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Title: History of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, Vol. 1 - Compiled from the Original Records
Author: Duncan, Francis
Language: English
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HISTORY
OF THE
ROYAL REGIMENT OF ARTILLERY.
COMPILED FROM THE ORIGINAL RECORDS.
BY CAPTAIN FRANCIS DUNCAN, M.A., D.C.L.
ROYAL ARTILLERY.
SUPERINTENDENT OF THE ROYAL ARTILLERY REGIMENTAL RECORDS;
FELLOW OF THE GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF LONDON,
AND THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY.
[Illustration]
VOL. I.—_TO THE PEACE OF 1783._
WITH A PORTRAIT.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
1872.
_The right of Translation is reserved._
[Illustration:
ALBERT BORGARD.
FIRST COLONEL OF THE ROYAL ARTILLERY
]
LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
TO
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS
FIELD-MARSHAL THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE,
K.G., G.C.B., K.P., G.C.M.G.,
COLONEL OF THE ROYAL REGIMENT OF ARTILLERY,
THIS
HISTORY OF ITS SERVICES
IS RESPECTFULLY, AND BY PERMISSION,
DEDICATED BY
THE AUTHOR.
PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION.
A FURTHER reorganization of the Royal Artillery, involving alterations
in the nomenclature of Batteries, having taken place since the
publication of the Second Edition, the Author has deemed it desirable to
issue a Third, with tables added to Appendix C, in the Second Volume,
which will enable the reader to keep up the continuity.
These frequent changes are embarrassing to the student of history, but
in the present instance the change has been distinctly advantageous in
an administrative point of view.
WOOLWICH.
_October, 1879._
PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION.
THE unexpected favour accorded to the first edition of this work having
already rendered a second necessary, the author has taken the
opportunity of making many corrections and additions, and of embodying
the indices of both volumes in one. The history, as it now stands,
represents the services of the Corps in detail as far as the year 1815,
and gives a summary of the services of those batteries now in existence,
which represent the troops and companies of the old Royal Horse
Artillery, and of the nine senior battalions of the Royal Artillery. The
tables at the end of both volumes will also assist the reader in tracing
the antecedents of every battery in the Regiment.
* * * * *
The author takes this opportunity of expressing his gratitude to his
brother officers for the cordial sympathy and encouragement which he has
received from them during his labours, and his hope that the noble
narrative commenced by him will not long remain unfinished. The
importance of completing the record of the Corps' services in the Crimea
and India, while the officers who served in these campaigns are yet
alive, is very apparent; and the author would respectfully suggest that
any documents throwing light upon these services, which are in the
possession of any one belonging to, or interested in the Corps, should
be deposited for safe keeping, and for reference, in the Regimental
Record Office at Woolwich.
_March 2, 1874._
PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION.
AMONG the uneducated, discipline is created by fear, and confirmed by
habit. Among the educated, the agency at work is more complicated.
Sympathy with the machine of which the individual finds himself a part,
and a reasoning apprehension of the necessity of discipline, are mingled
with a strong feeling of responsibility; and, as in the former case,
habit steps in to cement the whole. Of all these agents, the noblest is
undoubtedly the sense of responsibility, and the highest duty of a
military commander is to awaken this sense where it does not exist, and
to confirm and strengthen it where it does.
* * * * *
Two means may be employed to ensure this end. First: let the importance
of his duty be impressed on the individual, and let the value in a
military sense of what might seem at first sight trivial be carefully
demonstrated. Let it be explained that neglect of some seemingly slight
duty may disarrange the whole machine; and that for this reason no duty,
in a soldier's eyes, should appear slight or trivial. Second: let an
_esprit de corps_ be fostered, such as shall make a man feel it a shame
to be negligent or unworthy.
* * * * *
History has a power to awaken this _esprit_, which it is impossible to
overrate. Its power reaches the educated and the uneducated alike; it
begets a sympathy with the past, which is a sure agent in creating
cohesion in the present; for the interest which binds us to our
predecessors binds us also to one another. In this cohesion and sympathy
is to be found the most sublime form of true discipline.
CONTENTS OF VOL. I
PAGE
PREFACE v
Introductory Chapter 1
CHAPTER
I. —THE MASTERS-GENERAL OF THE ORDNANCE, AND THEIR HONOURABLE 9
BOARD
II. —THE INFANCY OF ARTILLERY IN ENGLAND 35
III. —THE RESTORATION, AND THE REVOLUTION OF 1688 45
IV. —LANDMARKS 60
V. —MARLBOROUGH'S TRAINS 63
VI. —ANNAPOLIS 71
VII. —THE BIRTH OF THE REGIMENT 79
VIII. —ALBERT BORGARD 83
IX. —TWENTY YEARS 101
X. —FOUNDATION OF THE ROYAL MILITARY ACADEMY 108
XI. —A STERNER SCHOOL 122
XII. —WOOLWICH IN THE OLDEN TIME 140
XIII. —TO 1755 154
XIV. —THE ROYAL IRISH ARTILLERY 160
XV. —THE FIRST BATTALION.—HISTORY OF THE COMPANIES, THEIR 169
SUCCESSION OF CAPTAINS, AND PRESENT DESIGNATION
XVI. —THE SECOND BATTALION.—HISTORY OF THE COMPANIES, THEIR 178
SUCCESSION OF CAPTAINS, AND PRESENT DESIGNATION
XVII. —DURING THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR 184
XVIII. —THE SIEGE OF LOUISBOURG 194
XIX. —MINDEN,—AND AFTER MINDEN 206
XX. —THE THIRD BATTALION.—HISTORY OF THE COMPANIES, THEIR 218
SUCCESSION OF CAPTAINS, AND PRESENT DESIGNATION
XXI. —THE SIEGE OF BELLEISLE 227
XXII. —PEACE 241
XXIII. —THE FOURTH BATTALION—HISTORY OF THE COMPANIES, THEIR 251
SUCCESSION OF CAPTAINS, AND PRESENT DESIGNATION
XXIV. —THE JOURNAL OF A FEW YEARS 264
XXV. —THE GREAT SIEGE OF GIBRALTAR 271
XXVI. —PORT MAHON 291
XXVII. —THE AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE 297
XXVIII. —THE GUNNER WHO GOVERNED NEW YORK 325
XXIX. —CONCLUSION OF THE WAR 348
XXX. —HISTORY, SUCCESSION OF CAPTAINS, AND PRESENT DESIGNATION
OF THE TROOPS AND COMPANIES BELONGING TO THE—
ROYAL HORSE ARTILLERY,
FIFTH BATTALION,
SIXTH BATTALION,
SEVENTH BATTALION 393
APPENDICES 426
HISTORY
Of THE
ROYAL REGIMENT OF ARTILLERY.
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
IN the summer of 1682, for the space of nearly three months, an old man
might have been seen pacing daily up and down near the Ordnance Offices
in the Tower of London, growing shabbier day by day, more hopeless and
purposeless in his gait, yet seeming bound to the place either by
expectation or command.
At last with trembling hand he prepared for the Honourable Board of
Ordnance the following quaint petition:—
"The humble Petition of John Hawling, Master Gunner of
His Majesty's Castle of Chester."
"SHEWETH:—
"That y^e Petitioner being commanded up by special order from the
office hath remained here y^e space of 13 weeks to his great cost
and charges, he being a very poor and ancient man, not having
wherewithal to subsist in so chargeable a place.
"He therefor most humbly implores y^r Hon^{rs} to take his sad
condition into your Honours' consideration, and to restore him to
his place again, y^t he may return to his habitation with such
commands as your Hon^{rs} shall think fitt to lay upon him.
"And your Petitioner as in duty bound shall ever pray."
To which Petition the Honourable Board returned the following peremptory
answer:—
"Let y^e Petitioner return back to Chester Castle, and there submit
himself to Sir Jeoffrey Shakerley, Governor, in y^e presence of Sir
Peter Pindar and Mr. Anderton, and obey y^e orders of y^e Governor
and Lieut.-Governor of y^e said castle, and upon his said
submission and obedience, let him continue and enjoy his former
employment of Master Gunner there, so long as he shall so behave
himselfe accordingly."
John Hawling, this poor and ancient man, was one of the small class of
Master Gunners, and Gunners of Garrisons, who with the few fee'd Gunners
at the Tower, represented the only permanent force of Artillery in those
days in England. Their scientific attainments as Artillerists were
small, and their sense of discipline was feeble. To take a very
superficial charge of Ordnance Stores, and to resent any military
interference, such as at Chester seems to have driven John Hawling into
mutiny, but at the same time to cringe to the Board, which was the
source of their annual income, represented in their minds the sum and
substance of their duties. And taking into consideration John Hawling's
offence, his advanced years, and his petition, we do not err in taking
him as a representative man.
* * * * *
In the House of Commons, on the 22nd of February, 1872, the Secretary of
State for War rose to move the Army Estimates for the ensuing year.
These included provision for a Regiment of Artillery, numbering—
including those serving in India—34,943 officers, non-commissioned
officers, and men.
Although divided into Horse, Field, and Garrison Artillery, and
including no less than twenty-nine Brigades, besides a large Depôt, this
large force, representing the permanent Artillery Force of Great
Britain, was one vast regiment—the Royal Regiment of Artillery.
To trace the growth, from so small an acorn, of so noble a tree, is a
task which would inspire the boldest author with diffidence: and when
the duty is undertaken by one who has had no experience in historical
writing, he is bound to justify himself to his readers for his temerity.
When the writer of the following pages assumed, in January, 1871, the
duties of Superintendent of the Royal Artillery Regimental Records, he
found a method and order established by his predecessor, Major R.
Oldfield, R.A., all the more remarkable when compared with the chaos too
often prevailing in Record offices. The idea immediately occurred to him
that if ever a History of the Regiment were to be written—a book greatly
wanted, and yet becoming every day more difficult to write—here, in this
office, could it most easily be done. This feeling became so strong in
his mind, that it overcame the reluctance he felt to step into an arena
for which he had received no special training.
The unwillingness felt by him was increased by the knowledge that there
was in the Regiment an officer, Colonel F. Miller, V.C., who was
eminently qualified for writing such a History. Other and more pressing
duties had, however, prevented that officer from undertaking a work
which he had once contemplated; but of the many documents and books
which the author of the following pages has made use of for his purpose,
none has been more valuable than an exhaustive pamphlet published some
years ago by Colonel Miller for private circulation, and his recent
edition of Kane's list of Artillery officers, with its comprehensive
Appendix.
It has been said above that the writing of this History has been every
year becoming more difficult. The statement requires explanation, as the
difficulty is not caused so much by the accumulation—continually going
on—of modern records, which might bury the old ones out of sight, as by
a change in the organization of the Regiment which took place some years
ago, and which sadly dislocated its history, although possibly improving
its efficiency. In the year 1859, the old system which divided the
Regiment into Companies and Battalions, with permanent Battalion
Headquarters at Woolwich, was abolished; and Companies serving in
different parts of the Empire were linked together in Brigades, on
grounds of Geography, instead of History. Companies of different
Battalions serving on the same station were christened Batteries of the
same Brigade, and the old Battalion staff at Woolwich became the staff,
at various stations, of the Brigades newly created. The old Companies,
in donning their new titles, lost their old history and began their life
anew. Every year as it passed made the wall which had been built between
the present and the past of the Regiment more nearly approach the
student's horizon, and the day seemed imminent when it would be
impossible to make the existing Batteries know and realize that the
glorious History of the old Companies was their own legitimate property.
The evil of such a state can hardly be described. The importance of
maintaining the _esprit_ of Batteries cannot be overrated. And _esprit_
feeds and flourishes upon history.
Nor can Battery _esprit_ be created by a _general_ Regimental history.
The _particular_ satisfies the appetite which refuses to be nourished
upon the _general_. The memory which will gloat over the stories of
Minden, Gibraltar, or Waterloo, will look coldly on the Regimental Motto
"Ubique." Therefore, he who would make the influence of history most
surely felt by an Artilleryman must spare no labour in tracing the links
which connect the Batteries of the present with the Companies of the
past. For the Battery is the unit of Artillery: all other organization
is accidental. Whether the administrative web, which encloses a number
of Batteries, be called a Battalion or a Brigade system, is a matter of
secondary importance. It is by Batteries that Artillerymen make War; and
it is by Batteries that their history should be traced.
With this feeling uppermost in his mind, the author of these pages has
endeavoured on every occasion to revive the memories which will be dear
to the officers and men of Batteries—memories which ran a risk of being
lost with the introduction of a new nomenclature. On such memories an
_esprit de corps_, which no legislation can create, will blossom easily
and brilliantly; and no weapon for discipline in the hand of a commander
will be found more true than the power of appealing to his men to
remember the reputation which their predecessors earned with their
lives.
This first volume will give the present designation, the past history,
and the succession of Captains of the whole of the Companies of the
seven Battalions formed during the last century and of the old troops of
the Royal Horse Artillery. In the succeeding volumes, the same course
will be pursued with regard to the later Battalions.
These stories will be all the more precious now, as the importance of
the Battery as a tactical unit has been so distinctly recognized by His
Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge within the last few months, and its
responsibility and value as a command have been so recently and
generously marked by the present Secretary of State for War.
* * * * *
The author does not pretend to underrate the difficulties of the task
which he has undertaken—difficulties which cannot be realized by those
who see merely these inadequate results of his labours. Not the least
was the difficulty of knowing where to begin. The Regimental
organization is comparatively recent; and had he confined his labours to
the last one hundred and sixty years, his task would have been greatly
lessened, and yet he might have said with literal truth that he had
written a History of the Royal Artillery. But surely in any History
worthy of the name there were antecedent circumstances which could not
be left unnoticed, such as the circumstances which brought about the
birth of the Regiment, the blunders and failures which marked the old
system in England as wrong and foolish, and the necessity, which
gradually dawned, of having in the country a _permanent_, instead of a
_spasmodic_ force of Artillery.
Repudiating, therefore, the notion that the Regiment's History should
commence with its first parade, how far was he to penetrate in his
antiquarian researches? There was a danger of wearying his reader, which
had to be avoided fully as carefully as the risk of omitting necessary
information, for a history—to be useful in awakening _esprit de corps_—
should be _read_, not shelved as a work of reference. It is in this part
of his labours that the author has to appeal for the greatest
indulgence, because writing, as he has generally done, with all his
documents and authorities round him for reference, he may unconsciously
have omitted some details most necessary to the reader; or with some
picture clearly present to his own mind as he wrote, he may have given
light and shade which had caught his own fancy, and omitted the outlines
without which the picture will be almost unintelligible.
Of the many to whom he is indebted for assistance he feels called upon
to mention specially the Secretary of State for War, by whose permission
he had unlimited access to the Ordnance Library in the Tower; Colonel
Middleton, C.B., Deputy Adjutant-General of the Royal Artillery; General
McDowell, commanding the troops in New York; Lieutenant A. B. Gardner,
of the United States Artillery; and the Committees of the Royal
Artillery and United Service Institutions.
The works which the author has consulted are too numerous to mention,
but among those which were most useful to him were Drinkwater's 'Siege
of Gibraltar,' Murdoch's 'History of Nova Scotia,' Browne's 'England's
Artillerymen,' Clode's 'Military Forces of the Crown,' the Reports of
the House of Commons, the Records of the Royal Military Academy, Kirke's
'Conquest of Canada,' Rameau's 'La France aux Colonies,' Cust's 'Annals
of the Wars.'
* * * * *
Among the mass of MSS. through which he had to wade, the valuable
manuscript notes connected with the 'History of the Royal Artillery,'
arranged by the late Colonel Cleaveland, deserve special mention. The
skeleton of this work, however, was furnished by the old Record Books of
the Battalions, deposited in the office of which the author is
Superintendent.
In the succeeding volumes, the advantage of being able to use the old
letter-books of the head-quarter offices of the Royal Artillery will be
apparent. But there was no head-quarter staff for the Regiment up to the
time where this volume finishes; so that the student has, up to that
date, to depend greatly on men like General James Pattison and Forbes
Macbean, who placed on record, in their diaries and letter-books,
valuable and interesting information connected with the Regiment during
their service, which would otherwise have been hopelessly unattainable.
The value of such a History as this, if the writer has not utterly
failed in his object, cannot be better shown than in some words
addressed by one of our most distinguished Artillery officers (Sir E. C.
Warde) to an audience at the Royal Artillery Institution a few months
ago. The family affection which he urged as the model for Regimental
_esprit_ cannot be better fostered than by reviving the stories of our
predecessors' gallant deeds and scientific excellence. As a Regiment, we
are now large almost to unwieldiness, and conflicting interests and
tastes tend to diminish the desired sympathy and cohesion. And, as in
the crowded pit of a theatre before the performance commences, there is
elbowing, and crowding, and wrangling for place, yet when the curtain
rises all is hushed and quiet,—there is room for every one,—and the look
of selfishness is exchanged for one of interest and pleasure,—so, among
our great numbers, although there must be many and diverse interests and
tastes, yet we all become as one as we gaze on the great dramas in which
those of us have acted who have gone before.
The words used by Sir Edward Warde were as follows:—"It has ever been
our pride, as a corps, to be regarded as one family; and if one member
of it, in any remote part of the world, in any way distinguished
himself, it was felt universally that he had reflected credit and honour
on the whole corps. And so, _vice versâ_. Should we not, then, extend
those feelings as they apply to private families, in which members
embrace _different_ professions? One becomes a soldier, another a
sailor, a third enters the Church, a fourth goes up for the bar, and so
on; and if any one gain honour and distinction, all equally feel that
such honour and distinction is reflected upon the whole family, and all
equally glory and rejoice in it. So should it be with us. Some of us
take special interest in the _personnel_, as it is well known to you all
that I have done throughout my career; but is that any reason why I
should not take an interest—aye, and a warm interest—in the success of
those brother officers who pursue scientific researches, and seek honour
and distinction in the pursuit of literature, and in endeavouring to
raise the character of our corps as one from which highly scientific
attainments are expected? No, indeed; the very reverse should be our
guiding rule; and I can conceive no position more honourable than that
held for so many years by our highly distinguished brother officer, Sir
Edward Sabine. Let us, then, feel that we _are_ one family, and let us
rejoice in the success of every one of its members, whether they are so
fortunate as to gain distinction in the field, in the siege, or in
literary and scientific pursuits; and by so doing may we hope, not only
to maintain our present high reputation, but to increase it as time goes
on."
CHAPTER I.
THE MASTERS-GENERAL OF THE ORDNANCE AND THEIR
HONOURABLE BOARD.
THERE are many reasons why the Masters-General of the Ordnance must
interest the student of the History of the Royal Artillery. In the days
before the Regimental organization existed, all Artillery details came
under the care and superintendence of the Masters-General; and to a
distinguished one of their number does the Regiment owe its formation.
The interest becomes deeper and closer after that date; for in addition
to the general superintendence which had already existed, the Master-
General had now a special interest in the Royal Artillery, in his _ex
officio_ capacity as its Colonel.
And whatever objections may be urged against the Board of Ordnance, the
Royal Artillery, save in one particular, has always had abundant and
special reason for regarding it with affection and gratitude. The almost
fatherly care, even to the minutest details, which the Board showed to
that corps over which their Master presided, was such as to awaken the
jealousy of the other arms of the service. Had their government not been
of that description which attempts to govern too much, not a word could
be said by an Artilleryman, save in deprecation of the day when the
Board of Ordnance was abolished. Unfortunately, like a parent who has
failed to realize that his children have become men, the Board
invariably interfered with the duties of the Artillery under whatever
circumstances its officers might be situated. No amount of individual
experience, no success, no distance from England, could save unhappy
Artillerymen from perpetual worry and incessant legislation. The piteous
protests and appeals which meet the student at every turn give some idea
of the torture to which the miserable writers had been exposed. The way,
also, in which the Board expressed its parental affection was often such
as to neutralize its aim. It was rare indeed that any General Officer
commanding an army on service made an appointment of however temporary
or trivial a nature, which had to come under the approval of the Board,
without having it peremptorily cancelled. Even in time of peace, the
presence in every garrison of that band of conspirators, known as the
Respective Officers—who represented the obstructive Board, and whose
opinion carried far more weight than that of the General commanding—was
enough to irritate that unhappy officer into detestation of the
Honourable Board and all connected with it.
It has been declared—and by many well able to judge, including the Duke
of Wellington himself—that in many respects the Board of Ordnance was an
excellent national institution and a source of economy to the country.
It may be admitted that in its civil capacity this was the case, and the
recent tendency to revive in the army something like the Civil Branch of
the Ordnance proves that this opinion is general. But, if we take a more
liberal view than that of mere Artillerymen, we must see that the
military division of its duties was only saved from exposure and
disgrace by the fact that the bodies of troops over which it had control
were generally small and scattered. The command of the Royal Artillery,
now that it has attained its present numbers, could not have remained
vested in the hands of a Board constituted as the Board of Ordnance was.
What General Officer could have hoped to weld the three arms of his
division into any homogeneous shape, while one of them could quote
special privileges, special orders, and sometimes positive prohibition,
from a body to which they owed a very special obedience? The Royal
Artillery may indeed have lost in little comforts and perquisites by the
abolition of the Board of Ordnance, but in a military point of view, in
proficiency, and in popularity, the Regiment has decidedly been a
gainer.
While admitting, however, the advantages, nay, the necessity of the
change which has taken place, the long roll of distinguished soldiers
and statesmen who have successively held the office of Master-General of
the Ordnance is too precious an heirloom in the eyes of an Artilleryman
to let pass without special notice and congratulation.
From 1483, the earliest date when we can trace one by name, down to the
days of the Crimean war, when the last Master-General died in harness,
the brave, gentle Lord Raglan, the list sparkles with the names of men
who have been first in Court and field, and who have deserved well of
England.
