly wounded in the knee. Considering
the number of bullets that pass pretty near to every one engaged in a
small skirmish such as I have described, it is wonderful how few men
get actually hit. The fact seems to be that in a running fight, when
they are flurried and hustled, Kafirs cannot get the time they require
to take good aim, and if you are near them they always shoot over you.
The golden rule is to scatter out, each man firing independently in the
Boer fashion.

But although Kafirs shoot very badly if hurried and kept moving, many
of them are very fair shots if they can get all the time they require
for aiming, as they can in hilly country, where they can take up
positions behind rocks, from which they can fire at their enemy at
their leisure and without exposing themselves.

On the day of which I have been speaking, some of them with whom my
little advanced party was engaged were firing at us with some very
peculiar bullets, which I think had probably been made by first putting
a stone into the mould, and then pouring lead on to it, forming a very
rough irregular projectile. At any rate you could hear these bullets
coming on with a loud buzzing noise, which increased in intensity until
they passed with a peculiar whizzing sound. The trouble was one did not
know which way to dodge, for as you could hear them approaching but
could not see them, it would have been as easy to dodge into one as out
of its way.

As our small force retired the bush became more and more open, so the
Kafirs made no attempt to follow us. I do not think that they realised
that the Maxim was out of order, and if not they probably thought that
the retreat was a ruse to draw them into more open ground. What their
losses were it is difficult to say, but I think that the small advance
party to which I had attached myself could not have killed less than
twenty; indeed, I think I saw quite that number fall. My friend Pat
Whelan had fired away almost all his cartridges, and on examining my
belt I found that I had nineteen less than I came out with.

However, the Kafirs again retained their position, and it was evident
that their numbers were so great—we having only engaged their advanced
skirmishing line—that it would not be safe to cross the Umguza and
attack them on their own ground without a considerable force, both of
foot and horsemen; the latter to work in the more open ground, and the
former to drive them out of patches of bush.

Before returning to Bulawayo, Captain Macfarlane took a sweep round
across the open ground in the direction of Dr. Sauer's house, and we
there came in sight of the impi which had been reported early in the
day. The main body was standing in a dense black mass on the top of a
ridge just below Government House, their skirmishing lines being thrown
out on either side, and in advance of the centre. Now the fact that
this impi had stood idly by, not exactly watching, but at any rate
listening to the firing that had been going on during the skirmish
between their compatriots and the white men, shows, I think, the
extraordinary want of combination amongst them, of which I have before
spoken, and which has been one of the features of this campaign.

CHAPTER XIX

A force under command of Colonel Napier sent against the
rebels at the Umguza—Force retire without fighting—I obtain
leave to join a patrol sent out to the Umguza under Captain
Bisset—Matabele dispute our advance—I attack Kafirs' centre
with Colonial Boys—Matabele centre driven back—John Grootboom's
escape—Matabele in flight—A good chance lost—I receive orders
to retire—I dismount to get a shot—My horse bolts and leaves
me—Nearly caught by Matabele—Windley comes to my rescue—Windley's
horse refuses to carry double—Reach the Colonial Boys and am
saved by Captain Windley's courage and self-denial—Baxter's
gallant action—Gallantry and devotion to one another of Captain
Grey's officers and men—Patrol retires to Bulawayo.

On the way back to Bulawayo we were met by Colonel Napier and Captain
Nicholson, and it was arranged that as strong a force as could be
spared from the town should be sent out again to the Umguza on the
morrow, under the command of the former gentleman. Accordingly, at
about eleven o'clock on Monday, 20th April, a force of two hundred
and thirty white men and one hundred colonial natives, all told, left
Bulawayo for the scene of the previous day's skirmish. With the force
were a seven-pounder, a Hotchkiss, and a Maxim. Captain Macfarlane had
command of the right flank, and Captain Van Niekerk of the left; whilst
I was in charge of a detachment of men on foot, drawn from various
corps, and a body of Colenbrander's natives were under the command of
Captain Cardigan.

This was a most disappointing day for all those who wanted a little
excitement, as the Matabele and the officers commanding our column
were at cross purposes; the former wanting the white men to cross the
river and fight them in the bush, and the latter being in favour of the
Kafirs coming through to their side, and attacking a position defended
with artillery. The result was that there was no fight.

The decision not to cross the Umguza may have been a wise one, but
it was not popular with the men, who marched back to town in a very
dejected frame of mind; so strong was the feeling, indeed, that it
was decided to send out another patrol to the Umguza on the following
Wednesday, and as I was anxious to see a good blow struck at them, I
asked Mr. Duncan and Colonel Napier to give me another day's leave
of absence from my work of superintending the building of forts and
patrolling along the Mangwe road, in order that I might take part in
the engagement. At the same time I sent a wire to Captain Molyneux at
Fig Tree, requesting him to forward instructions to Lieutenant Grenfell
at Matoli to march back with the men of my troop to Mabukitwani, where
it had been decided that we were to build a fort, and where I undertook
to meet him, unless anything unforeseen should happen, on Thursday
evening.

Thus on Wednesday morning, 22nd April, for the fourth time a small
force marched out of Bulawayo, in order to try and dislodge the Kafirs
from their position on the Umguza, in the immediate vicinity of the
town. This patrol was put under the command of Captain Bisset, a
gentleman who had had some previous experience of native warfare in
Basutoland and Zululand.

The patrol consisted of twenty Scouts under Captain Grey; forty men
under Captain Van Niekerk; twenty under Captain Meikle, and twenty
under Captain Brand, making, with some twenty others unattached, about
one hundred and twenty mounted men, with a Hotchkiss and a Maxim under
Lieutenant Walsh. Besides these mounted troops, there were a detachment
of one hundred colonial Kafirs and Zulus recruited by Mr. Colenbrander,
and some friendly Kafirs who, however, were only armed with assegais,
and who took no part in the fight. I was asked to take command of the
Colonial Boys, which I could hardly do, as they had their own trusted
officers with them, but I accompanied these gentlemen, and undertook
to assist them in leading their men to the attack. Dr. Vigne went in
charge of the ambulance waggon which accompanied the patrol.

After much valuable time had been lost in looking for the impi which
was said to be behind the brickfields, but which as a matter of fact
had never been there, we turned towards the Umguza, passing at the
back of Government House. Here an accident occurred to the Hotchkiss
limber carriage, which delayed us for more than an hour, and although
the broken shaft was temporarily tied up with a chain, so that the gun
could be drawn along, it was rendered useless for action until the
damage done could be properly repaired.

On proceeding we changed our direction and made straight for the
Umguza, and it was soon evident that the Kafirs intended to dispute our
advance, as they commenced to fire on us from the low ridges covered
with scrubby bush which here border the river on both sides. Captain
Van Niekerk and his Africanders were soon hotly engaged on the left
flank, and as the Kafirs were in possession of some ridges just in
front of us as well, I was asked to advance with the Colonial Boys
from the centre, and endeavour to chase them across the river. My
instructions were to attack and, if possible, drive them before me, but
to retire on the guns if I found them too strong.

The boys came on capitally, led by their officers, who were all
mounted, and we soon drove all the Matabele in this part of the field
through the Umguza, and following them up at once, pursued them for
about a mile over some stony ridges covered with scrubby bush.

Up to this time I had not fired a shot, as I had been principally
engaged in encouraging the Colonial Boys to come on quickly and give
our enemies no breathing time. But by this time we had got right up
amongst them, and I began to use my rifle.

A number of the Matabele had built little fortifications of loose
stones near the bank of the river, from behind the shelter of which
they fired on us; but the warlike Amakosa and Zulus charged them most
gallantly, and engaging them hand to hand drove them out of their
shelters into the river, and killed many of them in the water. Several
of the Colonial Boys were here wounded with assegais and axes, but none
were killed.

It was at this time that I saw John Grootboom, a Xosa Kafir—who has
distinguished himself for bravery on many occasions both during the
first war and the present campaign—galloping after a Matabele just in
front of me, who was armed only with assegais and shield. As the horse
came upon him he ducked down, and only just escaped a blow on the head
from John's rifle, which was dealt with such vigour that the rider lost
his balance and fell off, and his foot catching in the stirrup, he was
dragged along the road for some yards. If the Matabele had but kept his
presence of mind and been quick, he might have assegaied his antagonist
easily, and possibly would have done so had not Captain Fynn and myself
been close to him.

We had now got the Matabele fairly on the run in our part of the field,
and the only ones who were still firing at us were a party who had
taken shelter in a bend of the river under cover of the bank, some
three hundred yards ahead of us. I was just going with some of the
Colonial Boys to dislodge them, when I saw Grey's Scouts charging down
on them from the other side of the river. Finding themselves attacked
from this quarter, the Matabele left their cover and ran out into
the open in large numbers, exposing themselves to a heavy fire which
thinned their ranks every instant.

The position was now this.—The Matabele had been driven from the banks
of the river, and two or three hundred of them, panic-stricken and
demoralised, were running in a crowd across some undulating ground, but
scantily covered with bush, and had only Captain Meikle and Captain
Brand been sent in support of the Colonial Boys and the Scouts, they
might have galloped in amongst them, and could not have failed to kill
a very large number of them. But no; although these officers and their
men were chafing and cursing at their enforced inactivity, they were
kept idly standing round the Maxim doing nothing, which was all the
more inexcusable as Captain Van Niekerk with his forty Africanders had
by this time silenced the enemy's fire on the left flank, and there was
no farther apprehension of any heavy attack from that quarter. At any
rate, one of the best chances of inflicting a heavy loss on the rebels
which has occurred during the campaign was not taken advantage of.

At this time, that is just when Grey's Scouts were driving the Matabele
out of the river, some one told me that an order had come recalling the
Colonial Boys, so I galloped along the line of those that were farthest
in advance, and told them that the order had been given to retire. Then
I thought that before going back myself I would gallop forwards and try
and get a shot or two at some of the Kafirs armed with guns, who were
retreating from the fire of Grey's Scouts.

In front of me lay a piece of perfectly open ground extending along
the Umguza, some 200 yards broad, whilst from the edge of the open to
the left the country was undulating and very scantily covered with low
bush. The pony I was riding was the same that had been lent to me on
the previous Sunday, and he had proved himself so absolutely steady,
with rifles going off all round him, and bullets pinging and buzzing
past him, that the last thing I thought of was that he might now play
me false and run away. However this is what happened. I had dismounted
and was sitting down to get a steady shot when some one said close
behind me, "Look out, they're coming down on us from the left." I
did not know that any one was near me, but on getting up and looking
round, saw one of the officers of the Colonial Boys—now Captain, then
Lieutenant Windley—close behind me. At the same time I saw Grey's
Scouts retreating on the other side of the river, and recognised that
Windley and I were a long way ahead of John Grootboom and five or six
other Xosa Kafirs, who were the only members of the corps I could see,
and who were also retiring; whilst I also saw that some of the Matabele
we had been chasing had rallied, and seeing two white men alone, were
coming down on us as hard as they could, with the evident intention of
cutting off our retreat. However, they were still some 250 yards from
us, and could I but have mounted my pony, we could have galloped away
from them and rejoined the Colonial Boys easily enough.

A few bullets were again beginning to ping past us, so I did not want
to lose any time, but before I could take my pony by the bridle he
suddenly threw up his head, and spinning round trotted off, luckily
running in the direction from which we had come. Being so very steady
a pony, I imagine that a bullet must have grazed him and startled him
into playing me this sorry trick at such a very inconvenient moment.
"Come on as hard as you can, and I'll catch your horse and bring him
back to you," said Windley, and started off after the faithless steed.
But the brute would not allow himself to be caught, and when his
pursuer approached him, broke from a trot into a gallop, and finally
showed a clean pair of heels.

When my pony went off with Windley after him, leaving me, comparatively
speaking, _planté là_, the Kafirs thought they had got me, and
commenced to shout out encouragingly to one another and also to make
a kind of hissing noise, like the word "jee" long drawn out. All this
time I was running as hard as I could after Windley and my runaway
horse. As I ran carrying my rifle at the trail, I felt in my bandoleer
with my left hand to see how many cartridges were still at my disposal,
and found that I had fired away all but two of the thirty I had come
out with, one being left in the belt and the other in my rifle.
Glancing round, I saw that the foremost Kafirs were gaining on me fast,
though had this incident occurred in 1876 instead of 1896, with the
start I had got I would have run away from any of them.

Windley, after galloping some distance, realised that it was useless
wasting any more time trying to catch my horse, and like a good fellow
came back to help me; and had he not done so, let me here say that
the present history would never have been written, for nothing could
possibly have saved me from being overtaken, surrounded, and killed.
When Windley came up to me he said "Get up behind me; there's no time
to lose," and pulled his foot out of the left stirrup for me to mount.
Without any unnecessary loss of time, I caught hold of the pommel of
the saddle, and got my foot into the iron, but it seemed to me that my
weight might pull Windley and the saddle right round, so, as a glance
over my shoulder showed me that the foremost Kafirs were now within
100 yards of us, I hastily pulled my foot out of the stirrup again,
and shifting my rifle to my left hand caught hold of the thong round
the horse's neck with my right, and told Windley to let him go. He
was a big strong animal, and as, by keeping my arm well bent, I held
my body close up to him, he got me along at a good pace, and we began
to gain on the Kafirs. They now commenced to shoot, but being more or
less blown by hard running, they shot very badly, though they put the
bullets all about us. Two struck just by my foot, and one knocked the
heel of Windley's boot off. If they could only have hit the horse, they
would have got both of us.

After having gained a little on our pursuers, Windley, thinking I
must have been getting done up, asked me to try again to mount behind
him: no very easy matter when you have a big horse to get on to and
are holding a rifle in your right hand. However, with a desperate
effort I got up behind him; but the horse, being unaccustomed to such
a proceeding, immediately commenced to buck, and in spite of spurring
would not go forwards, and the Kafirs, seeing our predicament, raised a
yell and came on again with renewed ardour.

Seeing that if I stuck on the horse behind Windley we should both of
us very soon lose our lives, I flung myself off in the middle of a
buck, and landed right on the back of my neck and shoulders. Luckily
I was not stunned or in any way hurt, and was on my legs and ready to
run again with my hand on the thong round the horse's neck in a very
creditably short space of time. My hat had fallen off, but I never left
go of my rifle, and as I didn't think it quite the best time to be
looking for a hat, I left it, all adorned with the colours of my troop
as it was, to be picked up by the enemy, by whom it has no doubt been
preserved as a souvenir of my presence amongst them.

And now another spurt brought us almost up to John Grootboom and the
five or six Colonial Boys who were with him, and I called to John to
halt the men and check the Matabele who were pursuing us, by firing a
volley past us at them. This they did, and it at once had the desired
effect, the Kafirs who were nearest to us hanging back and waiting for
those behind to join them. In the meantime Windley and I joined John
Grootboom's party, and old John at once gave me his horse, which, as
I was very much exhausted and out of breath, I was very glad to get.
Indeed I was so tired by the hardest run I had ever had since my old
elephant-hunting days, that it was quite an effort to mount. I was now
safe, except that a few bullets were buzzing about, for soon after
getting up to John Grootboom we joined the main body of the Colonial
Boys, and then, keeping the Matabele at bay, retired slowly towards the
position defended by the Maxim. Our enemies, who had been so narrowly
baulked of their expected prey, followed us to the top of a rise, well
within range of the gun, but disappeared immediately a few sighting
shots were fired at them.

Thus ended a very disagreeable little experience, which but for the
cool courage of Captain Windley would undoubtedly have ended fatally
to myself. Like many brave men, Captain Windley is so modest that I
should probably offend him were I to say very much about him; but at
any rate I shall never forget the service he did me at the risk of his
own life that day on the Umguza, whilst the personal gallantry he has
always shown throughout the present campaign as a leader of our native
allies has earned for him such respect and admiration that they have
nicknamed him "Inkunzi," the Bull, the symbol of strength and courage.
But Captain Windley was not the only man who performed a brave and
self-denying deed on this somewhat eventful day, as I shall now proceed
to relate.

When the Scouts were recalled, and commenced to retire from the Umguza,
after having driven a body of natives from its shelter, as I have
already related, they were suddenly fired on by a party of Matabele
who had taken up a position amongst some bush to the left of their
line of retreat. The foremost amongst the Scouts galloped past this
ambush, but Captain Grey with a few of those in the rear halted and
returned the enemy's fire. Trooper Wise was the first man hit, and
seems to have received his wound from behind just as he was mounting
his horse, as the bullet struck him high in the back, and travelling
up the shoulder-blade, came out near the collar-bone. At this instant
Wise's horse stumbled, and then, recovering himself, broke away from
its rider, galloping straight back to town, and leaving the wounded
man on the ground. A brave fellow named Baxter at once dismounted and
put Wise on his own horse, thus saving the latter's life, but, as it
proved, thereby sacrificing his own. Captain Grey and Lieutenant Hook
at once went to Baxter's assistance, and they got him along as fast
as they could, but the Kafirs had now closed on them, and were firing
out of the bush at very close quarters. Lieutenant Hook was shot from
behind, the bullet entering the right buttock and coming out near
the groin, but most luckily, though severing the sciatic nerve, just
missing both the thigh-bone and the femoral artery. Nearly at the same
time, too, a bullet just grazed Captain Grey's forehead, half-stunning
him for an instant. "Texas" Long, a well-known member of the Scouts,
then went to Baxter's assistance, and was helping him along, when a
bullet struck the dismounted man in the side, and he at once let go of
Long's stirrup leather and fell to the ground. No further assistance
was then possible, and poor Baxter was killed by the Kafirs immediately
afterwards. Whilst these brave deeds were being performed, Lieutenant
Fred Crewe, with some others of the Scouts, amongst whom I may mention
Button and Radermayer, were keeping the Kafirs in check and covering
the retreat of the wounded men. Just as Lieutenant Hook got near to
Crewe, his horse was shot through the fetlock and buttock at the same
time, and rolling over, threw Hook to the ground, causing him at the
same time to drop his rifle. Hook got on his legs and was hobbling
forwards when Crewe said to him, "Why don't you pick up your rifle?" "I
can't," was the answer; "I'm too badly wounded." "Are you wounded, old
chap?" said Crewe; "then take my horse, and I'll try and get out of it
on foot." Crewe then assisted Hook to mount his horse, and fought his
way back on foot, only escaping with his life by a miracle, keeping
several Kafirs who were very near him, but who had no guns, at bay with
his revolver, whilst he retreated backwards. So near were these men to
him, that one of them, as he turned, threw a heavy knob-kerry at him,
which struck him a severe blow in the back. Nothing could have saved
him had not the Kafirs been constantly kept in check by the steady fire
of Radermayer, Button, Jack Stuart, and others of the Scouts, and also
by a cross-fire from some of the Colonial Boys, directed by Captain
Fynn and Lieutenant Mullins.

The splendid gallantry and devotion to one another shown by Captain
Grey and his officers and men on this day will ever be remembered in
Rhodesia as amongst the bravest of the brave deeds performed by the
Colonists in the suppression of the present rebellion. Such acts, too,
speak for themselves, and bear eloquent if silent testimony against the
cruel and malicious calumnies on the character of the white settlers
in Matabeleland which have so frequently disgraced the pages of a
widely-read, if generally-despised, weekly journal.

As soon as Grey's Scouts and the Colonial Boys had reached the guns,
these latter were limbered up and the whole patrol retired slowly on
Bulawayo, the Matabele making no attempt to follow. Indeed their loss
must have been severe, and had Grey's Scouts and the Colonial Boys only
been supported instead of being recalled, the Matabele would never
have rallied, but would have been kept on the run and killed in large
numbers by the mounted men. At least this is my view, and it has been
thoroughly borne out by the experience gained in subsequent fights
during this campaign.

Our loss on this day was, Baxter killed and Wise and Hook wounded
amongst Grey's Scouts, while five or six of the Colonial Boys were
wounded, but none dangerously. Wise has long ago recovered from his
wound, and Lieutenant Hook is on a fair way to do so. I have forgotten
to mention that my horse must have been captured by the Matabele, as he
did not return to Bulawayo, and has not since been heard of. The lucky
savage into whose hands he fell became possessed at the same time of a
very good saddle and bridle, and a brand new Government coat.

CHAPTER XX

On our arrival in town we heard that the wire was down or had been
cut by the natives between Bulawayo and Fig Tree Fort. A patrol was
therefore at once organised to proceed along the telegraph line, repair
the break, and then go on to Fig Tree in order to act as an escort back
to town for a coach now due containing a large and valuable consignment
of rifles. This patrol was under the command of Captain Mainwaring,
and consisted of thirty-five men of his own troop of the Bulawayo
Police Force, and twenty-two men of the Matabele Mounted Police under
Inspector Southey.

Being due at Mabukitwani on Thursday evening, I left town early on the
morning of that day, and joining Captain Mainwaring travelled with
him down the telegraph line. We found the wire broken about three and
a half miles from Bulawayo. One of the poles had been chopped down
evidently with small-bladed native axes, whilst the wire itself had
been cut and the insulator broken.

After the wire had been repaired we continued our journey, and reached
the Khami river at about 2 P.M., where we remained till about seven
o'clock. Then, both horses and men being rested and refreshed, we
saddled-up and rode on to Mr. Dawe's store, which is about half a
mile from the old kraal of Mabukitwani. Here I heard that Lieutenant
Grenfell had arrived with my troop from Matoli the same evening, and
was encamped near the mule stable on the further side of the stream; so
bidding good-bye to Captain Mainwaring, who decided to camp near the
store, I at once rejoined my own men.

On the following morning Captain Mainwaring proceeded to Fig Tree,
where he had not to wait long for the coach which he had come to meet,
as he got back to my camp with it on Saturday evening. There were 123
rifles on board from which the locks and pins had been taken—each man
of the escort carrying three of each—in order that, in the event of the
coach being captured by an overwhelming force of Matabele, the rifles
should be useless to them. However, both coach and escort reached
Bulawayo safely, no rebels having been met with.

When about four miles from town they discovered the bodies of two white
men lying on the roadside about 150 yards from their waggon. They had
evidently been surprised by the rebels, and had made a bolt for life
towards the road. The bodies had been terribly mutilated and hacked
about, and seemed to have been lying where they were found for at
least forty-eight hours. They were examined by Captain Mainwaring and
Inspector Southey, as was also the waggon, but nothing was discovered
by which to identify the murdered men except a branding iron. It was,
however, subsequently ascertained that they were two Dutch transport
riders named Potgieter and Fourie.

Strangely enough, these are the only white men who have been murdered
on the main road from Bulawayo to Mafeking during the present
insurrection, and it is noteworthy that they were not travelling
along the road, but had been living for some time in their waggon some
little distance away from it. I have no doubt that they were murdered
by the party of rebels by whom the telegraph wire was cut on Wednesday,
22nd April. These men probably discovered their whereabouts the same
evening, and were thus able to surprise and murder them during the
night, or more probably at daylight on the following morning. The
murderers were followers of Babian, one of the two envoys who visited
England with Mr. E. A. Maund in 1899. The second envoy, Umsheti, is
dead, or he, too, would be found in the ranks of the insurgents.

On Friday morning Lieutenant Grenfell and Mr. Norton rode into Bulawayo
on business, and on the following day the former gentleman took part
in the memorable fight with the Matabele on the Umguza, when for the
first time the rebels were driven from their position in the immediate
vicinity of the town, near Government House, which they have never
since reoccupied.

During Mr. Grenfell's absence, Messrs. Blöcker, Marquand, and myself
chose a site for a fort on a kopje near the site of the old kraal
of Mabukitwani, from the top of which a magnificent view of the
surrounding country was obtainable, whilst with a certain amount of
work the kopje itself could be turned into an impregnable fortress. Now
that work has been accomplished, and Fort Marquand will long remain as
a memento of the present struggle in Matabeleland. I christened it Fort
Marquand, after my lieutenant of that name, whom, he being an architect
by profession, I put in charge of the working parties, so that the
fort was built entirely under his direction and superintendence, and
whosoever may care to examine it will see for himself that it is a very
good fort, built with great care and sagacity.

[Illustration: FORT MARQUAND, ON THE ROAD BETWEEN BULAWAYO AND MANGWE;
WITH A PORTION OF H TROOP OF THE BULAWAYO FIELD FORCE IN THE FOREGROUND.

1. The Author (commanding H Troop).

2. Lieutenant Claud Grenfell.

3. Lieutenant Marquand (who superintended the building of the Fort).

4. Lieutenant H. H. Blöcker.

5. Sergeant-Major Robertson, standing behind Author.

6. Sergeant Gates, standing behind Lieut. C. Grenfell.

7. Sergeant Norton, standing behind Lieut. Marquand.]

On Monday evening Lieutenant Grenfell and Mr. Norton returned to
Mabukitwani, in company with a detachment of the Africander Corps which
had been sent down under Commandant Barnard to meet Earl Grey, who was
expected by the next coach. From Lieutenant Grenfell and Commandant
Barnard and his men I heard all about the fight on the previous day
at the Umguza, as they had all taken part in it. All agreed that
the Kafirs had suffered very heavy loss, and been most signally
discomfited, and Lieutenant Grenfell was kind enough to write for me
the following account of the engagement:—

"On Friday, 24th of April, it was not difficult to discern that a
determined move against the Kafirs on the Umguza was in contemplation.
The situation was getting unbearable, the town being surrounded by the
Matabele, and the operations against them with a view to clearing the
country round Bulawayo not having hitherto been at all successful. In
fact, an uncomfortable feeling was prevalent that we were in process of
being closed in upon every side.

"It was therefore with great satisfaction that we learnt this Friday
night that Captain Macfarlane was to be given as many men as could be
spared, two guns, and a free hand, and go out in the morning. Great was
the scrimmaging for horses among the unattached, unexpectedly sudden
the popularity of the remount officer. There is a good deal to be said
in favour of fighting when the state of affairs is such that you can
go out after morning coffee to a certain find, with every chance of a
gallop and a kill, and return to a late breakfast at say 2 P.M. There
were rumours, too, that this time we really meant business, and that
the natives would be encouraged to surround us on all sides, in order
to give every opportunity to the machine guns and rifle fire.

"Such were the directions actually given by Captain Macfarlane to
his officers, when on the march, and the tactics proved to be sound
enough. The patrol consisted of 35 Grey's Scouts under Captain Grey;
25 B troop under Captain Fynn; 15 of Captain Dawson's troop; 35 of the
Africander Corps under Commandant Van Rensburg; 100 Colenbrander's Cape
Boys under Captain Cardigan, and 60 to 70 Friendlies under Chief Native
Commissioner Taylor; 1 Hotchkiss and 1 Maxim under Captain Rixon, and
an ambulance with stretchers under Dr. Vigne; making in all some 120
whites and about 170 Colonial Boys and Friendlies all told, all under
the command of Captain Macfarlane. Mr. Duncan, Colonel Spreckley,
Captain Nicholson, Town Major Scott, Captain Wrey, and several other
unattached officers and scouts, also accompanied the force. It is worth
mentioning that Messrs. F. G. Hammond, Stewart, Anderson, Farquhar jr.,
and two or three more, shouldered their rifles and marched out on foot,
in order to participate in the day's work.

[Illustration: CAPTAIN R. MACFARLANE.]

"The patrol left Bulawayo at 7.30 in the morning of the 25th of April,
and proceeded in a north-easterly direction, taking the road to the
right of the scene of the recent engagements on the Umguza river. The
Scouts went on ahead as usual, the Africanders opening out on the left,
and Captain Dawson taking command of the right flanking party, the guns
bringing up the rear with an ambulance waggon and the Friendlies. This
order was kept until a small bare eminence was reached on which stood
four old walls, the wreck of a small farmhouse some three miles out of
Bulawayo. There was a circuit of bush in front of this position, then
the Umguza river, and beyond that rocky ground with thick bush rising
from the river, the lines of the native "scherms" showing up black on
the heights in the distance.

"Up to now nothing had been seen of the enemy, only some smoke from
their fires. The Scouts rode down to the river with orders to draw
the enemy on, while the rest of the men took up their places round
the two guns. The position was very suitable for both the Maxim and
the Hotchkiss; but afforded absolutely no cover for the men. The
rebels, several hundred in number, no sooner saw the Scouts than they
streamed down to the river, shouting out a loud challenge to come on,
which was answered by our side. The Scouts drew back slowly, bringing
the Kafirs well on, but were finally driven in on our position with
a rush, and the Kafirs pulled up about 200 yards off in the bush,
firing very rapidly. Bullets of all sorts came whistling along, from
elephant-guns, Martinis, Winchesters, and Lee-Metfords, and for about
an hour things were decidedly unpleasant, though up to this time we had
only one man killed and one wounded. Our firing was incessant, and the
shooting, though mostly at long range, very steady, and as effective
probably as our exposed position and the cover afforded our assailants
by the bush would allow. After the rebels had made two determined
efforts to approach the Maxim, in both of which they were foiled, their
fire slackened, and they apparently sent their best marksmen to the
front to see what they could do.

"At this juncture, however, Captain Macfarlane ordered the Africanders
to charge those on our left, and the brilliant manner in which this was
carried out will not soon be forgotten by those who witnessed it. The
enemy had cover here behind some rocky ridges, but the Africanders rode
them out of this ground in the cheeriest way possible—they use rather
more "noise" fighting than the Britishers do—and sent them flying over
the river, killing no fewer than seventy-four at the crossing, and
completely breaking up that wing of the enemy's line. The Hotchkiss
planted several shells very well among the flying natives; whilst on
our side only one horse was lost in the charge.

"About this time the Scouts were ordered to drive off the rebels to
our front, and in this they succeeded admirably, but owing to the
bad ground they had three men wounded. Lovett was shot here, and
subsequently died from the effects of his wound, whilst John Grootboom,
a very plucky colonial native, well known in Rhodesia, was also hit in
two places while trying to drive some natives out of a donga.

"Meanwhile Captain Dawson with his men on the right had been holding
his own under a galling fire in open ground, unable to have a good shot
at the enemy who were in the bush. They were having a very warm time
of it, and had lost two men killed and one wounded, when Burnham was
ordered to clear the bush with 100 of the Taylor's Friendlies, wearing
red capes and carrying assegais. The charge was successful, and, backed
up by Captain Taylor and Colenbrander's Cape Boys armed with rifles,
the Friendlies cleared the bush and relieved Dawson from the hidden
enemy.