Their duties were by no means honorary in earlier times, although during
the last fifty years of the Board's existence the chief work fell upon
the permanent staff, and the visits of the Master-General were
comparatively rare and ceremonious. If any one would learn what they had
to do in the seventeenth century, let him go to the Tower, and examine
the correspondence of Lord Dartmouth, the faithful friend and servant of
Charles II., a professional Artilleryman and James II.'s skilled Master-
General to the last. He created order out of chaos in the Department of
the Ordnance, under Charles II., and so admirable were his arrangements,
that on King William ascending the throne, he issued a warrant ratifying
all previous orders, and leaving the details of the management of the
Ordnance unaltered. In the autumn of 1688, Lord Dartmouth's office—never
a sinecure—became laborious in the extreme. Daily and hourly
requisitions reached him from the excited King and his Ministers, for
the arming of the ships and the Regiments which were being raised in
every direction. Authority was given to raise more gunners, as if
experience could be created in a moment and the science of Artillery
begotten in a man's mind, without previous study, for "twelve-pence by
the day." To Chatham the Master-General hurries to superintend the
fitting-out of the men-of-war, and next day, for the same purpose, to
Sheerness, where he finds a despatch from the trembling Privy Council,
ordering him to fill six merchant ships with fireworks to accompany the
King's fleet, as fire-ships against the enemy. A terrible life did poor
Lord Dartmouth lead at this time. Sometimes his letters are written from
on board ship in the river, sometimes from his cabin in the
'Resolution,' at Portsmouth; very frequently from Windsor, where James
anxiously kept him near his person, plying him now with questions and
now with contradictory orders. Sometimes we find him writing at
midnight, ordering his loving friends, the principal officers of the
Ordnance, to meet him next day at the Cockpit, in Whitehall; at other
times he swoops down unexpectedly on the bewildered officials in the
Tower. In the old, quiet days, his correspondence was distinguished by
an almost excessive courtesy; but now, in these days of fever and in the
depth of his anxiety, it almost disappears; orders are issued like
minute-guns; explanations of delay are fretfully demanded; and a
bombardment is incessant of peremptory inquiries as to the state of His
Majesty's ships and stores.
His Lieutenant-General, Sir Henry Tichborne, has a hard place of it at
this time. With so energetic a Master at the Board, his work hitherto
has been of the lightest, and his head seems now to reel under the
change. For a few weeks he holds out, but by the end of November in that
eventful year matters came to a crisis with poor Sir Henry. He can no
longer attend the meetings of the Board; a violent fit of the gout
prevents him, which he carefully warns his colleagues will, in all
likelihood, continue some time: and with a piteous prayer that, out of
the small sum in hand, the Board will pay the salaries of the "poor
gunners, as subsisting but from day to day," Sir Henry's name disappears
from the Board's proceedings, and the History of the Ordnance knows him
no more.
After this time the Honourable Board seems, when its Master was absent,
to have enacted the part of the Unjust Steward, for we find various
debts remitted to creditors who could not pay, and not a small issue of
debentures to those whose friendship it was desirable to retain. All
through the records of their proceedings at this time is to be traced,
like a monotonous accompaniment in music, the work of that immovable
being the permanent clerk. From the dull offices in the Tower issue the
same solemn Warrants, appointing this man an Ordnance labourer at six-
and-twenty pounds a year, and that man a gunner at twelve-pence a day,
just as if no Revolution were at hand, and no foreign foe were menacing
the very existence of their King and Honourable Board together. Lord
Dartmouth may be guilty of curt and feverish memoranda, but the
permanent clerk never moves out of his groove, nor shall posterity ever
trace any uneasiness in his formal work.
And then comes the sudden gap in all the books; the blank pages more
eloquent than words; the disappearance of the familiar signature of
Dartmouth; and the student takes up a fresh set of books where England
took up a fresh King.
The duties of the Master-General, and the various members and servants
of the Board of Ordnance, were first reduced to a systematic form in
Charles II.'s reign, while Lord Dartmouth was in office. The Warrant
defining these was confirmed by James II. on the 4th February, 1686; by
William III., on the 8th March, 1689; by Queen Anne, on the 30th June,
1702; by George I., on the 30th July, 1715; and by George II., on the
17th June, 1727.
Although some alterations were made by George III., they were very
slight, and rendered necessary by the occasional absence of the Master-
General and by the creation of the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich—
the Cadets attending that institution being placed in a very special
manner under the care and superintendence of the Master and Lieutenant-
General of the Ordnance. The orders under which the Board worked up to
the beginning of this century were, therefore, practically those
instituted during Lord Dartmouth's term of office; and in examining
them, one cannot fail to be struck with their exhaustive anticipation of
every circumstance which might arise for consideration.
The Master of the Ordnance, as he was originally called—sometimes also
termed the Captain-General of the Artillery—received, in 1604, the title
of Master-General; and was considered one of the most important
personages in the realm. Since the great Marlborough held the office, it
has seldom been given to any one not already possessed of the highest
military rank: but this was not always the case. Lord Dartmouth was
plain Colonel Legge when first appointed, and the social, as well as
military rank of his predecessors, was sometimes far from exalted. It
became, therefore, necessary to attach to the office some relative
military status: and accordingly we find a Warrant issued by James II.,
bearing date the 13th May, 1686, directing that the Master-General of
the Ordnance should always have "the rank, as well as the respect, due
to our youngest Lieutenant-General: and that our will and pleasure is,
that he command in our Garrisons as formerly, but do not take upon him
the charge or command as a Lieutenant-General in the field, without our
especial commission or appointment." The command in the Garrisons
referred to in the Warrant is in allusion to the Master-Gunners and
Gunners of the various Garrisons, whose allegiance to the Board of
Ordnance, as being, in fact, custodians of the Ordnance Stores, was
always insisted on.
The relative rank awarded to the Master-General entitled him, when
passing through any Camp or Garrison, to a guard of 1 officer, 1
sergeant, and 20 men; the guards were compelled to turn out to him and
the drums to beat a march; and the officers and soldiers of the
Regiments he passed had to turn out at the head of their respective
camps. In the old pre-regimental days, when the Master-General took the
field in time of war, in his official capacity, he was attended by a
Chancellor, thirty gentlemen of the Ordnance, thirty harquebusiers on
horseback, with eight halberdiers for his guard, two or three
interpreters, a minister or preacher, a physician, a master-surgeon and
his attendant, a trumpeter, kettledrums, and chariot with six white
horses, two or three engineers, or more if required, and two or three
refiners of gunpowder. These kettledrums do not seem to have been used
in the field after 1748. They were used by the train of Artillery
employed in Ireland in 1689, and the cost of the drums and their
carriage on that occasion, was estimated at 158_l._ 9_s._ As the reader
comes to compare the wages of the drummer and his coachman—4_s._ and
3_s._ per diem respectively—with the pay given to other by no means
unimportant members of an Artillery train, he will realize what a
prominent position these officials were supposed to hold. The drummer's
suit of clothes cost 50_l._, while a gunner's was valued at 5_l._ 6_s._
4_d._ Even the coachman could not be clad under 15_l._—nearly three
times the cost of a gunner's clothes.
Prior to the date of King Charles's Warrant, the pay of the Master-
General had been very fluctuating, being considerably affected by fees,
and even by sales of places in the department. By that Warrant, however,
it was fixed at a certain sum, inclusive of all perquisites, and the
amount would appear to have been 1500_l._ per annum. This remained
unchanged until the formation of the Cadet Company, when the annual sum
of 474_l._ 10_s._ was added to the Master-General's salary, in his
capacity as Captain of the Company, and charged in the Regimental
accounts of the Royal Artillery. Considerable strides in the direction
of further augmentation were afterwards made, more especially in 1801,
until we find Lord Chatham, in 1809, drawing no less than 3709_l._ per
annum as Master-General of the Ordnance.
There was an order forbidding any increase to the establishment of the
Ordnance without the King's sign-manual, but it speedily became a dead
letter; and changes were frequently made without authority, involving
additional expense, and covered by something akin to supplementary
estimates. In fact, the Parliamentary Commission which sat in 1810 to
inquire into the various departments of the Ordnance ascertained that
both in matters of _personnel_ and _matériel_ the power of the Master-
General in his own department was simply unfettered. That it was not
more frequently abused speaks well for the honesty of the department,
and the honour of its chief officers.
The Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance at the meetings of the Board was
like the Deputy-Chairman of a Company. His powers were in abeyance when
the Master was present: although there were one or two cases in which
his signature was required as one of the quorum necessary to legalize
the business transacted. His office was created by Henry VIII., the
designation of General being added subsequently. Until the days of Sir
Christopher Musgrave he had an official residence in the Minories; and
on its being taken from him he received in lieu the annual allowance of
300_l._ Another perquisite of the Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance was
the ground called, as the old deed expresses it, "Y^e old Artillery
Garden situate near y^e Spitle in y^e parish of St. Buttolph,
Bishopsgate:" but this also being taken away from him, he was allowed,
in March, 1683, the large manor-house and grounds commonly known as the
Tower Place at Woolwich, together with the Warren, &c., where the Royal
Arsenal now stands, a name given on the occasion of the visit paid to it
by George III. in the spring of 1805. The use of this property by the
Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance was, however, trammelled by the
following conditions:—"That the proving of great guns should go on as
heretofore in Woolwich: that the Government should have full control
over all wharves, magazines, cranes, &c., and that a dwelling for the
Master-Gunner of England should be allowed in the said Mansion-house,
and lodging for ten fee'd gunners in the adjoining houses, and also for
such Ordnance labourers as might be necessary."
The proper salary of the Lieutenant-General at first was 800_l._ per
annum, supplemented, as mentioned above, by 300_l._ in lieu of a house;
but rising like the pay of the other officers of the Board, we find in
1810, that it amounted to 1525_l._, besides an allowance for stationery.
The Parliamentary Committee which sat in 1810 and 1811 suggested the
abolition of the office of Lieutenant-General—a suggestion which was
ultimately carried out in 1831. It was revived for a short time during
the Crimean war, Sir Hew Ross holding the appointment during the absence
at the seat of war of the Master-General, Lord Raglan; but this was a
contingency which the Committee had foreseen, and was prepared to meet.
In examining the individual, apart from the collective, duties of the
principal officers of the Ordnance, we find that the Lieutenant-General
had the supervision of the military branch, and acted as a sort of
Adjutant to the Master, who looked to him for all information connected
with the various trains of artillery at the Tower and elsewhere. These
he was bound always to have fit and ready to march: he had to direct and
superintend the practice of the Master-Gunner of England, Firemaster and
his mates, Fireworkers and Gunners, and acquaint the Master with their
proficiencies; and also to see that all officials connected with the
Department did their several duties.
The other four principal officers of the Ordnance were the Surveyor-
General, the Clerk of the Ordnance, the Storekeeper, and the Clerk of
the Deliveries, any three of whom formed a quorum. At the beginning of
the present century the salaries of these officials were respectively
1225_l._, 825_l._, 725_l._, and 1000_l._ with a further annual sum of
200_l._ to the Clerk of the Deliveries during war. The whole of the
principal officers were allowed 25_l._ a year for stationery, besides
certain patent fees varying from 54_l._ 15_s._ in the case of the
principal Storekeeper, to 18_l._ 5_s._ in that of the Clerk of the
Deliveries. The departmental expenses were swollen by an army of public
and private secretaries, clerks, and attendants.
As the work of the Lieutenant-General lay with the _personnel_, so that
of the Surveyor-General lay with the _matériel_. On him lay the
responsibility of superintending all stores, taking remains, and noting
all issues and receipts.
The Clerk of the Ordnance had, in addition to the ordinary
correspondence of the department, to look after salaries, debts,
debentures, and bills falling due, and generally to perform, on a large
scale, the duties of a modern book-keeper. If we may judge by the
correspondence on financial matters which is to be found among the
Ordnance Records, there must have been many a Clerk of the Ordnance
whose days and nights were haunted by visions of bills falling due which
could not be paid. During the times of the Stuarts, the poverty of the
office was sometimes as terrible as the shifts to which the Board had
recourse were pitiable.
Money seems to have been more plentiful during the reign of William
III.; but when Queen Anne came to the throne, England's continental wars
drained the Ordnance exchequer wofully; and while most of their debts
were only paid in part, many were never paid at all. An amusing incident
of the Board's impecuniosity occurred in 1713. An expedition to Canada
having taken place, the gunners and matrosses employed were found after
a time to be sadly in want of clothing. The Commissary of the Ordnance
on the spot, being without funds, drew a bill on the Honourable Board
for 140_l._, which instead of selling as usual to the merchants, he
disposed of to one of the gunners, apparently a man of means, and
destined ever after to be immortal, Mr. Frederick Price.
The bill, in due course, reached the Tower, but only two-thirds of the
amount were paid. Mr. Price naturally remonstrated; but as the
proceeding seems not to have been unusual, the Board took no notice. So
the injured gunner petitioned the Queen, and a courteous letter from the
Treasury speedily reached the Tower, in which a nice distinction was
drawn between Mr. Price's case and that of the merchants, who had been
similarly treated, "who had been great gainers as well by the exchange
as by the stores and provisions which they had sold." The Board admitted
the force of the reasoning, and the creditor got his own again.
The duties of the storekeeper are expressed by his title, and involved
close and frequent personal inspection of stores, as well as great
clerical labour.
The Clerk of the Deliveries had to draw all proportions for delivering
any stores, and to keep copies of all orders or warrants for the
proportions, and journals vouched by the persons who indented for them.
He had to compare monthly the indents taken for all deliveries of stores
with the Storekeeper's proportions; and had to attend, either in person
or represented by one of his sworn clerks, at all deliveries of stores,
and when taking _remains_ of ships.
The Treasurer of the Ordnance, who had to find heavy personal
securities, was one of the most important of the remaining officers
attached to the Board.
So much for the individual duties of the principal officers of the
Ordnance, duties which, it must be admitted, were generally well and
conscientiously performed. Their acts, in their collective capacity, are
more open to criticism. Although the Master-General could act
independently of the Board, when he chose, and had full power of
dismissing or suspending any of the officers, reporting the same to the
Sovereign, he generally worked by means of the Board and, with his
consent, their acts were perfectly legal and binding without his
presence. His personal influence appeared chiefly in matters of
patronage and promotion, and, after the foundation of the Royal Military
Academy, it appeared in a very marked way in all matters connected with
its government. But, with these exceptions, the actions of the Board
which were most public, and call for most comment, are those which are
to be traced to it in its collective capacity; and, as we shall see in
the course of this History, their joint acts were often characterized by
a pettiness, a weakness, and a blindness worthy of the most wooden-
headed vestry of the nineteenth century. It is marvellous how frequently
men who, when acting by themselves, display the utmost zeal and the
strongest sense of responsibility, lose both when associated with others
for joint action, where their individuality is concealed. The zeal seems
instantly to evaporate: their sense of justice gets blunted by the
traditions of the Board of which they have become members; and even the
most radical—after a few useless kicks and plunges—soon settles into the
collar, and assists the team to drag on the lumbering vehicle of
obstruction and unreason. The power over a Board which is exercised by
its permanent clerks is not the less tyranny because it is adroitly
exercised, or because the tyrants are necessary evils. If an
_individual_ is put at the head of a department, self-esteem assists a
sense of duty in making him master the details, and ensure the proper
working of the machine. But when he finds himself merely one of several
shifting and shadowy units whose individualities are lost, and whose
faults are visited upon an empty abstraction instead of on themselves,
he speedily in mere sympathy becomes like them; and, like them, he bows
to the customs and precedents quoted by the permanent officials with an
ill-disguised contempt for those to whom these precedents are
unfamiliar. Then follows the unresisting signature of documents placed
before the Board by clerks who have no idea of anything beyond their
office walls—who imagine the world was created for them, not they for
the world, and who believe and almost say, that the very members of the
Board are there merely to be the channels of their offensive and
dictatorial opinions. There has been in all ages in this country an
officialism which cannot look beyond the letter of the law, whose
representatives decline to enter into argument, to consider the
circumstances of a case, or to make allowance for emergencies:—whose
minds prefer sinning in a groove to doing right out of it: and whose
conduct would often appear malicious, were not malice too active a
feeling to enter into their cold and contracted bosoms.
This officialism was often rampant in the Ordnance; nor with the
extinction of that Honourable Board can it be said to have vanished from
England's administration.
As in the history of every corporation, there were at the Ordnance fits
of economy and extravagance. The extravagance always began at the Tower,
the centre of the Board's official centre and kingdom; the economy away
at the circumference, among poor gunners at distant stations, among
decaying barracks and fortifications crying out loudly for repair. It
seems destined to be the motto of departments in every age, "Charity
begins at home: economy abroad." After the peace of Utrecht, there was a
determined resolution on the part of the Government to retrench,—a wise
and praiseworthy resolution, if the method to be adopted were judicious.
The Treasury communicated with the Ordnance: and the Tower having made
plausible promises to Whitehall, the Honourable Board met to see what
could be done. Starting with the official postulate, so characteristic
of English departments, that their own salaries were to be untouched,
the field of their labour was in proportion contracted. Ultimately they
decided to economize in Scotland: they reduced all the stores there;
voted no money for the repair of the fortifications or barracks; and,
regardless of past services, they reduced the gunners in various
garrisons.
From the far north a plaintive appeal meets the student's eye. It is
from one John Murray, who had been Master-Gunner of Fort William for
nineteen years, and who in this fit of economy had been ruthlessly
struck off the establishment. Verily, ere many months be over, honest
John shall have his revenge!
From Scotland, the Board turned to the Colonies, and reminded them that
they must pay for their own engineers and gunners, if they wished to
keep them. A committee sat to inquire how the American dependencies
could be made to pay for themselves,—the beginning of that official
irritation which culminated in the blaze in which we lost them
altogether; and in the mean time demands for stores were neglected. One
unhappy Governor wrote that he had under his command a company of troops
which for fifteen years had received no fresh bedding: and "many of the
soldiers were very ill, and in y^e winter ready to starve." A special
messenger was sent to lay the matter before the Board; but, he having
been recalled by domestic reasons before succeeding in his prayer, the
Board adroitly pigeon-holed his petition for four years; and, in the
language of a subsequent letter, "For want of bedding, many of y^e
soldiers have since perished."
But ere long came the inevitable swing in the other direction. Queen
Anne died; King George had not yet landed at Greenwich; there was
agitation and conspiracy among the adherents of the Stuarts, and
Scotland was simmering with rebellion. Then did the fearful Privy
Council send letter after letter to the Ordnance urging them to find
arms for 10,000 men for Scotland, or for 5000, or even for 4000; but
from their diminished stores even this small body could with difficulty
be armed. A train of artillery was ordered to march, and could not:
everything was starved, and in chaos; and its commander, Albert Borgard,
wrote, "Things are in such confusion as cannot be described." Orders
were sent to man and defend Fort William, the now desolate scene of John
Murray's nineteen years; and General Maitland, on reaching it, reported
that "the parapets want repairing: there are no palisadoes; without an
engineer to help me, I can but make the best of a bad bargain." He had
to advance the money himself: "Who pays me," he wrote, "I know not." By
next messenger he asked for a little gunpowder, a few spades, pickaxes,
and wheelbarrows, all rather useful articles in a fortification, but
which had vanished under the breath of economy. There were no gunners,
he wrote, to work the guns; and he requested that the hand-grenades
which were coming from Edinburgh might be filled and fitted with fuzes
before they should be sent to him, "for we have none here that
understand this matter well." Of a truth, John Murray had his revenge!
The principal gate of the fortress was so rotten and shattered that it
could not be made use of, and was of no defence at all. There never had
been any gate, the General wrote, to the port of the ravelin; and unless
the platform could be renewed, it would be impossible to work the guns.
"And," he adds in a well-rounded period, "the old timber houses in which
the officers of the Garrison are lodged, and also the old timber
chapell, are all in such a shattered pitifull condition, that neither
the first can be lodged in one, nor the Garrison attend divine service
in the other without being exposed to the inconvenience of all
weathers."
Nor was General Maitland singular. From Dumbarton Castle Lord Glencairn
wrote to the Board, "We not only want in a manner everything, but we
have not so much as a boat. And, besides, the Garrison wants near four
months' pay." From Carlisle the Governor wrote that there were only four
barrels of powder in the garrison, a deficiency of every species of
stores, and only four gunners, "three of which are superannuated." Most
of the gun-carriages were unserviceable, and the platforms wanted
repairing. There was haste and panic at Portsmouth, as empty stores and
unarmed ships warned the Board what work there was before them. And from
Chester, Mr. Asheton, the zealous governor just appointed, reported,
"The guns are all here, but not the carriages, so that the stores, &c.,
would be of service—not prejudice—to an enemy." The only men there who
were capable of doing any work were forty _invalids_; and he therefore
begged for assistance in men and stores, "in order" he wrote, "that I
may be capable of doing my country service by maintaining the rights of
our gracious Sovereign King George against all Popish Pretenders
whatsoever."
As the guns of the Tower blazed out their welcome to the King, the smoke
must have clouded over such an accumulation of testimony in the Ordnance
offices hard by, proving that there may be an economy which is no
economy at all, as might almost have penetrated the intelligence of a
Board. This period in the history of the Ordnance is unsurpassed, even
by the many blundering times which, in the course of these volumes, we
shall have to examine, down to that day in the year of grace 1855 when,
"from the first Cabinet at which Lord Palmerston ever sat as Premier,
the Secretary at War brought home half a sheet of paper, containing a
memorandum that the Ordnance—one of the oldest Constitutional
departments of the Monarchy ... was to be abolished."[1]
In the early days of the Ordnance Board, its relations with the navy
were more intimate than in later years. The gunners of the ships were
under its control, and had to answer to it for the expenditure of their
stores. In this particular, as in most details of checking and audit,
the Board was stern to a degree, and not unfrequently unreasonable. In
1712, the captain of a man-of-war, sent to Newfoundland in charge of a
convoy, found the English inhabitants of the Island in a state of great
danger and uneasiness, and almost unprotected. At their urgent request,
he left with them much of his ordnance and stores before he returned to
England. With the promptitude which characterized the Board's action
towards any one who dared to think for himself, it refused to pass the
captain's or gunner's accounts, nor would it authorize them to draw
their pay. Remonstrance was useless; explanations were unattended to:
the lesson had to be taught to its subordinates, however harshly and
idiotically, that freewill did not belong to them, and that to assume
any responsibility was to commit a grievous sin. It actually required a
petition to the Queen and the Treasury before the unhappy men could get
a hearing, and, as a natural consequence, an approval and confirmation
of their conduct.