"About this time a message arrived from Captain Colenbrander that a
fresh impi from the west meant to attack us, and sure enough they
turned up very soon after, but seeing how the others had fared they
kept fully half a mile off, sending a number of shots after the
Africanders, whom they tried to cut off. The Maxim and Hotchkiss,
however, kept them from coming nearer. The main body of the enemy
having now partially reformed, the Africanders went to assist the
Scouts, and the enemy were driven off fully two miles, one of our men
and one horse being wounded in the sortie.

"Captain Macfarlane thought it was now time to get home, as the wounded
would take some time to see to, and there was a chance of his having
to fight his way back to town; so orders were given for the ambulance
to prepare to return to Bulawayo, and the whole column marched back
in good order, having had by far the most successful day since the
commencement of the rebellion. Our loss was four white men killed
and four wounded, two Cape Boys and one Friendly wounded, one horse
and one mule killed. It is very difficult to estimate the number of
natives engaged, but there were probably at least as many as 2000 in
all opposed to us. How many were killed it is difficult to say, but
from the bodies which were counted, and from the reports of the wounded
brought in by Captain Colenbrander and his boys, who were over the
ground in the afternoon, the enemy's loss must have been considerable.
A vidette party of four mounted men, who were sent out to Government
House in the morning, allowed themselves to be surprised and
surrounded by the rebels, and one, unfortunately, got killed, namely
Trooper B. Parsons of D troop, the other three just escaping with their
lives.

"After the return of the column in the afternoon from the Umguza, a
small patrol under Lieutenant Boggie, consisting of thirty dismounted
men of C troop, fifty of Colenbrander's Cape Boys, and ten of Grey's
Scouts mounted, with one Maxim gun, went out in the direction of
Sauer's house, and turning to the left, past Government House and
Gifford's house, picked up Trooper Parsons' body, and returned to town
via the Brickfields, not having seen any of the enemy. A seven-pounder
was placed in position on the rise at the back of Williams' buildings,
trained ready on to the ridge at the left of Government House, in order
to shell the position if necessary. After the return of the patrol the
Observatory reported the appearance of a large body of the rebels, who
came over the ridge to the east of Government House down as far as the
spruit. Trooper Edward Appleyard, seriously wounded on the Umguza in
the morning, died on Saturday night, and at 11.30 on Sunday morning his
body, together with those of Troopers Whitehouse, Gordon, and Parsons,
was accorded a military funeral."

CHAPTER XXI

Hand over the command of Fort Marquand to Lieutenant
Grenfell—Proceed towards Bulawayo—Fort at Wilson's farm—Umguza
fight the first Matabele defeat—Murder of eight coolies on the
outskirts of Bulawayo—Arrival of Earl Grey at Bulawayo—Matabele
threaten Fort Dawson—Captain Molyneux's farm destroyed—I
am sent to Khami river to build a fort—Meet Cornelius Van
Rooyen—Marzwe orders his people to come to Fort Mabukitwani for
protection—Marzwe's kraal attacked, and all his people reported
murdered—I start with my men to visit Marzwe's kraal—Rebels
defeated by Marzwe's people, and prisoners and cattle
recaptured—We return to the fort—I am ordered to collect a force,
and march to Bulawayo—Changes in the command of the forts—Reach
Bulawayo with my force.

Lieutenant Grenfell having brought me a despatch on Monday evening,
acquainting me that my presence was again required in Bulawayo, I
handed over the command of Fort Marquand to him on the following
morning, and rode in to town alone, meeting Lieutenant Parkin and a
second escort which had been sent down to meet Earl Grey at the Khami
river.

On arriving at Matabele, Wilson's farm, six miles from Bulawayo, I
found Captain Dawson with his troop and a lot of the "Friendlies"
busily engaged in building a fort on a commanding position some four
hundred yards away from the homestead and mule stables. With Captain
Dawson, too, were my old friends, the well-known American Scouts
Burnham and Ingram, and that very plucky English Scout Mr. Swinburne.

Although this detachment had only arrived here on the previous day,
very considerable progress had already been made with the fort, which I
was very pleased to find was being built at this place, as I had long
advocated it, as also that another should be established at the Khami
river, about half-way between Wilson's farm and Fort Marquand.

This last link in the chain of forts between Bulawayo and Mangwe did
not come into existence until some few days later, and only then could
it be said that it was possible to have the road properly patrolled.
Whilst resting my horse for half an hour at Dawson's Fort I heard more
details from him and the Scouts concerning the fight on the Umguza on
the previous Saturday, which they considered to be the greatest reverse
which the Matabele had yet suffered; or perhaps it would be fairer to
say the only reverse, since, although, in every encounter their losses
must have been very heavy compared with those of the whites, yet this
was the first time that they had deemed it expedient to retreat from
their position after the fight was over.

On reaching Bulawayo, however, I found that, although the impis which
for the last ten days had been encamped along the Umguza in the
immediate neighbourhood of the town had now moved some miles farther
down the river, yet parties of them were still hanging about ready to
murder any defenceless persons that they might be able to surprise,
even on the very outskirts of the town, as was sufficiently proved by
the fact that on the very morning of my arrival, that is on Tuesday,
28th April, several coolies had been murdered in their vegetable
gardens just beyond the native location.

The following account of this affair I have taken over from the
_Matabele Times_ of 2nd May, by kind permission of the editor: "On
their arrival in camp on Tuesday morning after night duty in the
laager, the Mounted Police found a number of terrified coolies
awaiting them, who informed them that they had been attacked by a large
body of Matabele at their vegetable gardens, situated about two miles
beyond the Matabele Mounted Police camp, and that eight of their number
had been murdered. Some twelve or fifteen of the police promptly seized
their rifles and bandoleers, and proceeded—on their own accord—in
skirmishing order to the scene of the massacre, which they reached
after a sharp twenty minutes' walk. The enemy had disappeared from
sight, but the tale of those coolies who had been fortunate enough to
escape proved only too true. No less than eight coolies, including one
young woman, were found lying foully murdered in different parts of the
gardens, and every one, though pierced through over and over again with
assegai stabs, was still warm. This proves that the enemy must have
rushed down on the unprotected coolies in broad daylight.

"Shortly after the return of the police to camp, a couple of unarmed
mounted men rode down to the gardens. They had not been there five
minutes when they were fired upon from the adjacent kopjes, and they
had to retire precipitately. This goes to prove that the enemy do
not intend to give up their present position unless they are driven
from it, and the sooner that is effected the better." The following
information was also given to the public committee. Sedan deposed: "I
slept at my garden near the Butts last night with an American negro
called Smith. Smith this morning before sunrise started to go to his
own garden. I heard shots fired just after he left me. His Zambesi boy
ran over and told me Smith had been killed. I saw about forty or fifty
Kafirs. I saw one man with a gun, whilst the rest had assegais and
sticks. I hid myself in a ditch, and saw the Kafirs in the gardens. I
saw them kill Indians with the gun and the assegais. About half an hour
later I saw a picket of four white men come to the gardens. I ran to
the picket and came in to town. I was too frightened to say anything."
Ahchelrising deposed: "I slept in my garden and heard a shout from a
lot of Indians early this morning that the Matabele were on to us. I
ran away, and saw my brother Isree shot in front of me. I came to town
and reported in the laager, and then went back to my garden. I saw
the bodies of Goolab, Yitian, Venctayelee and his wife, Ramsamee and
Chinantoniem. Smith's Zambesi boy was also killed."

On Tuesday night, 28th April, Earl Grey, accompanied by his secretary
Mr. Benson, and General Digby Willoughby—who had been down to Mafeking
in order to hurry forward the food supplies and relief forces—arrived
in Bulawayo. The coach which brought the administrator and his party
was escorted into town by Lieutenant Parkin and his men, whom I had
met on their way down to meet it. They seem to have narrowly missed,
or been missed by, a portion of Babian's impi, which was reported on
Wednesday morning to have crossed the road near the Khami river early
on Tuesday night just after the coach had passed.

On the following morning, Wednesday, 29th April, an impi of several
hundred Kafirs, in all likelihood a portion of Babian's force, suddenly
appeared on the rising ground about 1000 yards away from Dawson's
Fort. They were probably on their way to Wilson's homestead with the
intention of destroying and burning it down, but on seeing the fort
manned by a number of white men, were evidently a bit taken aback,
as they halted and held a council of war. They then spread out in
skirmishing order, and getting down amongst the thorn trees in the
river-bed below the house, advanced towards the fort as if about to
attack it. However, after approaching to within 800 yards they thought
better of it and withdrew, probably imagining that the place was
defended with Maxim guns.

After retiring from the neighbourhood of the fort, they went down to
Captain Molyneux's farm, some two miles distant, and destroyed and
burnt everything they could, even assegaiing the pigs, the carcasses of
which animals they left untouched, as the Matabele of Zulu descent do
not eat the flesh of the domestic pig, although they are very partial
to that of both species of the wild swine found in Southern Africa,
viz. the Wart Hog and the Bush Pig.

During my visit to Bulawayo it was at last decided to build a fort at
the Khami river, and I was asked to take the work in hand forthwith.
As only thirty men could be spared from Bulawayo, it was arranged that
twenty more should be withdrawn from Fort Halsted, five miles beyond
Fig Tree, and I requested that Lieutenant Howard, an old member of the
Bechuanaland Border Police, who was at present with Captain Molyneux at
Fig Tree, and who had done very good service in the first war during
Major Forbes' memorable retreat along the Tchangani river, should be
placed in command of the two troops combined.

On Friday, 1st May, I left Bulawayo with Lieutenant Parkin and
thirty men, accompanied by a mule waggon carrying kit, tools for
fort-building, and provisions. We had first to take the waggon to Fort
Marquand, there off-load it, and then send it on to Fort Halsted to
bring back the twenty men from that place, who on their arrival at
Mabukitwani could be at once despatched, together with the thirty under
Lieutenant Parkin, to the Khami river, to commence building the fort
there. This was all arranged by the Sunday evening, and everything got
ready to proceed to the Khami river early the following morning. That
evening, my old friend Cornelius Van Rooyen, commandant of the forces
at Mangwe, accompanied by three of his men, arrived at my fort on his
way to see Earl Grey, by whom he had been called to Bulawayo. He was,
of course, an honoured guest with us, and we did all we could to make
him and his men comfortable.

At this time, Marzwe, Gambo's head Induna, was camped with many of
his people round the base of the hill on which my fort stood. As he
had often expressed a fear lest the remainder of his people, who
were living at their kraals some eight miles to the west, should be
attacked some fine morning by Maiyaisa's impi, I had repeatedly told
him to bring all his women and children to the immediate vicinity of
the fort, since, as I had only ten serviceable horses at my disposal,
it was out of the question to attempt any attack on a large impi in a
thickly-wooded country, although I should be able to protect any of his
tribe who were willing to take quarters round the walls of my fort.

On my last return from Bulawayo, I found that Marzwe had taken my
advice, and had sent messengers on the Saturday morning to call all his
people in to the fort. These men ought to have returned with the women
and children on the following day, but owing to their dilatory ways,
and their unfailing habit of "never doing to-day what can be put off
till to-morrow," they did not do so.

On the following morning, Monday, 4th May, Lieutenants Parkin and Webb
started off early for the Khami river, taking the mule waggon with
them, Lieutenant Howard and myself intending to follow them up and
choose a site for the fort immediately after breakfast. Just before
discussing this meal, Marzwe came out and reported to me that one of
his men had heard shots fired in the direction of his kraal. None of my
sentries or horse-guards having heard these shots, I half thought there
was no truth in the report. However, I sent Mr. Simms and two other
good men to scout round the back of some kopjes, about two miles to
the west of our position, beyond which the shots were said to have been
fired.

Shortly after the scouts had left, two of the men sent on the previous
Saturday to bring in the women and children turned up, saying that
Marzwe's town had been attacked at daylight by a portion of Maiyaisa's
impi, and some of his people killed. A little later a young girl
arrived at the fort with an assegai-wound in her right side just above
the hip-bone. The wound was not a dangerous one, and after it had been
washed and dressed, the child was able to tell her story, which was to
the effect that Marzwe's kraal had been surrounded in the night, and
every man, woman, and child in it murdered just at dawn.

Although, with the few mounted men at my disposal, I knew it would
be madness to engage any large number of Matabele, unless I could
get them in perfectly open country where there was no chance of
being surrounded, I was not inclined to let this affair pass without
endeavouring to ascertain exactly what had happened. Van Rooyen at once
agreed to put off his visit to Bulawayo and accompany me with his three
troopers to the scene of the reported massacre, and I sent a messenger
to tell Lieutenant Parkin to return immediately to Mabukitwani with ten
good men mounted on his best horses. When he arrived, my three scouts
had also returned, having seen nothing, and I found myself in command
of about twenty-five mounted men; some of the horses, however, were in
wretched condition, and altogether unfit for hard work.

When the report of the massacre of his whole family, as well as a large
number of his people, was brought to Marzwe, he received it with the
utmost stoicism, only saying, "They wanted me; they were looking for
me; they wanted my skin." Whether he believed it or not I cannot say,
but he never betrayed the slightest sign of emotion.

It was already past mid-day when I was at last able to get away
with my little force, travelling across country under the guidance
of an elderly savage armed with a shield, and two long-bladed
insinuating-looking assegais, and at the same time adorned with a
chimney-pot hat, of all things in the world, thus combining in his
own person the attributes of primitive savagery and the most advanced
civilisation of Western Europe.

Before we were a couple of miles from camp we met a lot of women and
children making for the fort, who said that they had fled from some of
Marzwe's outlying villages early that morning as they had heard firing
going on in the direction of the chief's kraal. Soon after passing
these people we got into country where a small force such as mine might
have been very easily surrounded and cut up by a hostile impi, as the
ground was very broken and on every side of us were small hills and
rocky ridges, the whole being covered with dense, scrubby bush, in
many parts of which a Kafir would have been invisible at a distance
of thirty yards. Had this sort of country continued for any great
distance, I would not have risked taking my men on indefinitely over
ground so very favourable to any force of hostile Matabele which might
chance to be there. However, after a time we emerged into country of a
more open character, where the bush was much less dense, and where one
was not constantly shut in amongst kopjes and scrub-covered ridges.

Just here one of my flanking parties came on a woman carrying a large
bundle of blankets and other household goods on her head. On being
questioned, she told us that at daylight that morning Marzwe's kraal
had been attacked and three of his men killed, as well as one girl who
had endeavoured to escape with the rest of the men. The girl referred
to proved afterwards to be the damsel who had been wounded in the side
by an assegai, but who had managed to evade her enemies and make her
way to our fort at Mabukitwani. All the rest of the women and children,
together with the cattle, sheep, and goats, the woman said, had been
captured by Maiyaisa's people, who, however, she thought were in no
great force, being only a small raiding party detached from the main
body at the Khami river.

But now comes the sequel, about which the wounded girl had known
nothing. Amongst Marzwe's men who had escaped from the first onslaught
on the kraal was one Obas.[10] This man had recognised that the
attacking force was not a large one, and he at once went round to all
the outlying villages and collected a very considerable number of
his chief's retainers, and taking command of them, followed up the
raiders, and not only rescued all the women and children who had been
taken captive but also killed eleven of the enemy, and retook all
the cattle, sheep, and goats they were driving off. This good news
was soon confirmed by Obas himself, whom we met coming on with all
the recaptured women and children and cattle. He was a well-built,
active-looking Kafir of middle height, light in colour, and with good
features, altogether a good specimen of the best type of Matabele.
He was armed with a Martini-Henry rifle, as were some few of his
followers, whilst all carried assegais. He told us much the same story
as we had heard from the woman who had just passed, except that he
informed us that the number of Marzwe's men who had been killed was
four, instead of three.

There was now no necessity to proceed any further, so we turned back to
the fort, where all Marzwe's people arrived safely the same evening.

Early the following morning I rode over to the Khami with Lieutenant
Howard, and after selecting a site for the fort which was to be
built there, and leaving Lieutenant Howard in charge, returned to
Mabukitwani. Here I found a telegram from Colonel Napier, which had
been sent on to me by Captain Molyneux from Fig Tree. It was to the
effect that I was to at once collect a force of forty mounted and
eighty dismounted men from all the forts along the road, including
Mangwe, and march them in to Bulawayo by Friday evening, as they were
required to form part of a column which was to leave for the Tchangani
on the following day, Saturday, 9th May.

As the time was so short, I rode the same evening (Tuesday) to Fig Tree
in order to despatch a telegram as soon as possible to Major Armstrong,
asking him to send me up twenty mounted men from the garrisons of
Matoli and Mangwe, and on Wednesday I made all arrangements at the
other forts. As Colonel Napier particularly wished Captain Molyneux and
Lieutenant Howard to accompany the column, I put Lieutenant Stewart in
command at Fig Tree, whilst Lieutenant Parkin took charge of the fort
at the Khami river, Lieutenant Grenfell taking over the command of my
own fort.

On Thursday evening I had all the men from the lower forts mustered
at Mabukitwani, and after a cold rainy night we marched to Bulawayo,
picking up the other detachments on our way, and reaching town before
sundown on Friday evening, 8th May.

CHAPTER XXII

Large column commanded by Colonel Napier despatched for the
Tchangani to meet Salisbury relief force—Matabele impi reported
near Tekwe river—Matabele reported to be at Thaba Induna—I am
ordered to the front—Matabele retire—Column in laager near
Graham's store—Captain Grey's patrol has a skirmish with the
Kafirs—Pursuit of Kafirs—No quarter—Reflections—Several kraals
burnt, coin and cattle captured—Cold weather and storms—March
with provision convoy and laager at Dr. Jameson's old
camp—Desolation along the line of march—Burnham reports scouting
party from Salisbury contingent had been met with—We reach Pongo
store—Bury the bodies of murdered white men.

Owing to various circumstances, it was found impossible to get the
column off for the Tchangani on the following morning, and the start
was not actually made until Monday, 11th May. This column, the largest
yet sent out from Bulawayo, was despatched with the object of opening
the road to the Tchangani river, where it was hoped that the relief
force from Salisbury under Colonel Beal, with which was Mr. Cecil
Rhodes, would be met, when the future movements of the combined columns
would be determined according to circumstances.

The composition of the force was as follows: Artillery, four officers
and thirty-four men under Captain Biscoe; Grey's Scouts, four officers
and forty men under Captain Grey; Africander Corps, three officers
and fifty-nine men under Commandant Van Rensberg and Captain Van
Niekerk; A troop (Gifford's Horse) two officers and nineteen men;
B troop (Gifford's Horse) two officers and twenty men—the combined
troops under Captain Fynn; F troop, one officer and twenty men under
Lieutenant H. Lamb; four officers and 100 dismounted men under Captain
Selous, consisting of detachments from H, C, D, K, and L troops, under
Captains Mainwaring and Reid, and Lieutenants Holland and Hyden;
also four engineers; making altogether 312 Europeans, supported by
150 of Colenbrander's Colonial Boys under Captain Windley, and 100
Friendly Matabele under Chief Native Commissioner Taylor. Also one
seven-pounder, one 2·5 gun, one Hotchkiss, one Nordenfeldt, one Maxim;
fourteen mule waggons carrying provisions, kit, and ammunition, and one
ambulance waggon.

Of this force Colonel Napier was in command; Colonel Spreckley, second
in command; Captain Llewellyn, staff orderly officer; Captain Howard
Brown, staff officer; Captain Bradley, remount officer; Captain
Molyneux, adjutant; Captain Wrey, heliograph officer; Captain Purssell,
quartermaster; Dr. Levy, medical officer, with Lieutenants Little,
Dollar, and Burnham as gallopers; whilst Captain the Honourable C. J.
White and Mr. A. Rhodes also accompanied the expedition unattached,
making I believe a total force of forty-two officers and 613 men.

With the column was one of two colonial natives who had been despatched
on horseback a few days previously to try and carry a message through
to Gwelo. They saw no signs of the enemy until after they had passed
Mr. Stewart's farm, but near the Tekwe river they rode into the middle
of a Matabele impi, in the middle of the night, which was watching
the road and had no fires burning. They were immediately attacked,
and the boy who got back to Bulawayo had his horse killed under him
almost immediately, and received an assegai-wound in the arm. However,
in the darkness he managed to elude his enemies, and made his way
back to town. His companion neither reached Gwelo nor ever returned
to Bulawayo, but he apparently galloped through his assailants at
the Tekwe, only to be again waylaid, and this time killed, at the
Tchangani, where his corpse was discovered a few days later lying in
the road by Colonel Beal's column.

To quote the words of the correspondent with the column representing
the _Bulawayo Chronicle_: "To the martial strains of the town band, on
Monday, 11th May, the column under Colonel Napier left the citadel,
and boldly started forth into the country lately taken from us by the
Matabele. Within two hours our men had crossed from British territory
into the Matabele country—to wit, the Umguza brooklet."

Arrived at the Umguza, it was found that we could not proceed until
certain stores, which had been left behind in Bulawayo, reached us; and
as these did not come to hand until the following morning, we did not
again make a move until shortly before noon on Tuesday. For some miles
our route lay through perfectly open country, but on getting abreast of
Thaba Induna we came to a strip of thorn bush through which the road
passes. Here a halt was made, whilst Colonel Spreckley went forward
with Grey's Scouts to see if the bush was clear of Kafirs. He soon sent
a messenger back reporting that the enemy were just in front of him, so
Colonel Napier asked me to go on and obtain further particulars before
he advanced with the whole column.

I found Colonel Spreckley about 600 yards in advance, the bush between
where he had halted his men and the main body being much less dense
than I had imagined, whilst in front of him the country was very open
indeed. However, the grass was three or four feet high, and as some
Kafirs had been seen on the rise only a few hundred yards ahead, it
was impossible to tell how many of them there might be there. Colonel
Spreckley therefore wanted some men on foot to be sent forward to
assist the Scouts in driving the Kafirs out of the long grass.

I at once galloped back to the column, and was ordered to go forward
again with two of the three troops of infantry under my command,
Colonel Napier bringing on the remainder of the force behind us. As
soon as my footmen reached the advance guard, we all spread out in
skirmishing order and went forwards as rapidly as possible. The Kafirs,
however, who had been seen in the long grass could only have been a few
scouts, who, on seeing the mounted men, had retired on the main body,
for until we came within a mile of the little pyramidal hill which
stands by itself about a mile to the south of the low flat-topped hill
known as Thaba Induna, we never saw a sign of the enemy.

Then, however, standing as we were on the crest of a rise, from which
the ground sloped off into a broad valley which lay between us and the
aforesaid hill, we suddenly came in sight of a considerable number
of the rebels. A detachment of them was on the hill itself, whilst
considerable numbers were scattered over the open ground below it.
Altogether some hundreds of them must have been in sight. Between the
single hill and the wooded slopes of Thaba Induna itself there is a
space of perfectly open ground over a mile in breadth, and it certainly
looked to the eye of an old hunter, accustomed in the pursuit of game
to measure distances and take in at a glance the details of the ground
before him, that, had the whole of the mounted men with the column at
this juncture galloped as hard as they could go to the point of Thaba
Induna, and then swept round at the back of the single hill, a large
number of the rebels would have been cut off from the bush and killed
in the open ground.

These tactics, however, were not adopted, and the natives got off
scot free, for although a few shots were fired at them with a Maxim
and seven-pounder at an unknown range, none were hit, and they all
retreated into the thick bush to the north of Thaba Induna. Our column
then advanced for another couple of miles, and laagered up near
Graham's store on the Kotki river.

[Illustration: COLONEL WILLIAM NAPIER

who commanded the Bulawayo Field Force during the late rebellion.]

On the following day the column remained in laager, and Colonel Napier
took out a patrol, consisting of some 150 mounted men of Grey's Scouts,
Gifford's Horse, and the Africander Corps, to ascertain if any of the
rebels were still in our vicinity, and Captain Wrey accompanied the
patrol in order to send some heliographic messages to Bulawayo.

Leaving the laager about 8 A.M., this force first returned about three
miles along the road to Bulawayo, and when abreast of the single hill
I have spoken of as having been occupied by the rebels on the previous
day, turned to the right, and spreading out in skirmishing order
advanced towards the hill, which was reached without a Kafir having
been seen. Here Captain Wrey was left with his heliograph party, and
a further advance was made towards the bush on the north-east corner
of Thaba Induna, where were found the "scherms," or military camps of
the Matabele who had been seen on the previous day. These encampments
appeared to have been evacuated early that morning, their occupants
having probably moved off to join the impis which had retired from the
vicinity of Bulawayo a short time before and taken up their quarters on
the lower Umguza.

After these scherms had been burnt, a portion of the patrol was
detached to the right, consisting of Grey's Scouts, a section of the
Africander Corps, and a small party of Gifford's Horse, in all about
eighty men. This detachment, after having advanced for a couple of
miles through undulating country more or less covered with thorn bush,
which in some places was fairly thick, came suddenly upon a small impi
of 200 or 300 Kafirs, which I believe was a section of the Ingubu
regiment.

These men had taken up a position along the crest of a rough stony
ridge covered with bush, and when the approaching horsemen were still
some four hundred yards distant they opened fire on them. Captain Grey
immediately ordered his men to charge, which they did in extended order.

The sight of the long line of cavalry thundering down upon them seems
to have turned the hearts of the savages to water, as their saying is,
for after having fired a few more shots, they turned and ran, trusting
to evade their enemies in the bush. A considerable number of them no
doubt succeeded in doing so, but the chase was continued for a mile
and a half, and when it was at last abandoned a long line of corpses
marked the track where the whirlwind of the white man's vengeance had
swept along. _Vae victis!_—"woe to the conquered!"—woe indeed; for
amongst the men who took part in the pursuit of the Kafirs, on this, to
them, most fatal day, were many who, maddened by the loss of old chums
foully slain in cold blood by the natives, were determined to use their
opportunity to the utmost to inflict a heavy punishment for the crimes
committed, while all were bent on exacting vengeance for the murders of
the European women and children who had been hurried out of existence
during the first days of the rebellion. Once broken, the Kafirs never
made any attempt to rally, but ran as hard as they could, accepting
death when overtaken without offering the slightest resistance; some
indeed, when too tired to run any farther, walked doggedly forward with
arms in their hands which they never attempted to use, and did not even
turn their heads to look at the white men who were about to shoot them
down. No quarter was either given or asked for, nor was any more mercy
shown than had been lately granted by the Kafirs to the white women and
children who had fallen into their power. This realistic picture may
seem very horrible to all those who believe themselves to be superior
beings to the cruel colonists of Rhodesia, but let them not forget the
terrible provocation. I cannot dispute the horror of the picture; but
I must confess that had I been with Captain Grey that day, I should
have done my utmost to kill as many Kafirs as possible, and yet I think
I can claim to be as humane a man as any of my critics who may feel
inclined to consider such deeds cowardly and brutal and altogether
unworthy of a civilised being.

This claim to humanity, coupled with the defence of savage deeds,
may seem paradoxical, but the fact is, as I have said before, that
in the smooth and easy course of ordinary civilised existence it is
possible for a man to live a long life without ever becoming aware
that somewhere deep down below the polished surface of conventionality
there exists in him an ineradicable leaven of innate ferocity, which,
although it may never show itself except under the most exceptional
circumstances, must and ever will be there—the cruel instinct which,
given sufficient provocation, prompts the meekest nature to kill his
enemy—the instinct which forms the connecting link between the nature
of man and that of the beast.

The horrors of a native insurrection—the murders and mutilations of
white men, women, and children by savages—are perhaps better calculated
than anything else to awake this slumbering fiend—the indestructible
and imperishable inheritance which, through countless generations, has
been handed down to the most highly civilised races of the present
day from the savage animals or beings from whom or which modern
science teaches us that they have been evolved. I have been told
that Mr. Labouchere often jokingly says that we are all monkeys with
our tails rubbed off, but with natures still very much akin to those
of our simian relatives; and however that may be, we are certainly
the descendants of the fierce and savage races by whom Northern and
Central Europe was peopled in prehistoric times; and I am afraid that
the saying of Napoleon, that "if you scratch a Russian you will find
a Tartar," may be extended to embrace the modern Briton or any other
civilised people of Western Europe, none of whom it will be found
necessary to scratch very deeply in order to discover the savage
ancestors from whom they are descended.

On Wednesday afternoon subsequent to the dispersal of the natives,
several kraals were burnt and a good deal of corn taken, which proved
most valuable, being urgently required to keep the horses and mules
in condition. About eighty head of cattle and some sheep and goats
were also captured by Captain Fynn and Lieutenant Moffat. As during
the time when the Kafirs were being chased by Grey's Scouts and the
Africanders, Captain Wrey had received a heliographic message from Earl
Grey, requesting Colonel Napier not to proceed any farther until some
waggons loaded with provisions for the Salisbury column, which had
already left Bulawayo, had reached him, we spent another day in laager.
The weather had now turned very cold, and on the Wednesday night heavy
storms of rain had fallen all round us, though we had escaped with only
a few drops; but on the following night, or rather very early on Friday
morning, a soaking shower passed over us, and as we were lying out in
the open, our blankets got wet through, rendering a very early start
impossible; although, the convoy having reached us on Thursday night,
the order had been given to have everything packed up ready to move by
daylight.

However we got off by eight o'clock, and reached Lee's store, distant
twenty-four miles from Bulawayo, before mid-day. This store and hotel,
noted as being the most comfortable on the whole road between the
capital of Matabeleland and Salisbury, had, like every other building
erected by a white man in this part of the country, been burnt down and
as far as possible destroyed. After our horses and transport animals
had had a couple of hours' feeding, we proceeded on our way, and
laagered up for the night on the site of the camp where Dr. Jameson
was attacked on 1st November 1893 by the Imbezu and Ingubu regiments,
during his memorable march from Mashunaland to Bulawayo.

On every side of this camp but that facing towards the west, the
country consisted of open rolling downs, entirely devoid of bush for
miles and miles. On the western face there was a space of open ground
bounded at a distance of 500 or 600 yards by a strip of open thorn
bush, and it was through this thorn bush that the Matabele warriors
made their advance. Naturally, as they had to face the fire of several
Maxims and other pieces of ordnance, they never got beyond the edge of
the bush. It seems a marvel that they should have been foolish enough
to advance as they did, but it was doubtless their ignorance of the
impossibility of taking a laager by assault in the face even of a
heavy rifle fire, let alone Maxim guns and other destructive toys of
a similar character, which led them to expose themselves so vainly.
But they learnt a lesson that day which has never been forgotten in
Matabeleland, as the present campaign has shown.