The arming of all men-of-war belonged to the Ordnance; indeed, the
office was created for the Navy, although, in course of time, Army
details almost entirely monopolized it. Although obliged to act on the
requisitions of the Lord High Admiral, their control in their own
details, and over the gunners of the ship as regarded their stores, was
unfettered. The repairing of the ships, and to a considerable extent
their internal fittings, were part of the Board's duties; but it is to
be hoped that the technical knowledge of some of their officials
exceeded that possessed by the Masters-General. A letter is extant from
one of these distinguished individuals, written on board the 'Katherine'
yacht, in 1682, to his loving friends, the principal officers of the
Ordnance. "I desire" he wrote, "you would give Mr. Young notice to
proceed no further in making y^e hangings for y^e great bedstead in
y^e lower room in y^e Katherine yacht, till ye have directions from me."
But the Naval branch of the Board's duties is beyond the province of the
present work. Of the Military branch much will be better described in
the chapters concerning the old Artillery trains, the Royal Military
Academy, and in the general narrative of the Royal Artillery's existence
as a regiment. A few words, however, may be said here with reference to
their civil duties, once of vast importance, but, with the naval branch,
swallowed up, like the fat kine of Pharaoh's dream, by the military
demands which were constantly on the increase, and were fostered by the
military predilections of the Masters and Lieutenants-General.
The civil duties have been well and clearly defined by Clode in his
'Military Forces of the Crown,' vol. ii. He divides into duties—1. As to
Stores; 2. As Landowners; 3. As to the Survey of the United Kingdom; 4.
As to Defensive Works; 5. As to Contracts; and 6. As to Manufacturing
Establishments.
Of the first of these it may be said that their system was excellent.
Periodical remains were taken (the oldest extant being dated April,
1559), and a system of issues and receipts was in force which could
hardly be improved upon.
In their capacity as Landowners, the members of the Board were good and
cautious stewards; but as buyers of land, their characteristic crops up
of thinking but little of other men's feelings or convenience. Perhaps
their line of action in this respect can be best illustrated by an
anecdote which comes down over many years in the shape of an indignant
and yet pitiful remonstrance. It was in good Queen Anne's time, and the
Board had formed a scheme for fortifying Portsmouth. They appointed
Commissioners to arrange the situation of the various works, and to come
to terms with the landowners. These gentlemen did their duty; and, among
others, one James Dixon was warned that some land on which he had
recently built a brewhouse would be required for the Board's purposes. A
jury was empanelled, and assessed the value of the whole at 4000_l._
When James Dixon built his brewhouse, he had borrowed money on mortgage:
the interest would, he believed, be easily paid, and the principal of
the debt gradually reduced by the earnings of the brewery. But after the
jury sat, not a drop of beer was brewed: no orders could be taken, with
the fear hanging over him that he must turn out at any moment; nor could
he introduce additional improvements or fixtures after the assessment
had been made, as he would never receive a farthing for them over the
first valuation. Little knowing the admirable system of official
management in which an English department excels, he sat waiting for the
purchase-money. One month passed after another: Christmas came, and yet
another, and another, and the only knocks at James Dixon's door were
from the angry creditor demanding his money. At last, after waiting four
years,—the grey hairs thickening on the unhappy brewer's head,—the knock
of a lawyer's writ came; and before the Master of the Rolls his
miserable presence and story were alike demanded. The narrative ends
abruptly with a petition from him for six months' grace. Even then hope
was not dead in him; and he babbled in his prayer that "he was in hopes
by this time "to have redeemed it out of the 4000_l._ agreed to be paid
y^r Petitioner as aforesaid."
In the course of our story we shall find many such lives crushed beneath
the wheels of an official Juggernaut. Alas! that Juggernaut is still a
god!
'The Survey of the United Kingdom' will be the most honourable vehicle
for transmitting to posterity the story of the Board's existence; for,
although not yet completed, to the Board is due the credit of
originating a work whose national value can hardly be over-estimated.
The defensive works erected under the Ordnance already live almost in
history, so rapidly has the science of fortification had to move to keep
pace with the strength of attack. Their contracts showed but little
favouritism, and, on the whole, were just: they included everything,
from the building of forts to the manufacture of gunpowder and small
arms; and, in peace and war, they reached nearly over the whole
civilized world. With this extensive area came the necessity for
representatives of the Board at the various stations,—who were first,
and wisely, civilians, three in number; afterwards, most foolishly,
owing to the increasing military element at the Board, two soldiers, the
commanding officers of Artillery and Engineers, and one civilian. And as
no man can serve two masters, it was soon apparent that the military
members could not always serve their local General and their absent
Board; discipline was not unfrequently strained; jealousy and ill-will
supervened; and when the death of the Board sounded the knell of the
Respective officers, as they were termed, there can be no doubt that it
removed an anomaly which was also a danger. Under the new and existing
system, the commanding officers of Artillery and Engineers occupy their
proper places: they are now the advisers of their General, not his
critics: and the door is opened for the entry of the officers of the
scientific corps upon an arena where civilian traditions are unknown or
powerless.
Of the manufacturing departments of the Ordnance, what has to be said
will come better in its place in the course of the narrative.
In summing up, not so much the contents of this Chapter, which is
necessarily brief, as the study of the Board's history, the following
are the ideas presented to the student's mind:—The Board of Ordnance
formed a standard of political excellence,—which it endeavoured to
follow when circumstances permitted,—of financial and economical
excellence, which it planted everywhere among its subordinates for
worship, but which was not allowed the same adoration in its own offices
in the Tower. It saved money to the country legitimately by an admirable
system of check and audit—illegitimately too often by a false economy,
which in the end proved no economy at all; it obstructed our Generals in
war, and hampered them in peace: it was extravagant on its own members
and immediate retainers to an extent which can only be realized by those
who study the evidence given before the Parliamentary Commission of
1810-11. Jobbery existed, but rarely secret or underhand; and its
extensive patronage was, on the whole, well and fairly exercised. And
although every day shows more clearly the wisdom of removing from under
the control of a Board that part of our army, the importance of which is
made more apparent by every war which occurs, yet the Artilleryman must
always remember with kindly interest that it was to this board and its
great Master (Marlborough) that his Regiment owes its existence, that to
it we owe a nurture which was sometimes too detailed and careful, but
under which we earned a reputation in many wars; and that, after a long
peace, it placed in the Crimea, for one of the greatest and most
difficult sieges in history,—difficult for other reasons than mere
military,—the finest siege-train of Artillery that the world has ever
seen. In command of the English Army, during this war, the Board's last
Master died; and in the list which preceded him, and with which this
chapter closes, will be found names which would almost atone for the
worst offences ever committed by the Board over which their owners
presided.
LIST OF THE MASTERS-GENERAL OF THE ORDNANCE.
The most recent list of these distinguished officials is that published
in Kane's 'List of Officers of the Royal Artillery.' In it all the
Masters before the reign of Henry VIII. are ignored, as being merely
commanders of the Artillery on expeditions or in districts. But this
seems somewhat stern ruling. Undoubtedly Henry VIII. reorganized the
Ordnance Department, and defined the position of the Master, as never
had been done before, and the sequence of the Masters from his reign is
clear and intelligible. But before his time there were not merely
Masters of the Ordnance on particular expeditions, but also for life;
and there were certainly Offices of the Ordnance in the Tower. It has,
therefore, been thought advisable in the following list to prefix a few
names, which seem deserving of being included, although omitted in
'Kane's List.'
The earliest of whom there is any record is
RAUF BIGOD, who was appointed on 2nd June, 1483, "for life." His life
does not, however, seem to have been a very long one, for we find
Sir RICHARD GYLEFORD, who was appointed in 1485.
Sir SAMPSON NORTON was undoubtedly Master of the Ordnance, appointed in
1513, as has been proved by extant MSS.
The next one about whom there is any certainty would appear to be the
one who heads 'Kane's List'—
Sir THOMAS SEYMOUR, who was appointed about 1537. Other lists show Sir
Christopher Morris as Master at this time; but there seems little doubt
that he was merely Lieutenant of the Ordnance, although a distinguished
soldier, and frequently in command of the Artillery on service.
If one may credit 'Dugdale's Baronage,' the next in order was
Sir THOMAS DARCIE (afterwards Baron Darcie), appointed in 1545: but if
so, he merely held it for a short time, for we find him succeeded by
Sir PHILIP HOBY, who was appointed in 1548.
'Grose's List' and others interpolate Sir Francis Fleming, as having
been appointed in 1547; but this is undoubtedly an error, and his name
wisely rejected by the author of 'Kane's List,' where it is placed, as
it should be, in the list of Lieutenants of the Ordnance. There is a
folio of Ordnance accounts still in existence, extending over the period
between 29th March, 1547, and the last day of June, 1553, signed by Sir
Francis Fleming, as _Lieutenant_ of the Ordnance.
The next in rotation in the best lists is
Sir RICHARD SOUTHWELL, Knight, shown by 'Kane's List' as appointed in
February, 1554, and, by certain indentures and Ordnance accounts which
are still extant, as being Master of the Ordnance, certainly in 1557 and
1558.
The next Master held the appointment for many years. He was
AMBROSE DUDLEY, Earl of Warwick, and can be proved from indentures in
the possession of the late Craven Ord, Esq., which are probably still in
existence, and from which extracts were made in 1820 by the compiler of
a manuscript now in the Royal Artillery Library, to have been appointed
on the 19th February, 1559, and to have held the office until 21st
February, 1589, over thirty years.
Possibly owing to the difficulty of finding any one ready to undertake
the duties of one who had had so much experience—a difficulty which
occurred more than once again—the office was placed in commission after
1589, probably until 1596. From 'Burghleigh's State Papers' we learn
that the Commissioners were, the LORD TREASURER, the LORD HIGH ADMIRAL,
the LORD CHAMBERLAIN, and VICE-CHAMBERLAIN SIR J. FORTESCUE.
On 19th March, 1596, ROBERT, EARL OF ESSEX, was appointed Master of the
Ordnance, and held the appointment until removed by Elizabeth, in 1600.
No record of a successor occurs until the 10th September, 1603, when
CHARLES, EARL OF DEVONSHIRE, was appointed. He died in 1606, and was
succeeded by
LORD CAREW, appointed Master-General throughout England, for life, in
1608. He was created Earl of Totnes in 1625, and died in 1629. From a
number of Ordnance warrants and letters still extant, there can be no
doubt that he held the office until his death. For a year after, until
5th March, 1630, we learn, from the Harleian Manuscripts, that there was
no Master-General. On that date
HOWARD LORD VERE was appointed, and held office until the 2nd September,
1634, when
MOUNTJOY, EARL OF NEWPORT, was appointed.
Then came the troubles in England—the Revolution, the Commonwealth, and
at last the Restoration. Lord Newport seems to have remained Master-
General the whole time; for on Charles II. coming to the throne, he
issued directions specifying, "Forasmuch as the Earl of Newport may, by
Letters Patent from our Royal Father, pretend to the office of our
Ordnance, We, for weighty reasons, think fit to suspend him from said
charge, or anything belonging thereto; and Our Will is that you prepare
the usual Bill for his suspension."
On the 22nd January, 1660, a most able Master-General was appointed,
whose place the King afterwards found it most difficult to fill. He was
Sir WILLIAM COMPTON, Knight, and he remained in office until his death.
By letters patent, on the 21st October, 1664, specifying that he had not
determined with himself to supply the place of office of his Master of
the Ordnance, then void by the death of Sir William Compton, and
considering the importance of his affairs at that time to have that
service well provided for, the King appointed as Commissioners to
execute the office of Master of the Ordnance
JOHN, LORD BERKLY OF STRATTON, }
Sir JOHN DUNCOMBE, Knight, and }
THOMAS CHICHELEY. }
This Commission lasted until the 4th June, 1670, when the last-named
Commissioner (now Sir THOMAS CHICHELEY, Knight), was appointed Master of
the Ordnance, and in the warrant for his appointment, which is now in
the Tower Library, there is a recapitulation of the names of previous
Masters, which includes one—placed between Sir Richard Southwell and the
Earl of Essex—which does not appear in any other list, but which one
would gladly see included—
Sir PHILIP SIDNEY.
After the death of Sir Thomas Chicheley, the office was again placed in
Commission, the incumbents being
Sir JOHN CHICHELEY, son of the late Master,
Sir WILLIAM HICKMAN, and
Sir CHRISTOPHER MUSGRAVE, the last-named of whom afterwards became
Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance. This Commission lasted from 1679 to
8th January, 1682, when the celebrated
"GEORGE, LORD DARTMOUTH," became Master, having held the office of
Lieutenant-General under the Commission from 1st July, 1679, as plain
Colonel George Legge. He remained in office until after the Revolution
of 1688, when he forfeited it for his adherence to the King. His
successor, appointed by William III. in 1689, and afterwards killed at
the Battle of the Boyne, rejoiced in the following sounding titles:
FREDERICK, DUKE DE SCHOMBERG, Marquis of Harwich, Earl of Brentford,
Baron of Teys, General of their Majesties' Forces, Master-General of
their Majesties' Ordnance, Knight of the Most Noble Order of the Garter,
Count of the Holy Roman Empire, Grandee of Portugal, General of the Duke
of Brandenburg's forces, and Stadtholder of Prussia.
After his death, the Master-Generalship remained vacant until July,
1693, when it was conferred upon
HENRY, VISCOUNT SIDNEY, afterwards Earl of Romney, who held it until
1702. He was succeeded, almost immediately on Queen Anne's accession, by
her favourite, the great
JOHN, EARL OF MARLBOROUGH, who held the appointment until he fell into
disgrace with the Queen, when he resigned it, with his other
appointments, on 30th December, 1711. He was succeeded by
RICHARD, EARL RIVERS, who, after six months, was followed, on 29th
August, 1712, according to the British Chronologist, or on the 1st July,
1712, according to Kane's List, by
JAMES, DUKE OF HAMILTON, who was killed in a duel in November of the
same year.
For two years the appointment remained vacant, but in 1714 it was again
conferred upon
JOHN, now DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH, who held it until his death, in 1722. He
was succeeded, as follows, by
WILLIAM, EARL OF CADOGAN, on 22nd June, 1722, and by
JOHN, DUKE OF ARGYLE AND GREENWICH, on 3rd June 1725.
At this period there is an unaccountable confusion among the various
authorities. The 'British Chronologist' and the 'Biographia Britannica'
make the list run as follows:—The Duke of Argyle and Greenwich was
succeeded, in 1740, by John, Duke of Montague, and resumed office again,
for three weeks, in 1742, when, for the last time, he resigned all his
appointments, being again succeeded by the same Duke of Montague, who
continued to hold the office until 1749, when he died.
'Grose's List,' on the other hand, makes the Duke of Argyle's tenure of
office expire in 1730, instead of 1740, and makes no allusion to his
brief resumption of the appointment in 1742, and 'Kane's List' has
followed this. It is possible that for the brief period that he was in
office the second time, no letters patent were issued for his
appointment, which would account for its omission in most lists; but the
difference of ten years in the duration of the first appointment is more
difficult to account for. There is no doubt that, in 1740, the Duke of
Argyle resigned all his appointments for the first time, but it is not
stated whether the Master-Generalship was one, although it has been
assumed. On the other hand, he might have been away during these ten
years to a great extent, or allowed his officers of the Ordnance to sign
warrants, thus giving an impression to the casual student that he no
longer held office. The manuscript in the Royal Artillery Library,
already referred to, bears marks of such careful research, that one is
disposed to adopt its reading of the difficulty, which is different from
that taken by Grose's and Kane's Lists, and agrees with the other works
mentioned above.
After the death of the Duke of Montague, the office remained vacant
until the end of 1755, when it was conferred upon
CHARLES, DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH, who held it until his death, on 20th
October, 1758.
During the vacancy immediately preceding the appointment of the last-
named Master-General, Sir J. Ligonier had been appointed Lieutenant-
General of the Ordnance, and for four years had performed the duties of
both appointments,—acted as Colonel of the Royal Artillery, and Captain
of the Cadet Company. A few months after the death of the Duke of
Marlborough—namely, on the 3rd July, 1759—he was appointed Master-
General, being by this time
FIELD-MARSHAL VISCOUNT LIGONIER. He was succeeded, on the 14th May,
1763, by
JOHN, MARQUIS GRANBY, who held it until 17th January, 1770, when we find
that he resigned all his appointments, except the command of the Blues.
For nearly two years the office remained vacant, and on the 1st October,
1772, it was conferred upon
GEORGE, VISCOUNT TOWNSHEND, whose tenure of office extended over nearly
the whole of that anxious period in the history of England which
included such episodes as the American War of Independence and the great
Siege of Gibraltar. The sequence of the remaining Masters may be taken
from Kane's List, and is as follows:—
CHARLES, DUKE OF RICHMOND, K.G. Appointed 1 Jan. 1782
GEORGE, VISCOUNT TOWNSHEND Re-appointed 1 April 1783
CHARLES, DUKE OF RICHMOND, K.G. Re-appointed 1 Jan. 1784
CHARLES, MARQUIS CORNWALLIS Appointed 15 Feb. 1795
JOHN, EARL OF CHATHAM, K.G. Appointed 18 June 1801
LORD MOIRA Appointed 14 Feb. 1806
JOHN, EARL OF CHATHAM, K.G. Appointed 4 April 1807
HENRY, EARL MULGRAVE Appointed 5 May 1810
ARTHUR, DUKE OF WELLINGTON, K.G. Re-appointed 1 Jan. 1819
HENRY, MARQUIS OF ANGLESEY, K.G. Re-appointed 1 April 1827
VISCOUNT BERESFORD, K.G. Re-appointed 28 April 1828
SIR JAMES KEMPT, G.C.B., G.C.H. Re-appointed 30 Nov. 1830
SIR G. MURRAY, G.C.B., G.C.H. Re-appointed 18 Dec. 1834
R. H., LORD VIVIAN, G.C.B. Re-appointed 4 May 1835
SIR G. MURRAY, G.C.B., G.C.H. Re-appointed 8 Sept. 1841
HENRY, MARQUIS OF ANGLESEY, K.G. Re-appointed 8 July 1846
HENRY, VISCOUNT HARDINGE, G.C.B. Re-appointed 8 March 1852
FITZROY, LORD RAGLAN, G.C.B. Re-appointed 30 Sept 1852
On the abolition of the Board of Ordnance, the command of the Royal
Artillery was given to the Commander-in-Chief of the Forces at that
time,
FIELD-MARSHAL VISCOUNT HARDINGE, G.C.B. His successor (appointed Colonel
of the Royal Artillery on the 10th May, 1861, and at this date holding
that office) was
H.R.H. THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE, K.G., &c. &c., now Field-Marshal
Commanding-in-Chief.
-----
Footnote 1:
Clode.
CHAPTER II.
THE INFANCY OF ARTILLERY IN ENGLAND.
THE term Ordnance was in use in England before cannon were employed; and
it included every description of warlike weapon. The artificers employed
in the various permanent military duties were called officers of the
Ordnance.
The first record of cannon having been used in the field dates from
Henry III.; and with the increasing skill of the founders the use of
cannon speedily became more general. But the moral influence of the guns
was far beyond their deserts. They were served in the rudest way, and
their movements in the field and in garrison were most uncertain, yet
they were regarded with superstitious awe, and received special names,
such as "John Evangelist," the "Red Gun," the "Seven Sisters," "Mons
Meg," &c. In proportion to the awe which they inspired was the
inadequate moral effect produced on an army by the loss of its
artillery, or by the capture of its enemy's guns.
In the earliest days cannon were made of the rudest materials,—of wood,
leather, iron bars, and hoops; but as time went on guns of superior
construction were imported from France and Holland. The first mention of
the casting in England of "great brass cannon and culverins" is in the
year 1521, when one John Owen began to make them, "the first Englishman
that ever made that kind of Artillery in England." The first iron guns
cast in this country were made by three foreigners at Buckstead in
Sussex, in the year 1543. In this same year, the first shells were cast,
for mortars of eleven inches calibre, described as "certain hollow shot
of cast iron, to be stuffed with fireworks, whereof the bigger sort had
screws of iron to receive a match, and carry fire to break in small
pieces the same hollow shot, whereof the smallest piece hitting a man
would kill or spoil him." The following table[2] gives the names,
weights, and charges of the guns which were in general use in the year
1574. There were, in addition to these, guns called Curtals or Curtaux,
Demicurtaux, and Bombards:—
──────────────────┬───────┬─────────┬───────┬─────────┬───────┬───────
NAMES. │Weight.│Diameter.│Weight │Scores of│Charge │Height
│ │ │ of │Carriage.│ of │ of
│ │ │ Shot. │ │Powder.│Bullet.
──────────────────┼───────┼─────────┼───────┼─────────┼───────┼───────
│ lbs. │ inches. │ lbs. │ │ lbs. │inches.
1. Robinet │ 200│ 1¼│ 1│ ..│ ½│ 1
2. Falconett │ 500│ 2│ 2│ 14│ 2│ 1¼
3. Falcon │ 800│ 2½│ 2½│ 16│ 2½│ 2¼
4. Minion │ 1100│ 3¼│ 4½│ 17│ 4½│ 3
5. Sacre │ 1500│ 3½│ 5│ 18│ 5│ 3¼
6. Demi-culverin │ 3000│ 4½│ 9│ 20│ 9│ 4
7. Culverin │ 4000│ 5½│ 18│ 25│ 18│ 5¼
8. Demi-cannon │ 6000│ 6½│ 30│ 38│ 28│ 6¼
9. Cannon │ 7000│ 8│ 60│ 20│ 44│ 7¾
10. E. Cannon │ 8000│ 7│ 42│ 20│ 20│ 6¾
11. Basilisk │ 9000│ 8¾│ 60│ 21│ 60│ 8¼
──────────────────┴───────┴─────────┴───────┴─────────┴───────┴───────
Among the earliest occasions recorded of the use of Artillery by the
English, were the campaigns in Scotland of Edward II. and Edward III.;
the capture of Berwick by the latter monarch in 1333; his campaigns in
Flanders and France in 1338-39-40; his siege of Vannes in 1343; his
successful raid in Normandy in 1346; the battle of Cressy on the 26th
August in that year, when the fire of his few pieces of cannon is said
to have struck a panic into the enemy; the expedition to Ireland in
1398; Henry IV.'s defeat of the French in Wales, in 1400; another
successful siege of Berwick in 1405; the capture of Harfleur in 1415;
and the battle of Agincourt on the 25th October of that year; the sieges
of Tongue and Caen in 1417; of Falaise and other towns in Normandy in
1418; concluding with the capitulation of Cherbourg and Rouen after
protracted sieges, stone projectiles being thrown from the cannon with
great success; the engagements between Edward IV. and Warwick, when
Artillery was used on both sides; the expedition to France in 1474, and
to Scotland in 1482, when yet another successful siege of Berwick took
place, successful mainly owing to the Artillery employed by the
besieging force; the capture of Sluis, in Flanders; and the attack on
Calais and Boulogne in 1491. In the sixteenth century may be enumerated
the expedition to Flanders in 1511, in aid of the Duchess of Savoy; the
Siege of Térouenne and Battle of the Spurs in 1513; the Siege of
Tournay; the Battle of Flodden Field, where the superior accuracy of the
English Artillery rendered that of the Scotch useless; the descent on
the coast of France and capture of Morlies in 1523; the Siege of Bray
and Montedier in 1524; the siege of Boulogne in 1544; the expedition to
Cadiz under the Earl of Essex in 1596, and that to the Azores in 1597.
In the next century, daring the Civil War, and in all Cromwell's
expeditions, the use of Artillery was universal; and the part of the
century after the Restoration will be alluded to in a subsequent
chapter.
The use, therefore, of Artillery by the English has existed for
centuries; but,—regarding it with modern eyes, its application would
better deserve the term _abuse_. Nothing strikes the student so much as
the absence of the scientific Artillery element in the early trains; and
this feeling is followed by one of wonder at the patience with which our
military leaders tolerated the almost total want of mobility which
characterized them. Not until the last decade of the eighteenth century
was the necessity of mobility officially recognized, by the
establishment of the Royal Horse Artillery; and it took half a century
more to impress upon our authorities that a Field Battery might not
unreasonably be expected to move occasionally faster than a walk.
It is difficult, in reviewing such a period as the last fifteen years
have been in the history of Artillery in England—so full of improvements
in every way—to single out any one of these as more worthy of mention
than the rest; but when posterity comes to review it dispassionately,
the improvement in equipment and mobility of our Field Artillery will
most probably be considered the prominent feature of the time. And these
are the very qualities which for centuries remained in England
unimproved and stagnant. The eighteenth century saw Artillery conducted
by drivers, not under military discipline, nor marked by distinctive
costume; who not unfrequently fled with their horses during the action,
leaving the gunners helpless, and the guns at the mercy of the enemy. In
this year, 1872, our drivers go into action unarmed, it being considered
that the possession of defensive weapons might distract their attention
from their horses. But we do not commit the old error of using men not
under martial law. A driver who, on an emergency, finds himself with his
whip merely to defend him, may possibly feel aggrieved: but however far
he may run away, he cannot escape the embrace of the Mutiny Act, and is
as liable to punishment as the man who deserts before the enemy, after
his country has sent him into the field armed from head to foot.
In the very earliest days of Artillery in England, the number of gunners
borne on permanent pay on the books of the Ordnance bore a very small
proportion to the artificers so borne. With the increasing use of
cannon, an increase in the number of artillerymen took place, but by no
means _pari passu_: and, as towns in England became gradually fortified,
a small number of gunners in each was found to be necessary to protect
and take care of the stores, and to fire the guns on high days and
holidays. In 1344, although no fewer than 321 artificers and engineers
were borne on the books of the Ordnance in time of peace, only twelve
gunners and seven armourers appear. In 1415, at the Siege of Harfleur,
there were present 120 miners, 130 carpenters, and 120 masons; but only
25 master, and 50 servitor gunners—the latter corresponding probably to
the matrosses of a later date. At the Siege of Tongue, in 1417, no less
than 1000 masons, carpenters, and labourers were present, but only a
small number of gunners. At this time, the driving of the guns, the
placing them in position, and shipping and unshipping them, devolved on
the civil labourers of the trains, and there was a military guard to
escort the guns on the march. The gunner's duty seems to have been a
general supervision of gun and stores, and the laying and firing it when
in action. He was the captain of the gun in war—its custodian in peace.
After the fifteenth century there was a marked increase in the number of
artillerymen in the trains, although still totally inadequate. For
example, in the train ordered on service in France, in 1544, where the
civil element was represented by 157 artificers, 100 pioneers, and 20
carters, there were no less than 2 master-gunners, 264 gunners, and a
special detachment of 15 gunners, for the guns placed immediately round
the King's tent. The principal officers of the Ordnance also accompanied
the expedition.
There was a distinction between the gunners of garrisons and those of
the trains, as regarded the source of their pay, or rather its channel.
At first, both were paid from the Exchequer; but after the proper
establishment of an Ordnance Department at the Tower, the gunners of the
various trains were paid by it, the others receiving their salaries as
before. The company of fee'd gunners at the Tower of London differed
from the gunners of other garrisons in receiving their pay from the
Ordnance directly. It must not be imagined, however, that the gunners of
garrisons were beyond the control of the Board of Ordnance because their
pay was not drawn on the Ordnance books. Not merely had the Master of
the Ordnance the nomination of the gunners of garrisons, but the power
also of weeding out the useless and superannuated. The instance given in
the Introductory Chapter of this volume, shows how directly they were
under the Board in matters of discipline; and although, as a matter of
Treasury detail, their pay was drawn in a different department, a word
from the Ordnance Office could stop its issue to any gunner in any
garrison who was deemed by the Board to have forfeited his right to it
in any way. It was not until 1771, long after the formation of the Royal
Artillery, that these garrison gunners were incorporated into the
invalid companies of the regiment; and at the present date they are
represented by what is called the Coast Brigade of Artillery. The pay of
the old gunners of garrisons depended on the fort in which they resided.
Berwick, for example, as an important station, was also one in which the
gunner's pay was higher. In the reign of Edward VI. we find the average
pay of a master-gunner was 1_s._ a-day, and of the gunners, from 4_d._
to 1_s._ Later, the pay of the master-gunner was raised to 2_s._ a-day,
and that of the gunners rarely fell below 1_s._ In time of war, the pay
of the gunners of the trains far exceeded the above rates. The senior
master-gunner was styled the Master-Gunner of England. From 2_s._ a-day,
which was the pay of this official in the sixteenth century, it rose to
160_l._ per annum, and ultimately to 190_l._ His residence and duties
lay originally in the Tower, and chiefly among the fee'd gunners at that
station; but after Woolwich had attained its speciality for Artillery
details, quarters were allotted to him there in the Manor House. Among
the oldest Master-Gunners of England whose names are recorded may be
enumerated Christopher Gould, Richard Webb, Anthony Feurutter[3] or
Fourutter,[4] Stephen Bull, William Bull, William Hammond, John Reynold,
and John Wornn—all of whom held their appointments in the sixteenth
century, and the majority of them by letters patent from Elizabeth. From
the fact that in the wording of their appointments two of the above are
particularized as soldiers by profession, it would appear that the
others were not so; and it is more probable that they were chosen for
their knowledge of laboratory duties, and of the "making of pleasaunt
and warlike fireworks."
The company of fee'd gunners at the Tower, which might be supposed to
have had some military organization, really appears to have had little
or none. Their number in Edward VI.'s reign was 58, with a master-
gunner; but gradually it was increased to 100, which for many years was
the normal establishment. They were supposed to parade twice a week, and
learn the science of gunnery, under the Master-Gunner of England; but
their attendance was so irregular, and their ignorance of their
profession so deplorable, that a strong measure had to be adopted, to
which allusion will be made in a later chapter. Colonel Miller, in his
researches among the warrants appointing the gunners, found some
venerable recruits—who can hardly have been of much value in the field—
of ages varying from sixty-four to ninety-two. There is no doubt that
these appointments were frequently sold, or given in return for personal
or political services, without any regard to the capability of the
recipient. The clerks at the Ordnance Office had their fees for
preparing these men's warrants, whose wording of the duties expected of
the nominee must have frequently read like a grotesque satire. The
situations were desirable because they did not interfere with the
holders continuing to work at their trades near the Tower; and if the
gunners were ordered to Woolwich for the purpose of mounting guns, or
shipping and unshipping stores, they received working pay in addition to
their regular salaries. It was from their ranks that the vacancies among
master-gunners and gunners of garrisons were almost invariably filled.
When a warlike expedition had been decided upon, the Master of the
Ordnance was informed what size of a train of Artillery was required;
but he was permitted to increase or decrease its internal proportions as
he thought fit. To him also was left the appointment of all the officers
and attendants of the train; and, with the exception of any belonging to
the small permanent establishment, it was understood that the services
of any so appointed were only required while the expedition lasted. This
spasmodic method of organizing the Artillery forces of this country was
sufficient to account for the want of progress in the science of
gunnery, and the equipments of our trains, which is apparent until we
reach the commencement of the eighteenth century. But it took centuries
of stagnation, and of bitter and shameful experience, to teach the
lesson that Artillery is a science which requires incessant study, that
such study cannot be expected unless from men who can regard their
profession as a permanent one, and the study as a means to an end; and
that, even admitting the possibility of such study being carried on by
men in the hope of occasional employment, it would be too theoretical,
unless means of practice and testing were afforded, beyond the power of
a private individual to obtain. Nor could habits of discipline be
generated by occasional military expeditions, which, to an untrained
man, are more likely to bring demoralization; it is during peace-service
that the discipline is learnt which is to steady a man in the excitement
and hardships of war.
As samples of the trains of Artillery before the Restoration, the
following, of various dates, may be taken: and an examination of the
constituent parts will well repay the reader.
The first is a train in the year 1544, already alluded to, and which was
commanded by the Master of the Ordnance himself, Sir Thomas Seymour.
1. TRAIN OF ARTILLERY _ordered on Service in 1544_.
Pay per diem.
£ _s._ _d._
Sir Thomas Seymour, Master of the Ordnance 1 6 8
Sir Thomas Seymour, Conduct money at 4_d._ a mile.
Sir Thomas Seymour, Coat money for 20 servants at 4_d._
each.
A horse-tent.
Sir Thomas Darcie, Master of the Armoury 1 0 0
Sir Christopher Morris, Lieutenant of the Ordnance 0 10 0
A clerk for him, Robert Morgan 0 2 0
6 servants, each 0 0 6
Burnardyne de Vallowayes } Master-Gunners, each 0 4 0
John Bassett } Master-Gunners, each
209 Gunners, each 0 0 7
157 Artificers, each 0 0 8
Chief conductor of the train 0 6 0
A clerk to him 0 2 0
John Verney, overseer of the King's great mares for the 0 4 0
train of Artillery
William Heywood, assistant to him 0 1 0
Thomas Mulberry } guides of the said mares, each 0 1 0
Harry Hughes } guides of the said mares, each
6 conductors of the Ordnance
20 Carters, each 0 0 6
William Rayherne, Captain of the Pioneers 0 4 0
100 Pioneers, each 0 0 8
* * * * *
John Rogers, of the privy ordnance and weapons.
15 Gunners appointed to the brass pieces about the King's tent.
55 Gunners appointed to the shrympes, with two cases each.
4 carpenters.
4 wheelers.
3 armourers.
Charles Walman, an officer employed to choose the gunpowder.
* * * * *
_N.B._—The pioneers received 2_s._ a piece transport money from Boulogne
to Dover, and conduct money from Dover to their dwelling-places—4_d._ a
mile for the captain, and ½ _d._ for every pioneer.
_Harl. MS. 5753._
* * * * *
2. _Establishment of a Small Train of Artillery in 1548._
1 Master of Artillery.
1 Lieutenant of ditto.
1 Master-Gunner.
15 Gunners at 1_s._ per diem.
12 Gunners at 8_d._ per diem.
80 Gunners at 6_d._ per diem.
2 Gunners at 4_d._ per diem.
* * * * *
3. _Establishment of a Train of Artillery in the year 1618._
1 General of Artillery.
1 Lieutenant of ditto.
10 Gentlemen of ditto.
25 Conductors of ditto.
1 Master-Gunner.
136 Gunners.
1 Petardier.
1 Captain of miners.
25 Miners.
1 Captain of pioneers.
1 Surgeon.
1 Surgeon's-mate.
* * * * *
4. _Establishment of a Train of 22 pieces of Ordnance in the
year 1620._
1 Master of the Ordnance.
1 Lieutenant of ditto.
9 Gentlemen of ditto.
1 Master-Gunner.
3 Master-Gunner's Mates.
3 Constables or Quarter-gunners.
124 Gunners.
* * * * *
5. _Establishment of a Train of 30 pieces in the year 1639._
1 Master of the Ordnance.
1 Lieutenant of ditto.
1 Comptroller.
4 Gentlemen of the Ordnance.
1 Master-Gunner.
30 Gunners.
40 Matrosses.
It will be seen that in Tables 2, 3, 4, and 5, the Artillery element is
alone given. Nor are the proportions of the trains, and their
constituent parts, such as to enable us to draw any fixed law from them.
They are merely interesting—not very instructive. Table 1, on the other
hand, is both interesting _and_ instructive. The appearance of medical
officers in the train of 1618, and of matrosses—a species of assistant-
gunner—in that of 1639, will not have escaped the reader's notice.
In the next chapter we shall find that the presence of a man like Lord
Dartmouth, and his predecessor, Sir William Compton, at the Ordnance,
reveals itself in the greater method visible in the Artillery
arrangements; and with the introduction of Continental artillerists,
under William III., comes a greater experience of the value of
Artillery, which nearly brought about, in 1698, that permanent
establishment which was delayed by circumstances until 1716.
-----
Footnote 2:
This table is reproduced from the MSS. of the late Colonel Cleaveland.
Footnote 3:
Feurutter, according to Colonel Miller.
Footnote 4:
Fourutter, according to Colonel Cleaveland.
CHAPTER III.
THE RESTORATION, AND REVOLUTION OF 1688.
THE first step, of course, on the restoration of Charles II., was to
undo everything in the Ordnance, and remove every official bearing the
mark of the Protectorate. Having filled the vacant places with his own
nominees, he seemed to consider his duty done, and, with one exception,
the official history of the Ordnance for the next few years was a blank.
The exception was the Company of Gunners at the Tower, which from 52, in
1661, rose to 90 in the following year, 98 in 1664, and then the old
normal number 100.
But the work in the Department done by the Master-General, Sir William
Compton, although not of a demonstrative character, was good and useful,
and prepared the way for the reformations introduced by his more able
successor, Lord Dartmouth. The Master-Gunners of England were now chosen
from a higher social grade than before. In 1660 Colonel James Weymes
held the appointment, followed in 1666 by Captain Valentine Pyne, and in
1677 by Captain Richard Leake. A new appointment was created for Captain
Martin Beckman—that of Chief Firemaster. His skill in his department was
rewarded by knighthood, and he held the appointment, not merely until
the Revolution of 1688, but also under William III., having apparently
overcome any scruples as to deserting his former masters. A Surveyor-
General of the Ordnance, Jonas Moore by name, was appointed in 1669, who
afterwards received permission to travel on the Continent to perfect
himself in Artillery studies, for which purpose he received the sum of
100_l._ a year.
The names of the Ordnance in the various fortifications in England
during the reign of Charles II. were as follows:—
BRASS ORDNANCE.
Cannon of 8.
Cannon of 7.
Demi-cannon.
24 prs.
Culverings.
12 prs.
Demi-culverings.
8 prs.
6 prs.
Sakers.
Mynions.
3 prs.
Falcon.
Falconett.
Brass baces of 7 bores.
Inch and ¼ bore, and 7 other sizes.
IRON ORDNANCE.
Cannon of 7.
Demi-cannon.
24 prs.
Culverings.
12 prs.
Demi-culverings.
8 prs.
6 prs.
Sakers.
Mynions.
3 prs.
Falcon.
Falconett.
Rabonett.
BRASS MORTAR PIECES.
18½ in.[5]
16½ in.
13¼ in.
9 in.
8¾ in.
8 in.
7¾ in.
7¼ in.
6½ in.
6¼ in.
4½ in.
4¼ in.
IRON MORTAR PIECES.
12½ in.
4¼ in.
_Taken from Harl. MS. 4244._
The reader will observe the immense varieties of mortars, and the large
calibres, compared with those of the present day. They were much used on
board the bomb-vessels; but it is difficult to see the advantage of so
many small mortars, varying so slightly in calibre.
From an account of some new ordnance made in 1671, we find that iron
cannon of 7 were 10 feet long, and weighed on an average 63 cwt., or 9½
feet long, and weighing from 54 cwt. to 60 cwts. Iron culverings of 10
feet in length averaged 43 cwt. in weight, and demi-culverings of the
same length averaged in weight about 35 cwt. Iron falconetts are
mentioned 4 feet in length, and weighing from 300 to 312 lbs.
The King, having occasion to send a present to the Emperor of Morocco,
not an unfrequent occurrence, selected on one occasion four iron demi-
culverings, and three brass demi-cannon of 8½ feet long, with one brass
culvering of 11½ feet. A more frequent present to that monarch was
gunpowder, or a quantity of muskets.
The salutes in the Tower were fired from culverings and 8-pounders, and
were in a very special manner under the command of the Master-General
himself. As little liberty of thought was left to the subordinates at
the Tower as possible. Warnings of preparation were forwarded often days
before, followed at intervals by reminders that the salute was not to be
fired until a positive order should reach the Tower from the Master-
General.
The letter-books at the Tower teem with correspondence and orders on
this subject, and the Master-General seemed to write as many letters to
his loving friends at the Tower about a birthday salute, about which no
mistake could well occur, as he did about a salute of another kind,
albeit a birthday one, when on the 10th June, 1688, "it pleased Almighty
God, about ten o'clock of the morning, to bless his Majesty and his
Royal Consort, the Queen, with the birth of a hopefull son, and his
Majesty's kingdom and dominions with a Prince: for which inestimable
blessing" public rejoicing was invited. It was a false tale which the
guns rang out from the Tower:—only a few months, and the hopeful babe
was a fugitive with its ill-fated father, and remained an exile for his
life.
"He was indeed the most unfortunate of Princes, destined to seventy-
seven years of exile and wandering, of vain projects, of honours
more galling than insults, and hopes such as make the heart
sick."[6]
At this time, Woolwich was gradually increasing in importance as an
Artillery Depôt, and in 1672 the beginning of the Laboratory was laid,
70 feet long, "for receiving fireworks."
In 1682 Lord Dartmouth was appointed Master-General, and from this date
until the Revolution the student of the Ordnance MSS. recognizes the
existence of a master-spirit, and a clear-headed man of business. In
1683 he obtained authority from the King to reorganize the whole
department, and define the duties of every official—a task which he
performed so well that his work remained as the standard rule for the
Board until it ceased to exist. His physical activity was as great as
his mental: not a garrison in the kingdom was safe from his personal
inspection; and the results of his examination were so eminently
unsatisfactory as to call forth orders which, while calculated to
prevent, had the effect also of revealing to posterity abuses of the
grossest description. Not merely was neglect discovered among the
storekeepers and gunners of the various garrisons—not merely ignorance
and incapacity—but it was ascertained to be not unusual for a Master-
Gunner to omit reporting the death of his subordinates, while continuing
however to draw their pay. Lord Dartmouth's measures comprised the
weeding out of the incapable gunners; the issue of stern warnings to
all; the bringing the Storekeepers (who had hitherto held their
appointments by letters patent from the Exchequer) under the immediate
jurisdiction of the Board of Ordnance; the increase of the more educated
element among the few Artillerymen on the permanent establishment, by
the appointment of Gentlemen of the Ordnance, "lest the ready effects of
our Artillery in any respect may perhaps be wanting when occasion shall
be offered;" the appointment of Engineers to superintend the
fortifications, with salaries of 100_l._ a year, under a Chief Engineer,
Sir Bernard de Gomme; the encouragement of foreign travel and study; and
the creation of discipline among the gunners at the Tower. Among the
various causes of regret which affected Lord Dartmouth after the
Revolution, probably none were more felt than the sorrow that he had
been unable to complete the reformation in the Ordnance which he had so
thoroughly and ably commenced.
As a specimen of a train of Lord Dartmouth's time may be taken the one
ordered to march on 21st June, 1685, to join Lord Feversham's force at
Chippenham, and to proceed against the rebels. It consisted of
Pay per diem.