The three following days were entirely without incident, as we never
saw a sign of a Kafir, though every wayside hotel and store had been
burnt to the ground. On Monday evening we laagered up at a spot a few
miles short of the Pongo store, where it was known that some white men
had been murdered. Mr. Burnham, the American scout, who had ridden on
ahead in the afternoon, returned to the column at dusk from the store,
with the news that a scouting party from the Salisbury contingent had
been there also the same day, but had returned towards the Tchangani
just before his own arrival.

On the following morning, Tuesday, 19th May, we reached the Pongo store
early, having passed the coach which had been captured by the Kafirs
some three miles on this side of it. As I have already stated, one
wheel had been removed from the coach, and the pole had been sawn in
two, whilst the contents of the mail-bags had been torn up and strewn
over the ground in every direction. The sun-dried carcasses of the
mules still lay all of a heap in their harness, just as they had fallen
when they were assegaied some six weeks previously.

On reaching the store we found and buried the bodies of the two poor
fellows (Hurlstone and Reddington) who had been murdered there just
seven weeks previously, on Tuesday, 24th March. Both their skulls had
been battered and chipped by heavy blows struck with knob-kerries and
axes. The bodies had not been touched by any animal or Kafir since
the day when the murders were committed, as their clothes and boots
had not been removed, and the blankets thrown over them by the patrol
party sent out from the Tchangani, two days after they were killed,
were still covering them. The poor battered remains of what had so
lately been two fine young Englishmen were reverently placed by their
countrymen in a hastily-dug grave, and a prayer said over them by the
good Catholic priest Father Barthélemy. The remains of the third white
man murdered here were found at some little distance from the store.

CHAPTER XXIII

Meet Salisbury relief force, with Mr. Cecil Rhodes, Sir Charles
Metcalfe, and others—Column under Colonel Spreckley sent to the
south—Several kraals burnt—Scouting party sent out under Captain
Van Niekerk—Band of cattle captured—Large body of Kafirs met
with—A running fight; Burnham and Blick nearly captured—Patrol
return to laager—Capture a woman—Discover a body of Matabele, and
send for reinforcement of men on foot—We hear heavy firing in
front—Mr. Cecil Rhodes joins us with Colonial Boys—Advance and
take part in the fight—Enemy's fire silenced—We retire.

On resuming our journey, we had not proceeded a couple of miles, when
on cresting a rise we came in sight of the Salisbury relief force
coming out of the bush ahead of us and just entering the valley which
lay between us. The two columns were soon laagered up in the open
ground some 500 yards apart on either side of a small stream. With the
Salisbury contingent were Mr. Cecil Rhodes, Sir Charles Metcalfe, and
several gentlemen who, having left Bulawayo on a shooting trip some two
months previously, had been obliged on the outbreak of the rebellion
to take refuge in the Gwelo laager, where they had been cooped up ever
since.

Mr. Rhodes, I thought, looked remarkably well, and yet the fast
grizzling hair and a certain look in the strong face told the tale
of the excessive mental strain undergone during the last few months.
Amongst those who had joined the Salisbury column at Gwelo were Mr.
Weston Jarvis, Mr. Farquhar, the Hon. Tatton Egerton (M.P. for
Knutsford) and his son. That evening Mr. Rhodes and Colonel Napier
dined with our mess, and in course of conversation after dinner it was
decided that, instead of returning at once with the combined columns
along the main road to Bulawayo, a flying column should be sent under
Colonel Spreckley through the country to the south of the hills
bordering the Insiza river, whilst Colonel Napier should travel down
the valley of that river itself with the main body; the two columns to
meet in the neighbourhood of the ford across the Insiza, on the road
from Bulawayo to Belingwe.

Early on the morning of Thursday, 21st May, Colonel Spreckley's column
of about four hundred men left us and bore away to the south; the main
body to which my own troop was attached making a move very shortly
afterwards. We first kept the road as far as the valley beyond the
Pongo store, but there turned off to the south, outspanning at about
eleven o'clock amongst a lot of kraals, all of which had evidently been
hastily vacated on our approach, as they were all full of grain, and
pots were found cooking on fires that had only lately been lighted. The
corn-bins in these villages were one and all quite full of maize, Kafir
corn, and ground-nuts, showing not only that the harvest in this part
of Matabeleland had been a very plentiful one, but also that the people
thought they had got rid of the white men for good and all and had no
reason to fear their return.

After all the grain had been removed that we could carry, the kraals
were burnt and the remainder of the corn destroyed, in order that
it might not again fall into the hands of the rebels, for a good
food-supply constitutes "the sinews of war" to a savage people, who are
not likely to come to terms as long as such supplies hold out.

In the afternoon we moved on a few miles farther, destroying several
more kraals. The huts in some of these had been newly built and
plastered, and we found that ground had been freshly hoed up to lie
fallow until the sowing-time came. In every village were found goods
of some kind or another which had belonged to the many white people
murdered in this district, and the articles of women's clothing, and
especially a hat that was recognised as having belonged to a young
girl of the name of Agnes Kirk, made the troopers simply mad to exact
vengeance on the murderers.

About two miles distant from the spot where we laagered up for the
night, the huts of some white prospectors were found, but no trace of
their former owners. These huts had been made use of by the Kafirs as
store-rooms, and were found to be full of every conceivable description
of merchandise, taken from neighbouring farmhouses and the hotels and
stores along the road. The goods were all carefully packed up, and
included bags of sugar, flour, and Boer meal, as well as boxes of soap
and candles, tinned provisions, blankets, and many other articles.
Outside the huts stood a waggon and a coach, the latter of which was
known to have been brought from the Tekwe store, some five miles
distant.

As it was evident that we were now in the midst of a native population,
who were not only responsible for the murders of the white men in the
district, the destruction of their homes, and the looting of their
property, but who also seemed so infatuated by their success that they
appeared to think that the compatriots of the murdered people "would
never come back no more," it was determined to make an effort to prove
to them in a practical manner that there is some truth in the French
proverb which says that "tout vient à qui sait attendre."

Therefore at 4 A.M. on the following morning, the 22nd May, Grey's
Scouts and a portion of the Africander Corps under Captain Van Niekerk,
in all about one hundred men, were sent out down the valley of the
Insiza in order to try and discover the whereabouts of the main body of
the rebels in this part of the country. The members of the patrol at
first proceeded on foot, leading their horses until day broke, when the
order was given to mount. Shortly afterwards smoke was seen rising from
a valley amongst the hills to the left, and the horses' heads were at
once turned in that direction, and presently, after the first range of
hills which bounds the Insiza valley had been passed, a herd of cattle
was seen amongst the broken country on ahead. These cattle were found
to be in charge of a small force of Kafirs, who abandoned them to the
white men without making much resistance.

It was the firing which took place during this skirmish which was heard
in camp soon after sunrise, and which caused Colonel Napier to send
Commandant Van Rensberg and myself with a small party to ascertain what
was going on. Just after these cattle had been captured, Mr. Little
and some of Gifford's Horse under Captain Fynn, forming the right-hand
flanking party to Colonel Spreckley's column, which was then moving
forwards some four miles to the south, rode up, having been attracted
by the firing. After a few minutes' conversation, no more Kafirs being
anywhere in sight, Colonel Spreckley's men went on their way, whilst
the Scouts and Africanders started on their return with the captured
cattle towards the laager. A little farther on a halt was made, and
some of the men produced some provisions from their wallets and were
proceeding to discuss the same, when Kafirs were suddenly seen on the
crest of a rise in front.

At this moment Captain Grey was missing, but he turned up immediately
afterwards with seven of the Scouts, who had been foraging with him,
each man having a dead sheep tied behind his saddle. These, however,
had to be immediately cut loose and abandoned, as large numbers of
Kafirs were now seen both in front and to the right, where they had
previously been hidden in a deep river-bed.

A running fight was now commenced, which was kept up for some four
miles before the Kafirs were shaken off. When it was first seen that
the Matabele were in force, and meant to try and cut off their enemy's
retreat, Captain Grey sent the American Scout Burnham, together with
a compatriot named Blick, to the top of a hill on ahead, to try and
ascertain the numbers and disposition of the rebels; but Burnham and
his companion were cut off from the main body, and had to gallop for
their lives, and had they not both been very well mounted, they would
probably not have got away, as the Kafirs nearly surrounded them in a
very rocky bit of ground. The cattle which had been captured had to be
abandoned by the men who were driving them, and very hurriedly too, as
a party of the rebels made a determined attempt to cut them off from
the main body.

Early in the fight Trooper Rothman of the Africanders was shot through
the stomach, and, as a comrade named Parker belonging to the same corps
was assisting the wounded man to mount his horse, he was himself shot
through the upper part of the body, from side to side, and died almost
immediately. Poor Parker had to be left where he fell, as there was no
means of carrying him.

Just as the white men were descending the last hill-slope into the
level valley of the Insiza river, a young Dutchman named Frikky Greeff,
the son of an old elephant-hunter long resident in Matabeleland, had
his horse shot through both forelegs just above the fetlocks. On being
struck the poor animal fell heavily, pinning its rider to the ground.
He, however, soon extricated himself, and one of the Scouts, Trooper
Button, who was riding a strong, quiet horse, took him up behind him.
Up to this time poor Rothman had been able to retain his seat on his
horse, but being greatly weakened by loss of blood, and in fact in a
dying condition, he now fell off. Lieutenant Sinclair of the Africander
Corps, on seeing this, dismounted, and with the assistance of others
placed Rothman across his saddle, and, mounting behind him, carried him
in this way for over three miles. By this time it was apparent to all
that the man was dead, so, as the Kafirs had now given up the pursuit,
the body was placed on the ground in a shady place, there to remain
until it could be recovered and brought in to camp.

After getting out into the open country the horses were off-saddled for
an hour on the banks of a stream which runs into the Insiza, and the
patrol then returned to laager. Besides the two men who were killed,
two more were wounded, though not seriously, Trooper Niemand being shot
through the fleshy part of the arm, and Trooper Geldenhuis getting
something more than a graze just above his ankle. Singularly enough,
as all the men were mixed up together, all the casualties occurred to
members of the Africander Corps.

Just at sunrise the same morning Colonel Napier asked me to take a few
mounted men of the Salisbury column and proceed, together with a small
detachment of the Africander Corps under Commandant Van Rensberg, to
a ridge of hills on our left rear, in order to burn some kraals which
could be seen with the glasses in that direction.

We were just getting ready to start, when shots were heard straight
ahead of us down the Insiza valley; and as the firing, though never
very heavy, was kept up until our horses were all saddled up, Van
Rensberg and myself asked permission to take our men in the direction
of the firing, as we knew that it meant that Captains Grey and Van
Niekerk were engaged with a party of Matabele, and we thought that we
might be able to render them some assistance.

Colonel Napier at once granted us permission to do as we wished; so
we lost no time in making a move, and before we had ridden much more
than a mile heard two shots at no great distance on our left front. We
immediately turned in that direction, and after having crossed a small
stream, again heard two more shots which sounded quite close, in fact,
only just beyond a ridge of low stony hills on our left. On hearing
these shots we rode to the crest of the ridge as quickly as possible,
and then saw a broad open valley beyond us, in the centre of which
stood a good-sized native kraal. We however could see nothing, either
of our friends or our enemies, nor did we hear any further shots. We
therefore crossed the ridge, and a deep river-bed beyond it, and rode
towards the kraal, with the intention of burning it. Before reaching
it, however, we caught sight of a few natives running through some corn
stubble, and galloping after them found them to be a young woman and
three little girls. These were taken prisoners and sent back to camp,
as it was thought that Colonel Napier might be able to obtain some
information from them regarding the whereabouts of any impis that might
be about.

Just then a man carrying a shield and assegais was seen running to our
right. He was soon caught and shot by some of the Africanders, just as
he threw himself under a bush, where he then lay on his face, dead.
"Pull him out that I may look on the murderer's face," I said in Dutch
to the men, which they did, revealing the features of a middle-aged
evil-looking Kafir, whom, however, I did not remember to have ever seen
before.

After killing this man we rode back towards the kraal, but before
reaching it, made out a number of Matabele standing on the slope of a
hill overlooking a deep river-bed, about a mile distant. On looking at
these natives through the glasses, I could see that they were all men,
many carrying shields, and as there were too many of them to make it
possible to suppose that they all belonged to the kraal near which we
were standing, I surmised that they probably belonged to the impi with
which Captains Grey and Van Niekerk had been engaged.

Not knowing their numbers, and recognising the impossibility of getting
at them in the hills with mounted men, Van Rensberg and myself judged
it advisable to send back to the laager for a reinforcement of men on
foot. A man was therefore at once despatched with a verbal message
to Colonel Napier, and whilst waiting for his return we took up our
position on the crest of the rise we had previously crossed, in order
both to guard against a surprise and keep a watch on the enemy. These
latter gradually retired round the shoulder of the hill and disappeared
from view.

From where we had taken up our position we could see the laager, which
was little more than a mile distant, and the reinforcement of footmen
we had asked for had already left it, when a heavy fusillade broke out
which sounded amongst the hills to our left front. Immediately after
this heavy firing commenced, large numbers of Matabele, who up to that
moment had been hidden in the river-bed below the hill on which we had
seen the others standing, suddenly showed themselves, and streamed out
across a corn-field with the evident intention of taking part in the
fight which it seemed was going on between the Scouts and Africanders
under Captains Grey and Van Niekerk and another body of Matabele. Our
party consisted of only twenty-two men all told, and it was rather
difficult to know what was the best course for us to pursue; but we
had just decided to go on and try and reach our friends without waiting
for the reinforcements, when the heavy firing ceased, being succeeded
by scattered shots, which showed that the fight was moving more and
more to the right. The Matabele whom we had seen leaving the shelter
of the river-bed must also have recognised this fact, as they soon
returned, marching in lines across the corn-field where we had first
seen them, and again taking up their old position.

Shortly after this Captain Windley and Lieutenant Frost came up with
thirty Colonial Boys, and Captain Taylor and Lieutenant Jackson also
brought a contingent of Friendly Matabele; but as but few of these
latter were armed with rifles, they could not be expected to be very
useful in attacking a position, though no doubt they would have done
excellent service in following up a defeated foe. Mr. Cecil Rhodes, Sir
Charles Metcalfe, Mr. Weston Jarvis, and Lieutenant Howard also came up
with the Colonial Boys.

On their arrival we at once proceeded as quickly as possible towards
the point in the hills from which the heavy firing had seemed to come,
and after having advanced for about a mile and a half through thick
thorn bush we found ourselves in a valley bounded on one side by the
main range of hills, and on the other by a single hill very thickly
wooded at the crest. At this point several natives were seen on the
hills above us to the left, and a few shots were fired at them, which
they returned, whilst at the same time some shots were also fired at
us from the crest of the rise to our right. I therefore ordered the
Colonial Boys to charge up the hill and take it, which they at once
did, led by their officers and Lieutenant Howard; the few natives who
had been firing from the summit at once giving up their position, and
running down into the thick bush on the farther side, several of
them leaving blankets and other goods behind them, whilst in one case
a handkerchief had been abandoned, which was found to contain about
twenty Martini-Henry cartridges. After we had taken possession of the
hill, a few odd Matabele fired a shot or two at us from the valley
below and from the hills above, but their fire was soon silenced by the
heavy fusillade kept up by the Colonial Boys.

From the position we had taken we commanded a good view over the
country to our front and right front, but we could see nothing of
the mounted men under Captains Grey and Van Niekerk, and therefore
judged that they had found it necessary to retreat from the Matabele
by a circuitous route to the laager; and we soon saw that it would be
expedient for us to do the same, as we could see a large number of
rebels on a hill about 1000 yards to our right, amongst them being a
man on horseback, and knew that besides those actually in sight there
were many others in the river-bed under the hill, as well as the impi
which had been engaged with the Scouts and Africanders, which we
afterwards discovered was lying in a deep river-bed hidden from view
only a short distance ahead of the hill on which we were standing.

In the valley beyond this river-bed were two small herds of cattle
in a corn-field, but this seemed such a very obvious bait to entice
us onwards that Van Rensberg and myself at once saw the advisability
of getting back to the more open country beyond the thick thorn bush
through which we had come as quickly as possible, in order not to allow
ourselves to be outflanked by the impi to our right, which had now
disappeared in the bush behind the hill on which we had seen it.

Had we crossed the river-bed in front of us and endeavoured to capture
the cattle, we should have been completely cut off from the laager by
two separate impis, which our small force would have been altogether
inadequate to cope with. By keeping well to the right, however, on our
return to the open country we avoided coming in contact with the enemy
in the bush, and saw nothing more of them.

CHAPTER XXIV

Position of laager shifted—Massacre of the Ross and Fourie
families—Remains of some of the Fouries found—Advance on Matabele
scherms and find them deserted—Visit the scene of yesterday's
fight—Burn kraals and return to camp—Bury two men killed in
yesterday's fight and the remains of the Fourie family—Find the
remains of the Ross family—March down the Insiza valley—Burn
a large number of kraals—Colonel Spreckley's column captures
cattle and donkeys—Remains of several murdered Europeans
found—The murder of Dr. and Mrs. Langford—Column sent to the
Filibusi district—Return to Bulawayo—I visit Essexvale—A scene of
desolation.

On reaching the laager, Van Rensberg and myself, backed by Mr. Cecil
Rhodes, were very anxious to have the base camp moved at once to the
kraal near to which we had captured the woman in the early morning,
and then at once attack the impis we had seen that same afternoon
with as large a force as could be spared from the laager. However, as
Captains Grey and Van Niekerk had then not yet returned, Colonel Napier
thought it would be better to move the laager round the hills to the
vicinity of the Insiza river and attack the rebels from that side on
the following day.

This plan was at once acted upon, and the Scouts and Africanders
turning up just as we had inspanned, we moved round the broken country
in which the Matabele had taken up their positions, and camped in open
ground beyond it, on a small stream running into the Insiza river.

Early the following morning we moved to the bank of the river itself,
just opposite the spot where a Dutchman named Fourie had been building
a house for a Mr. Ross, whose temporary residence whilst the house was
being built could be seen still standing on a rise some mile and a half
farther down the river.

At the latter end of March Mr. Fourie had been living here with his
wife and six children, whilst Mr. and Mrs. Ross with an adopted
daughter named Agnes Kirk were occupying temporary dwellings some
little distance away from them. These eleven people—two men and nine
women and children—were all murdered on the outbreak of the rebellion,
Miss Johanna Ross being the only survivor of her family, and owing her
escape to the fact that at the time the murders were committed she was
on a visit to friends living near the main road, who, having received
warning of the rising, took her with them to Mr. Stewart's store at the
Tekwe river, where they were relieved by Captain Grey and his men on
Thursday, 26th March.

With others I went down to the scene of the massacre of the Fourie
family early in the morning and found the remains of four people—a
woman and three children, the body of Mr. Fourie and those of three of
the children being missing. The murders had evidently been committed
with knob-kerries and axes, as the skulls of all these poor people
had been very much shattered. The remains had been much pulled about
by dogs or jackals, but the long fair hair of the young Dutch girls
was still intact, and it is needless to say that these blood-stained
tresses awoke the most bitter wrath in the hearts of all who looked
upon them, Englishmen and Dutchmen alike vowing a pitiless vengeance
against the whole Matabele race.

At about ten o'clock a force of about 300 men under Captain Grey was
despatched to the scene of yesterday's fighting, Colonel Napier and
staff taking up a position with a seven-pounder gun on the top of a
hill which commanded the valley in which we had seen the two small
herds of cattle on the preceding day. I was placed in charge of the
infantry division, which, spread out in skirmishing order, formed the
centre of the line of attack.

After what had been seen that morning of the ghastly remains of the
Fourie family, every one was most eager to come to close quarters with
the Kafirs, but we were not able to do so, as, although we found the
scherms where they had slept, with the fires still burning in them,
the impis had left apparently at daylight in the morning, and it was
impossible to tell in which direction they had gone, as their camp was
surrounded by rough stony hills, on which their footsteps had left no
trace. As the number of their scherms showed that the rebels must have
been at least a thousand strong, I don't quite know why they did not
wait for us and have another day's fighting, the more especially as
they had been successful in repulsing about one hundred mounted men of
the Scouts and Africanders on the previous day. I am half inclined to
think that several rocket signals sent up from our laager during the
early part of the preceding night, to notify our whereabouts to Colonel
Spreckley, may have had something to do with their unexpected retreat,
or possibly a peep at our laager at daylight may have given them an
exaggerated idea of our numbers. At any rate they were gone, and the
blow which might have been struck at them on the afternoon of the day
before was now not struck at all.

On the site of the engagement of the previous morning between Grey's
Scouts and the Africanders and the one section of the Matabele, we
found the body of Parker, absolutely stripped of clothing, even to
the socks, and riddled with assegai stabs inflicted after death. The
corpse was carried back to camp, together with that of Rothman, which
latter, as it had been carried to some distance from the scene of the
fight, had not been found and mutilated by the Kafirs. The Matabele
must have removed their dead, as none were lying on the hill-side
below Parker's corpse, where many had been seen to fall. However, in
a small kraal situated just under the hills and within a mile of the
scene of the fight, we found a Kafir lying stretched out on his back
close to the door of a hut, who could not long have been dead, as his
body was still warm, and his limbs quite limp. He had evidently been
wounded during the fight, the bullet having passed through both thighs,
and broken the right femur. Then I suppose he had been carried or had
crawled to the village where we found him lying, and a cord tightly
twisted round his neck showed that he had been strangled shortly before
our arrival on the scene. Whether he had thus compassed his own death
on hearing or being informed of our approach, or whether he had been
strangled by a friend to prevent his falling into the hands of the
white men, I cannot say, but as, besides having been strangled, he
had a fresh assegai-wound in the right side, I fancy that he had been
killed by his friends, who had fled at our approach and were unable to
carry the wounded man with them.

Besides this man, another was found in a dying condition—a young fellow
of two or three and twenty who must have been some one of importance,
as his friends had made a stretcher of oxhide lashed to poles, on which
to carry him. They seem to have been surprised in the act of carrying
him away, as the stretcher was first found, and then the wounded man
was seen crawling away at a little distance, but he was nearly spent,
having been shot right through the chest, and died soon afterwards. His
shield and assegais, and many little personal belongings, were found
tied on to the stretcher.

After having burnt a few kraals and picked up a flock of sheep
and goats and a stray cow or two, we returned to laager very much
disappointed that we had had a ten-mile walk for nothing, so far as
meeting with the rebels was concerned. The Hon. Tatton Egerton (M.P.
for Knutsford) accompanied us on this outing, walking and shouldering
a rifle with the rest of us, and unless I am very much mistaken no
one was more eager to let off his piece at a Kafir than was he. In
the afternoon a military funeral was accorded to the bodies of Parker
and Rothman, and also to the poor scattered remains of the Fourie
family, which having been carefully collected were all buried in one
grave dug close alongside that in which the two dead troopers had been
placed. The funeral service was read by the Rev. Douglas Pelly, who was
attached to the Salisbury contingent.

After the service was over I took a few men of the Africander Corps,
and some friendly Matabele with a stretcher, and went off to collect
the remains of the Ross family. These we found had been scattered and
dragged about in every direction by dogs or wild animals. We could
find no trace of Mr. Ross, and it is quite possible that he had been
murdered at some distance from his homestead. The broken skull of a
young woman which we found close to the door of one of the huts must
have been that of Miss Agnes Kirk, but of old Mrs. Ross all we found by
which to identify her was a mass of long grey hair, the skull having
disappeared. Besides these sad relics we also found the remains of
three children, the one a boy by his clothes, and the other two, little
girls, their fair hair being still plaited into several short plaits
in the Boer style. These three poor children must have been members of
the Fourie family who had probably been visiting the Rosses on the day
when the murders were committed.

Thus, of the eleven people murdered here some remains of all were
found, except of Mr. Fourie and Mr. Ross, and these being the only
men were very likely led away on some pretext, such as looking at
cattle, and murdered at a distance from their dwellings where there
was no chance of their getting hold of rifles or revolvers. Then,
the men being disposed of, the noble savages came down fearlessly to
the homesteads and smashed in the heads of the women and children
comfortably and at their leisure.

On Sunday, 24th May—the Queen's Birthday—we continued our march down
the Insiza valley, burning a large number of kraals as we advanced.
All these kraals had only just been deserted by their owners, and
they were all full of grain, while, in addition, in every one were
found articles of some kind or another which had been taken from the
homesteads of white men. All the grain that could not be carried with
us was destroyed as far as possible. In many of the kraals were found
large accumulations of dried meat, and many dried skins of bullocks,
cows and calves, proving that the rinderpest had been brought into this
district by the natives since the outbreak of the rebellion, and had
been playing havoc amongst their cattle.

As we advanced, burning kraal after kraal, on the northern slope of
the range which runs to the south of and parallel to the course of the
Insiza river, column after column of smoke continually ascending into
the clear sky from the southern side of the hills let us know that
Colonel Spreckley's column was devastating the murderers' country on
his line of march as effectually as we were doing on ours.

On the following day we still pursued our way unopposed down the Insiza
valley, burning kraal after kraal, but never seeing a sign of the
native inhabitants, who had evidently received timely notice of our
approach and fled into the hills. On the morning of Wednesday, 27th
May, we reached the Belingwe road at about nine o'clock, and were soon
joined by Colonel Spreckley's column which had been waiting for us a
little farther down the road. Colonel Spreckley's force had had no
general engagement with the enemy, but his scouts had captured about
seven hundred head of cattle and twenty-three donkeys. They had also
found the remains of several murdered Europeans, amongst whom the
bodies of a miner named Gracey and those of Dr. and Mrs. Langford and a
Mr. Lemon were recognised. Mr. Gracey's body lay just outside his hut,
but he had evidently been killed when lying on his bed inside, as a
blanket still lying there was soaked through and through with blood.

The case of Dr. and Mrs. Langford is one of the saddest of the many
sad episodes of the late native insurrection in Matabeleland. They had
been married but a short time, and had only left the old country three
months before the rebellion broke out. Unfortunately fate ordained that
they should reach Bulawayo, and leave it in order to take up their
residence in the Insiza district, just before the outbreak. Thus they
were suddenly surprised by a party of murderous savages when travelling
in their waggon. Mr. Lemon was with them, and his body was found lying
close to that of Dr. Langford; but poor Mrs. Langford's corpse was
discovered some two miles away under the bank of a stream flowing a few
hundred yards below Mr. Rixon's farmstead. It looked as if when first
attacked the two men had held the murderers at bay, and given Mrs.
Langford time to run on to Mr. Rixon's house in the hope of obtaining
assistance. But when she reached the homestead she found it unoccupied,
Mr. Rixon having left the day before. The poor woman then probably
waited at the house for the husband and friend that never came, and
then knowing that they must have been killed took refuge under the
bank of the river which ran below the house. Here she seems to have
lain hidden for some days at least, as she had made a sort of bed of
dry grass to lie on under the bank, and as a pie-dish was found beside
her body, she probably visited the house at nights to get food of some
sort. The agony of mind this poor young woman must have suffered, one
shudders to think of. But at last the Kafirs found her, and then, poor
soul, her troubles were nearly at an end, for they lost no time in
killing her. They appear to have stoned her to death, as her skull was
terribly shattered and some large round stones taken from the river-bed
were lying beside her corpse. None of her clothes had been removed, and
two rings were still on her finger, on the inner side of one of which
were engraved the words "Sunny Curls, Mizpah."

On the afternoon of the day on which the columns rejoined, the Insiza
river was recrossed by the ford on the main road leading from Belingwe
to Bulawayo, and on the following day, 27th May, the Salisbury
contingent, reinforced by sixty men of Gifford's Horse, left the
Bulawayo column, and went off southwards with the intention of visiting
the Filibusi district, where it was thought that an impi might be met
with, and thence making their way to Bulawayo by the road which passes
Edkins' store, where it may be remembered a number of white men were
murdered at the first outbreak of the insurrection. As soon as the
flying column under Colonel Beal had left us, Colonel Napier gave the
word to inspan, and an hour later the remainder of the troops under his
command were on their way back to the capital of Matabeleland, which
was finally reached after an uneventful journey on Sunday, 31st May.

As on the road home the column passed near the northern boundary of
my Company's property of Essexvale, I asked and obtained leave from
Colonel Napier to pay a visit in company with Mr. Blöcker to the
homestead where I had been living in the midst of an apparently happy
and contented native population at the outbreak of the insurrection.
Leaving the camp at daylight, just as the mules were being inspanned
for the morning's trek, we reached the scene of our agricultural
labours after a two hours' ride, only to find that the house was
absolutely gone, literally burnt to ashes, there being nothing left
to mark the spot on which our pretty cottage had once stood but the
stone pillars and solid iron shoes on which it had rested. The roof
of the stable had been burnt too, as well as all the outhouses, and a
waggon, under which last wood must have been piled in order to set it
alight. The only building which had not been destroyed was the kitchen,
which, having been built very solidly of stone with an iron roof,
was practically fireproof. The mowing machine and rake had not been
touched, nor had the ploughs been interfered with. In the vegetable
garden we found any amount of cabbages, cauliflowers, onions, carrots,
parsnips, beetroot, tomatoes, etc., which had ripened since the natives
had left, and we loaded up our horses with as much as they could carry.
The potatoes had all been dug up by some animals, probably porcupines.
We visited some of the native villages close round the homestead, but
found them entirely empty, having been probably deserted since the time
when the Matabele burnt my house down. After having off-saddled our
horses for a short time, we rode back with our load of vegetables to
the column, which we found laagered up some six miles farther along the
road than where we had left it in the morning.

CHAPTER XXV

Sir Frederick Carrington takes over the command of all forces
in Matabeleland—Account of Colonel Plumer'a successful
engagement—General Carrington sends out three patrols to clear
the country of rebels to the west, north, and north-east—No
enemy met with, but much grain taken and destroyed—A large impi
reported camped on the Umguza—Force under Colonel Spreckley
proceeds to attack it—Kafirs charged by mounted men and
bolt—Heavy Matabele losses—How this impi was deceived by a
witch-doctor—Incorrect statements in _Truth_.