£ _s._ _d._
Comptroller 0 15 0
His clerk 0 3 0
Commissary of the Artillery 0 10 0
His two clerks 0 6 0
Paymaster of the Train 0 8 0
His clerk 0 3 0
Master of the Waggons 0 10 0
Two assistants 0 8 0
Commissary of the draught horses 0 8 0
Two assistants 0 8 0
Gentlemen of the Ordnance, three at 5_s._ each 0 15 0
Purveyor 0 5 0
Provost-Marshal 0 6 0
Two assistants 0 10 0
Master-Gunner 0 5 0
Two Mates at 3_s._ 0 6 0
32 Gunners at 2_s._ 3 4 0
32 Matrosses at 1_s._ 6_d._ 2 8 0
Conductors, six at 2_s._ 6_d._ 0 15 0
Chirurgeon 0 4 0
His Mate 0 2 6
Tent-keeper 0 4 0
His assistant 0 1 6
Master-Smith 0 4 0
Two Smiths 0 4 0
One Farrier 0 2 6
Master-Carpenter 0 3 0
Four Carpenters at 2_s._ each 0 8 0
Master-Wheelwright 0 3 0
Two Wheelers 0 4 0
Master Collar-Maker 0 3 0
One Collar-maker 0 2 0
Master-Cooper 0 2 6
Gunsmith 0 1 6
Captain of the Pioneers 0 4 0
One Sergeant 0 2 0
One Corporal 0 1 6
One Drummer 0 1 0
20 Pioneers 1 0 0
118 Drivers at 1_s._ each 5 18 0
——— —— ——
Total per diem £22 9 0
——— —— ——
The guns used were brass Falcons and iron 3-pounders.
On examining the comparative pay of the various ranks, the Provost-
Marshal seems to be well paid, ranking as he does in that respect with
the Surgeon, and the Captain of the Pioneers. But if we may judge of the
discipline of his train from one incident which has survived, his office
can have been no sinecure. We find on the 23rd December, 1685, the King
and Privy Council assembled at Whitehall, discussing gravely some
conduct of certain members of the train, which had formed matter of
complaint and petition from his Majesty's lieges. Four unhappy farmers
had had a yoke of oxen pressed from each—the day after the rebels had
been defeated—to bring off the carriages of the King's train of
Artillery (then immovable, as might have been expected), and the animals
had been made to travel as far as Devizes, forty miles from their home.
One of the farmers, William Pope by name, had accompanied the train, in
order that he might bring the oxen back. On applying for them at the end
of the journey, the conductor "did abuse William Pope, one of the
petitioners, by threatening to hang him for a rebel, as in the petition
is more at large set forth." So the farmers now prayed to have their
oxen, with the yokes and furniture, or their value, restored to them.
As the King in Council was graciously pleased to refer the complaint to
Lord Dartmouth, with a view to justice being done, the reader need not
doubt that the petitioners went away satisfied.
The details, contained in the Ordnance books, of the camp ordered by the
King in 1686 to be formed at Hounslow, give the first intimation of that
distribution of the Artillery of an Army, known as Battalion guns, a
system which lasted in principle until 1871, although the guns ceased to
be subdivided in such small divisions a good many years before. As,
however, until 1871, the batteries had to accommodate themselves to the
movements of the battalions near them, it may be said with truth that
until then they were really Battalion guns. James II. ordered fourteen
regiments to encamp at Hounslow with a view to overawing the disaffected
part of the populace; but the effect was to reveal instead the
unmistakable sympathy which existed between the troops and the people;
so the camp was abruptly broken up. The Battalion guns were brass 3-
pounders, under Gentlemen of the Ordnance, with a few other attendants,
and escorted _to their places by the Grenadiers of the various
Regiments_. Two demi-culverins of 10 feet in length, and six small
mortar pieces, were also sent from the Tower to the camp.
In 1687, uneasiness was felt about Ireland, and large quantities of
stores were assembled at Chester, for ready transit to that country if
required. A large issue of mortars for that service was also made, the
calibres being 14¼, 10, and 7 inches, and the diameters of the shells
being respectively a quarter of an inch less. Among other guns which
occur by name in the Ordnance lists of this year, and which have not yet
been mentioned, are culverin drakes of 8 feet in length; saker-drakes of
the same; and saker square guns also 8 feet long.
In the spring of 1688, his fatal year, King James was advised by Lord
Dartmouth to send a young Gentleman of the Ordnance to Hungary to the
Emperor's camp to improve himself in the art military, "to observe and
take notice of their method of marching, encamping, embattling,
exercising, ordering their trains of Artillery, their manner of
approaching, besieging, or attacking any town, their mines, Batteries,
lines of circumvallation and contravallation, their way of
fortification, their foundries, instruments of war, engines, and what
else may occur observable; and for his encouragement herein he was
allowed the salary of 1_l._ per diem, besides such advance as was
considered reasonable."
A long and difficult lesson was this which Richard Burton had to learn,
and ere it should be mastered the Sovereign who encouraged him should be
gone from Whitehall.
It was on the 15th of October, 1688, that undoubted advice reached the
King that "a great and sudden invasion, with "an armed force of
foreigners, was about to be made, in a hostile manner, upon his
kingdom;" and although it is not contemplated to describe the campaigns
of the pre-regimental days, a description of the train of Artillery with
which he proposed to meet the invasion, and which was prepared for the
purpose, cannot fail to be interesting. It is the most largely officered
train which we have as yet met; and it was announced that, should the
King accompany it at any time himself, it should be further increased by
the presence of the Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance, the Comptroller-
General, the Principal Engineer, the Master-Gunner of England and his
Clerks, the Chief Firemaster and his Mate, the Keepers and Makers of the
Royal Tents and their Assistants. Exclusive of these, whose presence was
conditional, the following was the _personnel_ of
_James II.'s Artillery Train to Resist the Invasion of 1688_.
The reader will observe that in this train the Master-General is not
included, even in the contingency of the King's accompanying it himself.
Lord Dartmouth had another duty to perform. He had been appointed
Admiral of the Fleet which was to engage, if possible, the immense
number of vessels which accompanied William to England. The winds fought
against Dartmouth. First, he was kept at the mouth of the Thames by the
same east winds that wafted the enemy to their landing-place at Torbay;
and when, at last, able with a fair wind to follow down the Channel in
pursuit, just as he reached Portsmouth, the wind changed: he had to run
into that harbour, and his opportunity was lost—an opportunity, too,
which might have reversed the whole story of the Revolution, for there
was more loyalty to the King in the navy than in the army,—a loyalty
which was whetted, as Macaulay well points out, by old grudges between
the English and Dutch seamen; and there was in James's Admiral an
ability and an integrity which cannot be doubted. Had the engagement
taken place, and the King's fleet been successful, it does not require
much experience of the world's history to say that the Revolution would
have been postponed for years, if not for ever, for it is marvellous how
loyal waverers become to the side which has the first success. Nor is
this the first or only case on which a kingdom, or something equally
valuable, has hung upon a change of wind. How history would have to be
re-written had James Watt but lived two centuries earlier than he did!
The Lieutenant-General who was to command the train was Sir Henry Shore,
who had been appointed an Assistant and Deputy at the Board to Sir Henry
Tichborne. The latter was, doubtless, the Lieutenant-General, whose
presence would also have been required had the King in person
accompanied the train.
A LIST OF THE PROPER PERSONS, MINISTERS, AND ATTENDANTS,
OF THE TRAYNE OF ARTILLERY, VIZ.—
Pay per diem.
£ _s._ _d._
Lieutenant-General Conditional 3 0 0
His Secretary Conditional 0 5 0
A clerke under him Conditional 0 4 0
Comptroller General Conditional 2 0 0
His two clerks at 4_s._ each Conditional 0 8 0
Comptroller to the Trayne 0 15 0
His clerke 0 4 0
Adjutant to the Trayne 0 10 0
Commissary of Ammunition for the Trayne and Army 0 10 0
His two clerkes at 3_s._ each 0 6 0
Paymaster 0 8 0
His clerke 0 4 0
Comptroller of the B. Trayne 0 10 0
His clerke 0 2 0
Engineer 0 10 0
His clerke 0 4 0
Waggon-master 0 10 0
His assistant 0 4 0
Commissary of the draught horses 0 8 0
His assistant 0 4 0
Gentlemen of the Ordnance, four at 5_s._ each 1 0 0
Quartermaster 0 5 0
Surveyor 0 5 0
Provost Marshall 0 6 0
His two assistants at 2_s._ 6_d._ each 0 5 0
Firemaster to the Trayne 0 5 0
His mate 0 4 0
Four assistants at 3_s._ each 0 12 0
Chief Bombardier 0 3 0
12 Bombardiers at 2_s._ each 1 4 0
Chief Petardier 0 3 0
Four Petardiers at 2_s._ each 0 8 0
Master Gunner of the Trayne 0 5 0
His two mates at 3_s._ each 0 6 0
Gunners, 30 at 2_s._ each 3 0 0
Matrosses, 40 at 1_s._ 6_d._ each 3 0 0
One Battery Master 0 10 0
His two assistants at 4_s._ each 0 8 0
One Bridge Master 0 8 0
His six attendants at 3_s._ 6_d._ each 1 1 0
A Tinman 0 3 6
Chief Conductor 0 5 0
Conductors to the Trayne and Army, 10 at 2_s._ 6_d._ 1 5 0
each
Chyrurgeon 0 4 0
His mate 0 2 6
His Majesty's Tent keepers and makers Conditional.
Their two assistants at 3_s._ each Conditional.
A Tent keeper and maker 0 4 0
His assistants 0 2 8
A Messenger to attend y^e Principall officers of y^e 0 4 0
Trayne
Ladle maker 0 4 0
Master Smith 0 4 0
Master Farryer 0 4 0
His four servants at 2_s._ each 0 8 0
Master Carpenter 0 4 0
His three servants at 3_s._ each 0 9 0
Master Wheelwright 0 4 0
His four servants at 2_s._ 6_d._ each 0 10 0
Master Collar-maker 0 4 0
Two servants at 2_s._ each 0 4 0
Master Cooper 0 4 0
One servant 0 2 6
A Gunsmith 0 4 0
His servant 0 2 0
Captain of the Pyoneers 0 5 0
Sixty Pyoneers at 1_s._ each 3 0 0
Two Sergeants at 2_s._ each 0 4 0
Two Corporalls at 1_s._ 6_d._ each 0 3 0
Two Drummers at 1_s._ 6_d._ each 0 3 0
Two servants to y^e Master Smith 0 4 0
(Signed) DARTMOUTH.
The reader will observe that the position of the medical officers of a
train was still a very degraded one, relatively speaking, in point of
pay. The surgeon ranked with the ladle-maker, the chief artificers, and
the messenger; while his assistant received the same remuneration for
his services as did the servants of the master wheelwright and master
cooper. The presence, in this train, of an Adjutant and a Battery
Master, is worthy of note, and also the intimation that then, as now, on
service, the Artillery had to take their share in the transport of the
small-arm ammunition of the Army.
History moved rapidly now. After James's flight and a brief interregnum,
the Ordnance Office moves on again with spirit under the new Master-
General, the Duke de Schomberg. Judging from the vigorous conduct
displayed by him during his brief career at the Board, one cannot but
regret that it was so soon cut short. One little anecdote reveals the
energy of the man's character, and enlists the sympathy of that part of
posterity—and the name is Legion!—which has suffered from red tape and
routine. There was naturally a strong feeling in Scotland against the
new King. Presbyterianism itself could not dull the beating of the
national heart, which was moved by the memories of the old line of
Monarchs which had been given to England, whose gracious ways almost
condoned their offences, and whose offences were easily forgotten in
this their hour of tribulation.
Men, guns, ammunition, and transport were all required for Edinburgh and
Berwick; but between the demand and the supply stood that national
buffer which seems to be England's old man of the sea—a public
department. For transport the Master-General had to consult the
Admiralty, who, being consulted, began to coil the red tape round the
Master's neck, and nothing more. He entreats, implores, and prays for
even one ship to carry special engineers and messages to the Forth; but
the Admiralty quietly pigeon-holes his prayers in a style worthy of two
centuries later. The Duke will have none of it: he writes to the Board
to give up this useless correspondence with a wooden-headed Department;
to take his own private yacht, and carry out the King's service, without
delay. Would that, to every wearied postulant, there were a private
yacht to waft him out of the stagnant pool which officialism considers
the perfection of Departmental Management, and in which he might drift
away from the very memory of pigeon-holes and precedents!
As might be expected, volumes of warrants, at this time, reveal the
changes made among the officials of the Ordnance. The preparing of a
warrant implied a fee; it is not to be wondered at, therefore, that they
were many. No office under the Ordnance was too low to escape the
necessity of a warrant. There were chimney-sweeps to the Ordnance who
have been made immortal by this necessity, paviours, druggists,
messengers, and labourers. All must be made public characters, because
all must pay. Sex is no protection. Candidates for Ordnance appointments
who belong to the fair sex cannot plead shyness and modesty in bar of
their warrants. So that Mary Pickering, who was reappointed _cooper_ at
the Fort of Upnor, near Chatham, and Mary Braybrooke, appointed _turner_
at the same time, have come down to posterity for the fee of ten
shillings, when fairer and nobler maidens have been forgotten.
There are many Dutch, German, and even French names among the new
officials appointed for the Board's service. But reappointments are, by
no means, rare, if the old incumbents would but change their allegiance.
Among the changes introduced by the Duke de Schomberg was one by which
not merely were there gentlemen of the Ordnance for the Tower and the
various trains, but also "for the out parts:" and if there were no
heavier duties for them to perform than those specified in their
warrants, they must have had a very easy time of it, and earned their
forty pounds a year without much labour. According to their warrants,
their duty was to see that "all y^e aprons, beds, and coynes belonging
to their Majesties' Traynes of Artillery at y^e outposts do remain upon
the guns and carriages." If this were really all they had to do, the old
gunners of garrisons might have done it quite as well for half the
money.
The difficulty of getting arms for the troops which were being raised
for service in Ireland alarmed the Board greatly. Very strong measures
had to be taken: penalties were threatened on every one who kept arms
concealed, or failed to bring them to the Board; and a house-to-house
search was authorized. Gunsmiths were forbidden to sell to private
individuals, and commanded to devote all their energies to manufacturing
arms for the Board, and yet the need was sore. Horses, also, had to be
bought, and could with difficulty be obtained; and such as were procured
could not bear the test of examination. So bad were they, that at last
the Master-General inspected in person not merely the horses bought for
the Artillery, but also the persons who bought them. At his first
inspection he found them all faulty—rejecting some because they were too
slight, some because they were lame, and one because it was an old
coach-horse. With the difficulty of getting horses came also the
difficulty of procuring forage. The contract for the horses of the
Traynes for Chester and Ireland reached the unprecedented sum of fifteen
pence per horse for each day.
To add to the other troubles of the new Board, the Chief Firemaster and
Engineer (Sir Martin Beckman), with all the keenness and zeal of a
renegade, kept worrying it about the state of the various Forts and
Barracks; whose defects, he assured the Board, he had repeatedly urged
on the two preceding monarchs, but without avail, on account of the
deficiency of funds. "Berwick," he begged to assure the Board, "is
getting more defenceless every year, and will take 31,000_l._ to be
spent at once to prevent the place from being safely insulted." For six
years past he assured the Board that Hull had been going to ruin: the
earthworks had been abused by the garrison, who had suffered all sorts
of animals to tread down the facings, and had, in the night-time, driven
in cattle, and made the people pay money before they released them; and
when they turned the cattle and horses out, they drove them through the
embrasures and portholes, and so destroyed the facings, that, without
speedy repair and care, his Majesty would certainly be obliged to make
new ones.
The bomb-vessels also occupied the attention of the Board. More
practical Artillerymen were required than could be granted without
greatly increasing the permanent establishment. So a compromise was
made; and a number of men were hired and appointed _practitioner_
bombardiers, at the same rate of pay as others of the same rank, viz.
2_s._ per diem, but with the condition that the moment their services
were no longer required they would be dispensed with.
There were calls, also, from the West Indies on the sore-pressed Board.
A train of brass Ordnance was sent there, to which were attached the
following, among other officials:—A Firemaster, at 10_s._ a day; a
Master-Gunner, at 5_s._; Engineers, at various rates, but generally
10_s._, who were ordered to send home frequent reports and sketches;
Bombardiers, at 2_s._ 6_d._; and a proportion of Gunners and Matrosses,
at 2_s._ and 1_s._ 6_d._ per diem respectively, whose employment was
guaranteed to them for six months at least.
As if the Admiralty, the horsedealers, the West Indies, Scotland,
Ireland, and unseasonable zeal were not enough, there must come upon the
scene of the Board's deliberations that irrepressible being, the "old
soldier." The first Board of William and Mary was generous in its
dealings with its officials almost to a fault. This is a failing which
soon reaches ears, however distant. Several miners absent in Scotland,
hoping that in the confusion the vouchers had been mislaid, complained
that they were in arrears of their pay, "whereby," said the scoundrels,
"they were discouraged from performing their duties on this expedition."
Enquiries were made by the Board, and in the emphatic language of their
minute, it was found "that they _lied_, having been fully paid up."
When the time came for the Duke to shake off the immediate worries of
the office, as he proceeded to Chester and to Ireland, his relief must
have been great. With him he took the chief waggon-master to assist in
the organization of the train in Ireland, leaving his deputy at the
Tower to perform his duties. The suite of the Master-General on his ride
to Chester included six sumpter mules with six sumpter men, clad in
large grey coats, the sleeves faced with _orange_, and "the coats to be
paid for out of their pay."
Only two more remarks remain to be made. The proportion of drivers to
the horses of William's train of Artillery in Ireland may be gathered
from an order still preserved directing a fresh lot of horses and men to
be raised in the following proportions: one hundred and eighty horses;
thirty-six carters, and thirty-six boys.
Next, the dress of the train can be learned from the following warrant,
ordering:—
"That the gunners, matrosses, and tradesmen have coates of blew,
with Brass Buttons, and lyned with orange bass, and hats with orange
silk Galoome. The carters, grey coates lyned with the same. That
order be given for the making of these cloaths forthwith, and the
money to be deducted by equal proportions out of their paye by the
Treasurer of the Trayne."
(Signed) "SCHOMBERG."
From a marginal note, we learn that the number of gunners and matrosses
with the train was 147, and of carters, 200; these being the numbers of
suits of clothes respectively ordered.
It was with this train to Ireland that we find the first notice of the
kettledrums and drummers ever taking the field.[7]
-----
Footnote 5:
The brass 18½-in. mortars were used at the Siege of Limerick in 1689,
and in the porch of the cathedral in that city one of the shells is
still to be seen. An interesting account of Artillery details at that
siege is to be found in Story's 'History of the Wars in Ireland.'
Footnote 6:
Macaulay.
Footnote 7:
Miller.
CHAPTER IV.
LANDMARKS.
IN the chaotic sea of warrants, correspondence, and orders which
represents the old MSS. of the Board of Ordnance prior to the formation
of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, there are two documents which stand
out like landmarks, pointing to the gradual realization of the fact that
a train of Artillery formed when wanted for service, and disbanded at
the end of the campaign, was not the best way of making use of this arm;
and that the science of gunnery, and the technical details attending the
movement of Artillery in the field, were not to be acquired intuitively,
nor without careful study and practice during time of peace.
The first relates to the company of a hundred fee'd gunners at the Tower
of London, whose knowledge of artillery has already been described as
most inadequate, and whose discipline was a sham. By a Royal Warrant
dated 22nd August, 1682, this company was reduced to sixty in number by
weeding out the most incapable; the pay, which had up to this time
averaged sixpence a day to each man, was increased to twelve-pence; but
in return for this augmentation, strict military discipline was to be
enforced; in addition to their ordinary duties at the Tower, they were
to be constantly exercised once a week in winter, and twice a week in
summer by the Master-Gunner of England; they were to be dismissed if at
any time found unfit for their duties; and a blow was struck at the
custom of men holding these appointments, and also working at their
trades near the Tower, by its being distinctly laid down that they were
liable for duty not merely in that Fortress, but also "in whatever other
place or places our Master-General of the Ordnance shall think fit."
This was the first landmark, proclaiming that a nucleus and a permanent
one of a trained and disciplined Artillery force was a necessity. Money
was not plentiful at the Ordnance Board under the Stuarts, as has
already been stated; so as time went on, and it was found necessary to
increase the educated element,—the fireworkers, petardiers, and
bombardiers,—it was done first by reducing the number of gunners, and,
at last, in 1686, by a grudgingly small increase to the establishment.
In 1697, after the Peace of Ryswick, there was in the English service a
considerable number of comparatively trained artillerymen, whose
services during the war entitled them to a little consideration. This
fact, coupled with the gradual growth in the minds of the military and
Ordnance authorities of the sense of the dangers that lay in the
spasmodic system, and the desirability of having some proportion of
artillerymen always ready and trained for service and emergency, brought
about the first—albeit short-lived—permanent establishment, in a
regimental form, of artillery in England. The cost of the new regiment
amounted to 4482_l._ 10_s._ per annum, in addition to the pay which some
of them drew as being part of the old Ordnance permanent establishment.
But before a year had passed, the regiment was broken up, and a very
small provision made for the officers. Some of the engineers, gentlemen
of the Ordnance, bombardiers, and gunners were added to the Tower
establishment, and seventeen years passed before this premature birth
was succeeded by that of the Royal Regiment of Artillery.
But this landmark is a remarkable one; and in a history like the present
deserves special notice. Some of the officers afterwards joined the
Royal Artillery; most of them fought under Marlborough; and all had
served in William's continental campaign either by sea or land. Two of
the captains of companies, Jonas Watson and William Bousfield, had
served in the train in Flanders in 1694, and Albert Borgard, its
adjutant, was afterwards the first Colonel of the Royal Artillery.