Shortly after the return of Colonel Napier's column from the Insiza
district, Major-General Sir Frederick Carrington reached Bulawayo with
his very able and carefully-chosen staff, and at once took over the
command of all the forces in Matabeleland. And here I ought perhaps to
close my narrative, which I only intend to be a history of the efforts
made by the colonists themselves to suppress the native insurrection,
before the arrival in Matabeleland of the relief forces sent up to
their assistance. However, at the risk of wearying my readers, I will
ask them to have patience yet a little longer until I bring my story
up to the date of the disbandment of the Bulawayo Field Force. Some
time before the return of Colonel Napier's column, the force raised by
Colonel Plumer (of the York and Lancaster Regiment) for the relief of
the colonists in Matabeleland had reached Bulawayo, and had already had
a successful engagement with the rebels, whom he had dislodged from
the positions they had taken up on the Umguza, some twelve miles from
Bulawayo, to which they had retired after having been driven from the
immediate vicinity of the town by the sortie under Captain Macfarlane
on 25th April.

As a detachment of the Bulawayo Field Force and some of Colenbrander's
colonial natives took part in this expedition, I will, before
proceeding further, give a short account of what took place. Acting
under instructions from headquarters, Captain Knapp of the Bulawayo
Field Force left Bulawayo at 10 P.M. on the night of 24th May in
command of a detachment of forty men of Gifford's Horse, with orders
to report himself to Major Watts at Government House. On his arrival
there the latter officer was found to be in readiness to move with the
men under his command, and at about 11.30 P.M. the whole force marched
in a north-westerly direction, holding a course across country between
the Umguza and Khami rivers, whilst at the same time Colonel Plumer
moved out of Bulawayo with another column, taking a line parallel to
the course followed by Major Watts. During this night march Captain
Knapp was in command of the advance, himself leading the one detachment
of Gifford's Horse on the right front of the column, whilst Lieutenant
Warwick led the other half on the left. Colenbrander's boys under
Lieutenant Mullins were placed in the centre of the advanced line.

At about 2.30 A.M. Captain Knapp came suddenly in contact with the
enemy's outposts, who immediately opened fire on his party in the
darkness. Captain Knapp at once dismounted his men and kept the rebels
from charging by pouring volleys into the thickets where they were
concealed. He was soon joined by Lieutenant Warwick and the Colonial
Boys under Lieutenant Mullins, but it was not until Major Watts had
come up with the main body and the Maxim had been brought into action
that the enemy's fire was completely silenced.

When the firing commenced, Colonel Plumer and his men were not very far
off on the left flank, and their course was at once directed towards
the spot where the engagement appeared to be proceeding. Thus the
two columns joined forces soon after the enemy had retired, when a
square was formed, and a good watch kept during the remaining hours of
darkness. However, no further attack was made.

During the first attack, Mr. Hamilton, who was acting as galloper to
Captain Knapp, was shot through both legs, whilst one of the Colonial
Boys was badly wounded and several horses killed.

At daylight the following morning Captain Knapp and Captain Coope
were sent out to look for the enemy, and the latter officer coming
across a small party of them, he at once attacked with the force under
his command, consisting of twenty white men and some of Radikladi's
Bamangwato natives, and drove the rebels back on their main body, which
was found to be in a strong position amongst some thickly-wooded ridges
about two miles to the west of Colonel Plumer's camp.

At about half-past seven or eight o'clock the whole column was moved
forwards to attack them, Captain Coope's Scouts being in advance on
the right, whilst Captain Knapp with the troopers of Gifford's Horse
occupied a similar position on the left. These two officers, after
galloping to the foot of the first ridge occupied by the rebels, there
dismounted their men, and then in the face of a heavy fire, led them on
foot most gallantly against the hidden enemy, whom they succeeded in
driving from their most advanced position.

In this attack two of Captain Knapp's men were severely wounded,
Sergeant Peacock being shot in the stomach, whilst Trooper Slowey had
his right leg so badly shattered that amputation of the limb was found
necessary.

The enemy's first line of defence having been taken in this brilliant
manner by the advance guard, the whole column under Colonel Plumer then
came into action, and the rebels were driven from three densely-wooded
ridges successively into the open valley of the Umguza, and were then
pursued for a distance of three miles. When the pursuit was over, the
horses were off-saddled on the bank of the Umguza and allowed to rest
until 2 P.M., at which hour a start was made for Mr. Crewe's farm of
Redbank on the Khami river, some sixteen miles from Bulawayo, where it
was believed that a large impi was camped in a very strong position.
Captain Knapp now took charge of the right-hand section of the advance
guard, and Captain Coope with his Scouts was placed on the left.

After having proceeded for about two hours, the latter officer sent
a messenger to Captain Knapp to inform him that the enemy were in
force on his left. They then joined forces and attacked the Kafirs,
who were in a strong position on a wooded hill, to reach which two
deep gullies had to be crossed under a very heavy fire. Here one of
Coope's Scouts was shot dead (Trooper Hays), whilst Mr. Gordon Forbes,
who had accompanied the expedition as a volunteer, had a very narrow
escape. He had crossed a dry gully with four of Captain Coope's Scouts,
when Kafirs showed themselves on either side at a distance of only
thirty yards and fired on the white men. Mr. Gordon Forbes' horse was
shot in two places, and, falling with him, pinned him to the ground,
the men who were with him retreating under the heavy fire, and had
not some more of Coope's Scouts come up and pulled him out he would
undoubtedly have been killed. At this time, too, one of Radikladi's
boys was wounded in the face and another horse killed. The main column
then coming up, the enemy were driven from their position and pursued
through the bush till dusk, Colonel Plumer taking up his quarters for
the night in the camp on the top of the hill from which the rebels had
been driven.

On the following day scouts were sent out to endeavour to discover
the position of the enemy, but no trace of them could be found, so,
as the horses were very much knocked up, a return to Bulawayo was
decided upon. During these skirmishes Captain Knapp lost five horses,
in addition to the two men of his troop who were badly wounded, whilst
Captain Coope also had several horses killed. These two officers and
their men, being always in advance of the main column, naturally
got the lion's share of the fighting. They were both thanked for
the gallant way in which they had led their men by their commanding
officer, Colonel Plumer, who also complimented Mr. Maurice Gifford on
the excellent service rendered by the troop of horse which bore his
name.

During the first week in June, General Carrington determined to send
out three patrols simultaneously with the object of thoroughly clearing
the country of rebels to the west, north, and north-east of Bulawayo,
before making an attack with the combined forces on the impis of
Babian, Umlugulu, and Sikombo, who, it was known, had taken up strong
positions in the Matopo Hills, from which they could only be driven
with great difficulty and at the expense of a heavy loss of life on the
side of the attacking party. Thus, towards the end of the week Colonel
Plumer proceeded with a force of some 600 men to the Khami river, the
course of which stream it was his intention to follow to its junction
with the Gwai, whilst on Friday, 5th June, Captain Macfarlane got off
with 300 mounted white men and 100 Colonial Boys for the Umguza,
which he was determined to thoroughly clear of rebels along its whole
course. Mr. Cecil Rhodes, Sir Charles Metcalfe, and Mr. Weston Jarvis
accompanied the latter force.

Both these patrols were unsuccessful in coming up with any large body
of the rebels, who dispersed and fled as the white men advanced. Thus,
although some kraals were burnt and a good deal of grain taken and
destroyed, no decisive engagement took place, and no heavy blow could
be dealt at the ever-vanishing foe. Colonel Plumer's column got back
to their quarters on the Khami river on Wednesday, 24th June, whilst
Captain Macfarlane's men did not return to Bulawayo until Friday, 3rd
July.

Before these patrols left, Colonel Beal, who it may be remembered
had parted company with Colonel Napier at the Insiza river, reached
Bulawayo and formed a laager about two miles out of town to the right
of the main road to Salisbury. It had been arranged that on the morning
after Captain Macfarlane got away with his men to the lower Umguza,
another patrol was to leave town under the command of Colonel Spreckley
for the purpose of establishing forts at Shiloh and Inyati, and to this
patrol I had been attached with a few of my men, the majority of my
troop being stationed at Fort Marquand.

Every preparation had been made for an early start on the Saturday
morning, when late on Friday evening a report came in that there was
a large impi camped on the Umguza, at the ford on the main road to
Salisbury. It appeared that Sir Charles Metcalfe and the American Scout
Burnham, who had been riding out to Colonel Beal's camp, having missed
their way in the dark, had ridden down the main road to the Umguza,
and had there seen a line of camp-fires, extending over half a mile of
ground, along the wooded ridge beyond the river, which could betoken
nothing else but that a Matabele impi had taken up its position there.
This news that a large impi was within six miles of the town having
been confirmed by scouts sent out later on during the Friday night,
Colonel Spreckley received orders to make an attack upon it on the
following morning with all the mounted men he could muster in town,
supplemented by the contingent under Colonel Beal. By nine o'clock a
force of some 200 mounted men with three guns was ready, and forthwith
set out for the Umguza. This force was composed of the Scouts under
Captain Grey, a large contingent of Africanders under Captain Van
Niekerk, thirty men under Captain Brand, and fifteen of my own troop
which was all for which horses could be found.

On reaching the rising ground about a mile on this side of the Umguza,
we found the Salisbury men drawn up all ready waiting for us, and they
informed us that they had been watching the Matabele for some time
past, and had seen them leave the camps in which they had slept in a
very leisurely way and take up their positions in the open bush behind,
where they were waiting for us.

They had not to wait long. The Africanders under Captain Van Niekerk
were ordered to cross the river about half a mile below the ford, which
they did at the same time that the remainder of Colonel Spreckley's
force and the mounted men of the Salisbury contingent crossed by the
main road, the latter then deploying to the left.

At this time we were hidden from the Kafirs by the slope of rising
ground behind which they had retreated, but when this was crested they
were seen in the bush little more than a hundred yards in front of the
foremost horsemen. The order was at once given to charge, on which a
whirlwind of horsemen bore down on them, Grey's Scouts and Brand's men
being in the centre, the Africanders on the left, and the Salisbury men
on the right.

On this occasion the Kafirs must have been quite 1000 strong, spread
out in skirmishing order through the open bush in face of the long line
of advancing horsemen, yet they never stood for a moment, but were
seized with a panic just as the smaller number of their compatriots
had been when charged at Thaba Induna, as I have already related. In
the same way as these latter, they fired a hurried ill-aimed volley
and then turned and ran. In the chase which followed, a large number
of them were shot down, and the pursuit was only abandoned when the
fleetest-footed amongst them had gained the shelter of the belt of
thick bush which runs down from the western side of Thaba Induna
towards the Umguza.

I am of opinion myself that the Matabele lost more heavily on this
occasion than at any other fight during the campaign, for the very
reason that it was not a fight but only a pursuit in which the natives
were killed as fast as they were overtaken. Just as on the day at
Thaba Induna, so on this occasion the panic-stricken savages accepted
death when the horsemen came up with them without making any attempt
at resistance, except in a few instances. One man turned on Trooper
Davey of Grey's Scouts and shot him through the thigh with an old
musket at close quarters, the large bullet smashing the thigh-bone and
necessitating the amputation of the limb; whilst another, leaping out
of a bush, rushed on to Trooper Hamilton of the Salisbury contingent
and stabbed him in the right side, the assegai entering his liver.
Hamilton wrenched the assegai out of his assailant's hand and then shot
him. My old friend, Mr. F. C. Farley of Grey's Scouts and a well-known
figure in the Bulawayo of to-day, as he was also in the native kraal
of Lo Bengula many years ago, had too a very narrow escape. He had
dismounted to shoot a Kafir running a short distance in front of him,
when the latter turned and rushed at him shaking his shield in front of
him. Farley luckily carried a double-barrelled rifle, for he missed the
Kafir with the first shot, and only brought him down with the second
barrel when his assailant was so near him that his assegai struck the
ground close to his feet. Two other men were slightly wounded, but
these were the only casualties on our side, whilst the loss sustained
by the Matabele was very heavy, not only in number, but in the rank
of the men who were killed, for it was naturally the young and nimble
who were able to make good their escape, whilst the greater part of
the older men were overtaken and slain. Some of the latter, however,
outlived this fatal day by hiding themselves in the midst of thick
bushes.

That this impi should have dared to come close up to Bulawayo and take
up its quarters at a point on the Umguza where the bush was not nearly
so thick as it is farther down the river, at the point where several
large impis had already tried conclusions and failed to hold their own
against the white men, certainly took everyone by surprise; but since
then several hundred men of this impi have surrendered to Mr. W. Fynn,
and we now know that when they approached Bulawayo they did so under
the superstitious belief that their enemies would be delivered into
their hands by the Umlimo, and that they would be able to kill them all
without any loss to themselves.

The story is as follows: Since the outbreak of the rebellion there
has appeared amongst that section of the insurgents to which the
defeated impi belonged a man who professes himself to be the prophet
and mouthpiece of the "Umlimo" or invisible spirit. This man, it
is said, possesses the power of throwing himself into an ecstatic
condition, under the influence of which he swallows stones, rolls on
the ground, dances on hot ashes, puts burning coals into his mouth,
and goes through many other strange performances. He is known to the
Matabele by the name of "Si ginya amachi," "He who swallows stones,"
and his utterances have come to be implicitly believed in, insomuch
that when he called for an impi to go and destroy all the white men in
Bulawayo, he had no difficulty in getting a number of picked men from
seven different regiments to obey his behests. His orders were that the
men composing this impi should take up their quarters where we found
them on the Salisbury road, and there wait for the white men to attack
them. They were on no account to endeavour to prevent their enemies
from crossing the Umguza, but were to offer them every encouragement
to do so, "for," said the stone-swallower, "once they have crossed
to the east of the river the Umlimo will strike them all blind, and
you will then be able to kill them without trouble, and then go on
and murder all the women and children in Bulawayo." As the white men
were not struck blind, whilst on the other hand a large number of the
prophet's dupes lost their lives through their superstitious belief in
his supernatural gifts, it would be interesting to know how "Si ginya
amachi" has accounted to the survivors for his most dismal failure; for
the fact that he has not yet been put to death seems to show that he
has been able to offer some excuse which has saved his life up to the
present time.

It is this episode of the killing of a large number of Matabele at the
Umguza by the colonists _whom they had come to kill_, of which Mr.
Labouchere has made so much capital lately, and which has enabled him
to indulge in so many sneers against the white settlers in Rhodesia;
his stock phrase being "that the natives are being shot down like
game at a battue, with apparently as little danger to the shooters
as to those killing hares and rabbits." Now no one knows better than
Mr. Labouchere himself the utter recklessness of such a statement if
applied to the whole campaign, since it is evident that he is ever
on the watch for every scrap of news emanating from Rhodesia, in the
charitable hope of picking up something discreditable to the settlers
or to the government of the Chartered Company, and he must therefore
be well aware that the number of white men who have been killed and
wounded in the various engagements and skirmishes that have lately
taken place in Matabeleland is very considerable. But should any one
who does me the honour to read my story be either a constant or a
fitful reader of the pages of _Truth_, and be inclined to believe that
the editor of that journal is correct in his oft-repeated assertion
that the white men in Matabeleland have suffered an insignificant loss
in their encounters with the natives during the present rebellion, I
would ask such an one to turn to the Appendix at the end of this book,
and look over the lists which I have there given both of the settlers
who were murdered on the first outbreak of the rebellion, and also of
those who have since been killed and wounded in battle. These lists, if
compared with Mr. Labouchere's statements, will, I think, prove to the
most prejudiced that Truth—the everlasting Truth which we are told is
great and will prevail—is one thing, whilst Mr. Labouchere's _Truth_,
sold at all the bookstalls at 6d. a copy, is quite another.

CHAPTER XXVI

I proceed with the column under Colonel Spreckley's command for
Shiloh—A bad time for the horses—I find the bodies of three
Zambesi boys at Stuart's mining camp—Account of the murders—A
fort built on the site of the old police camp—March for the
Queen's Mine—Part of the column sent on to Inyati—Bodies of
six murdered men found—Narrow escape of Mr. Rees and his
family—Church and mission houses at Inyati burnt down by the
Matabele—Column move to Fynn's farm—Patrol fall in with a
large body of Kafirs—Council of war decides to endeavour to
drive rebels from their position—Kafirs decamp during the
night—A faithful servant—Kafirs disheartened but afraid to
surrender—Large amount of grain captured—Return to Bulawayo—News
of the rising in Mashunaland—A force sent to Eastern Rhodesia—The
prophetess "Salugazana"—Umlimos responsible for the outbreak in
Mashunaland—Loot the object of the Mashunas—Captain Laing arrives
at Bulawayo—His successful engagements with the rebels—Matibi's
valuable assistance—Loyalty of Chibi and Chilimanzi—The Bulawayo
Field Force disbanded—Lord Grey's address to the members of the
Bulawayo Field Force.

Owing to the delay caused by the attack on and pursuit of the impi from
the Umguza, as I have just narrated, Colonel Spreckley's patrol did not
leave Bulawayo for Shiloh until the afternoon of the following day,
Sunday, 7th June. This patrol comprised about 330 white men, about half
of whom were mounted, 100 Colonial Boys, and 100 Friendly Matabele—over
500 men altogether.

As we did not proceed along the main road, but first took a branch
track to the old Imbezu kraal, and then followed the course of the
Kotki river until we struck the main road, we did not reach the site
of the old police camp near Shiloh mission station until Thursday,
11th June. Up to this time we had not seen a single native, whilst all
the kraals we passed had been long deserted and all stores of grain
removed, so that our horses and mules, having to depend entirely on the
dry scanty grass for their sustenance, lost condition rapidly.

One day we outspanned close to a miner's camp, which was situated on
a rise above the Kotki river, and as I was field officer for the day
and had to post the videttes, I placed two of them on the site of
the mining camp. Here we found the dead bodies of three natives, who
proved to be Zambesi boys who had been working at the mine at the time
when the rebellion broke out. On inquiry I found that this camp had
belonged to an American miner named Jack Stuart—a lieutenant in Grey's
Scouts—from whom I learned, that on hearing rumours towards the end of
March that a native rising was imminent, he and his partner had gone
in to Bulawayo to ascertain if there was any truth in the report. Six
Zambesi boys were left working in the shaft, which had been sunk on
a reef just alongside of the camp, and two days later one of these
boys came to town and reported that on the previous evening a party of
Matabele had visited the mine, and forthwith proceeded to murder all
the Zambesi boys they found there. He himself, he said, had managed
to escape by running, but he thought that all his companions had been
killed. A few days later, however, another of these boys turned up who
had been very badly wounded and left for dead by the Matabele.

It appears that, on seeing two of his friends attacked, this boy had
made a bolt for it, but was overtaken and knocked down by a heavy
blow on the back of the head from a knob-kerry. He fell on his face
stunned, and was then stabbed in the back with an assegai, the weapon
being driven clean through him, and then twice nearly but not quite
withdrawn from the wound, and again driven through him, so that,
although there was only one wound on his back, there were three in
front, where the point of the assegai had come through, just below
his breast-bone, and his right lung must have been punctured in three
different places. This boy would seem to have lain a day and a night,
insensible, where he fell, but on regaining consciousness had found
strength enough to walk to Bulawayo, some twenty miles distant from the
mining camp where he had been knocked down, assegaied, and left for
dead.

On his arrival in town he was at once taken to the hospital, and, owing
to the kind nursing and skilful treatment which he received there, he
in a few weeks' time completely recovered, and although he still bears
the scars of the wounds which he received, his general health appears
to be as good as ever it was.

On Friday, 12th June, the day after our arrival on the site of the old
police camp, a fort was built, and here Native Commissioner Lanning was
left in charge with a garrison of about seventy white men and twenty
Friendly Matabele and a stock of provisions sufficient to last for two
months.

On the following morning we struck across country towards the Queen's
Mine, a property belonging to Willoughby's Consolidated Company. That
night we slept on the way there, and the fresh tracks of Kafirs and
cattle having been seen late in the afternoon, a patrol was sent after
them very early the next morning, the column shortly afterwards getting
under way and arriving at the mining camp at about eight o'clock.

Here it was found that although a good deal of property had been
destroyed by the Kafirs, but little damage had been done to the
machinery and pumping gear, the savages probably not having recognised
its value nor been sufficiently energetic to give themselves the
trouble of smashing it up. Another short trek in the afternoon brought
us to the ford of the Impembisi river, on the main road between
Bulawayo and the mission station of Inyati. Here the patrol which had
left us in the early morning under Captain Gradwell rejoined us just at
dusk, having been unsuccessful in coming up with any Kafirs or cattle,
all of whom seemed to have gone down the Impembisi river.

As the mules and horses were now getting into very low condition, it
was determined not to take the whole column on to Inyati, but only to
send on the contingent who were to remain in garrison there under the
command of Lieutenant Banks-Wright, together with another 100 men who
were to return to the main column as soon as the fort was in a fair way
towards completion. This force was accompanied by four waggons carrying
provisions and other necessaries for the garrison of the fort, and the
Rev. Mr. Rees also went with it, in order to bury the remains of the
six white men who had been murdered near the police camp of Inyati on
27th March.

Five of these bodies were found lying on the roadside near together,
about a mile on this side of the police camp, while the sixth was
discovered near the camp itself. The corpses had been partially
mummified by the dryness of the atmosphere, and were all quite
recognisable. Mr. Graham, the native commissioner, and his four
companions had evidently been attacked by a large force of Kafirs
soon after they had left the police station, and were killed whilst
defending the waggon on which they were travelling to Bulawayo. In
addition to their bodies the remains of two Colonial Boys were also
found who had been murdered at the same time as their white masters.

That Mr. Graham and his companions had made a good fight of it,
and sold their lives dearly, was evident from the number of empty
cartridge-cases which were found on the ground round their dead bodies,
Lieutenant Howard having picked up and counted eighty-five. As,
however, the Matabele had removed their dead, it is quite impossible to
say what loss they had suffered. The murdered men were all buried with
military honours in the cemetery near the old mission station by Mr.
Rees. This gentleman himself, with his wife and family, must have had a
very narrow escape, as they only left the mission station on the 26th
March, the day before Mr. Graham and his companions were attacked and
killed; and they must too have only just passed through the Elibaini
Hills on their way to Bulawayo before the rebels collected there.
Both mission houses at Inyati were found to have been burnt down and
destroyed, as well as the church, in which it was evident that large
quantities of wood had been piled up in order to set light to the heavy
beams supporting the roof. The natives had also taken the trouble to
chop down fruit trees and ornamental shrubs growing round the mission
houses, and had evidently done their best, not only to rid themselves
of the presence of all white men in the country, but also to destroy as
far as possible all traces of their ever having been there.

On Wednesday morning the men who had been sent to assist in building
the fort at Inyati returned to the Impembisi, and in the afternoon the
whole column moved some four miles up the river to Mr. Fynn's farm.
On the morning of the same day Lieutenant Mullins—Mr. Colenbrander's
brother-in-law—had been sent on to this point with some fifty Colonial
Boys to look for grain, and had come across a considerable number of
armed Kafirs in a very broken, densely-wooded piece of country, just to
the east of the Impembisi river. As it was impossible for Lieutenant
Mullins to tell the numbers of the rebels in the broken country, he
retired with his Colonial Boys to the top of a single hill to the west
of the river, and sent back to camp for reinforcements. Captain Grey
was at once sent on with his Scouts, and the whole column followed more
leisurely, arriving at Fynn's farm just before sundown.

Captain Grey had seen a considerable number of natives, evidently
watching his men from the tops of different kopjes, but as the country
they were in was altogether impracticable for horses, he was unable to
attack them, and they on their side showed no disposition to come out
of the hills. At a council of war that evening it was determined to
endeavour to clear the hills in the morning with as large a force of
footmen as could be spared from the laager; Grey's Scouts at the same
time being sent round at the back of the hills in order to cut off any
Kafirs who might be driven out of them into the level country beyond.
The general impression in camp was that the Kafirs were in force, and
that we should have all our work cut out to drive them out of their
positions. And so we should have had, if they had only remained to
dispute our advance. However, leaving the laager on the following
morning just as day was breaking, we entered the hills at sunrise, and
went right through them without seeing a sign of the rebels, who we
found had decamped during the night and fled to what they considered
a more secure stronghold—to wit, the "Intabas a Mambo," a sort of
miniature Matopos some twenty miles farther eastward.

To this fastness it was not possible for Colonel Spreckley to follow
them, so, as we met no other natives during our farther progress up the
river to Mr. Arthur Rhodes' homestead, nor on our return journey from
there to Bulawayo, we had absolutely no fighting during the whole trip.

Curiously enough, the temporary huts in which Mr. Fynn had been living
before the outbreak of the insurrection had not been burnt, and on
going up to a kraal some few miles higher up the river, where had dwelt
a native to whom he had entrusted some Merino sheep, pigs, and a number
of very handsome black Spanish fowls, Mr. Fynn found the fowls and
pigs still there and in very good condition, and on making a closer
examination observed fresh Kafir footprints, and therefore came to the
conclusion that the man he had left in charge of his live stock was
still looking after it, retiring into the hills by day and feeding his
master's pigs and fowls by night. Mr. Fynn therefore asked Colonel
Spreckley to allow him to take two friends that evening, and return to
the kraal in the hope of being able to intercept his servant, and bring
him down to the camp.

The plan succeeded perfectly, for just after dusk the man came along
the footpath leading from the river to the kraal, and was suddenly
confronted by Mr. Fynn, who had been waiting for him concealed behind
a bush. The Kafir was at first very much taken aback, but when he
recognised his master, he burst out laughing and said: "Why, is it you,
Willy? you've caught me now." This man was a native of Delagoa Bay, and
being lame had been able to escape being forced into taking part in the
rebellion, and ever since the outbreak had been able to surreptitiously
look after a portion of his master's property, for though the Merino
sheep had been driven off to the "Intabas a Mambo," the pigs and fowls
had been left, and these the faithful servant had fed and watered
regularly every night.

He was able to give us a great deal of useful information, and told us
that the men who had been seen the day before amongst the hills on the
other side of the Impembisi river were a portion of the impi which had
suffered so heavily at the Umguza, on Saturday, 6th June. He informed
us that they were thoroughly disheartened, and wished to surrender,
but were afraid to do so, knowing that they had made the white men
very angry by murdering their women and children. He gave the names of
thirteen headmen of kraals who had been killed on that fatal day, all
of whom had been personally known to Mr. Fynn, as they had been one and
all living on Mr. Arthur Rhodes' block of farms before the rebellion
broke out.

The next three days were spent in collecting grain, an immense amount
being found stored in all the kraals on Mr. Arthur Rhodes' farms. In
almost every kraal was found something or other which had been taken
from his homestead, which had evidently been completely looted before
it was burnt down. Several hundred head of cattle were also recovered
which had been stolen from Mr. Rhodes, but the rinderpest was amongst
them and they died by the score every day. As it was very important to
get as much corn as possible to Bulawayo for the use of the horses and
mules stabled there, and it could not be all carried in at once on the
waggons at Colonel Spreckley's disposal, a large amount was stored in a
kraal near Mr. Fynn's dwelling-house, and Captain Robinson with fifty
men and some Friendly Matabele left in charge of it until it could be
sent for.

When this matter had been arranged, the column moved up to Mr. Arthur
Rhodes' desolated homestead, which was reached at mid-day on Sunday,
21st June, and leaving again the same evening arrived in Bulawayo two
days later after an absence of seventeen days.

On our arrival in town we heard for the first time of the insurrection
which had broken out in Mashunaland, and learned the sad news that many
settlers had been murdered in the outlying districts of the country.
Colonel Beal was at this time already on his way back to Salisbury with
the entire force under his command, and two days after our return to
Bulawayo sixty more mounted men of Grey's Scouts and Gifford's Horse,
under the command of Captain the Hon. C. White, were despatched to the
assistance of their fellow-colonists in Eastern Rhodesia.

When the secret history of the rebellion in Mashunaland comes to be
known, I fancy it will be found that it was brought about by the
leaders of the Matabele insurrection through the instrumentality of the
Umlimos or prophets, who exist amongst all the tribes in Mashunaland,
where they are known as "Mondoros," _i.e._ "Lions." In the district
to the north-west of Salisbury there lives a prophetess known as
"Salugazana," whose magical powers were apparently believed in by Lo
Bengula, as he was in the habit of sending messengers to consult with
her.

Now, we know that messages have been sent to this wise woman either
by the leaders of the Matabele or the agents of one of the Umlimos
or priests during the present rebellion, and I think that she was in
all probability informed that the white men had all been killed in
Matabeleland, including the column under Colonel Beal, and asked to
disseminate this news amongst all the members of the priestly families
throughout the country, bidding them at the same time to call upon the
people to destroy the few surviving white men still left alive in the
eastern province of Rhodesia.

As for the rising in Mashunaland proving that the natives of that
country have been very cruelly treated by the whites, as Mr. Labouchere
has asserted, it really demonstrates nothing of the kind; it only
shows that the Mashunas imagined that they would be able to possess
themselves of a vast amount of valuable loot with little danger to
themselves, and no fear of punishment. The kindness or otherwise of the
government of the whites would not be likely to weigh with them one way
or the other, given the belief in their own power to kill the whites
and take possession of their property without fear of retribution.

That is the crux of the whole question; for no one who has lived long
amongst the various peoples generically known as Mashunas, whose
principal characteristics are avarice, cowardice, and a complete
callousness to the sufferings of others, will be inclined to doubt that
were they governed by an angel from heaven, they would infallibly kill
that angel, if his wing feathers were of any value to them, provided
that they believed at the same time that the crime might be committed
with impunity.

[Illustration: CAPTAIN TYRIE LAING

who was in command at BELINGWE on the outbreak of the native
insurrection.]