The staff of the little regiment consisted of a Colonel, Jacob Richards,
a Lieutenant-Colonel, George Browne, a Major, John Sigismund Schmidt, an
Adjutant, Albert Borgard, and a Comptroller: of these the first four had
been serving on active service in Flanders. There were four companies,
very weak, certainly, and containing men paid both on the old and new
establishments. Each contained 1 captain, 1 first-lieutenant, 1 second-
lieutenant, 2 gentlemen of the Ordnance, 2 sergeants, and 30 gunners. Of
these the gentlemen of the Ordnance and 15 gunners per company were on
the old Tower establishment. The names of the captains not mentioned
above were Edward Gibbon, and Edmund Williamson.
There were also in the Regiment six engineers, four sub-engineers, two
firemasters, twelve fireworkers, and twelve bombardiers.
When the regiment was reduced, the captains received 60_l._ per annum,
the first and second lieutenants 50_l._ and 40_l._ per annum, the
firemasters 60_l._, and the fireworkers 40_l._ These officers were
described as belonging to the new establishment, in contradistinction to
the old.
The time had now come when there was to be an establishment of Artillery
in addition to these, whose school and arena were the campaigns of a
great master of war, one who was to be the means, after a victorious
career, of placing the stamp of permanence on what had as yet had but an
ephemeral existence,—the regimental character as applied to Artillery
forces in England.
CHAPTER V.
MARLBOROUGH'S TRAINS.
ALTHOUGH the description of campaigns which occurred before the
regimental birth of the Royal Artillery is beyond the purpose and
province of this history, yet so many of the officers and men who fought
under the great Duke of Marlborough, or served in the various trains
equipped by his orders for Gibraltar, Minorca, and Nova Scotia,
afterwards were embodied in the regiment, that the reader must greet
with pleasure any notice of the constitution of these Trains, as being
in all probability typical of what the early companies of the Regiment
would be when attached to Ordnance for service in the field.
The Duke of Marlborough was appointed Master-General of the Ordnance
almost immediately after the accession of Queen Anne, and until the day
of his death he evinced the warmest and most intelligent interest in
everything connected with the Artillery Service.
The reader will remember that one of the first acts of Queen Anne was to
declare war against France, with her allies the Emperor of Germany and
the States-General. The declaration of war was not formally made until
the 4th May, 1702, but preparations had been going on for a couple of
months before with a view to commencing hostilities. On the 14th March,
1702, the warrant for the Train of Artillery required for the opening
campaign was issued to the Earl of Romney, then Master-General. The
number of pieces of Ordnance required was fixed at 34, including 14
sakers, 16 3-pounders, and 4 howitzers: and the _personnel_ considered
adequate to the management of these guns consisted of two companies of
gunners, one of pioneers, and one of pontoon men, in addition to the
requisite staff, and a number of artificers. Each company consisted of a
captain, a lieutenant, a gentleman of the Ordnance, six non-commissioned
officers, twenty-five gunners, and an equal number of matrosses. At this
time the fireworkers and bombardiers were not on the strength of the
companies as was afterwards the case. Two fireworkers and eight
bombardiers accompanied this train.
The pioneers were twenty in number, with two sergeants, and there was
the same number of pontoon men, with two corporals, the whole being
under a Bridge-master. The staff of the train consisted of a colonel, a
lieutenant-colonel, a major, a comptroller, a paymaster with his
assistant, an adjutant, a quartermaster, a chaplain, a commissary of
horse, a surgeon and assistant-surgeon, and a provost-marshal. The
kettledrummer and his coachman accompanied the train. There were also
present with this train a commissary of stores with an assistant, two
clerks, twelve conductors, eight carpenters, four wheelwrights, three
smiths, and two tinmen.
The rates of pay of the various attendants are again worthy of note. The
master carpenter, smith, and wheelwright got a shilling daily more than
the assistant-surgeon, who had to be happy on 3_s._ per diem; the
provost-marshal and the tinman each got 2_s._ 6_d._; the clerks and the
gentlemen of the Ordnance were equally paid 4_s._; the chaplain,
adjutant, and quartermaster received 6_s._ each; a lieutenant received
the same, and a fireworker 2_s._ less. The pay of the higher ranks was
as follows:—Colonel, 1_l._ 5_s._; lieutenant-colonel and comptroller,
each 1_l._; major, 15_s._; and paymaster, 10_s._ The gunners received
1_s._ 6_d._; matrosses, pioneers, and pontoon-men, each, 1_s._.
It was the month of June, 1702, before this train landed in Holland, and
on the 30th of that month it joined the Allied Army at Grevenbrouck,
having had an addition made to it of four guns before leaving England.
The pay of the train amounted to 9289_l._ 5_s._ per annum; and the
ammunition with which they commenced the campaign consisted of 3600
rounds, of which 3000 were round shot, and 600 canister or case. They
also carried 31 boxes of small hand-grenades, and 754 grenades of a
larger description. The conduct in the field of this train was
admirable. During the whole campaign of 1702, their fire is described as
having been carried on with "as much order, despatch, and success as
ever before was seen."
And then, in the luxurious way in which war was made in those days, the
army went into winter quarters.
For the campaign of 1703, it was decided to augment the train of
Artillery, and a warrant to that effect was issued to the Ordnance on
the 8th February, 1703. The only difference in the _personnel_ of the
train was the addition of five gunners to each company, they now
outnumbering the matrosses for the first time. The addition to the guns
consisted of six demi-culverins.
In March of this year, the Board of Ordnance was also called upon to fit
out two bomb-vessels for service in the Channel; and as the bomb-service
remained long after the Regiment existed, it may be interesting to the
reader to learn the armament of these vessels. It consisted of three 13-
inch brass sea-service mortars, one vessel carrying two. For ammunition
they carried 1200 shells and 40 carcasses,—besides 248 barrels of
powder. The Artillerymen on board were represented by three fireworkers,
six bombardiers, and two artificers; but as provision was made for ten,
not eleven, "small flock bedds, bolsters, ruggs, and blankets," it is to
be presumed either that one of the number was above the necessity of
sleep, or that a certain socialism existed in the matter of beds, which
admitted of the individual on duty adjourning to the bed vacated by the
man who relieved him.
In a later warrant of the same year, when a larger number of these
vessels was ordered to the Mediterranean, a Firemaster at 8_s._ per diem
was placed over the fireworkers, and a few conductors of stores were
added.
A further addition was made in 1704 to the train in Holland, showing the
increased appreciation of the services of the Artillery. It consisted of
six brass culverins and four 3-pounders, with two gentlemen of the
Ordnance, sixteen gunners, and sixty of their assistants, the matrosses.
Two more artificers were also added.
An idea of the Artillery train under Marlborough's own command can be
obtained from the above dry details, and when compared with the
proportions of Artillery in the armies of more recent times,
Marlborough's train excites a smile. The value of Artillery in the field
had not yet been learned, while the cumbrous nature of its equipment was
painfully present to every General. Not until Napoleon came on the scene
did Artillery assume its proper place in European armies; not until the
Franco-German War of 1870 did it assume its proper place in European
opinion.
But equally interesting with the details of the train which Marlborough
commanded are those of the trains, which, as Master-General of the
Ordnance, he prepared for expeditions and services under other
commanders, in the stormy time which was hushed to rest by the Peace of
Utrecht.
When the expedition to Portugal, ordered in 1703, but which did not take
place till the following year, was decided on, the armament selected
consisted merely of five brass sakers, and one 5¼-pounder.
For this small battery, a somewhat eccentric detail of attendants was
ordered, characterized by the marked absence of Artillery _officers_.
They were as follows:—One commander, styled commander-in-chief, with a
daily pay of 1_l._; six engineers, with 10_s._ each; a commissary of
stores, five bombardiers, twenty gunners, and ten miners. The absence of
matrosses in this detail is also remarkable. The deficiencies in this
train soon became apparent, for in 1705 we find it was reinforced by a
captain, a lieutenant, a fireworker, a surgeon, and forty-two matrosses,
with a proportion of non-commissioned officers. And with the
reinforcement came six mountain 3-pounders—guns, which from this time
and for many years were familiarly known as grasshoppers.
Among the other musty warrants of this time, calling upon "our entirely-
beloved Master-General of the Ordnance, John Duke of Marlborough," to
furnish various trains and necessaries, one short one on the 3rd
October, 1704, has a peculiar interest. Intelligence had just been
received of the capture of Gibraltar by Sir George Rooke, and it became
necessary to send, for the better protection of the Rock, a few guns,
and some men familiar with their use. In this year, 1872, seven
Batteries of Artillery, each numbering 160 men when complete, are
considered necessary, the lesson not having yet been forgotten, which
was taught by the great siege, when five weak companies were all the
Artillery in the garrison, and gunners had to be improvised out of the
ranks of the Infantry. But the force during the great siege was lavish
compared with that deemed sufficient at first "for the better defence of
y^e said place." One chief engineer, Talbot Edwards by name, a
storekeeper and his clerk, two fireworkers, six bombardiers, and fifty-
five gunners, were at first deemed sufficient Artillery force for the
defence of a place whose chief means of protection lay in its guns.
Half-a-dozen brass 13-inch mortars, and four-and-twenty guns on ship
carriages, varying from 6-pounders to 24-pounders, constituted the
armament sent from England.
In April of the following year the Master-General was called upon to
furnish a train for that romantic expedition to Spain under the
brilliant Earl of Peterborough, the services of which afterwards at the
capture of Barcelona called forth such commendation. It was a very small
one. In a corps of 5000 men the following was the proportion of
Artillery:—One colonel, one adjutant, two engineers, a commissary, a
paymaster, four conductors, one master-gunner, four sergeants, four
corporals, ten gunners, one firemaster, one fireworker, two bombardiers,
two carpenters, three wheelwrights, two smiths, and a collar-maker.
Mortars on travelling carriages were used by this train, and a
considerable number of sets of men-harness which accompanied it suggests
the idea that the services of the other troops, or the peasantry, were
enlisted, when necessary, to move the train from place to place.
In May, 1706, 11,000 men under the command of Earl Rivers were ordered
to sail from Plymouth on a wild and futile scheme for the invasion of
France. The following was the proportion of Artillery considered
necessary for this force by the Board over which Marlborough presided.
The guns were forty-six in number, including twenty 24-pounders, six
culverins, four 12-pounders, four demi-culverins, and six sakers. There
were also sixty small coehorn mortars.
To man the train, the following was the detail: a colonel, four
engineers, two sub-engineers, a paymaster, a surgeon, with an assistant,
a captain, a lieutenant, two gentlemen of the Ordnance, three sergeants,
three corporals, thirty-two gunners, and sixty-four matrosses, a
lieutenant of miners, and seventeen men, a firemaster, three
fireworkers, and twelve bombardiers, a commissary, clerk of the stores,
twelve conductors, three smiths, three wheelwrights, five carpenters,
two coopers, a collar-maker, two farriers, and fifteen carters. In this
train the lieutenant of miners and the chief carpenter, received each
4_s._ a day, while the assistant-surgeon with his 3_s._ remains ranked
with the farriers, cooper's mate, and collar-maker.
The list of stores is too long for reproduction here. But it included
200 sets of single harness for men, and four sets of harness for fifty
men to each set. Tumbrils and waggons innumerable were ordered; 400
wheelbarrows, 2000 palisadoes, 1600 horseshoes, tents, single and double
beds, and an assortment of artificers' tools such as would enrich a
colony. Altogether it was an appalling catalogue. The ammunition for the
train included 22,000 round shot, 2400 mortar-bombs, 800 case-shot, and
3000 barrels of powder. For the Infantry 46 tons of musket-shot were
carried, and 100,000 flints.
In 1707, it was resolved to reduce the trains formerly under the
directions of Lords Galway, Peterborough, and Rivers, into one field
train for service in Spain, and as the Board of Ordnance reported that
they had no money for the subsistence of the train, the commissioners of
the Treasury were ordered to pay the cost out of the 500,000_l._ voted
by Parliament with a view to "strengthening the Army of the Duke of
Savoy for making good our alliances with the King of Portugal, and for
the more effectual carrying on the war of the recovery of the Spanish
monarchy to the house of Austria." _Tempora mutantur_: what ministerial
eloquence would be able to charm money out of a House of Commons now for
such a purpose? The following was the detail of the combined train:—one
colonel, and one lieutenant-colonel, receiving the same pay, 1_l._ 5_s._
per diem; one major, at 15_s._; one comptroller, at 1_l._; one
paymaster, at 8_s._ and an assistant at 3_s._ 6_d._; an adjutant,
quartermaster, commissary of horse, and waggon-master, each at 6_s._; a
surgeon, at 5_s._, and two assistants, at 3_s._; two captains, two
lieutenants, two gentlemen of the Ordnance, six sergeants, six
corporals, forty gunners, eighty matrosses, four drummers, ten
engineers, a fireworker, two bombardiers, twelve conductors, and twenty-
one artificers. There was also a provost-marshal with two assistants.
Only one more train requires to be mentioned. After the legislative
union between Scotland and England, it was decided by the Board of
Ordnance to establish a small permanent train, called the train for
North Britain, at Edinburgh, Stirling, and Fort William. As mentioned in
the first chapter of this book, the last-named place did not derive the
benefit that was contemplated at the formation of this train. From the
nature of the Ordnance sent to Scotland, the absence of conductors and
matrosses, and the presence of storekeepers and gunsmiths, it is evident
that a field train, in the sense of one for service in the field, was
not contemplated. The defence of the fortresses at the three places
named was all that was intended, combined with the supervision of the
Ordnance Stores which might be deposited in them.
The capture of Minorca during the war involved a small train for Port
Mahon in that Island; and another was required for Annapolis in 1710.
After the Peace of Utrecht, the Ordnance Board found that in addition to
its small peace establishment in England there were four trains to keep
up permanently, whether in peace or war, which were not required before.
These were the trains of North Britain, Gibraltar, Port Mahon, and a
joint train for service in Placentia and Annapolis.
The _raison d'être_ of the trains at the first three of these places has
already been given. To explain the circumstances under which the other
places became a charge on the Ordnance will require another chapter.
CHAPTER VI.
ANNAPOLIS.
ON the Nova Scotian side of the Bay of Fundy, immediately opposite the
City of St. John, New Brunswick, there is a narrow inlet of the sea,
walled by perpendicular and densely wooded hills. A few scattered
cottages, belonging to fishermen, speck the deep green of the forest, as
the traveller passes up this narrow channel, known by the uneuphonious
name of Digby Gut. Digby is a small picturesque village, immediately
inside the channel, which here opens out into a wide basin, large enough
to float mighty navies, and beyond description beautiful. In the spring
of 1604, a French Protestant, M. de Monts, first discovered this harbour
of safety, and one of his comrades, Potrincourt by name, was so
enchanted by its beauties, that he applied to the French monarch for a
grant of the surrounding district. At the end of the basin, furthest
from the entrance and at the mouth of a river, now called the Cornwallis
river, he built a Fort and a village, to which he gave the name of Port
Royal. The history of this little village has been one of marvellous
interest; and until the beginning of the eighteenth century, it was
written in letters of blood. Since it finally became the property of
England, its existence has been a peaceful one; and now, alas, the
mouldering ramparts, the tumbling, grass-grown walls of the old fort,
and the windowless, stairless barrack, proclaim in unmistakable language
the advent of a new colonial epoch, and the retreat of British troops
before that new enemy—expense. The train required for its defence, after
its final capture, was one of the arguments used in favour of creating a
permanent force of Artillery in England; and for more than a century
this village of Port Royal, or Annapolis, has been entwined in the
history of the Royal Artillery.
If all historical researches were pursued in such beautiful localities,
the historian would be the veriest sybarite of literature. By the
tumbling fortifications now stands one of the loveliest villages on the
face of this world. The river, at whose mouth it is built, wanders
through a valley, which, in summer, is like a dream of beauty. Rich
_intervalle_ land on either bank, covered with heavy crops of every
kind; fields and gardens studded with apple-trees, planted by the old
French inhabitants; grapes in heavy clusters growing and ripening in the
open air, and clean, white churches and cottages studding the landscape
for miles; all unite in forming a picture, like the Utopia which haunts
the dreamer's mind. The garden of Canada—an Artilleryman may well
rejoice that so lovely a spot had a share in the birth of the corps to
which he belongs.
The early history of the place may be summed up in a few words. In 1606,
an addition to the little colony was made of more French emigrants;
cultivation of the soil, and the breeding of cattle occupied the
peaceful inhabitants; and they lived in perfect amity with the
surrounding Indians. Difficulties having arisen about the original
charter, Potrincourt went to France, and secured from the King the grant
of the territory: subject, however, to a distasteful condition, that he
should take two Jesuit priests with him on his return. He did so; but
made them as uncomfortable as he could, and in 1613, they left him to
join a settlement, also near the Bay of Fundy, vowing vengeance against
him in their hearts. Although England and France were at peace, a sea
rover from Virginia, named Argoll, came with his ship, and pillaged the
Jesuits' new home, killing one, and making the other prisoner. Fired by
his success, and urged and guided by the revengeful priest, he next
fitted out an expedition against Port Royal, and succeeded in destroying
the fort, and scattering the settlers, some of whom joined the
neighbouring Indian tribes. During the next few years, more French
immigrants settled in a scattered, unmethodical way, over the province
of Nova Scotia, or Acadia, as it was called; and some coming to Port
Royal, the little colony commenced to revive.
But in 1627, Kirke's fleet sailed from England to destroy the French
settlements in Nova Scotia; and among others, he ravaged unhappy Port
Royal. And from this time dates the struggle in America between France
and England, which lasted a hundred years. In 1629, it may be said, that
we had added Nova Scotia to our possessions; but in 1632, we gave it
back to France; Charles I. having been in treaty with the French King,
even while our expedition in America was at work, and having consented
to let the French have Quebec and all our recent American conquests back
again. In 1655, Cromwell recovered Port Royal, by means of an expedition
he sent for that purpose, under one Major Sedgwick. The fort had by this
time been strengthened and armed; but it had to surrender to the
impetuosity of our troops. Much labour and money was now spent on the
fortifications by the English, but all to no purpose, for by the treaty
of Breda, Charles II. ceded Nova Scotia to the French again. Certainly,
the Stuarts were cruel to our colonies; and it required all the
enterprise of our merchants, and all the courage and skill of our seamen
and fishermen to resist utter extinction under the treatment they
received. The day was to come—and to last for many a year, when a worse
evil than the Stuarts was to blight our colonies—the nightmare of the
Colonial Office. As the former was the positive, so it was the
comparative degree of colonial endurance. Is it true that a superlative
degree is coming on them now? Is it true, that in our Statesmen's minds
there exists a coldness, an indifference to our colonies, which in time
of trial or danger will certainly pass into impatience, and anxiety to
be free from colonial appendages?
If it be so, then, indeed, the superlative degree of blundering and
misery is approaching; but the misery, like the blundering, will be
found this time, not in the colonies, but in England.
For sixteen years after the treaty of Breda, Port Royal was left
comparatively undisturbed; the French population reaching, in the year
1671, 361 souls; 364 acres having been brought under cultivation, and
nearly 1000 sheep and cattle being owned by the settlers.
In 1680, however, the English again, for the fifth time, obtained
possession of it; and again lost it. After its recapture, and before
1686, considerable additions had been made to the fortifications by the
French; and in the treaty of that year between France and England, it
was resolved—a resolution which was never kept—that although the mother
countries might quarrel, their respective American subjects might
continue to maintain mutual peaceable relations. After the Revolution of
1688, war broke out in Europe once more between France and England, and
their American children followed suit. Port Royal being the head-
quarters for the French ships attracted the attention of Sir William
Phipps, who after capturing and pillaging it abandoned it again to the
French.
And the treaty of Ryswick again officially announced that the whole of
Nova Scotia was French territory.
In 1699, and again in 1701, considerable labour was devoted by the
French to strengthening the works of Port Royal; an increase to the
garrison was made from France, and the militia in the surrounding
settlements were carefully trained and armed.
Every difficulty was interposed by the French governors between the
settlers and the New England merchants, who were mutually eager for
trade. Exasperated by prohibitory duties on their wares, the latter
first tried smuggling, and then hostile expeditions. One such was made
from Boston in 1704; and although Port Royal made a successful
resistance, much damage was done to the surrounding country.
In 1707, two expeditions were made from New England, and a large force
of militia accompanied them. They were convoyed by a man-of-war, and
would undoubtedly have captured the place, had it not been for the
personal energy of Subercase, the French governor, who rallied the
neighbouring inhabitants, and drove back the English, thoroughly
dispirited. On the second occasion, the English attempted to float their
artillery up the river with the tide by night, and attack the fort from
the land side. The rise and fall of the tide in the Bay of Fundy and its
inlets are very great, often reaching sixty feet. The French governor,
seeing the enemy's design, lit large fires along the banks of the river,
and exposed the drifting boats with the English guns on board to the
view of the artillerymen in the fort, who opened a fire which utterly
prevented the English from advancing further, or effecting a landing. By
the 1st of September, the New Englanders were utterly foiled and
dispirited, the object of the expedition was frustrated, and the fleet
weighed anchor and returned to Boston. After these two attempts,
rendered unsuccessful by the marvellous tact and energy of one man, Port
Royal enjoyed comparative rest, and the leisure of the inhabitants was
devoted to strengthening the works during the next two years.
Before describing the circumstances of its final capture, let some
explanation be given of the incessant war which went on for so many
years between the French and English colonists in North America. It was
not a burning interest in the European questions agitating the parent
countries that animated their Western children; the parent quarrels were
an excuse, but not a reason, for their mutual aggression; and the
absence of such excuse did not ensure peace in America. The cause lay in
the two feelings which prompt most wars: thirst for revenge and love of
trade. The way in which the last acted has already been hinted at. There
was undoubtedly a market among the French colonists, which was all the
New England merchants could desire; and so ready were the French
peasants to trade, that no prohibitory action of their rulers could
conceal their desire, although in a great measure it might prevent its
gratification. The knowledge of this made the New Englanders frantic.