Towards the end of June Captain Laing arrived in Bulawayo in command
of the relief forces which had been sent to him from Tuli and Victoria,
Lieutenant Stoddart being left in command of the laager at Belingwe.
On his way to Bulawayo, Captain Laing had had several successful
engagements with the tribes in rebellion living between Belingwe and
Filibusi, who are all Mashunas, with a small number of Matabele living
amongst them; these latter having been the ringleaders of the rebellion
in this part of the country. Captain Laing received very valuable
assistance from Matibi, a Mashuna chief living near the Bubyi river,
who sent several hundred of his men to accompany him on his march to
Bulawayo. These men did good service and fought well when supported
by white men. They accompanied the column as far as the Umzingwani
river, twenty-five miles from Bulawayo, returning home from this point
loaded up with loot of all kinds which they had taken from their rebel
countrymen.

Besides Matibi, it is worthy of remark that Chibi and Chilimanzi,
the two most important chiefs in the district between Belingwe and
Victoria, have both not only held aloof from the present rebellion,
but have given active assistance to the whites since the outbreak of
hostilities, whilst Gutu's people—the Zinjanja—have also remained loyal
to the Government.

I have now, I think, given a fairly comprehensive history of the
late insurrection in Matabeleland up to the time when, relief forces
having arrived in the country, it was deemed expedient to disband the
volunteer troops which had been originally raised to suppress the
rebellion, and I will therefore leave to abler and more accustomed pens
than mine the task of describing all the subsequent incidents of a
campaign which we will hope is now fast drawing to an end. I will only
say that no one appreciates more than myself the excessive difficulties
that have been encountered in dislodging the rebels from such
fastnesses as the Intabas a Mambo and the Matopo Hills, or recognises
more fully the brave work which has been done under the guidance of
Major-General Sir Frederick Carrington, by Colonel Plumer, Major Baden
Powell, and all the officers and men under their command.

The Bulawayo Field Force was not actually disbanded until Saturday, 4th
July, upon which occasion the assembled troops were addressed by Lord
Grey after they had been first inspected by Major-General Sir Frederick
Carrington. The Administrator concluded his address to the members of
the force in the following words:—"All of you have acquitted yourselves
as brave men, and I would particularly commend the conduct of Colonel
Napier, who throughout the campaign has performed his very arduous
duties so satisfactorily. But mingled with our enjoyment there must be
some pain in looking back upon many of the episodes of this rebellion.
The Company has done its best to look after your comfort, but you have
undergone notwithstanding some severe hardships, which, however, you
have borne like men; and the only complaint I have heard is that you
were not always able to go out against the enemy, but had to perform
as well the hard and monotonous work of laager and fort duty. Many of
you have a Matabele memento in the shape of a wound, the mark of which
you will carry to your graves. Many too have lost friends; and possibly
none of us realise the loss of life which has taken place both before
and during hostilities; for our losses have been heavy, and form a
large percentage of the total number of people who were engaged in
the exploitation of the country. I cannot refer to individual cases
of bravery where all have done so well, but I would again especially
mention Colonel Napier's services to the country. He has exhibited
remarkable tact and judgment, and has freely given great assistance
to the Government. I regret that he is to-day retiring from the
service, but I hope that he will continue to give us the benefit of his
experience. I do not like to mention any particular troop, as each has
acted so creditably, but I would note the excellent services rendered
by the Africander Corps in this war, as showing the whole world the
complete brotherhood which exists between the two races of Dutchmen
and Britons in Rhodesia. I trust that an Africander troop will again
form part of the new force which is now being raised by the Government.
Information reached this country by last mail that Her Majesty has been
pleased to allow a medal to be worn for the last Matabele war, and I
shall represent strongly to Her Majesty that the same honour ought to
be conferred on the members of the Bulawayo Field Force. You have as
much right and title to the distinction as those who fought in the
first war, and I hope there will be a sufficient number struck for both
those who fought in the first war and those who have fought during the
present rebellion. I thank you for your assistance in the past, and I
hope you will remain in the country to witness the prosperity which is
certain to come."

* * * * *

And now, Lord Grey's speech to the members of the Bulawayo Field Force
having formed the closing scene in the history of the corps, whose
deeds in the cause of civilisation, and for the preservation of British
supremacy in Rhodesia, it has been my endeavour to describe in the
foregoing pages, it only remains for me to bid adieu to my readers, and
to hope that the intrinsic interest of the scenes I have attempted to
describe in very plain and homely fashion may be sufficient to atone
for the deficiencies which will doubtless be only too apparent in my
literary style.

SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER

CONTAINING A FEW THOUGHTS AND OPINIONS UPON MATTERS RHODESIAN AND SOUTH
AFRICAN

No one, I think, who has carefully read the little history which I
have just brought to a close, can fail to have been struck by the
conspicuous part which has been played by the Dutch settlers in
Matabeleland in the recent struggle for supremacy between the white
invaders of that country and the native black races; and it will
probably come as a surprise to many to find that the Boer element
is so strong as it is in Rhodesia, for that country has always been
considered more exclusively British as regards its white population
than any other State in South Africa, not except Natal and the Eastern
Province of the Cape Colony, both of which territories, though almost
purely British in the large towns, yet possess a large Boer population
in the farming districts, whose ancestors were living on the land
before the arrival of the British colonists.

But, in the opening up and colonisation of Rhodesia by means of the
pioneer expedition of the British South Africa Company, which took
possession of Eastern Mashunaland in 1890, a new departure was made in
South African history, for the British became the pioneers instead of
the Dutch, and a British colony was established in the far interior
of the country many hundred miles to the north of the most northerly
Dutch state; and it is the fact that the occupation of Mashunaland in
1890 and the invasion and conquest of Matabeleland in 1893 were purely
British enterprises, which has, I think, created the belief generally
held in England that Rhodesia at the present day is a purely British
colony. Yet this is not the case, for within the British state there
are two Boer colonies, the one of which has been established subsequent
to the Matabele war in the country to the south of Fort Charter,
whilst the other has occupied the hills and valleys of Gazaland since
the latter part of 1891. Besides these agricultural colonies, where
a number of contiguous farms are occupied by Boers who have settled
on the land with their wives and families, there are many other Boer
farmers scattered throughout Rhodesia, whilst up to the time when the
rinderpest destroyed all their cattle, a large number of Dutchmen were
constantly present in the country, earning their living with their
waggons and oxen as carriers from one district to another.

When the rebellion broke out, Commandant Van Rensberg at once formed
an Africander Corps, the great majority of whose members were Boers,
although it numbered in its ranks a certain proportion of colonists of
British blood, and it is a matter of history that these Dutchmen under
Commandant Van Rensberg and Captains Van Niekerk and Pittendrigh have
done splendid service during the recent insurrection in Matabeleland,
and have fought side by side with Grey's Scouts and Gifford's Horse,
and all the other troops of the Bulawayo Field Force, in a way which
has won for them the admiration and respect of their brothers in arms
and fellow-colonists of British blood; and that the mutual esteem and
good fellowship engendered between the two races during the recent
time of common peril may be fostered and maintained in the coming years
ought not only to be the earnest desire of all thinking men, but should
be also one of the main objects constantly kept in view by the English
Administrator of these territories.

[Illustration: COMMANDANT VAN RENSBERG

who raised the Africander Corps of the Bulawayo Field Force.]

Many years ago, at a time when the scheme for the colonisation of the
high and healthy plateaus lying between the Limpopo and the Zambesi
had not yet assumed definite shape in the fertile brain of Mr. Cecil
Rhodes, I remember writing in the course of an article, published, I
think, in the _Fortnightly Review_, that those territories were in my
opinion the natural heritage of the British and Dutch colonists in
the older states of South Africa. My forecast was true enough, for
although in its first inception the colonisation of Rhodesia was a
purely British enterprise, yet to-day, in less than six years from the
date when the Union Jack was hoisted at Fort Salisbury and the country
proclaimed to be a province of Britain, it already numbers amongst
its inhabitants a very considerable number of Dutch Boers, who form
an element of the population, which in all South African history has
been found indispensable for the gradual conversion of vast uncultured
wastes into civilised states.

Now I might, I think, have gone further, and said that the whole of
temperate South Africa (in which must be included the high plateaus
lying between the Limpopo and the Zambesi) was the joint possession of
the British and Dutch races; for in all the states of that country,
the old and the new alike, we find the two races living side by side,
whilst, curiously enough, in the British province of the Cape Colony
the Dutch outnumber the British, and in the Boer State of the Transvaal
the British outnumber the Dutch.

Throughout South Africa the Dutch live away from the towns on their
farms, and, speaking generally, form the agricultural and pastoral
population of the country. They are naturally a kindly, hospitable
race; but as the inevitable result of their surroundings and the
circumstances in which they have lived for generations, they are
for the most part very poorly educated, and therefore ignorant,
unprogressive and bigoted; whilst among the descendants of the
"voor-trekkers," who some forty years ago abandoned their farms in the
Cape Colony and fled, with their wives and their children, their flocks
and their herds, into the unknown interior beyond the great Orange
River, in order to escape from what they considered the injustice of
British rule, there exists an ingrained hatred and distrust, not of
the individual Englishman, but of the government of the country under
whose flag they believe their fathers suffered wrong, and it is this
sentiment which at the present moment, unfortunately, is being used as
a political lever, which threatens nothing but disaster to the whole of
South Africa, by the anti-British, but non-Boer adventurers, who are
fighting for their own hands in Pretoria.

The recent deplorable invasion of Transvaal territory by a British
force in defiance of all international law, to accomplish I still
fail to understand what, has naturally exasperated the Dutch of the
Transvaal, and caused them to look upon everything British with more
distrust and suspicion than ever; but the history of that disastrous
expedition, evoking as it did the most intense national sentiment, not
only amongst the Boers of the Transvaal, but also in a somewhat milder
degree perhaps, though still in a most pronounced manner, amongst their
compatriots in the Orange Free State, coupled with the very notorious
fact that in the exclusively Dutch districts both of the Cape Colony
and Natal a very strong anti-British feeling was excited, must have
convinced even the most infatuated that a conflict between Dutchmen
and Englishmen, in whatever portion of South Africa it may arise, will
be but the prelude to a war between the two races throughout every
province from Cape Agulhas to the Zambesi—a war which would retard
the general progress of the country for a generation, which would be
infinitely disastrous to both races engaged in the struggle, and yet
could be beneficial to neither, no matter which proved victorious.

In future let us hope that neither young military aspirants to fame,
who, being ignorant of everything concerning South Africa, would yet
climb their way to glory over the dead bodies of British and Dutch
South Africans with the most light-hearted carelessness, just in the
way of their professional business, nor cold-hearted self-seeking
foreign politicians, who would use the ignorance and prejudice of the
Boer to assist them in gratifying their jealous hatred of England,
will be allowed to sway the councils of the statesmen, British or Boer,
on whose decree the fate of South Africa really depends.

Not being a politician nor anything else but a wandering Englishman
with a taste for natural history and sport, it may be held most
presumptuous on my part to have written as I have done; but yet I have
the most profound conviction that a war between the Boers and British
in South Africa can only be a calamity of incalculable dimensions to
both races; whilst the name of that statesman, whether Boer or Briton,
who should without just cause on the one hand "cry havoc and let loose
the dogs of war," or on the other compel the slipping of such dogs by
fatuous obstinacy, and a cynical disregard for all the principles of
enlightened government, will be assuredly held in execration by unborn
generations of Boers and Britons alike. Neither race can get away from
or do away with the other, and therefore both must try and rub off
their mutual prejudices, and live harmoniously together.

This is not difficult in a new country like Rhodesia, where the
representatives of the two peoples are in the nature of things thrown
much together, and where there has always been a good understanding
between them, which has of late been very much strengthened by the
mutual assistance given by each to the other during the recent
troublous times; and the fact that in these territories a very good
understanding prevails between the Dutch and British gives one reason
to hope that in time a similar state of things may be attained in the
Transvaal, although unfortunately in that State there are several
factors which militate against such a result being speedily arrived at.

In the first place, the great mass of the European population in the
Transvaal, the greater part of which is British, resides in one great
city, where it leads its own life, and does not come in contact with
the Dutch farming population, of which it knows neither the language
nor the history, and with whose modes of thought and manner of life it
is altogether out of sympathy; whilst, on the other hand, the rough
Boer, in too many cases, despises the ultra-civilised, sharp-witted,
faultlessly-dressed European, and does not recognise that many amongst
them are fine fellows and good sportsmen, and are capable of throwing
off their coats and doing a day's work, hunting or fighting, with the
roughest Boer amongst them, should occasion serve.

And yet these mutual prejudices and misunderstandings between the two
peoples might easily be rubbed away if it were not for the presence of
an anti-British clique of Hollanders and Germans in Pretoria, whose
object it is to widen the breach between the Boers and the British; and
as many of these men occupy official positions in the Government of the
country, and are therefore more in touch with the Boer legislators than
the citizens of Johannesburg can hope to be, they have opportunities
which they do not fail to use of increasing the distrust and suspicion
already existing between the two races who alone have got to work out
the destiny of South Africa between them, and amongst whom they are
only meddlesome self-seeking interlopers.

All the various States of South Africa will no doubt be united sooner
or later under one flag, but I am beginning to have my doubts as to
what flag that will be. It is true that at the present time there
exists in South Africa a very large British population of highly
intelligent and energetic men, who have been attracted to that
country by the diamond and gold fields. That population is constantly
increasing, but it is not one which settles on the land. It is rather a
population which has come to the country on a visit, in the endeavour
to make a fortune with which to retire to the old country, and as the
recent census taken in Johannesburg has shown, it is for the most part
composed of young men, the greater number of whom are unmarried. Now
I suppose it is conceivable that a day may come, say in fifty, eighty
or a hundred years time, when all the treasures have been dug up out
of the South African earth; and should such a day arrive, is it not
also conceivable that the great mining populations which have built
the cities of Kimberley and Johannesburg in what a few years ago was a
sparsely-inhabited wilderness, may dwindle down to comparatively small
proportions, leaving the Boer population, which during all that time
will have been increasing at a very rapid rate, once more numerically
very much in excess of the British?

It does not appear to me very probable that during the present
generation at least the Boers, either of the Transvaal or the Orange
Free State, are likely (except under compulsion, which presupposes a
deplorable war) to enter any confederacy of South African States, on
any terms whatever, under the British flag; and therefore should the
large British mining population now existent in the country gradually
vanish, and the Boer population at the same time very much increase,
the eventful confederation may take place under some other flag than
the Union Jack. After all, as the Boers hold as large a stake in land,
if not in wealth, as the British in South Africa, and as they were the
first comers, and can lay claim to having killed off as many natives,
and generally prepared as much country for occupation by white men, as
the British, I think they are entitled to some consideration in the
matter of the flag which is eventually to fly over the confederated
States of South Africa; and for my part I would rather see a
confederation take place under a compound flag, composed of equal parts
of the Union Jack and Dutch ensign, with a bit of a French flag let
in, to represent the Huguenots who, on their first arrival in South
Africa, formed one-sixth of the entire white population of the country,
and to whom the South African Boers of to-day owe many of their most
estimable qualities, than have the country plunged into war in order to
enforce its acceptance of the Union Jack.

However, this flag question is a problem of the future, and in the
meantime it is the duty of all South Africans who have the welfare
of the country as a whole at heart to do all they can to obliterate
the remembrance of events galling to the national pride either of
Dutchmen or Englishmen, and to endeavour to bring about once more a
feeling of mutual trust and confidence between the two races. The Dutch
must forget Slagter's Nek and Boomplaats, and the English must learn
to think no more of avenging the defeats of Laing's Nek and Majuba
Hill than they do of avenging the battles lost by the British troops
in America which culminated in the surrender of Cornwallis and the
declaration of American independence.

Now there has been for some years past an association in South Africa
called the African Bond, which in some quarters at least must be
considered anti-British, since another association called the Loyal
Colonists' League has been inaugurated to counteract its effects. This
latter society, judging by some speeches which have lately been made
by some of its members, is frankly anti-Dutch. Now, would it not be
better, if, in place of the latter society, whose object seems to be to
widen and accentuate the breach which, in the Transvaal at least, is
existent between the two races, an association should be formed, which
all clergymen of all denominations, including ministers of the Dutch
Reformed Church, should be invited to join, whose object should be the
gradual obliteration of race-hatred and race-jealousy between the Dutch
and British throughout South Africa, by the promotion of knowledge
amongst the ignorant and prejudiced of both peoples?—for that, after
all, is what is most required in order to bring about mutual respect
and mutual forbearance, and enable every member of every State in South
Africa to work under equal laws for the general prosperity of the whole
country, a prosperity which can never attain to full fruition until the
Dutch and British have attained to a political unity throughout South
Africa as complete as it is to-day in the Cape Colony.

And now, after this long digression upon matters South African, and
the expression of many opinions which, should they be read at all,
will possibly only excite ridicule, coupled with a rebuke upon my
presumption in wandering from the fields of sport and natural history,
where I may be at home, into the arena of politics, where, it will be
said, I certainly am not, let me say a few words about the present
position and future prospects of Rhodesia.

Should the lists I have given at the end of my book be glanced through,
it will be seen that the number of the settlers who were murdered in
Matabeleland alone at the outbreak of the native insurrection, added
to those who have since been killed and wounded in the subsequent
fighting, amounts to over 300, or more than ten per cent of the entire
white population of the country at the time of the outbreak of the
rebellion, a proportion, I think, which ought to be entirely gratifying
to even the most determined enemies of colonial expansion in Africa,
whilst it gives the lie direct to the statement which has so frequently
been made, that the settlers in Matabeleland have run no greater risks
in fighting with the Matabele in order to put down the rebellion than
would be incurred by a sportsman engaged in shooting hares and rabbits
at home.

I do not expect that the publication of these lists will call the
blush of shame to the cheeks of those who have been so eager to vilify
their countrymen in Rhodesia, but I do hope that it will arouse a
feeling of indignation in the minds of many who have hitherto been
more or less led astray by these dishonest, spiteful, and unpatriotic
mentors, and at any rate they must be sad reading to all but the most
prejudiced. However, the rebellion can now, I think, be considered as
almost at an end. The Kafirs have entirely failed in their attempt to
kill all the white men in Matabeleland, and to re-establish themselves
as an independent nation. To the west, north-west, north, north-east,
and east, the impis which four months ago had formed a cordon round
all those faces of Bulawayo have one and all been driven from their
positions, and have now broken up into hundreds of little bands, living
in the forests with their wives and children. From all the information
one can gather, the vast majority of these people are already suffering
from want of food, as their cattle are all or nearly all dead from
rinderpest, and a large proportion of their year's supply of grain has
been taken possession of or destroyed by the white men. Under these
conditions they cannot hold out much longer, and they would probably
have already come in to surrender were it not that on the one hand,
knowing the exasperation caused amongst the whites by the crimes they
have committed, they are afraid to throw themselves on their mercy, and
on the other they are kept from doing so by their chiefs, who having
been the ringleaders of the rebellion, and fearing that in case of
surrender their own lives at least would be forfeited, are still doing
all they can to prevent their people from submitting.

In the Matopos, Mr. Cecil Rhodes and Mr. Johan Colenbrander are at the
present moment carrying on negotiations with the insurgent chiefs,
which may or may not end in peace. Should no satisfactory arrangement
be arrived at, and the war be continued, the natives will be driven
to desperation, and it will not only require a much larger force than
there is at present in the country, but the expenditure of a vast
amount of money, and the loss of many valuable lives, before they
can be absolutely all killed or hunted out of the almost impregnable
fastnesses and hills honeycombed with caverns which exist all over the
large area of country known as the Matopos.

Now I think that, in view of the enormous cost and great loss of
life that would be entailed by the decision to make no terms with
the natives, it would be better to accept their submission on lines
consistent with the future safety of the country. The chiefs must stand
their trial, but the lives of all those who have had no part in the
murder of white men, women, and children, could be guaranteed. The
whole nation must of course be disarmed as completely as possible,
and the actual murderers of white people during the first days of
the rebellion must be shot or hanged. But should these conditions
be complied with, whilst at the same time a large police force is
maintained in the country, and the native administration carried on in
such a way that, although the natives are treated with firmness, their
grievances will always be heard, and as far as possible remedied, I do
not think we need fear another rebellion.

Of course there are those who say that it is a great mistake to hold
any parley with them at all. Go on killing them, they say, until the
remnant crawl in on their hands and knees and beg for mercy. Well, that
end could only be attained, as I have already said, at a cost of much
money and many lives; so I think that there are many here, who, some
for the sake of expediency and others for the sake of humanity, would
now wish to see this rebellion ended as soon as possible, if it can be
done in such a way as to ensure the future safety of the settlers in
the country. As soon as the chiefs submit and their people are again
located on the lands from which they have been driven, I think there
can be no doubt that the country will, for the time being, be perfectly
safe for white men; for history has shown us that when a Kafir tribe
submits it does so absolutely for the time being, and no murders of
isolated individuals are committed until the chiefs are ready for
another insurrection.

It may of course be said that the Matabele have not yet been thoroughly
beaten, and that, having gained a good deal of experience during the
last five months, their idea in submitting is to get in their next
year's crops and then begin again, on the principle of "reculer pour
mieux sauter." But is this at all probable? After the first war they
were more or less surprised into submission to the white men, the
greater part of them never having fought for their country at all.
Then they found that the shoe of the white man's rule began to pinch,
but they wore it for two years, and did not attempt to throw it off
until the country appeared to them to have been left in an absolutely
defenceless condition by their conquerors.

They have now had their rebellion, and it has absolutely failed, and
they have lost at least twice as many men in the recent fighting as
they did in the first war. Nor is there any longer a cattle question
to excite their resentment, for the cattle are all, or almost all,
dead from the rinderpest. Therefore it appears to me, that if they
are disarmed as far as is possible, and if a strong police force is
maintained in the country for the next few years, their submission
can be safely accepted, and the mass of the people be allowed to go
unpunished; but justice and common sense both demand that all who are
proved to have been implicated, either directly or indirectly, in any
of the murders which marked the outbreak of the rebellion, shall be
most summarily dealt with. They will be gradually discovered, and some,
it may be, may not be brought to justice for years to come, but no
mercy must be shown them whenever or wherever they may be found.

In less than two years' time the railway now being pushed on through
the Bechuanaland Protectorate will have reached Bulawayo; and if the
natives can be kept quiet by a firm and just rule until the advent of
the iron horse in Matabeleland, there is little fear of their ever
again rising in rebellion against the white man.

In the meantime the development of the country must remain at a
standstill, and the country retained as a British possession, by an
occupation which will be almost purely military, as not only has the
cost of living been rendered almost prohibitive through the destruction
of all the cattle in Matabeleland and Bechuanaland by the rinderpest,
and the consequent substitution of mules and donkeys in the place of
oxen for draught purposes, but farming also has been rendered very
difficult, as, putting aside stock and dairy farming, no ploughing
can be done without oxen, nor can agricultural produce be carried to
market without the assistance of those useful animals, for salted
and acclimatised horses and mules are too scarce and expensive to be
reckoned on for farm work. The rinderpest, therefore, has for the
present put an end to all European enterprise in the way of mining and
farming in Matabeleland.

People in England can only realise the disastrous effect which this
dread disease has had on the prosperity of the country by endeavouring
to picture to themselves what the consequences would have been had a
disease suddenly made its appearance in Great Britain in the early part
of the present century, before the introduction of railways, which
destroyed ninety-nine per cent of all the horses in the British Isles;
yet even that would scarcely represent the extent of the calamity from
the effects of which we are now suffering, when it is considered what
an immense tract of barren wilderness yet lies between Matabeleland and
the nearest railway station.

In the early part of this year there were over 100,000 head of cattle,
all sleek and in excellent condition, in Matabeleland, but when it
closes, I think it very doubtful if 500 will be still left alive in the
whole country. Even this loss is small as compared with that sustained
by Khama and his people, who were the largest cattle-holders in South
Africa, and whose loss it has been computed, from reliable data,
exceeds 800,000 head of horned cattle.

However, the rinderpest is a calamity which is not likely to occur
again, but which, when it does occur, sweeps everything before it both
in Europe and Africa. That Matabeleland as a whole is a country second
to none in South Africa for cattle-breeding is the opinion of everyone
who has lived there for any length of time and had the opportunity of
studying the matter. When, therefore, the rinderpest has died out,
and the railway has reached Bulawayo, the country will be gradually
restocked; and then, too, mining machinery will be imported, and our
mines will at last be worked with a result which will give the final
death-blow to all those who have for the last six years been engaged in
disseminating falsehoods concerning Rhodesia.

From the statistics supplied to me by the Compensation Board, which
I have given in the form of an appendix, it will be seen that a good
deal of farming work had already been done at the time of the outbreak
of the rebellion, and that the population of Matabeleland were not all
"gin-sellers" or "men who had gone out to Matabeleland in order to
swindle the British public, by inducing them to subscribe for shares
in worthless companies, whose so-called gold claims contained no gold."
The fact, too, that farmers and prospectors were living all over the
country in perfect health rather explodes the theory of a noxious
vapour rising to some four feet from the ground which is so deadly
to Europeans that all colonisation of the country is impossible; but
this, if I remember aright, was the theory propounded by one of Mr.
Labouchere's "reliable" correspondents—a fit contributor, forsooth, to
the pages of _Truth_.

It is now known throughout South Africa that Matabeleland and
Mashunaland are white men's countries, where Europeans can live and
thrive and rear strong healthy children; that they are magnificent
countries for stock-breeding, and that many portions of them will
prove suitable for Merino sheep and Angora goats; whilst agriculture
and fruit-growing can be carried on successfully almost everywhere
in a small way, and in certain districts, especially in Mashunaland
and Manica where there is a greater abundance of water, on a fairly
extensive scale.

As for the gold, there is every reason to believe that out of the
enormous number of reefs which are considered by their owners to be
payable properties some small proportion at least will turn up trumps,
and, should this proportion only amount to two per cent, that will be
quite sufficient to ensure a big output of gold in the near future,
which will in its turn ensure the prosperity of the whole country.

Once let the railway reach Bulawayo, and given intelligent legislation
in the best interests of the settlers and miners in the country,
Rhodesia will soon prove its value to the most sceptical; but the
prosperity which I predict will, I am afraid, be very much retarded,
if not completely destroyed, by the revocation at the present moment
of the Charter which was granted to the British South Africa Company
in 1889, and the substitution of Imperial rule for the present form of
Government. For this reason:—Under the present régime the Company's
administrator is always accessible to the people living in the country,
and whatever local reforms may be deemed necessary by the latter are
always capable of discussion, and can be acceded to by him on the spot,
without despatches having first of all to be forwarded to the High
Commissioner at the Cape, by whom they would be sent on to the Colonial
Office, with the result that a local reform, urgently required, might
be delayed for months or never granted at all.

Under the Company's government, too, the administrator himself would
always be a man acquainted with the history of the territories he was
governing, and would be probably one who not only had the prosperity of
the country he was governing deeply at heart, but who also would have
a very good idea as to how that prosperity was likely to be attained.
During the next few years, too, which will be a very critical period
in the history of Rhodesia, such an administrator would always have
the benefit of the advice of the man through whose energy and genius
the territories forming that state have been secured for the British
Empire. But should this territory be converted into a Crown colony and
governed from Downing Street on hard-and-fast lines, some of them not
at all applicable to local requirements, with an administrator very
likely ignorant of his local surroundings, and possibly out of sympathy
with the settlers—Dutch and British—who have made the country their
home, nothing but disaster is to be expected.

Surely the people who have stuck to Rhodesia through good and evil
times, and who, under the auspices of the Chartered Company, have added
a vast territory to the British Empire and laid the foundations of
what will soon be a prosperous colony, which, given an intelligent and
adaptable form of government, will be able to pay its way, ought to
have some say in this matter, and not be transferred unwillingly to a
rule which they know would be ill suited to local requirements, and
under which local enterprises would surely languish for want of the
fostering care which only a local administrator can provide.

The white population of Rhodesia have had many a growl at the
government of the Chartered Company, but in most cases they have got
what they growled for—to wit, the extension of the railways, both from
the Cape Colony and the East Coast; the reduction of the Company's
percentage of interest in the mines; and full and most generous
compensation, where the claims were just, for cattle destroyed in
the endeavour to stay the progress of the rinderpest, and for all
losses sustained owing to the late native insurrection. Under Imperial
rule they know that no compensation has ever been granted for losses
sustained through a native rebellion, and they also know that little
or no assistance could be hoped for in the construction of railways
or other public works. Recognising all these things, having as an
object-lesson just before their eyes the wretchedly slow progress
made in Bechuanaland under the Imperial administration, and knowing,
moreover, that the Transvaal war of 1880-81, if not the loss of the
Transvaal itself as a British possession, was brought about solely by
a Government from Downing Street, through an administrator entirely
ignorant of local requirements and absolutely out of sympathy with the
people he was chosen to govern, can it be wondered at that at a recent
meeting of the Chamber of Commerce in this town, the people of Bulawayo
expressed confidence in the government of the Chartered Company and in
Mr. Cecil Rhodes, representing as they do a corporation of capitalists
who hold the largest financial stake in the country, and whose aims and
objects are identical with those of the people living in the country,
whilst they resented the idea of being handed over to Imperial rule
without having their wishes in the matter consulted, in order to please
the Little Englander party at home?

One of the most noteworthy features at the meeting to which I have
referred was the remarkable unanimity shown by the British and Dutch
on this subject, for the Dutch up here believe in Mr. Rhodes, and have
the most absolute confidence in his ability to insure the prosperity of
the country. The natives, too, as has just been shown, look upon him as
their father; and I believe that through his influence and the strength
of his personality, a peace will soon be arranged with them, which
would have been impossible at the present time but for his presence in
the country.

BULAWAYO, _26th August 1896_.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

HEADQUARTERS, INTELLIGENCE DEPARTMENT,
BULAWAYO, _August 1896_.

Amended List of Persons murdered in Matabeleland during the
recent native insurrection.

┌―――――――――――――――――――┬―――――――――――――┬――――――――――――┬―――――――――――――――――――――――┐
│ │ │ Date │ │
│ Names. │ District. │ (1896). │ Details. │
├―――――――――――――――――――┼―――――――――――――┼――――――――――――┼―――――――――――――――――――――――┤
│ │ │ │ │
│ Anderson, │ Sebakwe │ End March │ On way to │
│ Joscelyn Hepburn │ │ │ Mafungabusi; │
│ │ │ │ engineer. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Anderson, Alex. │ Boola Boola │ 25th " │ Reported killed by │
│ │ │ │ F. Evans, his mate, │
│ │ │ │ who escaped. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Bertlesen Family │ Shangani │ End " │ Farming 12 miles │
│ (6) (father, │ River │ │ north of Hartley │
│ mother, and 4 │ │ │ Hills Road. │
│ sons) │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Baragwanath, John │ Filibusi │ 24th May │ Brother in the B.F.F. │
│ Albert │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Bentley, Arthur │ " │ " " │ A N.-C. from │
│ │ │ │ Queenstown district. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Barr, W. A. │ Shangani │ End March │ Family, contractors │
│ │ │ │ at Bristol. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Barnard, Harry │ Umvungu │ 25th " │ Partner of West │
│ Edgar │ │ │ Brothers, Umvungu │
│ │ │ │ Store; late with │
│ │ │ │ Parker Wood, │
│ │ │ │ Johannesburg. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Bolton │ Inyati │ End March │ Killed with Cyril │
│ │ │ │ West (Williams' │
│ │ │ │ Ex. Coy.) │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Bowen, Jimmy │ Mavene │ 30th " │ Hammond's Mines; │
│ │ │ │ killed with │
│ │ │ │ S. Van Blerk. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Borgen or Vorgen │ Shangani │ ... │ Prospector. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Bowker, Trooper │ Lower Gwelo │ 30th " │ M.M.P. sent to warn │
│ │ │ │ people, Lower Gwelo. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Colas, Dionysius │ Inyati │ End " │ A Greek trader. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Cunningham, James │ Filibusi │ 24th " │ One of Cunningham │
│ Samuel │ │ │ family, away carting │
│ │ │ │ wood. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Clark, W. E. │ Mavene │ End " │ Body found—Gwelo │
│ │ │ │ patrol. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Carpenter, John │ Filibusi │ 24th " │ Body found near │
│ Loran │ │ │ Filibusi Store. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Cunningham Family │ Filibusi │ 24th March │ Farmers near Store │
│ (8) (father, │ │ │ (brother, F. H. │
│ mother, and 6 │ │ │ Cunningham, Dundee, │
│ children) │ │ │ Natal). │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Classen, Henry │ Makukapene │ 26th " │ Body seen. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Case, George │ Inyati │ " " │ M.M.P., killed with │
│ │ │ │ Graham, Handley, │
│ │ │ │ Hurford, and Corke. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Corke, Leighton │ " │ " " │ Ex. M.M.P., do. │
│ Huntley │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Comploier, P. │ Gwelo │ " " │ Prospector; body │
│ │ │ │ buried by Napier's │
│ │ │ │ Gwelo patrol. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Cumming, Percy H. │ Filibusi │ 25th " │ Son of Mr. and Mrs. │
│ │ │ │ Cumming, Bulawayo; │
│ │ │ │ body seen near │
│ │ │ │ Filibusi Store. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Crawley, Alaine │ " │ " " │ Working with J. │
│ M. │ │ │ Schultz. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Cato, Colin │ " │ " " │ Body seen at edge of │
│ │ │ │ shaft. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Donovan, Timothy │ Inyati │ " " │ Killed with Seward │
│ (?S. A.) │ │ │ near Ancients Reef; │
│ │ │ │ working for Mallert. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Durden, Charles │ Ingwena │ " " │ Killed with Surveyor │
│ │ │ │ Fitzpatrick. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Dufra │ Lower Gwelo │ 30th " │ Killed at Shangani. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Daly, John │ Filibusi │ 25th " │ Left for Gambo's │
│ (?James) │ │ │ kraal. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Davies, Harold │ Bembisi │ 2nd April │ Killed near Thaba │
│ John │ │ │ N'Couga. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Danby, Lewis │ Bulawayo │ ... │ Prospector. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Daly, James M. │ Bubi │ 25th March │ Managing Glen's │
│ │ │ │ farms; sick at time │
│ │ │ │ of death. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Edwards, Norman │ Inyati │ " " │ Surveyor (of Fletcher │
│ │ │ │ and Espiro). │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Edkins, E. C. │ Filibusi │ 24th " │ Storekeeper (brother │
│ │ │ │ in Johannesburg); │
│ │ │ │ body seen in store. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Eaglestone, │ Makukapene │ End March │ Partner of Joseph │
│ Charles Percy │ │ │ Clinton. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Ehlert, Ferdinand │ Filibusi │ " " │ Working with J. │
│ (known as │ │ │ Jeffries. Family in │
│ "Bill") │ │ │ Kimberley. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Earst, Ayerst │ " │ " " │ Working with J. │
│ Alfred │ │ │ Jeffries. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Edgell, E. R. │ On way from │ " " │ Murdered by natives, │
│ │ Gwelo to │ │ as reported by │
│ │ Hartley │ │ Adjutant Taylor, │
│ │ Hills │ │ Gwelo. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Fitzpatrick │ Lower Gwelo │ 25th " │ Surveyor; body seen. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Farquharson, │ Bulawayo │ ... │ Storekeeper. │
│ James John │ │ │ │
│ Edward │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Forster, Wilson │ Makukapene │ " " │ Prospector; body seen.│
│ │ │ │ │
│ Fourie Family (8) │ Tekwe River │ 2nd April │ Farming; bodies │
│ (Stephanus, │ │ │ buried by Napier's │
│ wife,and 6 │ │ │ Gwelo patrol. │
│ children) │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Fourie, Caspar │ Near │ 20th April │ Transport rider, │
│ Hendrick │ Bulawayo │ │ killed with │
│ │ │ │ Potgieter. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Farrar │ Lower Gwelo │ End March │ Prospector, with │
│ │ │ │ companion (name │
│ │ │ │ unknown). │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Foxkerk, Stanley │ Shangani │ 25th " │ Prospector. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Grenfell, Pascoe │ Inyati │ End " │ Left Inyati for Bubi; │
│ St. L. │ │ │ Manager Company. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Gordon, John │ Gwelo │ " " │ Miner. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Graham, A. M. │ Inyati │ 26th " │ A N.-C. Family in │
│ │ │ │ Glasgow. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Grant, John │ Filibusi │ 25th " │ Mining with Robert │
│ M'Innes │ │ │ Sharpe. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Grant, Jock │ " │ " " │ Killed with Jock │
│ M'Leod. │ │ │ Nimmo at Godlway's │
│ │ │ │ kraal; body buried │
│ │ │ │ by Salisbury column. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Greenhaugh, John │ Hotel, │ " " │ Working with Whawill │
│ │ Filibusi │ │ and Reddan. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Gracey, Robert │ Shangani │ End " │ Body buried by │
│ │ │ │ Napier's Gwelo │
│ │ │ │ patrol. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Hunter, H. E. │ Bembisi │ " " │ Body seen. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Handley, Mark │ Inyati │ " " │ Sub-Inspector M.M.P., │
│ │ │ │ son of Henry Handley,│
│ │ │ │ Natal. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Hurford, George │ " │ " " │ Late M.M.P., killed │
│ │ │ │ with Graham, Handley,│
│ │ │ │ Case, and Corke. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Hurlstone, │ Pongo River │ " " │ Partner of H. P. │
│ Frederick │ Hotel │ │ Selmes. Family in │
│ │ │ │ Coventry. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Harbord, H. M. │ Mavene │ " " │ Store on Hartley Hill │
│ │ │ │ Road (brother, A. G. │
│ │ │ │ Harbord, Longton, │
│ │ │ │ near Nottingham). │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Hammond, And. │ Shangani │ " " │ Killed with Palmer │
│ Robt. │ │ │ and Johnson, │
│ │ │ │ engineers. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Hartley, Joseph │ Ingwena │ " " │ Body found at │
│ │ Store │ │ Harbord's Store; age │
│ │ │ │ about forty-five, │
│ │ │ │ height 5 ft. 8 in. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Holstein │ Shangani │ ... │ Prospector. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Ivers, Colin │ Filibusi │ 24th " │ Body found Celtic │
│ Campbell │ │ │ Reef. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Johnson, W. H. │ Shangani │ 30th " │ Killed with Hammond │
│ │ │ │ and Palmer. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Jensen, Charles │ " │ " " │ A Swede. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Johnston │ Filibusi │ 25th " │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Jeffries, J. │ " │ " " │ Working with Ehlert │
│ │ │ │ and Earst. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Kirk, Agnes │ Tekwe River │ 2nd April │ J. Ross's │
│ │ │ │ stepdaughter; body │
│ │ │ │ buried by Napier's │
│ │ │ │ patrol. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Keefe, Charles │ Shangani │ 2nd March │ Working with Webster. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Keefe, Christopher│ " │ " " │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Koch │ Filibusi │ 25th " │ Killed with Jeffries, │
│ │ │ │ Ehlert, and Earst. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Livesay, E. R. │ Filibusi │ End March │ Late Lieutenant 3rd │
│ Eustace │ │ │ Dragoon Guards. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Luckcass, Herbert │ " │ 25th " │ Killed at O'Maker's │
│ │ │ │ waggon; others │
│ │ │ │ escaped. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Lennock, George │ Gwelo │ End " │ Body found Mavene; │
│ │ │ │ almost │
│ │ │ │ unrecognisable. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Langford (2), Dr. │ Insiza │ " " │ Bodies found on │
│ and Mrs. │ │ │ Rixon's farm and │
│ │ │ │ buried by Napier's │
│ │ │ │ Gwelo patrol. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Lemon, C. J. │ " │ " " │ Father G. D. Lemon, │
│ │ │ │ Raleigh, Bedeford, │
│ │ │ │ North Devon; money │
│ │ │ │ at Standard Bank; │
│ │ │ │ buried by Napier's │
│ │ │ │ Gwelo patrol. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Lewis, Arthur B. │ Filibusi │ 25th " │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Lund, Severin │ Gwaai River │ End " │ A Dane. │
│ H. C. │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ M'Heugh, Harry │ Bembisi │ " " │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Maddocks, Thomas │ Filibusi │ 23rd " │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Melford, William │ Gwelo │ End " │ │
│ B. │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Matthews │ Shangani │ " " │ With Van der Doorten; │
│ │ │ │ a Jew from Melbourne.│
│ │ │ │ │
│ Mathey, Ernest │ Filibusi │ 25th " │ Body recognised near │
│ │ │ │ Store. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Marcussen, │ Hartley │ ... │ Prospector. │
│ Andreas E. │ Hills │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Morrison, James E.│ Queen's │ 29th " │ Refused to leave. │
│ │ Reef │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ M'Cormack │ Ingwena │ End " │ Working with H. B. │
│ │ Store │ │ Taylor; body not │
│ │ │ │ seen. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Macdonald, Colin │ Filibusi │ 25th " │ Killed with Classen. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Nimmo, Walter │ " │ " " │ Murdered with John │
│ (known as Jock │ │ │ M'Leod Grant. │
│ or Watty) │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Palmer, H. M. │ Shangani │ 30th " │ Killed with Hammond │
│ │ │ │ and Johnson. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Potgieter, Derk │ Bulawayo │ 20th April │ Transport rider. │
│ Rainer │ Road │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Ottens, Wilhelm O.│ Filibusi │ 24th March │ Family lives near │
│ │ │ │ Assen, Holland. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ O'Reilly, T. │ Gwelo │ End " │ Murdered on Leechdale │
│ │ │ │ Co.'s property. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ O'Connor, │ Filibusi │ 25th " │ Brother saved; in │
│ ("Jack") John │ │ │ Bulawayo. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Reddington, │ Pongo River │ End " │ Clerk to Hurlstone. │
│ Reginald │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Reddan, Valentine │ Filibusi │ 25th " │ Murdered with │
│ │ │ │ Greenhaugh and │
│ │ │ │ Whawill. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Rowe, F. R. │ Shangani │ 30th " │ Miner of St. Austell. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Richards, John │ Bulawayo │ ... │ Prospector. │
│ Edward │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Ross (2), Joseph │ Tekwe River │ 2nd April │ │
│ and wife │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Rowlands, John │ Bembisi │ │ Miner of King │
│ James │ │ │ William's Town. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Radford, A. │ Shangani │ End March │ Partner of Leech. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Raw │ Lower Gwelo │ ... │ Prospector. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Sharpe, Robert │ Filibusi │ 25th March │ Killed with Grant. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Stanley, Frank │ Sebakwe │ End " │ Brother, late Lieut. │
│ Harrison │ │ │ Royal Irish Rifles, │
│ │ │ │ c/o Armstrong Bros., │
│ │ │ │ bankers, │
│ │ │ │ 93 Bishopgate St., │
│ │ │ │ London. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Stobie, James │ Mavene │ 25th " │ Murdered with Joseph │
│ │ │ │ Hartley, both working│
│ │ │ │ for G. R. Ainnocks. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Smith │ Lower Gwelo │ ... │ Miner. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Seward, George E. │ Filibusi │ 25th " │ Killed with Cato, │
│ │ │ │ near Ancients Reef; │
│ │ │ │ working for Mallett. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Talman, Frank │ Gwelo │ End " │ Near Pongo Store; │
│ │ │ │ body recognised by │
│ │ │ │ Robinson. Age 24; │
│ │ │ │ 5 ft. 5 in.; light. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Taylor, George │ Shangani │ " " │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Thomas, Jock │ " │ " " │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Tyass, George (of │ Bembisi │ " " │ Sent with medicine to │
│ Natal) │ │ │ J. H. Daly. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Van Blerk, Sid. │ Mavene │ 30th " │ Hammond's Mines; age │
│ │ │ │ 30; killed with │
│ │ │ │ Jimmy Bowen. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Vaughan, Thomas │ Pongo River │ 25th " │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Van Gorckim, │ Bulawayo │ ... │ Bricklayer. │
│ Martinus │ │ │ │
│ Gerhardus │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Vavaseur, Robert │ Stoneybrook │ June │ Reported murdered to │
│ │ Thabas M. │ │ Charter. │
│ │ Simbi │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Van der Doorten │ Shangani │ 30th March │ From Rotterdam. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ White, Robert │ Inyati │ End " │ Left Inyati for Bubi. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ West, Cyril │ Inyati │ End " │ Killed with Bolton. │
│ (Willoughbys) │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ West Bros. (2) │ Shangani │ " " │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Wren │ " │ 25th " │ Cattle-inspector in │
│ │ │ │ district. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Wyllie, David │ Gwelo │ End " │ Working for Warwick │
│ │ │ │ Colliers. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Wright, James │ Bembisi │ ... │ Storeman (of │
│ │ │ │ Johannesburg). │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Woods, Arthur │ Filibusi │ 25th " │ Working and killed │
│ W. P. │ │ │ with E. Mathey. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ White, Charles │ Shangani │ " " │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ White, Edward │ Filibusi │ " " │ Killed with Jack │
│ │ │ │ O'Connor. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Walsh, William │ Mavene │ End " │ Body found Gwelo │
│ │ │ │ patrol; aged 40; │
│ │ │ │ buried Mavene patrol.│
│ │ │ │ │
│ Whawill, John │ Filibusi │ 25th " │ Killed with Reddan │
│ │ │ │ and Greenhaugh. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Webster, R. │ Shangani │ End " │ Killed with Keefes, a │
│ │ │ │ partner of Peacock's.│
│ │ │ │ │
│ Weinand │ " │ " " │ Cattle-inspector. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Zeeburg, H. │ Pongo River │ 26th " │ Trader. │
│ │ │ │ │
└―――――――――――――――――――┴―――――――――――――┴――――――――――――┴―――――――――――――――――――――――┘

List of Persons supposed to have been in Matabeleland at the
time of the outbreak of the insurrection, of whom nothing has
since been heard, and the greater part, if not all, of whom must
therefore be numbered amongst those murdered by the natives.

┌――――――――――――――――――――――┬――――――――――――――┬――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――┐
│ │ Details and │ │
│ Names. │ Address. │ Last heard of. │
├——————————————————————┼——————————————┼————————————————————————————————┤
│ Ansterhauzen │ Thabas Mamba │ Trading at Thabas Mamba. │
│ │ │ │
│ Bird, Robert George │ ... │ Left Cape Town 13th April. │
│ │ │ │
│ Band │ ... │ Late of Johannesburg Police. │
│ │ │ │
│ Burch, Dr. │ ... │ Reported to be in Matabeleland.│
│ │ │ │
│ Bridge, Walter │ │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Batchelor, Franc D. │ ... │ Reported to have been on some │
│ │ │ mining property near Bulawayo.│
│ │ │ │
│ Bruce, Stewart │ ... │ A Trooper in Dr. Jameson's │
│ │ │ force. │
│ Bent │ │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Bowen, O. │ │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Beaton, James │ Johannesburg │ Left Scotland in 1880 East for │
│ │ │ London, afterwards in │
│ │ │ Kimberley and Johannesburg, │
│ │ │ and left latter place │
│ │ │ probably for Bulawayo. │
│ │ │ Height 5 ft. 10 in.; │
│ │ │ black curly hair; well built; │
│ │ │ 42 years of age. │
│ │ │ │
│ Cook, James P. │ Bulawayo │ Photographer's assistant, │
│ │ │ Bulawayo. │
│ │ │ │
│ Cook, Thomas │ │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Cook, Robert │ ... │ Late of M.M.P. │
│ │ │ │
│ Carstens, John E. A. │ Bulawayo │ Formerly in Captain Selous' │
│ │ │ Troop. │
│ │ │ │
│ Carter, James │ " │ Civil engineer in Bulawayo. │
│ │ │ │
│ Dickson or Dixon │ Gwelo │ Gwelo district. │
│ │ │ │
│ Douvre │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │
│ Dixon, R. │ ... │ Formerly in army. │
│ │ │ │
│ Doveton, W. T. │ Inyati │ Seen in Bulawayo between 1-13 │
│ │ │ April, and not heard of since.│
│ │ │ │
│ Evers, Harold Cecil │ Bulawayo │ Bulawayo district. │
│ │ │ │
│ Greyling (5), John, │ " │ On road to Bulawayo. │
│ wife, and 3 │ │ │
│ children │ │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Grant, Jimmy │ " │ Bulawayo. │
│ │ │ │
│ Hill, John Shutter │ │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Jacobs, Charlie │ ... │ Gwelo camp, 2nd June. │
│ │ │ │
│ Jones, William │ Bulawayo │ Bulawayo at time Matabele War. │
│ Stevens │ │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Kerr │ Gwelo │ Shangani district. │
│ │ │ │
│ Kroger, Frans J. │ Chemist │ Delagoa Bay. │
│ │ │ │
│ Lee, Thomas │ Gwelo │ Gwelo district. │
│ │ │ │
│ Mackenzie, Thomas │ Bulawayo │ Bulawayo. │
│ │ │ │
│ Morrison, Wm. │ ... │ Late of B.B.P. │
│ Hutchinson │ │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Matthews, Stuart │ Bulawayo │ Late of Dunraven mines. │
│ │ │ │
│ Honey, Clifford │ ... │ Formerly of B.B.P. │
│ Francis │ │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Mitchell, Basil │ │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Magee, Joseph │ │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Nieuwenhaus │ ... │ Bulawayo road. │
│ │ │ │
│ Oosthuizen │ Gwelo │ Shangani district. │
│ │ │ │
│ Orton, Henry │ ... │ Sebakwe drift. │
│ Sambourne │ │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Palmer, William R. │ Johannesburg │ Bulawayo, end February. │
│ │ │ │
│ Reet, P. │ Transport │ Pietersburg. │
│ │ rider │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Rothman, John │ Bulawayo │ Bulawayo. │
│ │ │ │
│ Reynard, J. J. │ ... │ Believed to be in Colonel │
│ │ │ Plumer's force. │
│ │ │ │
│ Reed, William James │ late │ Bulawayo. │
│ │ Johannesburg │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Richardson, Arthur │ ... │ A prospector. │
│ │ │ │
│ Stalmp, Frank J. │ London │ Bulawayo. │
│ │ │ │
│ Spalteholz, Kurt │ Dresden, │ Left Johannesburg for Bulawayo,│
│ │ Germany │ December 1895. │
│ │ │ │
│ Spalteholz, Kurt │ Amsterdam │ Last heard of, Pietersburg, │
│ │ │ 2nd Jan. 1896, when on road │
│ │ │ Bulawayo with party by ox │
│ │ │ waggon. Height 6 ft.; age 24; │
│ │ │ smooth face; light brown hair;│
│ │ │ sharp features. Papers of his │
│ │ │ have been found on Rixon's │
│ │ │ farm, and bag (possibly │
│ │ │ belonging to him) at Thabas │
│ │ │ Mamba. │
│ │ │ │
│ Smith, Sidney Z. │ Mafeking │ Reported to have left Mafeking │
│ │ │ with M.R.F. │
│ │ │ │
│ Tilbury, George │ ... │ Mafeking, 24th April. │
│ │ │ │
│ Taylor, Alfred West │ ... │ Possibly passing under his │
│ │ │ step-father's name of Bent. │
│ │ │ │
│ Wright, James │ Bulawayo │ Bulawayo. │
│ │ │ │
│ Wilson, Edward E. │ ... │ Bulawayo, June 1895. │
│ │ │ │
│ Walsh, Frederick │ │ │
│ Byron. │ │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Webster, R. │ │ │
│ │ │ │
│ Walsh, I. │ Bulawayo │ Came in from Golingena at │
│ │ │ beginning of rebellion. │
│ │ │ │
└――――――――――――――――――――――┴――――――――――――――┴――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――┘

APPENDIX B

HEADQUARTERS, INTELLIGENCE DEPARTMENT,
BULAWAYO, _August 1896_.

List of Officers, Non-Commissioned Officers, and Men killed in
action during the Matabele rebellion.

┌――――┬――――――――――┬――――――─―――――――――――――┬――――――――――――――――――――┬―――――─――――――┐
│ │ │ │ │ Date │
│ No.│ Rank. │ Name. │ Where killed. │ (1896). │
├――――┼――――――――――┼――――――――――――――――――――┼――――――――――――――――――――┼――――─―――――――┤
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 1 │ Sergeant │ O'Leary, T., │ Cumming's Store │ 27th March │
│ │ │ M.M.P. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ Corporal │ Reynolds, Ernest │ Gifford's patrol │ 6th April │
│ │ │ E., R.H.V. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ Trooper │ Mackenzie, S. │ " " │ " │
│ │ │ Kenneth, R.H.V. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ " │ Baker, Richard │ Gwanda patrol │ 10th April │
│ │ │ Arthur, R.H.V. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ " │ Hayland, Edward, │ " " │ " │
│ │ │ R.H.V. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ " │ Packe, Christopher │ " " │ " │
│ │ │ J., R.H.V. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ Corporal │ Greer, Stewart │ " " │ " │
│ │ │ George, R.H.V. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ Trooper │ Forbes, J. │ " " │ " │
│ │ │ M'Ainsch, R.H.V. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 9 │ " │ Boyes, George │ Macfarlane's │ 19th April │
│ │ │ Walter, B.F.F., │ patrol │ │
│ │ │ Afcr. Corps │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 10 │ " │ Heinemann, J. J., │ Vedette duty │ " │
│ │ │ B.F.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 11 │ " │ Van Zyl, W., │ " " │ " │
│ │ │ B.F.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 12 │ " │ Montgomerie, │ " " │ " │
│ │ │ Henry, B.F.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 13 │ " │ Baxter, Frank Wm., │ Grey's Scouts, │ 22nd April │
│ │ │ B.F.F. │ Bisset's patrol │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 14 │ " │ Whitehouse, Henry │ Ambulance, │ 25th April │
│ │ │ George, B.F.F. │ Macfarlane's │ │
│ │ │ │ patrol │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 15 │ " │ Gordon, Charles, │ Dawson's Scouts, │ " │
│ │ │ B.F.F. │ Macfarlane's │ │
│ │ │ │ patrol │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 16 │ " │ Parsons, Benj., │ D Troop, vedette │ " │
│ │ │ B.F.F. │ duty │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 17 │ " │ Hay, Carrick, │ Coope's Scouts, │ 25th May │
│ │ │ B.F.F. │ Plumer's patrol │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 18 │ Trooper │ Parker, Arthur, │ L Troop, Napier's │ 22nd May │
│ │ │ B.F.F. │ Gwelo patrol │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 19 │ " │ Rothman, George, │ L Troop, Napier's │ " │
│ │ │ B.F.F. │ Gwelo patrol │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 20 │ " │ Langton, Courtney, │ Thabas Mamba │ 6th July │
│ │ │ E Squad, M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 21 │ " │ O'Reilly, John, │ " " │ " │
│ │ │ Brand's Troop, │ │ │
│ │ │ B.F.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 22 │ Corporal │ Pringle, James F., │ " " │ " │
│ │ │ A Squad, M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 23 │ Sergeant │ Warringham, Fred. │ Matopos, Babian's │ 20th July │
│ │ │ Chas., A Troop, │ impi │ │
│ │ │ M.M.P. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 24 │ Corporal │ Hall, John, │ Inugu engagement, │ " │
│ │ │ Belingwe F.F. │ Matopos │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 25 │ Trooper │ Bennett, Peter, │ Inugu engagement, │ " │
│ │ │ E. Troop, M.M.P. │ Matopos │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 26 │ " │ Bush, William │ Inugu engagement, │ " │
│ │ │ Henry, E. Troop, │ Matopos │ │
│ │ │ M.M.P. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 27 │ " │ Matheson, R. B., │ Bezury Hills │ 21st July │
│ │ │ Major Hurrell's │ engagement │ │
│ │ │ Troop │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 28 │ Corporal │ Hayes, Dan., Major │ Sinango kopje │ 7th July │
│ │ │ Hurrell's Troop │ engagement │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 29 │ Major │ Kershaw, C Squad, │ Sikombo engagement │ 5th │
│ │ │ M.R.F. │ │ August │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 30 │ Sergeant │ M'Closkie, Oswald, │ " " │ " │
│ │ │ C Squad, M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 31 │ " │ Gibb, William, │ " " │ " │
│ │ │ D Squad, M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 32 │ " │ Innes, Kerr, Maxim │ " " │ " │
│ │ │ gun, M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 33 │ Battery │ Ainslie, │ " " │ " │
│ │ Sergt.- │ Alexander, M.M.P. │ │ │
│ │ Maj. │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 34 │ Lieut., │ Hervey, Herbert │ " " │ " │
│ │ Dismnt. │ John Anthony, │ │ │
│ │ Troop. │ died from │ │ │
│ │ │ wounds, late │ │ │
│ │ │ Paymaster-General │ │ │
└――――┴――――――――――┴――――――─―――――――――――――┴――――――――――――――――――――┴―――――─――――――┘

APPENDIX C

HEADQUARTERS, INTELLIGENCE DEPARTMENT,
BULAWAYO, _August 1896_.

List of Officers, Non-Commissioned Officers, and Men wounded;
or died in hospital from wounds received in action during the
Matabele rebellion.