They were men of immense energy, as they are now; they were of
magnificent physique, made for war and hardship; and they rebelled
against any obstacle to what they deemed their legitimate wishes. Their
anger became intolerance; their intolerance became aggressive; and the
result was first smuggling, then privateering, and finally war.
But another motive was thirst for revenge. And why? Was there not room
on this vast continent for both nations to plant any wandering or
surplus children, without the vile passions seeking place, which thrive
in the hot-bed of crowded, neighbouring, and rival states? Here the old
poet's words come in most truly: "Cœlum, non animum, mutant, qui trans
mare currunt."
National jealousies _were_ reproduced: the French allied themselves in
Canada with the Indians, and incessant incursions were made thence by
them on the English colonies. Hardly a child grew up in New England who
did not know of some hideous tragedy in the domestic life of his
immediate neighbours, if not in his own family; from infancy one of the
articles of his creed was detestation of the French; and this feeling
found ready and revengeful expression whenever opportunity offered. But
revenge is not always true in its aim, is indeed often wofully blind;
and too often when maddened with thoughts of cruelty and outrage on his
wife or sisters—and what thoughts stir the Anglo-Saxon more fiercely?—he
would avenge himself wildly and recklessly on victims who mayhap were
innocent. And so the ghastly vendetta crossed from hand to hand, from
one side to the other, and hardly a year passed without its existence
being attested by tales of horror and of blood!
But the end for Port Royal was approaching, an end which was to mean
defeat, but was to ensure a lasting peace. In 1709, news reached the
Governor of an intended attack on a large scale in the ensuing spring by
the English; and as his garrison had recently been much reduced by
disease, he wrote, strongly urging its reinforcement either from France,
or from the French post at Placentia, in Newfoundland. Apparently, his
request was not complied with; and after a gallant, and almost heroic
resistance, Port Royal capitulated in the following year to the
expeditionary forces under the command of Colonel Nicholson, comprising
regular troops from England, militia from New York, and a strong train
of Artillery,—the whole being supported by a powerful fleet. On the 2nd
October, 1710, the capitulation was signed; and, out of compliment to
the Queen, the name of the village was changed to Annapolis.
A fortnight after the expedition left England for New York and Boston,
_en route_ to Port Royal, a Royal Warrant was issued establishing a
Train of Artillery to _garrison Annapolis_. It will thus be seen that so
confident was the English Government of the success of the expedition,
that the new name for Port Royal had already been fixed, and
arrangements made for a permanent garrison. The acquisition of
Newfoundland followed; the French garrison of Placentia were allowed
with many of the inhabitants to go to the Island of Cape Breton, where
they fortified a place which will occupy a prominent part in this
volume, Louisbourg; and the year 1713 saw, by the Treaty of Utrecht,
Acadia or Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland formally surrendered to the
English.
The train of Artillery formed to garrison Annapolis, and its adjunct
ordered three years later for Placentia, were two of the permanent
trains used as arguments in 1716 for establishing a fixed Artillery
Regiment which could feed these foreign garrisons—arguments which in
that year brought into existence the Royal Regiment of Artillery.
The Artillery garrison ordered for Annapolis in 1710, comprised a
captain, a lieutenant, a surgeon, 4 non-commissioned officers, 11
gunners, 40 matrosses, an engineer, a storekeeper, 3 bombardiers, and 2
armourers.
That for Placentia was smaller and differently constituted. It consisted
of an engineer, a master-gunner, 20 gunners, a mason, a smith, a
carpenter, and an armourer.
The cost of the Annapolis train was 1964_l._ 18_s._ 4_d._ per annum:
that of the Placentia train was 1259_l._ 5_s._ After the Regiment was
created, these two trains or garrisons were generally furnished by the
same company, and mutually met each other's deficiencies or demands. For
many years, these places appeared in the Ordnance estimates, not merely
as items in the expense of maintaining the Artillery and Engineers, but
also as requiring considerable sums for fortifications. Occasionally the
number of men was reduced, as in 1725, when at Placentia there were only
1 lieutenant and 8 gunners; and at Annapolis, 1 lieutenant, 2
bombardiers, 4 gunners, and 7 matrosses. But the amount spent on the
fortifications remained for years very considerable. Up to the year
1759, the average spent on this item annually at the two places was
3000_l._ and 1000_l._; but in 1747 and 1748, evidently exceptional
years, the expenditure rose to 10,000_l._ and 6000_l._ respectively. In
1759, a large sum appears to have been spent in transporting to Nova
Scotia the guns and stores taken from the French at Louisbourg. After
1759, Annapolis gradually dwindles down as a military station, being
dwarfed by Halifax, whose Artillery expenses in that year alone amounted
to nearly 40,000_l._
For a century longer, Annapolis retained the special distinction of
giving the title of Governor, with a considerable income, to the officer
commanding the troops in the maritime provinces of British North
America. But its martial glory has now altogether faded; gradually
diminishing in numbers, its garrison at length consisted of the solitary
barrack sergeant, who is the "last man" of every military epic; and now
even he has departed. The old Fort is a ruin, the barracks crumbling and
unsightly; but, in spite of the pain one feels at first witnessing this
modern indifference to ancient story,—this forgetfulness of the memories
which in stately procession troop through the student's mind,—this
feeling is soon obliterated as one turns to gaze on happy homesteads and
blooming gardens, and on contented faces which meet one at every turn as
one wanders over the fertile country, away even to that "Bloody Creek,"
where, in one of their many engagements, some thirty Englishmen met a
cruel death, by an unexpected attack made by some Indians.
Where are the Indians now? A few drunken, demoralized creatures hang
about some of the towns; two or three only have retained their love and
instinct for the chase; and before many years shall have passed away,
Acadia shall know the Mic-mac no more!
CHAPTER VII.
THE BIRTH OF THE REGIMENT.
THE hour had come,—and the man! The Duke of Marlborough was again at the
head of the Ordnance, and was both capable himself of detecting the
faults of the existing system, and of critically comprehending any
suggestions for its improvement which the Board might lay before him.
Never had the old system so completely broken down as during the
rebellion in Scotland in 1715. The best practical Artilleryman in the
pay of the Ordnance had been sent in command of the train—Albert
Borgard; but two years' rust since the peace of Utrecht had so tarnished
any brightness which Artillery details in England had gained in the
friction of the preceding campaigns, that Borgard's task was a hopeless
one. Suspicions have been cast upon the loyalty of the Duke of Argyle,
who commanded the King's forces in Scotland, and certainly, at first
sight, his contradictory orders to the Artillery excite astonishment.
But it is more probable that the key to his management of this arm lay
in the impossible task of creating order out of what Borgard himself
described as "such confusion as cannot be expressed." In the month of
December, the train was ordered to Scotland; it was February before they
anchored in the Firth of Forth. The first orders received by Borgard
from Argyle, were to send his ships and guns away to Innerkithen, and
march his officers and "artillery people" to Stirling. On arriving
there, he was ordered to take command of a very confused train of field-
pieces, which had been ordered up from the Castle of Edinburgh. Part of
this train he succeeded in getting as far as Dundee, where orders were
sent him to take the whole back again to Edinburgh _by water_. In the
following March, his enforced idleness was brought to an end by orders
he received to send back his vessels with the guns, which had never been
unshipped, to London. He and his men were then to be available for other
service.
Such a gross case of inability to furnish, within any reasonable time,
Artillery for service in the field, followed by such uselessness and
confusion, could not be overlooked, nor allowed to pass without an
effort at improvement for the future. Public admission of defects in a
Department cannot be expected; and when consciousness of their existence
is present in the minds of the officials, their manner is to suggest a
remedy, but to evolve the evil, which the remedy is to cure, either from
other sources, or from their own imaginations. The student, who turns
from the ghastly tale of incompetence and blundering in 1715, to see
what steps the Ordnance Board took to prevent its recurrence, need not,
therefore, be surprised to find a very slight allusion to their own
blunders, and a gushing catalogue of the benefits which will result from
the adoption of their new suggestions. In fact, in their letter of 10th
January, 1716, to the Master-General, the members of the Board use
language of virtuous and indignant protest; and instead of alluding to
the recent failures, they talk of the hardships which the existing
system had wrought upon their office. It is, perhaps, ungracious to
criticise too closely the language used when suggesting a really
important and valuable innovation; but when we find the foreign
establishments of Annapolis and Placentia, of Gibraltar and Port Mahon,
quoted as the arguments in chief for a change, which would probably
never have been suggested but for the conspicuous failure of the
preceding year, the temptation is irresistible to draw the mask from the
face of complacent officialism.
Summing the case up in a few words, it may be said that the annual cost
of that part of the military branch of the office of the Ordnance which
the Board proposed gradually to abolish at this time, including the
foreign establishments at the places above mentioned, amounted to
16,829_l._ The Regimental establishment, which it was now proposed to
substitute by degrees, consisting of four companies with an adequate
staff, would, on the Board's calculation, cost only 15,539_l._
The main reduction was to be obtained by allowing the North Britain
establishment, which cost annually 1200_l._, gradually to become
extinct, the duties to be performed by the new companies. The foreign
establishments were also to be supplied in the same way. Of course, it
was not pretended that all this could be done at once. But as vacancies
occurred in the existing establishment, the money would go to furnish
men for the cadres of the new companies, which it was proposed at once
to create. And by removing the Artillery officers and the 120 gunners
now on the old establishment to the rolls of the new companies, the
skeletons would have a little flesh and blood from the commencement.
The details of the other economies suggested by the Board, and the list
of officials whose places it was not proposed to fill when vacant,
naturally excite the curiosity of the student. Surely, this time at
least, a little self-denial will be practised by the Honourable Board;
some superfluous clerks and secretaries will be lopped off; and after
their protest against those members of the military branch who never go
on duty without having heavy travelling charges and extra pay, surely we
shall find some economy practised by the Honourable Board, whose members
revel in these very items. Alas! no. Tradition is too strong; and self-
preservation is their first instinct. There are storekeepers in
Edinburgh and Fort William, whom distance will prevent from personal
remonstrance; a percentage of their wretched income can safely be taken.
And as for those whose offices are ultimately to be extinguished, they
themselves can have no personal grievance, and posterity can look after
itself. So, engineers, and firemasters, and petardiers, are marked for
destruction; and the Board's sacrilegious hand is raised against the
Master-Gunner of England himself!
It was on the 26th day of May, 1716, that the Regimental Baby was born.
It was smaller than had been expected; but it has proved a healthy and
long-lived child, and, as its nurse might have said, it has grown out of
all knowledge. Only two companies—without any staff—were given at first,
at an annual cost of 4891_l._ But, in Colonel Miller's clear language,
"considering that these two companies were never reduced, and that the
remaining two, as well as the field-officers, were added within a few
years, there can be no hesitation about taking this as the starting-
point for any _Regimental Records_ of the Royal Artillery."
In December, 1716, the Board was able to inform the Master-General of
the success of the scheme: the two companies were nearly complete; but
the dream of feeding the foreign establishments could not be realized,
from the fact that only half its proposal had, as yet, been carried into
effect. So it was obliged to request, that arrangements for these should
be made for the present, elsewhere than from the two companies at home.
Ere many years had passed, the whole of the scheme recommended by the
Duke of Marlborough was at work; in 1722, a Colonel was given to the
Regiment; and in 1727, we find a Lieutenant-Colonel and a Major, as well
as four complete companies; but in the years of comparative quiet which
followed, no further augmentation took place. It was not until the year
1740, that we find two more companies were added to the Regiment.
The name of the Lieutenant-Colonel in 1727, one we have already met
with, and who had seen much service, was Jonas Watson. That of the Major
was James Petit. He also had seen considerable service; but neither of
them in that respect could approach the brave and experienced officer to
whom the command of the Regiment was given by George I., in 1722, and
emphatically renewed by George II., in 1727, the celebrated Albert
Borgard.
CHAPTER VIII.
ALBERT BORGARD.
NOT a statesman, not over-refined, and no scholar, a mere soldier of
fortune—yet brave, and honest, and true—Albert Borgard deserves more
than a passing notice in a history of the Regiment which he was the
first to command.
He was by birth a Dane. Born in 1659, he commenced his life as a soldier
when sixteen years of age, and until the day of his death, on the 7th
February, 1751, at the age of ninety-two years, he never had a thought
beyond his profession and his duty. The diary appended to this chapter
gives in his own words the best summary of his career which can be
written. For _naïveté_ and modesty, it can hardly be surpassed. The
compression into two or three lines, of events on which most men would
enlarge with effusion; and the simple narrative of wounds and hardships,
as if such were the ordinary circumstances of war, and unworthy of
special comment, cannot fail to strike the most superficial reader. The
only sentence that gives us pain is the plaintive allusion to one who
supplanted him with the Board of Ordnance, as Consulting Artilleryman
and Engineer. He was so devoted to his profession, that anything which
looked like putting him on one side hurt him beyond expression. There is
a time in the lives of many active men, when they realize painfully that
others are growing up who can outstrip them in work, or who have modern
ideas and appliances which it is now too late for them to learn. The
pain of such a discovery is, perhaps, the most acute that a man can
feel.
From that date, Borgard devoted himself to his men. Living in the Warren
at Woolwich, constantly among them, he was incessant in urging them to
master the details of their profession. Being devoted himself to all
laboratory work, his order-books are full of instructions to the cadets
and young officers, to devote their leisure to practical lessons in that
department. And he encouraged any who might succeed in making any good
"Firework" to bring it to him for inspection and approval. He was a
strict disciplinarian; and some of the punishments he awarded would
astonish modern soldiers. But he was essentially honest, incapable of
falsehood or meanness, and if every man in this worthy world were, like
him, brave and honest and true, what a Paradise it would be!
He commenced his military career in the service of the King of Denmark.
He went from that, in 1689, to the King of Prussia's service; served in
Hungary in 1691; and was induced by William III. to join the English
service in the following year. At the termination of hostilities he and
one other foreigner, named Schlunt, whose name appears in the list of
officers of the short-lived regiment of 1698, were the only Artillerymen
other than English, who were selected to proceed to England for
permanent employment.
In 1702, he went as Major in the expedition to Cadiz, and carried on a
successful bombardment with the five bomb-vessels under his command. In
the following year he volunteered for service under Marlborough, but,
after a few months in Flanders, he was recalled to proceed to Spain with
the expedition under Sir George Rooke and the Duke de Schomberg, which
escorted the Archduke Charles, who had just been proclaimed by his
father, King of Spain. Until the year 1710, he was engaged in all the
hostilities which were now carried on in Spain, and of which his diary
gives a summary. In 1705, at the siege of Valencia, which was taken by
the English under Lord Galway, (who had been appointed to the command in
place of Schomberg), he lost his left arm; and in 1710, he was wounded
in the leg by a round shot, and taken prisoner.
But his first service with the Royal Artillery, after its existence as a
regiment, was in 1719, when he went in command of the Artillery of Lord
Cobham's force against Spain, and successfully bombarded Vigo. The
troops, 4000 in number, embarked in a squadron of five men-of-war under
Admiral Mighells, and coasting from Corunna to Vigo, were landed two or
three miles from the town. The garrison of Vigo withdrew to the citadel,
spiking the guns in the town; but so heavy and well-directed was the
fire of the English, that they soon capitulated.
The whole of the Artillery arrangements, both in preparing and handling
the train, had been under Colonel Borgard's sole control. Judging from
the entry in his diary, he was far more pleased by the success of his
inventions and improvements in the _matériel_ of his train, than by the
surrender of the enemy.
As this was the first train of Artillery to which the Royal Artillery
Companies were attached on active service, it has been considered
desirable to give some details as to its constitution.
First, as to _personnel_:—It was commanded by Colonel Borgard, assisted
by a major, a captain, three lieutenants, and four fireworkers. The
medical staff, a surgeon and his assistant, received a little more
remuneration than in former trains; their daily pay—which to a modern
ear has a very legal sound—being respectively 6_s._ 8_d._ and 3_s._
4_d._ There were seven non-commissioned officers, twenty gunners, forty
matrosses, two drummers, and ten artificers. Engineers, conductors,
drivers, and clerks were also present; and on account of the particular
nature of the service on which the expeditionary force was to be
engaged, ten watermen and a coxswain were included among the attendants
of the train.
Next, as to _matériel_:—Borgard selected for his purpose four 24-
pounders, four 9-pounders, and six 1½-pounders, brass guns, all mounted
on travelling carriages, with a proportion of spare carriages for the
first and last, spare limbers for the second, and spare wheels for all.
He also took a number of brass mortars, six ten-inch, and two eight-
inch, besides thirty Coehorn and twelve Royal mortars. The ammunition
comprised 9800 round shot, 180 grape, 3800 mortar shells, 1000 hand-
grenades, and 100 carcasses for the ten-inch mortars. Two bomb-vessels,
each carrying a thirteen-inch mortar, and with two fireworkers, four
bombardiers, and an artificer on board, accompanied the expedition, and
were also under Colonel Borgard's command.
The citadel capitulated on the 10th October, 1719, and a large quantity
of guns and stores fell into the hands of the English. The first
occasion, therefore, on which the Royal Artillery as a Regiment was
represented on active service was completely successful. The expedition
returned to England in November.
One more incident remains to be enlarged upon ere we leave the gallant
officer to tell the story of his own life. In 1716, when attending an
experiment at the Foundry in Windmill Hill, where some brass guns were
being recast, he was wounded in four places by an explosion which took
place, and by which seventeen of the bystanders lost their lives. The
accident had been foretold—so the story goes—by a young Swiss named
Schalch, who was thereupon invited, after his prophecy was fulfilled, to
assist the Board of Ordnance in selecting a suitable place near London
where all the guns required for the service might be cast.
Young Schalch's hands were rather tied in the matter; for he was limited
to a radius of twelve miles round London. Had this not been the case, it
is hardly probable that he would have named as the Depôt for national
Artillery Stores, and as the National Arsenal—both of which he must have
foreseen the place of his selection would become—a place so exposed as
Woolwich. As it was, however, being limited to so small an area, his
selection was a natural one for other than the reasons which would first
occur to him, as it already had a special connection with Artillery
manufactures, and with that Board under whose orders he was to work.
Few countries, and fewer Boards, have ever had a more faithful servant
than he proved. As Superintendent of the Foundries, which were built at
his suggestion, he lived for sixty years, "during which time not a
single accident "occurred."[8] The Royal Artillery may well be proud of
such a man, who, although not in the Regiment, was so intimately
connected with it by the nature of his duties; and as all the management
of the various departments in the Arsenal is in the hands of officers of
the Regiment now, there is no better model for them to study than this
father, so to speak, of Woolwich Arsenal. And the interest which must be
felt in him for his own skill and services is increased by the knowledge
that no less than six of his descendants have held commissions in the
Royal Artillery.
* * * * *
Appended to the chapter will now be found the diary of Borgard, to which
allusion has so often been made, copied from a manuscript in the Royal
Artillery Regimental Library. In addition to the short account of his
services, it contains lists of the various battles and sieges in which
he took part, and the dates of his various commissions.
"An Account of the Battels, Sieges, &c., wherein Lieutenant-General
Albert Borgard hath served, with what time and station, and in what
Prince's service, as also the dates of his commissions during the time
of his being in the English service, viz.—
"In the KING OF DENMARK'S Service.
1675. "Served as a cadet in the Queen's Regiment of Foot, and was at
the siege of Wismar (a town in the territories of Mecklenburg), then
belonging to the Sweeds, which was taken by the Danes in the said
year in the month of December."
1676. "Was ordered from the Army with a Detachment of Foot on board
the Fleet. A battle was fought with the Sweeds near Oeland in the
Baltick, the 11th of June, wherein the Danes obtained a compleat
victory. With the aforesaid Detachment in the month of July we
landed in Schonen, and joyned the Danish Army at the Siege of the
Castle at Helsingborg, which place the Danes took from the Sweeds in
the said month by capitulation.
"Marched from thence, and was at the Siege of the Town and Castle of
Landskroon. One night the Sweeds made a great sally out of the Town
with Horse and Foot; the Danes beat them back, and followed them
into the town and took it sword in hand. The Castle after some days'
bombardment was taken by capitulation.
"In the month of August, we marched from Landskroon to
Christianstat, which town was taken from the Sweeds, sword in hand,
some days after it was invested, without opening trenches. The
Garrison did consist of near 3000 men, which were all cut to pieces.
Liberty for three hours' time was granted to the soldiers to plunder
the town, where there was found a great deal of riches and treasure.
"In the latter end of August, I was one of the 4000 men of the Army
which marched from Christianstat to besiege the Town Halmstat. Upon
their march they were intercepted and totally defeated by the
Sweeds, of which number not above 700 men made their escape.
"In the month of September, several young men that were well
recommended were taken out of the Foot Regiments to be made gunners
of y^e Artillery, of which I was one of the number, and served as
such in the great Battle of Lund (in the month of December) between
the Sweeds and the Danes, which continued from sun-rising to sun-
setting. This was counted a drawn battle, because both Army's
Artillery remained in the field that night.
1677. "I likewise served as a gunner in the Battle fought between
the Sweeds and the Danes, near Sierkiobing or Ronneberg, two leagues
from Landskroon, in the month of July, where the Sweeds had a
compleat victory. In the latter end of the same month I was ordered
from Schonen with more gunners to the Siege of Mastraud, in Norway.
In the month of July, the Town with a little Fort was attacked and
taken sword in hand, and two other Castles near the same place were
taken by capitulation. In the latter end of August we marched with a
body of the Norwegian Army, and fell in the night-time on the Sweeds
at Odewald, beat them, and took from them twelve pieces of cannon,
and all their baggage.