┌――――┬――――――――――┬――――――─――――――――――――┬―――――――――――――――――――─―┬――――─――――─――┐
│ │ │ │ │ Date │
│ No.│ Rank. │ Name. │ Details. │ (1896). │
├――――┼――――――――――┼―――――――――――――――――――┼―――――――――――――――――――─―┼―――─―――――─――┤
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 1 │ Trooper │ Hill, Eustace │ Gifford's patrol, │ 27th March │
│ │ │ │ Insiza │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ " │ Hocking, John │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ " │ Luis, Wilton │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ Corporal │ Strutt, M. M. P. │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ Trooper │ Saunders, Charles │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ │ O'Connor, Joseph │ Prospector, escaped │ " │
│ │ │ │ from Filibusi │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ Trooper │ Stracey, A. H. │ Selous' patrol │ 28th March │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ " │ Munzberg, │ " │ " │
│ │ │ Berthold │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 9 │ A. N. C. │ Carter, Samuel │ Shiloh patrol │ 29th March │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 10 │ Serg.- │ Haden, Thomas │ " (Afric. Corps) │ " │
│ │ Maj. │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ " │
│ 11 │ Trooper │ Celliers, John │ Shiloh patrol (died │ " │
│ │ │ │ in hospital, 16th │ │
│ │ │ │ May 1896) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 12 │ " │ Anderson, August │ Shiloh patrol │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 13 │ Lieut.- │ Gifford, Hon. │ Fonseca's Farm │ 6th April │
│ │ Col. │ M. R. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 14 │ Captain │ Lumsden, J. W. │ Fonseca's Farm │ " │
│ │ │ │ (died in hospital, │ │
│ │ │ │ 10th April 1896) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 15 │Lieutenant│ Hulbert │ Fonseca's Farm │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 16 │ Trooper │ Eatwell │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 17 │ " │ Fielding │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 18 │ " │ Walker │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 19 │ M. O. │ Levy, Dr. J. │ Gwanda patrol │ 10th April │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 20 │ Trooper │ Harvey, F. J. │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 21 │ " │ Whitlow, Chas. │ " │ " │
│ │ │ Ern. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 22 │ " │ Stowell, W. │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 23 │ " │ Ormsby, O. │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 24 │ Trooper │ Ferreira, J. │ Gwanda patrol │ 10th April │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 25 │ " │ De Villiers, │ " │ " │
│ │ │ Isaac James │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 26 │ " │ Wilson, J. │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 27 │ " │ Collins, C. │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 28 │ " │ Ashley, W. │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 29 │ " │ Kramer, S. │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 30 │ " │ Blackwell, J. │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 31 │ " │ Wallace, E. C. │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 32 │ " │ Farrell, E. │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 33 │ " │ Swift, Henry │ Gwanda patrol (died │ " │
│ │ │ │ in hospital, 14th │ │
│ │ │ │ April 1896) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 34 │ " │ Harker, George, │ Local patrol │ 17th April │
│ │ │ B.F.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 35 │ " │ Ter. Blanche │ Macfarlane's patrol │ 19th " │
│ │ │ Esiah Michael, │ │ │
│ │ │ Afric. Corps. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 36 │ Captain │ Grey, George │ Bisset's patrol │ 22nd April │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 37 │Lieutenant│ Hook, Godfrey │ " │ " │
│ │ │ Blair │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 38 │ " │ Crewe, F. H. │ Bisset's patrol │ " │
│ │ │ │ (Grey's Scouts) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 39 │ Corporal │ Wise, George │ Bisset's patrol │ " │
│ │ │ │ (Grey's Scouts) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 40 │Lieutenant│ Lyons, M. H., │ Macfarlane's patrol │ 25th April │
│ │ │ Hosp. Corps │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 41 │ T.S.M. │ Botha, Joh. │ Macfarlane's patrol │ " │
│ │ │ Christian │ (Afric. Corps) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 42 │ Trooper │ Howell, Thos. │ Macfarlane's patrol │ " │
│ │ │ Easton │ (Grey's Scouts) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 43 │ " │ Price, F. H. │ Macfarlane's patrol │ " │
│ │ │ Talbot │ (Maxim detachment) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 44 │ " │ Appleyard, Edward │ Macfarlane's patrol │ " │
│ │ │ │ (Dawson's Scouts). │ │
│ │ │ │ Died in hospital │ │
│ │ │ │ same evening │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 45 │ " │ Lovatt, Ronald │ Macfarlane's patrol │ " │
│ │ │ Venables │ (Grey's Scouts). │ │
│ │ │ │ Died in hospital, │ │
│ │ │ │ 29th April 1896 │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 46 │ " │ Beatty-Pownall, │ Laing's Camp, │ 2nd May │
│ │ │ W. C. │ Belingwe │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 47 │ " │ Hamilton, H. Rice │ Unattached, │ 25th May │
│ │ │ │ Plumer's patrol │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 48 │ Sergeant │ Peacock, Arthur │ Plumer's patrol (B │ " │
│ │ │ W. │ Troop) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 49 │ Trooper │ Slowey, W. John │ Plumer's patrol (A │ " │
│ │ │ │ Troop) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 50 │ " │ Beinedell, Pieter │ Napier's Gwelo │ 22nd May │
│ │ │ │ patrol (L Troop) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 51 │ " │ Niemand, Jac. P. │ Napier's Gwelo │ " │
│ │ │ Joh. │ patrol (Mangwe │ │
│ │ │ │ detachment) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 52 │ Trooper │ Geldenhuis, Elias │ Napier's Gwelo │ 22nd May │
│ │ │ Jac. │ patrol (Mangwe │ │
│ │ │ │ detachment) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 53 │ Corporal │ Combrink, Jacobus,│ Spreckley's patrol │ 6th June │
│ │ │ Afric. Corps │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 54 │ Trooper │ Davey, Cecil, │ Spreckley's patrol. │ " │
│ │ │ A Troop, B.F.F. │ Serious gun-shot, │ │
│ │ │ │ right hip since │ │
│ │ │ │ amputated │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 55 │ Sergeant │ Hamilton, Geo. │ Spreckley's patrol. │ " │
│ │ │ Michael, R.V.H. │ Assegai wound │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 56 │ T.S.M. │ Morrison, S., │ Macfarlane's Gwaai │ 8th June │
│ │ │ 8 Troop, M.R.F. │ patrol. Bullet │ │
│ │ │ │ wound on head │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 57 │ Trooper │ Clark, A Troop, │ Macfarlane's Gwaai │ " │
│ │ │ Gifford's Horse │ patrol. Slight │ │
│ │ │ │ wound │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 58 │ T.S.M. │ Blatherwick, S. │ Macfarlane's Gwaai │ " │
│ │ │ M., M.R.F. │ patrol │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 59 │ Trooper │ Hill, John H., │ Thabas Mamba. │ 6th July │
│ │ │ A Squad, M.R.F. │ Dangerously │ │
│ │ │ │ wounded; died same │ │
│ │ │ │ day │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 60 │ " │ Meyer, George, │ Thabas Mamba │ " │
│ │ │ A Squad, M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 61 │ " │ Cooper, David E., │ " │ " │
│ │ │ A Squad, M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 62 │ " │ Dupreez, Arthur, │ " │ " │
│ │ │ M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 63 │ " │ Dunn, George, │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 64 │ " │ Potgieter, L., │ Belingwe patrol │ 26th June │
│ │ │ Belingwe F.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 65 │Lieutenant│ Taylor, Scouts, │ Matopos, Babian's │ 20th July │
│ │ │ M.R.F. │ impi │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 66 │ Sergeant │ Halkett, C. H., │ Matopos, Inugu │ " │
│ │ │ Belingwe F.F. │ engagement │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 67 │ " │ Eadio, Malcolm, │ Matopos, Inugu │ " │
│ │ │ A Troop, M.M.P. │ engagement │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 68 │ Trooper │ Dick, Duncan, │ Matopos, Inugu │ " │
│ │ │ Belingwe F.F. │ engagement │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 69 │ " │ Judge, T., │ Matopos, Inugu │ " │
│ │ │ Belingwe F.F. │ engagement │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 70 │ " │ Toulson, John │ Matopos, Inugu │ " │
│ │ │ George │ engagement │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 71 │ " │ Parker Parker, │ Severe bullet │ " │
│ │ │ F.F. │ wound, thigh │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 72 │ " │ Morgan, Charles │ Matopos, Inugu │ " │
│ │ │ Oglethorpe A., │ engagement (died │ │
│ │ │ M.M.P. │ 23rd July, buried │ │
│ │ │ │ at Usher's Farm) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 73 │ " │ Stewart, A. M., │ Matopos, Inugu │ " │
│ │ │ Belingwe F.F. │ fight │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 74 │ " │ Sell, Charles A. │ " │ " │
│ │ │ T., M.M.P. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 75 │ " │ Millar, Fredk., │ " │ " │
│ │ │ M.M.P. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 76 │ Trooper │ Roger, Scott, │ Matopos Inugu fight │ 20th July │
│ │ │ Belingwe F.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 77 │ " │ Wilson, Campbell, │ Hope Fountain │ 12th " │
│ │ │ A Squad, M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 78 │ " │ Cheres, Laurence, │} Nicholson's }│ │
│ │ │ M.M.P. │} patrol, Inugu }│ 25th July │
│ │ │ │} gorge (died and }│ │
│ 79 │ " │ Bern, William, │} buried at }│ │
│ │ │ M.M.P. │} Usher's Camp, }│ │
│ │ │ │} 27th July) }│ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 80 │ Trooper │ Heathfield, │ Nicholson's patrol, │ " │
│ │ │ Richard, Jr., │ Inugu gorge │ │
│ │ │ M.M.P. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 81 │ " │ Bell, James, │ Nicholson's patrol, │ " │
│ │ │ M.M.P. │ Inugu gorge │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 82 │ Corporal │ Porter, Joseph │ Nicholson's patrol, │ " │
│ │ │ Kirk, M.M.P. │ Inugu gorge (died │ │
│ │ │ │ in Bulawayo │ │
│ │ │ │ hospital, 3rd │ │
│ │ │ │ August) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 83 │Lieutenant│ Norton, Frederick │ Taylor's patrol, │ 27th July │
│ │ │ Cunningham, │ Sobisi │ │
│ │ │ M.M.P. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 84 │ Captain │ Lloyd, Chas. P., │ Inyandi engagement │ 3rd Aug. │
│ │ │ Engineer Train │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 85 │ Trooper │ Little, Edward │ Gun accident, │ " │
│ │ │ Runnell, M.R.F. │ Spargo's (died 3rd │ │
│ │ │ │ August) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 86 │ " │ Champion, William │ Gun accident, │ " │
│ │ │ Lewis, M.R.F. │ Spargo │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 87 │ " │ Silberhazen, │ " │ " │
│ │ │ George, M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 88 │ " │ Macdougall, Lorne │ Fort-Spargo │ 5th Aug. │
│ │ │ Somerlea │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 89 │Lieutenant│ M'Culloch, Robert │ Sikombo engagement │ " │
│ │ │ H., Royal Art. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 90 │ " │ Frazer, Norman │ " │ " │
│ │ │ Warden, West │ │ │
│ │ │ Riding Regt. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 91 │ Captain │ Fowler, Charles │ " │ " │
│ │ │ H., M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 92 │ Staff- │ Josephs, William, │ " │ " │
│ │ Sergt.- │ M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ Major. │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 93 │ Sergt.- │ Dumeresq, │ " │ " │
│ │ Maj. │ Rawlings, M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 94 │ Sergeant │ Brabant, Arthur │ " │ " │
│ │ │ E., M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 95 │ Corporal │ Turnbull, │ " │ " │
│ │ │ Richard, M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 96 │ Trooper │ Currie, William, │ " │ " │
│ │ │ M.R.F. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 97 │ " │ Holmes, Evelyn, │ " │ " │
│ │ │ M.R.F. │ (Died 9th August) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 98 │ " │ Gordon, Thomas, │ Sikombo engagement │ " │
│ │ │ M.M.P. │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│ 99 │Lieutenant│ Howard, Hon. H. │ " │ " │
│ │ │ │ (Robertson's Cape │ │
│ │ │ │ Boys) │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
│100 │ Captain │ Windley │ Robertson's Cape │ " │
│ │ │ │ Boys │ │
│ │ │ │ │ │
└――――┴――――――――――┴――――――─――――――――――――┴―――――─―――――――――――――――┴―――――─――――――┘

APPENDIX D

HEADQUARTERS INTELLIGENCE DEPARTMENT,
SALISBURY, _August 1896_.

List of persons murdered in Mashunaland during the recent native
insurrection.

┌―――――――――――――――――――┬――――――――――――┬――――――――――――┬―――――――――――――――─――――――――┐
│ │ │ Date │ │
│ Names. │ District. │ (1896). │ Details. │
├―――――――――――――――――――┼――――――――――――┼――――――――――――┼――――――――――――――――――─―――――┤
│ │ │ │ │
│ Birkett, W. │ Salisbury │ │ Body supposed to be │
│ │ │ │ his recovered on 5th │
│ │ │ │ August. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Kentenge, Frank │ " │ 18th June │ Killed at the Gwibi │
│ │ │ │ River. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Wills, M.M.P. │ " │ " │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Loeford, S. │ " │ 15th June │ Killed at Beatrice │
│ │ │ │ Mine. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Tait, James │ " │ " │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Van Rooyen │ " │ 16th June │ Killed at Hartley Road.│
│ │ │ │ │
│ Fourie, Benj. │ " │ " │ " " │
│ John │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Norton Family │ " │ 17th June │ Killed at Norton's │
│ (3), Joseph, │ │ │ Farm, on the Hungani │
│ Mrs., and infant │ │ │ River. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Fairweather, Miss │ " │ " │ Killed at Norton's │
│ │ │ │ Farm, on the Hungani │
│ │ │ │ River. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Alexander, H. │ " │ " │ Killed at Norton's │
│ │ │ │ Farm, on the Hungani │
│ │ │ │ River. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Grahener, H. │ " │ " │ Killed at Norton's │
│ │ │ │ Farm, on the Hungani │
│ │ │ │ River. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Harvey, J. L. │ " │} │ │
│ │ │} │ │
│ Dixon, James │ " │} │ │
│ │ │} │ │
│ Briscoe │ " │} │ │
│ │ │} │ No particulars of │
│ Hite, W. D. │ " │} │ murders; but six or │
│ │ │} │ seven weeks having │
│ Dowenbrock, R. │ " │} │ elapsed without any │
│ │ │} │ news of these │
│ Basson, Nicholas │ " │} │ persons, and who were │
│ │ │} │ known to have been │
│ Joubert, J. │ " │} │ surrounded by rebels │
│ │ │} │ at the time of the │
│ Gray, Harry │ " │} │ rising, it is beyond │
│ │ │} │ all doubt that they │
│ Curtis, J. H. │ " │} │ are dead. │
│ (surveyor) │ │} │ │
│ │ │} │ │
│ Saunders │ " │} │ │
│ │ │} │ │
│ Calcott │ " │} │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Cass, J. │ Mazoe │ 18th June │ Killed near Salvation │
│ │ │ │ Army Camp. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Faull, W. │ Mazoe │ 18th June │ Killed near Salvation │
│ │ │ │ Army Camp. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Dickenson, J., │ " │ " │ Killed near Salvation │
│ Mining │ │ │ Army Camp. │
│ Commissioner │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Routledge, J. J. │ " │ " │ Killed near Telegraph │
│ │ │ │ Station │
│ │ │ │ (telegraphist). │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Blakiston, J. J. │ " │ " │ Killed near Telegraph │
│ │ │ │ Station │
│ │ │ │ (telegraphist). │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Pollard, H. H. │ " │ ... │ Killed near Mount │
│ │ │ │ Hampden. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Nunesty, C. │ " │ ... │ Missing. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Fletcher, John. │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Salthouse │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Smith │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Short, Henry │ Charter │ ... │ Killed. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Bester, Mrs. │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Smith │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Moore, John │ " │ ... │ Dunstan estate; killed │
│ │ │ │ Umtala Road; body │
│ │ │ │ recovered 3rd August. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Milton (transport │ " │ ... │ Killed at Homestead │
│ rider) │ │ │ Store; body found on │
│ │ │ │ 3rd August. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Graham, Harry │ " │ │ Killed at Homestead │
│ │ │ │ Store; body found on │
│ │ │ │ 3rd August. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Weyers Family │ " │ ... │ Bodies recovered. │
│ (4), Jan, wife, │ │ │ │
│ and 2 children │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Bekers, C. D. │ " │ ... │ Killed at Campbell's │
│ │ │ │ Store. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Campbell, J. D. │ " │ ... │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Phillips │ " │ ... │ Killed at Graham's │
│ │ │ │ Store. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Law, Horace, │ " │ 20th June │ Killed near Campbell's │
│ M.M.P. │ │ │ Store. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Tucker, M.M.P. │ " │ " │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Dickenson, A. J. │ " │ ... │ Killed near Law's │
│ │ │ │ Store. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ White, James │ " │ 7th July │ Killed at Marandellas │
│ (Willoughby's │ │ │ Mission Store. │
│ consolidated) │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Bremner, Lieut. │ " │ ... │ Killed near │
│ │ │ │ Marandellas. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Eyre, Herbert H., │ Lo Magondi │ 21st June │ Killed at Umvokwe │
│ M.M.P. │ │ │ Mountains. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Young, Arthur │ " │ " │ Killed at Umvokwe │
│ Liston, M.M.P. │ │ │ Mountains. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Gambier, J. C. │ " │ 22nd June │ Killed at Menin River. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Boijes, W. H. │ " │ " │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Drysdale │ " │ " │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Mynhardt (native │ " │ 21st June │ Killed at Mynhardt's │
│ commissioner) │ │ │ Camp. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Shooter, F. │ " │ " │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Dougherty, J. │ " │ 31st May │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Watkins, Charles │ " │ ... │ Medical officer; │
│ H. │ │ │ killed at Hinnan's │
│ │ │ │ Store. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Jameson, Arthur │ Lo Magondi │ ... │ Mining Commissioner. │
│ John │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ M'Gowan J. } │ │ │{ Were at Jameson's │
│ } │ " │ ... │{ Camp and have not │
│ Hodgson, A. } │ │ │{ been heard of. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Bent, F. L. │ " │ ... │ Missing. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Box, James │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Box, Duncan │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Kerr, Carr, or │ " │ ... │ " United States │
│ Care │ │ │ man. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Ireland │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Hermann, Louis │ Abercorn │ 21st June │ Killed at Macombis. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Tupnell, W. │ " │ " " │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Steel, J. │ " │ " " │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Austin, F. │ " │ " " │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Smith, Newman H. │ " │ ... │ Missing. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Horn, J. │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Jansen │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Steele, W. │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Cronchly, J. │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ North, A. │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Hawkins │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Hornby │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Gibson, J. G. │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Sagus │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Newman │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Hermann, Harry │ " │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Ruping (native │ " │ 28th June │ Killed by his native │
│ commissioner) │ │ │ police at Tahoskos. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Rhapiro, Renten │ " │ 21st " │ Shot at Abercorn Store.│
│ │ │ │ │
│ Fletcher │ " │ " " │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Eaton, J. │ " │ 19th " │ Killed at Chipadgus. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Thurgood, A. │ Hartley │ 15th " │ │
│ │ Hill │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Hepworth, J. C. │ " │ 17th " │ Killed at Wallace's │
│ │ │ │ farm. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Wallace, "Friday" │ " │ " " │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Moonie, D. E. │ " │ 15th " │ Killed at Mashingontis.│
│ (native │ │ │ │
│ commissioner) │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Hunt, A. J. │ " │ " " │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Skell │ " │ " " │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Purser, A. L. │ " │ 19th " │ Killed near Hunyani │
│ │ │ │ River. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Carrick Edward │ " │ " " │ " " │
│ (mining │ │ │ │
│ commissioner) │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Wickslorn, A. │ │ │ Killed while │
│ │ │ │ prospecting near │
│ │ │ │ Hartley. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Nelson │ │ ... │ Killed while │
│ │ │ │ prospecting near │
│ │ │ │ Hartley. │
└――――─────――――――――――┴――――――─―――――┴―――――─――――――┴―――――――――───―――――─――――――┘

The following were killed in action:—

┌―――――――――――――――――――┬――――――――――――┬――――――――――――┬―――――――――――――――─――――――――┐
│ │ │ Date │ │
│ Names. │ District. │ (1896). │ Details. │
├―――――――――――――――――――┼――――――――――――┼――――――――――――┼――――――――――――――――――─―――――┤
│ │ │ │ │
│ M'Geer, C. M. │ ... │ 20th June │ Mazoe patrol. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Van Staden, H. J. │ ... │ " " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Jacobs │ ... │ " " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Dillon │ ... │ " " │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Mitchell, J. │ ... │ ... │ Wounded first Hartley │
│ Bentley │ │ │ patrol; died 27th │
│ │ │ │ June. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Stevens, Charles │ │ 25th " │ Killed Cheshwasha │
│ Trelawney │ │ │ patrol. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Gwilkin, W. H. │ │ 20th July │ Killed second Hartley │
│ │ │ │ patrol. │

The following were wounded in action:—

│ Grey, Dr. │ ... │ ... │ First Hartley patrol. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Bottemley, │ ... │ ... │ " " │
│ Trumpeter (Natal │ │ │ │
│ Contingent) │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Finucase, E. │ Salisbury │ ... │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Burton, Arthur │ " │ ... │ Mazoe patrol at Jwito │
│ │ │ │ River. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Hendrikz, C. │ " │ ... │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Neibuhr │ " │ ... │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Ogilvie │ " │ ... │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Berry │ " │ ... │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Judson, Captain │ " │ ... │ " " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Cartwright, │ Charter │ ... │ │
│ Trumpeter, M.M.P.│ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Van de Merwe │ │ ... │ At Hunyani. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Fitzpatrick │ │ ... │ Beal's column on │
│ │ │ │ second Hartley patrol.│
│ │ │ │ │
│ Arnott │ Salisbury │ ... │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Kerr │ " │ ... │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Lee │ ... │ ... │ White's column in │
│ │ │ │ foraging patrol. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Fraser │ ... │ ... │ Beal's column. │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Brown │ ... │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Millar │ ... │ ... │ " │
│ │ │ │ │
└――――─────――――――――――┴――――――─―――――┴―――――─――――――┴―――――――――───―――――─――――――┘

APPENDIX E

For the following statistics I am indebted to the courtesy of Colonel
Heyman, the President of the Compensation Board, which up to 15th
August 1896 had paid claims for the following items:—

GROWING CROPS DESTROYED

Mealies 896 acres
Kafir corn 270 "
Oats 70½ "
Barley 17 "
Potatoes 67 "
Wheat 7 "
Various 151½ "
―――――
Total 1,479 acres
═════

TREES DESTROYED

Fruit trees 1,092
Gum trees 290
Various trees 19,957
――――――
Total 21,339
══════

DOMESTIC ANIMALS CARRIED OFF OR KILLED

Imported bulls 59
Kafir bulls 58
Oxen 4,440
Cows and heifers 9,592
Mixed cattle 7,394
Sheep and goats 5,114
Pigs 842
Horses 33
Mules 6
Donkeys 548
Imported fowls 4,348
Matabele 7,133
Ducks and geese 514
Turkeys 58
――――――
Total 40,139
══════

No. of homesteads destroyed 150
═══

FARMING AND AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS STOLEN OR DESTROYED

Ploughs 112
Harrows 30
Carts, various 15
Waggons 85
Scotch carts 52
Picks and shovels 2,349
Cream separators 5
Churns 19
Sundries 5,121 including mining
――――― implements
Total 7,788
═════

_Note._

Up to 15th August 371 claims had been adjudicated upon.

The full amount claimed in settlement of these claims amounted to
£166,829 : 19 : 9.

The amount awarded in settlement of the same being £111,439 : 10 : 11.

The total number of claims filed amounted on 15th August to 637, the
total amount of compensation claimed for which amounted to £266,237 :
19 : 4.

Since 15th August other claims have been filed bringing the total
number up to about 800 for losses sustained in Matabeleland alone.

The total amount of compensation which will be paid by the Chartered
Company in settlement of these claims will, it is thought, reach the
sum of £230,000.

APPENDIX F

Schedule showing the number of Native Policemen in the employ of the
Government throughout Matabeleland, at the time of the outbreak of the
rebellion, and the proportion of the same which remained loyal in the
different districts.

┌――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――┬――――――――┬―――──────┬――――――――――――┐
│ Station. │ Loyal. │ Rebels. │ Doubtful. │
├――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――┼――――――――┼―――――――――┼――――――─―――――┤
│ Headquarters 60 │ 45 │ ... │ 15 │
│ Bulawayo district 30 │ 15 │ 15 │ ... │
│ Bulilima " 30 │ 28 │ 2 │ ... │
│ Umzingwani " 30 │ 11 │ 19 │ ... │
│ Mangwe " 30 │ 6 │ 24 │ ... │
│ Usiza " 30 │ 2 │ 28 │ ... │
│ Gwanda " 30 │ 18 │ ... │ 12 │
│ Belingwe " 30 │ Nil. │ 25 │ 5 │
│ Gwelo " 30 │ Nil. │ 30 │ ... │
│ Bubi " 30 │ 1 │ 29 │ ... │
├――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――┼――――――――┼―――――――――┼――――――─―――――┤
│ Total 330 │ 126 │ 172 │ 32 │
└――――─────―――――――――――――――─―――――┴―――――─――┴―――――――――┴──―――─――――――┘

These figures must be taken as only approximate, as it is known that
three or four of the police were killed by the rebels, and it is
doubtful whether others did not meet the same fate. It will not be
known exactly what number of the police were murdered by the rebels
until the war is over.

For these statistics I am indebted to Mr. H. Morrison Jackson, the
native commissioner, who was living on my company's property of
Essexvale.

F. C. SELOUS.

APPENDIX G

GOLD OUTPUT

┌―――――――――――――――――――┬――――――――――─┬―――――――――──────┬――――――────――――――┐
│ │ │ │ Approx. output │
│ Reef. │ District. │ Tons crushed. │ in ounces. │
├―――――――――――――――――――┼―――――――――──┼―─―――――――――――――┼―――────―――─―――――┤
│ │ │ │ │
│ Alice │ ... │ 2 │ 7 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Auriga │ ... │ 41 │ 49 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ African │ ... │ 150 │ 97 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Birthday │ ... │ 100 │ 104 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Beatrice │ ... │ 100 │ 563 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Bonanza │ ... │ 201 │ 80 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Cotapaxi │ ... │ 4857 │ 2328 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Congress on Hill │ ... │ 20 │ 15½ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Concession │ ... │ 4 │ 7½ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Dickens │ ... │ 1090 │ 1084 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Golden Quarry │ ... │ 23 │ 96 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Golden Horse Shoe │ ... │ 100 │ 71 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Glendarra │ ... │ 3 │ 7¼ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Hidden Secret and │ ... │ 120 │ 60 │
│ Rob Roy │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Heathfield │ ... │ 2 │ 20½ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Inez │ ... │ 40 │ 97 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Just in Time │ ... │ ¾ │ 27 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Lion │ ... │ 2 │ 5½ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Matchless East │ ... │ 20 │ 12 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Matchless West │ ... │ 12 │ 20 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Natal │ ... │ 6 │ 7 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Old Chum │ ... │ 20 │ 49 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Nil Desperandum │ ... │ 2 │ 2½ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Panhalanga │ ... │ 50 │ 50 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Pioneer │ ... │ 18 │ 10¾ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Standard No. 2 │ ... │ 278 │ 222 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Shepherds │ ... │ 6 │ 10½ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Salamander │ ... │ 799 │ 439½ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Shankaru │ ... │ 25 │ 75 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Vesuvius │ ... │ 40 │ 90 │
│ │ ├―――――――――――――――┼―――――――――──―――――┤
│ │ │ 8131¾ │ 5707½ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Ancient Ruins │ ... │ ... │ 357 │
│ │ │ │ │
│ Alluvial │ Manica │ ... │ 84½ │
└―――――――――――――――――――┴―――――――――──┴―─―――――――――――――┴―――────―――─―――――┘

For these statistics I am indebted to the courtesy of Mr. Arnold,
Secretary of the Chamber of Mines.

F. C. SELOUS.

INDEX

Abenzantsi, 26, 71

Aborigines' Protection Society, 87

Adams, Col. Gould, joins Dr. Jameson, 45

African Bond Association, 249

Africander Corps, 59, 105, 144, 147, 200, 242;
courage and skill of, 117, 118, 125;
brilliant charge by, at the Umguza, 173;
complimented by Lord Grey, 240

Ammunition, abundance of, among the Matabele, 49

Anderson, Mr., murder of, 25

Appleyard, Trooper, death of, 174

Armstrong, Major, 114, 141, 142, 148

Artillery, defective condition of, 55

Axes, natives borrow, 23

Babian, 169

Baden-Powell, Major, 239

Baker, Mr., death of, 125

Banks-Wright, Lieut., 231

Banyubi tribe, 75

Barnard, Commandant, 170

Barthelemy, Father, 195

Baxter, Trooper, bravery of, 164

Beal, Col., in command of Salisbury relief force, 186;
forms laager near Bulawayo, 222;
joins Col. Spreckley, 223;
returns with his force to Salisbury, 235

Bechuanaland Protectorate, 254

Belingwe, laager formed at, 135

Bembisi, 101

Benson, Mr., 179

Bentley, Mr., murder of, 33

Biscoe, Lieut., 147

Bisset, Capt., 127, 133, 156

Blick, Mr., American scout, narrow escape of, 201

Blöcker, Herr, 11, 23, 28, 74, 79, 169, 216

Boer element in Rhodesia, 241 _et seq._

Boggie, Lieut., patrol under, 175

Boyce, Mr., 79, 80

Brand, Capt., 59, 117, 119, 125, 223

Brown, Capt. Howard, 144

"Buccaneers," 108

Bulawayo, 4;
in 1895, 5;
lowness of food supply in, 56;
critical position of, 57;
total forces in, at beginning of rebellion, 58, 59;
laager formed at, 90;
Matabele scare at, 91;
rebels hanged at 137;
Matabele advance on, 144;
arrival of Lord Grey at, 179

_Bulawayo Chronicle_, quoted, 188

Bulawayo Field Force, the, 58, 218;
disbanded, 239;
Lord Grey's address to, 239, 240

Burnham, Mr., the American scout, 176, 195, 222;
narrow escape of, 201

Button, Trooper, 202

Campbell's Store, 103

Cape Boys, excellent services rendered by, 59

Carnegie, Rev. Mr., 117

Carrington, Major-Gen. Sir F., 58, 60, 239;
reaches Bulawayo and takes over command of forces in
Matabeleland, 217;
despatches three patrols against rebels, 221

Carter, Mr., 100, 102

Case, Mr., killed at Inyati, 103

Cattle, carried off by Matabele, 26, 61;
recapture of, 62, 63;
used as a decoy by the enemy, 206;
large herd captured by Col. Spreckley, 214

Cattle-confiscation question, 7;
its final settlement, 9

Celliers, Mr., 105, 107;
death of, 108

Chartered Company, the, natives under rule of, 7, 71;
and the cattle-confiscation question, 7;
and the revocation of the charter, 256;
the white population of Rhodesia under, 257;
Bulawayo Chamber of Commerce expresses confidence in, 258

Chibi, loyalty of, 238

Chilimanzi, loyalty of, 238

Colenbrander, Mr., 59, 137, 251

Colonists, their difficulties during the rebellion, 43;
their unpreparedness on outbreak, 53, 56

Compensation Board, 255

Comployer, Mr., murder of, 96

Cooke, Mr., 108

Coolies, murder of, near Bulawayo, 177, 178

Coope, Capt., 219;
gallant behaviour of, 221

Corke, Mr. S. H., killed at Inyati, 103

Crewe, Lieut. F., 127;
miraculous escape of, 165

Crewe's farm at Redbank, 220

Cumming's store, laager formed at, 38;
relief of, 40

Cunningham family, massacre of the, 35

Currie, Mr., 96

_Daily Graphic_, "Young Tradesman's" letter to the, 137

Davey, Trooper, wounded, 223

Dawe's store, 168

Dawson, Capt., 59, 127, 176;
leaves Bulawayo with patrol, 110

Dawson's Fort, 179

Dawson's store, at Amanzi Minyama, 119;
on the Umzingwani river, 18, 79, 118

Donovan, Tim, killed, 104

Duncan, Mr., 38, 146

Dutch in South Africa, 244 _et seq._

Dutch Reformed Church, 249

Dutchmen, murder of two, 168

Eagle Mine, 94, 96

Eagleson, Mr., murder of, 25

Edkins, Mr., murder of, 33

Edkins' store, 85, 112, 118

Egerton, Hon. Tatton, M.P., 96, 198, 212

Elibaini Hills, 107

Elliott, Mr., 111

Edmunds, Mr., 28, 93

Essexvale, 6;
life at, 10;
progress of the insurrection at, 31;
cattle left in charge of the natives, 69;
burned down, and cattle carried off, 69, 216

Europeans, first murders of, 32, 33;
evils ascribed to influence of, 51

Famine, apprehensions of, 18, 56

Farley, Mr. F. C., narrow escape of, 225

Farquhar, Mr. Mowbray, 96, 198

Ferreira, Mr., 125

"Fig Tree," 111;
fort erected at, 140

Fincham, Mr., 104

Fletcher, Mr., 74

Fonseca's farm, 129;
engagement at, 130

Food supply, a plentiful, the sinews of war to a savage race, 198

Forbes, Mr. Gordon, narrow escape of, 220

_Fortnightly Review_, 243

Foster, Mr., murder of, 25

Fourie family, massacre of the, 209, 212

Frost, Lieut., 113, 205

Fynn, Capt., 128, 130

Fynn, Mr. H. P., sworn statement of, 35, 36;
warns Capt. Laing of the native rising, 135;
his faithful servant, 234

Fynn's farm, 231, 232

Gambo, detention of, in Bulawayo, 52;
diminished influence of, 52;
loyalty of his followers, 52

Ganyana murders one of the native police, 22

Gifford, Hon. Maurice R., 29, 38, 39;
letters from, 41, 42;
his prediction regarding the insurrection, 43;
patrol under his command leaves Bulawayo, 127;
engagement at Fonseca's farm, 130;
wounded, 133;
patrol returns to Bulawayo, 133

Gifford's Horse, 127, 200, 236;
excellent services of, 221

Gold output, see Appendix G

Gordon, Mr., saved by native police, 116

Government House at Bulawayo, 57

Gracey, Mr., murder of, 96

Gradwell, Capt., 231

Graham, Mr., native commissioner, 100;
killed at Inyati, 103, 231

Graham's store, laager at, 190

Grainger's stores, 118, 119, 121

Greeff, Frikky, accident to, 201

Greek trader, murder of a, 116

Grenfell, Lieut., 28, 77, 93, 113, 156, 168, 169;
his account of the fight at the Umguza, 170-175;
takes over Fort Marquand, 176

Grey, Capt., narrow escape of, 93;
returns to Bulawayo to give warning of rising, 95;
leaves for the Tekwe, 97;
his timely arrival, 98, 203, 233

Grey, Lord, arrival of, in Bulawayo, 179;
his address to the Bulawayo Field Force, 239

Grey's Scouts, 58, 97, 127, 145, 147, 200, 223, 236;
their gallantry, 165

Grootboom, John, narrow escape of, 158;
wounded, 173

Gum-trees, planting of, 11

Gwanda patrol leaves Bulawayo, 117;
Lieut. Webb's account of, 117;
arrives at Nicholson's camp, 119;
attacked by the Matabele, 122;
narrowly escapes annihilation, 122;
returns to Bulawayo, 124;
gallant conduct of, 125

Gwelo, 96, 97

Haden, Mr. Thomas, 102

Halsted, Capt., 139, 141, 142

Halsted Fort, 142, 180

Hamilton, Mr., wounded, 219

Hamilton, Trooper, wounded, 224

Hanley, Sub-Inspector, 100;
killed at Inyati, 103

Harker, Mr., wounded, 146

Hartley, Mr., 184

Hays, Trooper, shot dead, 220

Heany, Mr. Maurice, 1

Helm, Rev. Mr., 6;
views on the cattle question, 7, 8

Henderson, Mr., 105;
gallant conduct of, 207

Hocking, Mr., 37

Holland, Mr., 120, 125

Holm's farm, 128

Hook, Lieut., 149;
severely wounded, 164

Hope Fountain, mission station at, 6, 53;
destroyed, 143

Horses, scarcity of, 54;
number in possession of Government at outbreak of rebellion, 54;
their uselessness in the Matopo Hills, 78

Hosking, Mr. John, sworn statement of, 37

Howard, Lieut., 180, 185, 205

Hulbert, Lieut., wounded, 133

Hurford, Mr. G., killed at Inyati, 103

Hurlstone, Mr., murder of, 100, 196

Impembisi river, 232

Ingram, Mr., the American scout, 176

Insiza district, rising general in, 40

Insiza river, two columns despatched to, 198;
large quantity of stores discovered near, 199, 213;
running fight and casualties at, 201, 202;
enemy found in great force at, 204;
laager formed near, 208;
many kraals burned in valley of, 213

"Intabas a Mamba," 233, 234, 239

Intuntini, burning of kraal of, 70

Inxnozan, raid by, 69

Inyamanda, son of Lo Bengula, 143

Inyati, massacre of whites at, 103;
bodies of murdered men found at, 231;
mission house and church destroyed, 232

Ivers, Mr., murder of, 34

"Jackal," Makalaka chief, interview with, 112

Jackson, Mr., 12;
distrusts the native police, 14, 18;
rumoured murder of, 71;
arrives at Bulawayo, 92

Jameson, Dr., 12;
forces under, in 1893, 43;
Matabele attacks on, 44, 194;
beneficial results of his campaign, 46

Jarvis, Mr. Weston, 95, 197, 205, 222

Jenkins store, 100

Jobson, Mr., 122, 125

Judge, Mr., 86

Khama, his loss of cattle through the rinderpest, 225

Khami river, fort built at, 177

Knapp, Capt., 218;
bravery of, 221

Labouchere, Mr., 36, 108, 137, 193, 226, 227, 236, 256

Laing, Capt., 135, 237;
his successful engagements with the rebels, 238

Langabi, Matabele Induna, 116

Langford, Dr. and Mrs., murder of, 40, 214, 215

Lanning, Mr., native commissioner, 230

Lee's store, 93;
burnt down, 194

Lemon, Mr., murder of, 214

Leopard, adventure with a, 3

Liebert, Mr., 35

Lo Bengula, 4, 13, 44, 45, 236;
his belief in the Umlimo, 16, 143

Locusts, plague of, 51

Long, "Texas," 164

Loots, Mr., 125

Loyal Colonists' League, 248

Luck, Capt., 141

Lumsden, Capt., 113, 127, 130;
death of, 133

Lyons, Mr., 86

Maatjiumschlopay, Matabele attack on, 147

Mabukitwani, fort ordered to be built at, 146

Macfarlane, Capt., 105, 133;
expedition under, 147-154;
despatched with force to the Umguza, 221

Mackenzie, Trooper Kenneth, killed, 130

M'Kisa's kraal, 127

Madden, Patrick, 103

Maddocks, Mr., murder of, 37, 135

Mazhlabanyan, a Matabele guide, 72;
fidelity of, 79

Mainwaring, Capt., patrol under, 166

Maiyaisa, rebel chief, 137, 140

Makalakas, their peaceable and industrious character, 71, 111;
interview with principal induna, 112

Makupikupeni police station, 72

Mangwe laager, 114

Manica, 256

Marquand Fort, construction of, 169

Marzwe's kraal, Matabele raid on, 182;
women, cattle, etc., belonging to, recaptured by Obas, 184

Mashunaland, news of rising in, 235;
Umlimos responsible for outbreak, country admirably adapted for
colonisation, 256

Mashunas, loot the object of their rising, 236;
their principal characteristics, 237

Matabele, the, prosperous under the rule of the Chartered
Company, 7, 71;
murder a native policeman, 18, 19;
attack the native police at Umgorshlwini, 20;
inscrutability of the native mind, 25;
raids on cattle, 26, 61;
barbarity, 34, 36, 213;
campaign of 1893 against, 43;
demoralisation and surrender in 1893, 46;
their military spirit scotched, not killed, 47;
probable losses in 1893, 47;
disarmament only partial, 48;
waiting an opportunity to rebel, 51;
want of combined action, 56, 154;
belief in the Umlimo, 56;
non-interference with waggon and coach traffic, 57, 58;
improved tactics, 60;
raid on Essexvale, 69;
friendlies among, 71;
massing in the Matopos, 73, 221;
bad shooting of, 153;
severely defeated at the Umguza, 177;
effects of rebellion on, 253

Matabeleland, suitability of the country for cattle breeding, 5, 255;
appearance of the rinderpest, 13;
rumours of native rising, 13;
transitional state of, 66;
curious position of affairs in, 142;
plentiful harvest, 198;
Dutch settlers in, 241;
Boer element strong in, 240;
railways, 254;
effect of the rinderpest in, 255;
country admirably adapted for colonisation, 256

Matabele rebellion, the, rumours of, 13, 14;
opinion regarding origin of, 17;
first overt act of, 19;
its Zulu origin, 26, 52;
progress of, 31;
reflections upon, 29-31, 64-67;
account of, 93;
horrors of, 193;
number of settlers killed, 250;
negotiations for peace, 251

_Matabele Times_, quoted, 58, 176, 177

Matibi, a Mashuna chief, valuable assistance from, 237

Matopo Hills, massing of Matabele in, 73;
journey through, 74;
skirmish in, 75-77;
strong position of enemy in, 220

Maxim, unfortunate jamming of, 152

Meikle, Capt., 128, 156

Metcalfe, Sir Charles, 197, 205, 222

Moffat, Lieut., 151

Molyneux, Capt., 139, 142, 156, 185;
erects fort at Fig Tree, 140;
Matabele attack his farm, 180

"Mondoros," 236

Mostert, Mr., 104

Mounted Police, distribution of, 53

Mullins, Lieut., 218, 232

Munzberg, Mr., wounded, 77, 110

Napier, Col., 29, 54, 142, 146, 155, 185, 198, 203;
force under, reaches Tekwe store, 98;
arrives at Bulawayo, 215;
commended by Lord Grey, 239

Native Police, Mr. Jackson's distrust of, 14;
defections among the, 50, 53, 70;
disarmament of, at Bulawayo, 93

Native question in Rhodesia, importance of the, 88

Nellie Reef Mine, 37

Nicholson, Capt., 144, 155

Niekerk, Capt. Van, 59, 105, 117, 120, 154, 200, 203, 223;
cool judgment and bravery of, 122, 125;
wounded, 126

Norton, Mr., 28, 169

Notman, Mr., 23

Nyenyezi, proscription of, 44

Obas, recaptures women and cattle belonging to Marzwe, 184

O'Connor, Joe, remarkable escape of, 80;
his brother and cousin murdered by the Matabele, 86, 87

O'Leary, Sergt.-Major, 40

Ottens, Mr., murder of, 34

Parker, Trooper, death of, 201, 210

Parkin, Lieut., 176, 180

Parsons, Trooper, death of, 175

Peacock, Sergt., wounded, 219

Pelly, Rev. Douglas, 212

Pittendrigh, Capt., leaves Bulawayo with a rescue party, 100;
encounters the rebels, 102;
fortifies Campbell's store, 104;
relief of, 106;
returns to Bulawayo, 107

Plumer, Col., successful engagement by force under, 217-221;
sets out for the Khami river, 221, 239

Police force, effects of removing, 51

Pongo store, 98, 195;
murders at, 94, 96, 100

Purssell, Mr., 120, 125

Queen's Mine, 230

Redbank, large impi at, 143

Reddington, Mr., murder of, 100, 196

Reed, Rev. Mr., saved by the Makalakas, 117

Rees, Rev. Mr., narrow escape of, 231

Reid, Capt., 147

Rensberg, Commandant Van, 105, 200, 202, 208;
and the Africander Corps, 241

Reynolds, Corporal, 133

Riebek, Van, 66

Rifles and ammunition belonging to Government at beginning of
rebellion, 55

Rinderpest, 13, 253-255;
spread of, 17;
effects of, 56;
ravages at Mangwe, 115

Rhodes, Mr. Arthur, 234

Rhodes, Mr. Cecil, 186, 197, 205, 208, 222, 243, 251;
confidence felt in, 259

Rhodesia, steps necessary for future safety of, 34;
importance of native question in, 88;
opening up and colonisation of, 241;
Boer element in, 241, 242;
present position and future prospects of, 250 _et seq._;
gold in, 256;
administration under the Chartered Company, and as a Crown Colony
contrasted, 257-259

Rhodesia, Eastern, force sent to, 236

Rhodesia Horse, 54, 105

Rixon, Mr., 214

Robinson, Capt., 235

Robinson, Mr., 96

Rooyen, Cornelius Van, 114, 180, 182

Rorke, Lieut., narrow escape of, 130

Ross family, massacre of the, 209, 212

Rothman, Trooper, death of, 202, 211

Salisbury coach chased by Kafirs, 99

Salisbury Relief Force, meeting with, 197;
leaves for Bulawayo, 215

"Salugazana," a prophetess, consulted by Lo Bengula, 236

Schultz, Mr., 86

Scott, Major, at Bulawayo, 91

Sewhoi-whoi river, game plentiful near, 2

Shashani Hotel, 113

Shashani Pass, 56

Shiloh Hills, Gifford's fight in, 127

Shiloh mission station, 229

Sinclair, Lieut., 202

Simms, Mr., 74

Slowey, Trooper, wounded, 220

South Africa, compared with North America, 65, 66;
British and Dutch in, 243 _et seq._

Spargot's store, 118

Spiro's store, 72, 110, 118, 121

Spreckley, Col., 29, 33, 69, 71, 197;
his valuable services at Bulawayo, 91;
inflicts heavy loss on the rebels at the Umguza, 224;
leaves with patrol for Shiloh, 228;
arrives at Fynn's farm, 233;
falls in with large body of rebels, 233;
captures a large amount of grain and returns to Bulawayo, 235

Stewart's store, 95, 98, 187, 209

Steyn, Mr., 125

Stoddart, Lieut., 238

Stracey, Mr., wounded, 77, 110

Stuart, Jack, American miner, 229

Swinburne, Mr., English scout, 176

Tati, food supply at, 146

Taylor, Capt., 204

Taylor, Mr. Herbert, and the cattle question, 8, 9

Tchangani store, the, 94, 99;
laager at, 95;
patrols sent out from, 96

Tchangani column, despatch of, 186;
composition and strength of, 186, 187

Tekwe river, Matabele impi at, 187

Tekwe store, 97

Thaba Induna, enemy in force at, 189;
skirmish near, 191;
no quarter shown at, 192

Thomas, Mr., 13, 72

Thomson, Mr. Moodie, 101

Transvaal, the invasion of the, 245

Tree-planting and farming, 11

Umfondisi, nephew of Lo Bengula joins in the rebellion, 22

Umgorshlwini, native police attacked at, 20

Umguza, the, skirmish at, 145;
expeditions to, 155, 156, 223;
Lieut. Grenfell's description of fight at, 170-175;
composition of force engaged at, 172

Umjan, neutrality of, 52;
hostility of his sons and followers, 53

"Umlimo," the god of the Makalakas, prophecies of, 13, 226;
superstitions regarding, 15, 56;
accepted as an oracle by the Matabele, 16;
Lo Bengula's belief in, 16, 143;
responsible for outbreak in Mashunaland, 236

Umlugulu, 11, 112;
one of the chief instigators of the rebellion, 12;
his anxiety regarding Jameson's surrender, 12;
and the Umlimo, 17

Umsetchi, 28

Umsheti, 169

Umzingwani store, broken into by natives, 111

Umzobo, 19;
attempts to pick a quarrel with the native police, 20

Usher, Mr., predicts the rising of the Matabele, 14

Vigers, Mr., 146

Vigne, Dr., 157

Vultures, extraordinary absence of, 115

Walsh, Lieut., 157

Warwick, Lieut., 218

Watts, Major, 218

Webb, Lieut., 117, 121, 125, 140, 142

White, Capt. the Hon. C., sent with a force to Eastern Rhodesia, 236

White, Mr., 125;
wounded, 126

Willoughby, General Digby, 179

Willoughby, Sir John, 44

Willoughby's Consolidated Co., 99, 230

Wilson, Major, death of, 45

Wilson's farm, 115, 139;
fort built at, 176

Windley, Capt., 160, 161, 205;
his horse refuses to carry double weight, 162;
gallantry of, 163

Wise, Trooper, wounded, 164

Witch-doctor, influence of the, 51;
death of a, 131

Wood, Mr., murder of, 99

Woodford's store, 38

Wrey, Capt., 193

Zambesi Kafirs, murdered by Matabele, 138, 229

Zeeburg, Mr. H., murder of, 100

Zeederberg, Mr., 119

Zinjanja, loyalty of the, 237

THE END

_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, _Edinburgh_.

[Illustration: MAP OF PART OF MATABELELAND

SUNSHINE AND STORM IN RHODESIA. _Published by_ ROWLAND WARD &
CO., LTD., _London_.]

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THE JUNGLE

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WAS DESIGNED AND ARRANGED, AND THE ANIMALS MODELLED, BY

ROWLAND WARD, F.Z.S.

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The hoarse coughing roar of the tiger closely imitated."—_South Africa._

"Surpasses in interest any of the excellent exhibitions of the kind
previously shown."—_Manchester Guardian._

LONDON: ROWLAND WARD & CO. LIMITED,

"THE JUNGLE," 166 PICCADILLY.

EMPIRE OF INDIA AND CEYLON EXHIBITION, 1896.

Including other Crown Dependencies in Asia.

THE NEW JUNGLE

A SERIES OF SIXTEEN ENTIRELY NEW SCENES

REPRESENTING THE

WILD ANIMAL LIFE OF INDIA

WITH NATURAL SURROUNDINGS

DESIGNED AND ARRANGED, AND THE ANIMALS MODELLED, BY

ROWLAND WARD, F.Z.S.

WHAT THE PRESS SAID:

=Daily Telegraph.=—"The realistic scenes offer a wonderful insight
into untamed animal life, as depicted by a trained observer who goes
direct to nature for his sources of inspiration.... In all the groups
the artist has exercised unrivalled powers of modelling. The tableaux
have the advantage of an instantaneous photograph in their suggestion
of life, but they surpass the most spirited plane picture."

=Daily News.=—"Mr. Rowland Ward's much enlarged and restocked
Jungle, with its realistic tableaux of tigers, leopards, bears, deer,
crocodiles, snakes, birds, and insects, is a fine study in natural
history and the wild life of the jungle."

=Daily Chronicle.=—"A new Jungle has been designed by Mr.
Rowland Ward, which far surpasses that of last year, both in size and
completeness. There are sixteen scenes containing specimens of Indian
big game, birds, and reptiles, with, of course, natural surroundings."

=Weekly Times and Echo.=—"Mr. Rowland Ward has doubled the size of
his Jungle, in which wild animals have been arranged in their native
haunts with an admirable sense of pictorial effect."

=People.=—"In the new Jungle Mr. Rowland Ward has excelled
himself, the realistic tableau of incidents in wild animal life telling
many a thrilling story."

=Morning Post.=—"Mr. Rowland Ward's Indian Jungle, with its
scenes depicting, with the faithfulness of the skilled taxidermist and
naturalist, the wild animal life of India."

LONDON: ROWLAND WARD & CO., LIMITED,

"THE JUNGLE," 166 PICCADILLY.

One Vol. Square 8vo. Pp. viii and 264. Price 21s. By post 21s. 6d. net.

HORN MEASUREMENTS

AND

WEIGHTS

OF THE GREAT GAME OF THE WORLD

_BEING A RECORD FOR THE USE OF SPORTSMEN AND NATURALISTS_

BY ROWLAND WARD, F.Z.S.

AUTHOR OF "THE SPORTSMAN'S HANDBOOK," ETC.

EXTRACTS FROM THE PRESS.

"To sportsmen the utility of these voluminous records can hardly be
over-estimated. In the majority of cases the accounts of the antlers
and horns are illustrated by engravings; and photographs of many of
the animals yielding them, with the sportsmen grouped around, are
interspersed throughout the volume. We have thus the African elephant,
the Java ox (_Bos banting_), the Cape buffalo, and the Tibet and Pallah
antelopes."—_Field._

"Sportsmen and naturalists alike will welcome the appearance of
Mr. Rowland Ward's 'Horn Measurements and Weights of the Great
Game of the World,' which he has just issued from 'The Jungle,' in
Piccadilly. It is as complete a record as could now be compiled of
the leading trophies of the chase, gathered from all quarters of the
globe, chiefly, if not exclusively, by the enterprise and prowess
of Englishmen, and leaves nothing in this respect to be desired.
No important collection of specimens has escaped due notice, and
the information which is given concerning them is not to be found
elsewhere. We may add that the copious illustrations with which the
book is adorned, whether they are the result of photography or of
engraving, are excellent, and worthy in every way to bear company
with the letterpress of the distinguished naturalist and preeminently
skilful taxidermist with which they are associated."—_The World._

"It is not often that sportsmen and naturalists are enabled to make
acquaintance with such an elegant volume, and yet at the same time so
valuable a work of reference, as Mr. Rowland Ward's 'Horn Measurements
and Weights of the Great Game of the World,' published at 'The Jungle,'
Piccadilly. Profusely illustrated, and bound in material representing
the hide of zebra, Mr. Ward's record will be necessary to the library
of every well-appointed country house."—_Daily Telegraph._

"In these days, when every one is striving to 'beat the record,' it
is only right that sportsmen should have clearly put before them the
results already arrived at as regards the size of the trophies and the
weight of game-animals already obtained by their brother Nimrods. No
one is in so good a position to do this as Mr. Rowland Ward, to whose
well-known 'Jungle' in Piccadilly all the leading shooters of the
present day send their 'heads' to be mounted and their 'skins' to be
stuffed."—_Nature._

"Both the sporting and zoological world owe a large debt of gratitude
to Mr. Rowland Ward for this handsomely-got-up volume, and he deserves
the best thanks of all those interested in the subject of Big Game, for
the thorough and conscientious manner in which he has completed a very
laborious task, and we only hope that his efforts will be rewarded by
the book having such a rapid sale that a new edition will be called for
at no very distant date."—_Land and Water._

LONDON: ROWLAND WARD & CO., LIMITED,

"THE JUNGLE," 166 PICCADILLY, W.

Sporting Works published at "The Jungle."

TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE IN SOUTH-EAST AFRICA

Being the Narrative of the last eleven years spent by the Author on the
Zambesi and its Tributaries; with an Account of the Colonisation of
Mashonaland and the Progress of the Gold Industry in that Country.

BY FREDERICK COURTENEY SELOUS, C.M.Z.S., GOLD MEDALLIST OF THE ROYAL
GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY; AUTHOR OF "A HUNTER'S WANDERINGS IN AFRICA."

[Illustration:

_From a photograph by Elliot & Fry, Baker Street, W._
]

LONDON: ROWLAND WARD & CO., LIMITED,

"THE JUNGLE," 166 PICCADILLY.

WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAP.

Price 25s. net.

PUBLISHERS' ANNOUNCEMENT

Mr. Selous has spent twenty years in this portion of the world, during
the whole of which time he has led the wandering life of an explorer
and hunter. Regarded from a scientific point of view, his services
have been fully recognised by the Royal Geographical Society, who have
presented him with their Founder's Gold Medal, the highest honour in
their power to bestow.

While in pursuit of large and dangerous game, Mr. Selous encountered
many hardships and had some hairbreadth escapes, the account of which
he gives in the graphic and entertaining style which gained such
popularity for his former work. At the present time, when Mashunaland,
after having passed through many vicissitudes, is being permanently
settled up, and its mineral wealth developed, an account of its history
and resources, written by Mr. Selous, who is so thoroughly acquainted
with the country, and who guided the pioneer expedition in their
successful march from Macloutsie to the place where Fort Salisbury now
stands, cannot fail to be of the greatest interest.

OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.

"There is not space in these columns to give illustrative extracts of
Mr. Selous's exciting adventures so graphically, because so simply and
modestly, told, so the statement must suffice that so many of them have
never been gathered between the covers of a single book.... As a record
of hunting adventures it is almost without equal."—_Illustrated London
News._

"Author needs no introduction.... Will doubtless become the standard
work of reference. Excellent and numerous illustrations."—_Field._

"It is impossible even to indicate all the points of interest
with which Mr. Selous deals. Illustrations are both numerous and
excellent."—_Times._

"Delightful book ... and is produced in a style befitting the
reputation of both author and publisher."—_Review of Reviews._

"Genuine story of adventure told in straightforward fashion, full
of dramatic incidents and hairbreadth escapes, and made especially
interesting by the fact that its author was the pioneer of the
expedition to Mashunaland."—_Morning Post._

"From cover to cover the book is crammed with most interesting
information about the people, the country, the habits of wild beasts,
mining shooting, and the rest."—_Vanity Fair._

LONDON: ROWLAND WARD & CO., LIMITED,

"THE JUNGLE," 166 PICCADILLY.

Royal 8vo, about 400 pages. Price 18s. net.

SEVENTEEN TRIPS THROUGH SOMALILAND

A Record of Exploration and Big Game Shooting, 1884 to 1893.

BY CAPTAIN H. G. C. SWAYNE, R.E., FELLOW OF THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL
SOCIETY; CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE ZOOLOGICAL SOCIETY

WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS.

EXTRACTS FROM THE PRESS.

"Captain Swayne's narrative of 'Seventeen Trips through Somaliland'
... serves to remind us how rapidly the waste places in the world
are getting filled up. His account of the big game shooting has
a popular interest ... minute information for the sportsman's
guidance."—_Standard._

"Will be carefully studied by those who have been there and those—and
there are many—who have an eager desire to go. It is full of thrilling
episodes.... The last chapter ... contains some highly interesting
notes on the wild fauna of the country. The appendices, which deal with
the fitting out of Somali expeditions and with the physical geography,
have a distinct value."—_Times._

"Captain Swayne relates his experiences in a perfectly straightforward
unemotional manner.... Contains a great many meritorious
illustrations."—_Globe._

"Captain Swayne's 'Seventeen Trips through Somaliland' seems entitled
to more attention and authority than most hunters. Contains one
of the fullest accounts yet published of the life, customs, and
characteristics of the restless Somali tribes."—_Scotsman._

"Is full of well-told adventure, which appeal alike to the casual
reader, the naturalist, and the sportsman. The drawings of the
heads and animals are excellent, and for some years to come this
book should remain 'the book' of those who would explore or shoot
Somaliland."—_World._

LONDON: ROWLAND WARD & CO., LIMITED,

"THE JUNGLE," 166 PICCADILLY.

_STATISTICS OF BIG GAME SHOOTING_

One Vol., 4to, Cloth special, Price =30s.= net.

RECORDS OF BIG GAME

CONTAINING

AN ACCOUNT OF THEIR DISTRIBUTION

DESCRIPTIONS OF SPECIES, LENGTHS, AND WEIGHTS

MEASUREMENTS OF HORNS

AND

FIELD NOTES

FOR THE USE OF SPORTSMEN AND NATURALISTS

BY ROWLAND WARD, F.Z.S.

AUTHOR OF "THE SPORTSMAN'S HANDBOOK," ETC.

_PROFUSELY ILLUSTRATED_

LONDON: ROWLAND WARD & CO., LIMITED,

"THE JUNGLE," 166 PICCADILLY.

GREAT GAME SHOOTING AND PRACTICAL TAXIDERMY.

One Vol. Post 8vo. Bound in Leather. Price 3s. 6d. net By Post 3s.
9d.

THE

SPORTSMAN'S HANDBOOK

TO PRACTICAL COLLECTING, PRESERVING, AND ARTISTIC SETTING-UP OF
TROPHIES AND SPECIMENS

TO WHICH IS ADDED A SYNOPTICAL GUIDE TO THE HUNTING GROUNDS OF THE WORLD

BY ROWLAND WARD, F.Z.S.,

AUTHOR OF "HORN MEASUREMENTS," ETC.

SEVENTH EDITION—WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS.

"Sport, however, it must be borne in mind, is a thing of every climate
and of all seasons, and the manual referred to, 'The Sportsman's
Handbook,' by Rowland Ward, F.Z.S., has a little to say of most
regions, from the North of Scandinavia to the South of India. All
knowledge is apt to come in useful; and even those of us who may never
know the delight of facing a charge of the Cape buffalo—under some
circumstances among the most dangerous experiences of the sportsman, we
are told—may yet find a less rapturous pleasure in learning how a real
sportsman should entertain such a visitor. The next best thing to being
able to shoot a lion in a workmanlike fashion is to know how the thing
ought to be done, and that is among the items of instruction in this
little book."—_Daily News, Leading Article._

"With this in his portmanteau, no one fond of shooting and collecting
need any longer lament his inability to preserve his trophies, since
the directions given for skinning and preserving animals of all kinds
are extremely clear and simple, and rendered all the more intelligible
by the wood engravings by which they are accompanied. Quadrupeds,
birds, fishes, reptiles, and insects are all dealt with in turns, and
directions given not merely for skinning them, but also for mounting
them, if desired, a year or two (it may be) after they have been
procured."—_Field._

LONDON: ROWLAND WARD & CO., LIMITED,

"THE JUNGLE," 166 PICCADILLY.

GUIDE TO THE KILLING

PESTILENT & DESTRUCTIVE INSECTS

BY ROWLAND WARD, F.Z.S.

WITH ILLUSTRATIONS FOR RECOGNITION.

LONDON: ROWLAND WARD & CO., LIMITED,

"THE JUNGLE," 166 PICCADILLY.

OBSERVATIONS ON

THE

PRESERVATION OF HOOFS

AND THE

DESIGNING OF HOOF-TROPHIES

ROWLAND WARD, F.Z.S.

LONDON: ROWLAND WARD & CO., LIMITED,

"THE JUNGLE," 166 PICCADILLY.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] One of the most influential men in Matabeleland in the time of Lo
Bengula.

[2] The name of my Company's estate on which I was living before the
rebellion.

[3] God. See Chapter xxvi.

[4] There can be no doubt as to this, as there is now an Umlimo or
prophet with the insurgents in the north-east of Matabeleland, who has
apparently no connection with the Umlimo in the Matopo Hills.

[5] His title was "Umlisa go Bulawayo," or Lieutenant of Bulawayo.

[6] Literally king; but the word is commonly used in addressing a
European, as a complimentary title, conveying the idea of dependence on
the part of the speaker.

[7] There is some doubt as to whether these murders were committed on
the Monday or the Tuesday; Colonel Spreckley thinks on the Monday,
whilst Mr. O'Connor says it was Tuesday. It is possible that the latter
may have been a day wrong in his reckoning, whilst the entry in Mr.
Bentley's books seems to favour the earlier date.

[8] Correct name "Impembisi."

[9] "Buccaneers" is the term of endearment commonly bestowed upon the
Englishmen in Rhodesia by the editor of _Truth_.

[10] "Oude Baas" or "Old Master," so named after Mr. Hartley, the
veteran elephant-hunter, who must have been in the country when he was
born (1864 to 1870).

┌───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┐
│ Transcriber's note: │
│ │
│ Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note. │
│ │
│ Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant │
│ form was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed. │
│ │
│ Footnotes were moved to the end of the book and numbered in one │
│ continuous sequence. │
└───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┘

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Sunshine and Storm in Rhodesia - Being a Narrative of Events in Matabeleland Both Before and During the Recent Native Insurrection Up to the Date of the Disbandment of the Bulawayo Field Force" ***

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