1678. "In the month of September, a great Detachment of the Danish
Army, where I was one of the number, was ordered in the expedition
to the Island of Lauterugen, in the Baltick. We landed on the said
Island, though we mett with great opposition from the Sweeds. We
beat them and obliged them to retire to Stralsund.
1679. "I was made a Fireworker, and ordered on a survey of the
Island of Sealand, in Denmark.
1680. "I with another Fireworker was ordered to Berlin in exchange
of two Brandenburgher Fireworkers, sent to Denmark to learn the
difference of each nation's work relating to all sorts of warlike
and pleasaunt Fireworks.
1681. "I was ordered to go from Berlin to Strasburg to perfect
myself in all things relating to Fortification.
1682. "I was ordered back again from Strasburg to Gluckstadt, in
Holstein, where I was made Ensign in the Queen's Regiment of Foot.
1683. "I was made a Lieutenant in the same Regiment, and ordered
with the Duke of Wirtemberg, who went a voluntier to the relief of
Vienna, in Austria, where I was in the Battle fought by the Germans
and Poles against the Turks the 11th day of September. The Turks
were totally defeated with the loss of their Artillery and greatest
part of their baggage.
1684. "I was ordered with several other engineers under Colonel
Scholten's command to fortifie a place called Farrell, in the County
of Oldenburg.
1685. "I was ordered by the aforesaid Duke of Wirtemberg, who went a
voluntier to Hungary, and was both of us at the Siege of Niewhausel
and the Battle of Grau in the month of August. The Germans beat the
Turks, and took twenty-three pieces of cannon, with some of their
baggage, and some days after the battle, Niewhausel was taken sword
in hand.
1686. "I went as a voluntier to Hungary, and was at the Siege of
Buda, and was recommended to Colonel Barner, Commander of the
Imperial Artillery, who employ'd me during the Siege, in the
Artillery service. The lower town was taken in June without
opposition. The upper town and castle were taken sword in hand in
the month of September. Here I got so much plunder that paid for all
my campaign done in Hungary as a voluntier.
1687. "I was made a Lieutenant in the King of Denmark's Drabenten
Guards, and was employed as Engineer in the new Fortifications made
at Copenhagen.
1688. "I quitted the Danish Service on account of some injustice
done me in my promotion, and went as voluntier to Poland. I was well
recommended to his Polish Majesty. I was in the action that happen'd
at Budjack, when the Poles beat the Tartars, and killed and took
prisoners to the number of 2400. Here I took for my share two
Tartars prisoners, which had near cost me my life, by reason I would
not deliver them over to a Polish officer.
"In the KING OF PRUSSIA'S Service.
1689. "In the month of January I was made a Lieutenant in the
Prussian Guards, and the same year went with my Colonel, Baron
Truckis, who made a campaign as voluntier on the Rhine. I was in the
month of March in action of Niews, a little town between Keyserwart
and Cologne, where the Brandenburghers totally beat the French and
took all their baggage. In the month of June I was at the Siege of
Keyserwart, which place the Brandenburghers, after some days'
bombardment, took from the French by capitulation. In the month of
July we marched with the Army from Keyserwart to invest the town of
Bonn, which place was without intermission eight nights and days
bombarded, and totally destroyed. After the bombardment it was kept
blockaded till the month of September. In this bombardment I
commanded two mortars ordered me by Colonel Wyller, commander of the
Prussian Artillery. In the month of August I went from Bonn to
Mentz, a town besieged by the Emperour's and Allies' Army. In the
taking of the Counterscarps or Glacies of this place, it cost us
near 4000 men, by which means the town was obliged to capitulate. In
the month of September the Duke of Lorrain went with 10,000 men from
Mentz, to reinforce the Allies' Army at Bonn. By his arrival there
the attack was regularly carried on, in which service I was employed
as Engineer, under the direction of Colonel Gore, who had the
direction of the trenches carried on by the Dutch forces. The
Counterscarps or Glacies, with a ravelin and a counterguard, were
taken sword in hand with the loss of 3000 men. The enemy was beat
into the town, which obliged them in two days' after to capitulate.
1691. "In the month of March 8000 of the Prussian troops were
ordered to Hungary. The company to which I belonged was included in
this number. We joined the Emperour's Army in the month of June, and
we fought a Battle with the Turks at a place called Solankeman,
where we beat them totally, and took upwards of 100 pieces of
cannon, with a great part of their baggage, in the month of August.
1692. "I quitted the Prussian service, and agreed with Count de
Dohna for a Company of Foot, in a Regiment of Foot he was to raise
for the service of the Emperour. After some weeks spent in raising
men for my company, the capitulation broke off, because the Emperour
would not agree to the terms stipulated with the said Count. In the
month of April I went from the city of Dantzick to Holland, and from
thence in company with some Danish voluntiers to y^e Siege of
Namur. After the siege I went from Namur to the English and Allies'
camp at Melle, and from thence I marched with the Army to the camp
at Genap, where in the month of July I entered as Firemaster into
the English Artillery, under the command of Colonel Gore.
"In the ENGLISH Service.
1692. "I marched with the English Artillery to the Battle of
Steenkirke, and after the battle was ordered with a Detachment of
Fireworkers to joyn at Ostend those Artillery people which came from
England under the command of Sir Martin Beckman. From Ostend we
marched to Tourney, from thence to Dixmud, and at last to quarter at
Ghent.
1693. "I was commanded with a Detachment of Fireworkers and
Bombardiers to Liege, and from thence back again to Nearhespe, where
we fought the battle of Landen, and where our Army was beat, and
sixty-three pieces of English cannon lost. After the battle I was
ordered with a detachment of Fireworkers to Sasvangand, in order to
embark the great Artillery for a secret expedition; after some days'
labour was ordered back again to the Army encamped at Nuioven, from
thence into Flanders.
1694. "I went with my Lieutenant-Colonel Browne to the Siege of Huy,
which place we took from the French in the month of September, by
capitulation.
1695. "I was ordered with some mortars to follow the Duke of
Wirtemberg, who commanded a detachment of the Army at Fort Knock
invested by the said Duke. From thence I was ordered with a
detachment of the Artillery to the Siege of Namur, which place I
bombarded with twelve great mortars, and did throw about 4000 bombs
(into the town, Cohorn's Work, and Terra Nova), before the siege was
over. The town capitulated in August, and Cohorn's Work and Terra
Nova in September.
1696. "Nothing material was done this year but making intrenchments,
marching, and counter-marching with the Army.
1697. "This year was like the former till we encamped at Brussels,
where the cessation of arms was proclaimed.... In the month of
September the Army marched into quarters, where the greatest part of
the Artillery people were ordered to England, foreigners excepted,
who were all discharged except myself and one by name Schlunt. I was
ordered to embark all the English Artillery remaining in Flanders to
be sent to England. I myself went with the last embarkation in the
month of February."
1698 to 1701. "I remained in England without being in any action.
1702. "I was made Major to the Artillery in the bomb vessels sent on
the expedition to Cadiz, under the command of His Grace the Duke of
Ormond and Admiral Rooke. In this expedition I bombarded with five
bomb vessels, first, St. Catharina, with such success that it
capitulated. I also bombarded with some land mortars the Fort
Matagorde. At our arrival at Vigo, I bombarded with three bomb
vessels Fort Durand, which was taken sword in hand by the land
forces. The Fleet entered and broke the boom which was laid over the
entrance of the harbour near the said Fort, took and destroyed all
the ships of war, galleons, &c., to the number of thirty-seven.
1703. "Went as voluntier to Flanders. After some months' stay was
recalled to England in order to command the English Artillery
ordered to Portugall, with this present Emperour, being at that time
King of Spain. Two of the transports laden with stores under my
command were lost in the great storm in the Downs, where myself then
rode, and was afterwards obliged to go to Portsmouth to repair the
damage we had received by that storm.
1704. "Nothing material done with the Army but marching and counter-
marching.
1705. "I was at the Siege of Valencia d'Alcantra, which the English
took from the Spaniards sword in hand. At this siege, in building
the Battery, I had my left arm shot to pieces.
1706. "I was at the Siege of Alcantra, which place the English and
Allies took by capitulation in the month of April. Here I received a
contused wound on my left breast. Marched from thence to Corea and
Plazencia. Both towns declared for King Charles, and from thence
marched to the Bridge of Almaraz, and so back to Corea and to Ciudad
Rodrigo, which place we besieged and took by capitulation in the
month of May. Marched from thence to the Town Salamanca, which place
declared for King Charles: from thence to Madrid, which likewise
declared for King Charles, where we encamped ten days. From Madrid
we marched to Guadalaxara; from thence to Guadraka, where I
cannonaded in the month of August for two days together the Duke of
Berwick's Army; from thence marched back to Guadalaxara, and so on
to St. Jonne, from which place we retreated into the kingdom of
Valencia, where the enemy followed us close till we had got over the
pass at Raguina.
1707. "In the month of April we marched from Valencia to the Battle
of Almanza, where our Army was totally routed, and the remaining
part retreated to Toroza in Catalonia. In this battle we lost all
the Portuguese Artillery, and most part of the Artillery people were
taken prisoners or cut to pieces; and I had the misfortune to lose
all my baggage.
1708. "I commanded the Artillery on the expedition with Major-
General Stanhope to the Island of Minorca, where we landed in
September, and after I had built my battery by which I dismounted
the cannon of two of the enemy's towers built in the line, the
Castle of St. Phillip capitulated in the latter end of October. The
whole Island, at our landing, declared for King Charles, and after
having been three months in regulating the Artillery, I returned
back to Catalonia in the month of February, 1708-9.
1709. "Marched with the Artillery to Villa Nova de la Barkia, on the
River Segra, where I bombarded for some days the enemy's Army, and
after our Army had passed the river, they took the town Balaguar,
after two days' siege, by capitulation.
1710. "In the month of July I was at the Battle of Almenar, where
our Army in less than two hours beat the enemy and encamped in the
place of the field of battle for some days...." "From the camp at
Almenar we marched to besiege the Castle Moncon. We possessed
ourselves the first night of one of the enemy's works that covered
their bridge laid over the Cuica river, and continued there some
days, and at last was obliged to leave the place...." "In August,
marched from thence and passed the said river near Traga in pursuit
of the enemy to the place of Saragoso, where we fought a battle on
the 20th August, got a compleat victory, and took the greatest part
of the enemy's Artillery. Here I received four wounds, and had
upwards of eighty men killed and wounded on my battery, and above
300 Artillery mules hamstringed. From this place our Army pursued
the enemy, and marched to Madrid, which declared a second time for
King Charles. Two months after, I was carried thither, and from
thence ordered to Toledo to put that Artillery, &c., we had taken
from the enemy in order; and after some days' stay was ordered to
destroy the said Artillery, and march to joyn part of the Army in
camp at St. Jonne, from whence we marched in the month of December,
and joyned the whole Army near Villa Viciosa, where we fought a
battle the 10th December with the loss of all our Artillery, and
were obliged to retreat into the Kingdom of Arragon. I was wounded
with a cannon-shot in my left leg, lost all my baggage, and was
taken prisoner in the town of Siguenca.
1711. "I obtained leave upon my parole to go to England, to be cured
of my wound; and after my arrival had the good fortune to be
exchanged for another Colonel belonging to the enemy.
1713. "I made pleasure fireworks which were burnt on River Thames in
the month of August, over against Whitehall, on the Thanksgiving Day
for the Peace made at Utrecht.
1715. "In the month of December I was ordered with a train of
Artillery to Scotland, and arrived in the month of February in the
Firth of Forth by Leith, where I was ordered by His Grace the Duke
of Argyle to send the vessells with the Artillery to a place called
Innerkithen till further orders, and to march with all the officers
and Artillery people from Edinburgh to Stirling. At Stirling I was
ordered by His Grace to take upon me the command of fifteen pieces
of cannon ordered from Edinburgh, &c., for field service, which was
in such confusion as cannot be expressed; part of which Artillery I
brought so far as the town of Dundee, where I was ordered to bring
the Train back again to Edinburgh by water.
1716. "In the month of March I was ordered by General Cadogan, in
His Grace the Duke of Argyle's absence, to send the vessells with
the Artillery back again to London, and the Train people to march
from thence. On our arrivall at London, I was ordered by the Board
of Ordnance to lay before them tables and draughts of all natures of
brass and iron cannon, mortars, &c., which was done accordingly and
approved of. After the said draughts, two 24-pounder brass cannon
were ordered to be cast by Mr. Bagley in his Foundry at Windmill
Hill, at the casting of which I was ordered to be present. In the
founding, the metal of one of the gunns blow'd into the air, burnt
many of the spectators, of which seventeen dy'd out of twenty-five
persons, and myself received four wounds.
1717, 1718. "The Board came to a resolution to regulate what was
wanting to compleat a compleat Artillery for sea and land service. I
had an order to lay before them draughts of all natures of
carriages, wheels, trucks, grapes, and matted shot, and all sorts of
bombs both great and small for land and sea service, with a great
many other things relating to an Artillery too tedious to mention,
which they approved of. I likewise laid before the Board the ill-
state of the Laboratory, which the Board order'd me to put in some
better order, and to be at as little expence as possible, which I
did accordingly.
1719. "I was ordered on the expedition to Vigo, which place I
bombarded with forty-six great and small mortars of my own
projection, which answered their intended end, of which my Lord
Cobham, and the rest of the generall officers can give a better
account than myself, by which bombardment the Castle of Vigo was
obliged in the month of October to surrender.
1720 to 1722. "I attended the Service, as formerly, at all surveys,
&c., relating to the Artillery till such time Colonel Armstrong was
made Surveyor, after which time, notwithstanding His Majesty's
signification to me for regulating the Artillery for sea and land
service, I was never consulted in anything relating to the said
service.
"His late Majesty was graciously pleased to renew my old commission
as Colonel, and to give me the command of the Regiment of Artillery
established for His service, consisting of four companys."[9]
DATE OF LIEUT.-GENERAL BORGARD'S COMMISSIONS, AND BY WHOM SIGNED.
────────┬─────────────────────────────────┬──────────────┬─────────────
Order of│ IN WHAT STATION. │ Date of │ By whom
Commis- │ │ Commission. │ Signed.
sions. │ │ │
────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼──────────────┼─────────────
1│Served one campaign in the │ │
│ Artillery in Flanders as │ │
│ Firemaster, having no │ │
│ Commission │ │
1│Firemaster │ March, 1693│Lord Sidney.
2│Captain and Adjutant │ 1 Jan., 1695│Lord Romney.
3│Engineer │27 March, 1698│
4│Major of the Artillery │ 4 April, 1702│Duke of
│ │ │ Marlboro'.
5│Major and Commander-in-Chief to │ 1703│
│ Portugal │ │
│ Both of these Commissions lost │ │
│ at the Battle of Almanza. │ │
6│Lieut.-Colonel of Artillery │ 1704│
│ Both of these Commissions lost │ │
│ at the Battle of Almanza. │ │
7│Colonel of Foot │14 April, 1705│Lord
│ Both of these Commissions lost │ │ Galloway.
│ at the Battle of Villa Viciosa.│ │
8│Colonel of Artillery │27 Nov., 1706│
│ Both of these Commissions lost │ │
│ at the Battle of Villa Viciosa.│ │
9│Chief Firemaster of England │ 9 Aug., 1712│Lord Rivers.
Signifi-│Assistant to the Surveyor of the │25 April, 1718│H.M. King
cation │ Ordnance │ │ George I.
10│Colonel of Artillery renewed │ 1 April, 1722│Duke of
│ │ │ Marlboro'.
11│ Ditto │ 1 Oct., 1722│Lord Cadogan.
12│Brigadier-General │ 1 March, 1727│H.M. King
│ │ │ George I.
13│ Ditto │16 June, 1727│H.M. King
│ │ │ George II.
14│Colonel of the Royal Regiment of │ 1 Nov., 1727│ Ditto.
│ Artillery │ │
15│Major-General │28 Oct., 1735│ Ditto.
16│Lieut.-General │ 2 July, 1739│ Ditto.
────────┴─────────────────────────────────┴──────────────┴─────────────
ABSTRACT OF ALL THE SIEGES
LIEUT.-GENERAL BORGARD _has been present at from the year 1675_.
─────┬───┬─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Year.│No.│
─────┼───┼─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1675│ 1│The Town of Wismar, in Mecklenburg.
1676│ 2│The Castle of Helsinburg, in Schonen.
1676│ 3│The Town and Castle of Landskroon, in Schonen.
1676│ 4│The Town of Christianstadt, in Schonen.
1677│ 5│The Town of Mastraud and Castles, in Norway.
1685│ 6│The Town of Niewhensell, in Hungary.
1686│ 7│The Town and Castle of Buda, in Hungary.
1688│ 8│The Town of Haminie Podolski, in Poland.
1689│ 9│The Town of Keyserwart, on the Rhine.
1689│ 10│The Town of Bonn, on the Rhine: two slight Wounds.
1689│ 11│The Town of Mentz, on the Rhine.
1692│ 12│The Town and Castle of Namur, taken by the French.
1694│ 13│The Town and Castle of Huy.
1695│ 14│The Town and Castle of Namur, retaken by King William.
1702│ 15│Fort St. Catherine, near Cadiz. Bombarded and took.
1702│ 16│Fort Malagar, near Cadiz. Bombarded.
1702│ 17│Fort Duran, near Vigo. Bombarded.
1705│ 18│The Town and Castle of Valencia d'Alcantra. Wounded.
1706│ 19│The Town of Ciudad Rodrigo.
1706│ 20│The Town of Alcantra. Slight Wound.
1708│ 21│Fort St. Philip's, in Minorca.
1709│ │Bombarded the enemy's camp at Villa Nova de la Barkea, in
│ │ Catalonia.
1709│ 22│The Town of Balaguer, in Catalonia.
1719│ 23│Bombarded the Castle at Vigo, which surrendered after some
│ │ days' bombardment.
─────┴───┴─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
ABSTRACT OF THE BATTLES
LIEUT.-GENERAL BORGARD _has been present at from the year 1675_.
─────┬───┬─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Year.│No.│
─────┼───┼─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1676│ 1│Oeland, in the Baltic.
1676│ 2│Halmstadt, in Holland.
1676│ 3│Lund, in Schonen.
1677│ 4│Ronneberg, near Landskroon.
1677│ 5│Oddewall, in Norway.
1678│ 6│Whitlow, in the Isle of Ruggen, on the Baltic.
1683│ 7│Vienna.
1685│ 8│Graun, in Hungary.
1688│ 9│Budjack, in Tartary.
1689│ 10│Neys, near Dusseldorp.
1691│ 11│Salankeman, in Sclavonia. Wounded.
1692│ 12│Stemkirk, in Brabant.
1693│ 13│Neerhespe, or Landen, in Brabant.
1705│ 14│Brozus, in Spain.
1706│ 14│Cannonaded the enemy at Guadraca, in Spain.
1707│ 15│Almanza, in Spain. Here I lost my baggage.
1710│ 16│Almenar, in Spain.
1710│ 17│Saragosa, in Spain. Three wounds.
1710│ 18│Villa Viciosa, in Spain. Here I was wounded, lost my baggage,
│ │ and was taken prisoner.
1715│ 18│Went on the Expedition to North Britain.
─────┴───┴─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
-----
Footnote 8:
Browne's 'England's Artillerymen.'
Footnote 9:
_N.B._—It was not until November, 1727, that these four companies were
fully completed. They were, however, decided upon at the date referred
to in Colonel Borgard's diary.
CHAPTER IX.
TWENTY YEARS. 1722-1741.
TWENTY years, during which Englishmen made no conquests; but during
which they had "peace, ease, and freedom; the Three per Cents, nearly at
par; and wheat at five- and six-and-twenty shillings a quarter."[10]
Twenty years, during which England's army did not exceed 26,000 men;
when there was actually a war of succession in Europe, and our rulers
did not interfere; during which our King could go to Hanover for a
couple of years, and the coach of the State move on steadily and without
interruption in his absence; and during which our only alarms of war
were two in number, and speedily disappeared.
It was a favourable childhood for the Regiment; it gave time for the old
establishments to dwindle away, and the new one to acquire consistency
and strength with the funds which thus became available at the Ordnance;
instruction to officers and men could be deliberately and systematically
given; discipline could be learnt; the fortifications could be armed;
and the defects of the original scheme of organization in the Regiment
could be ascertained and quietly remedied, instead of being more rudely
exposed in time of war.
Only three events occurred between 1722 and 1741, which are worthy of
comment; but there are details connected with the every-day life of the
Royal Artillery during that period, which, though unworthy of being
called events, yet cannot but be interesting to the student.
The first was the camp at Hyde Park, in 1723, which was attended by a
train of Artillery.
The second was in 1727, when the Spaniards laid siege to Gibraltar; a
siege, however, which only lasted four months.
The third was in the same year, when the States-General of Holland,
becoming nervous lest an attempt should be made on the Netherlands,
called upon England to hold in readiness the contingent of 10,000, which
she was bound by treaty to furnish, if required. For this, a train of
Artillery was ordered to be prepared, and although not required, pacific
counsels having prevailed in Europe, its constitution is worthy of
mention.
In the camp at Hyde Park, held the year after the Regiment obtained its
Colonel, probably for the amusement of the Londoners, there was a train
of Artillery of twenty pieces of Ordnance, comprising two 6-pounders,
four 3-pounders, and fourteen 1½-pounders. This battery was horsed by
seventy-six horses, but the detail to the various natures of Ordnance
cannot be traced. The officers and men attached to the battery were as
follows: 1 captain, 1 lieutenant, 1 fireworker, 2 sergeants, 4 corporals
and bombardiers, 20 gunners, 40 matrosses, and two drummers.
The Infantry was called upon to furnish a guard over the guns when
parked, of twenty-five men. Six regiments of Dragoons, and twelve of
Infantry of the Line, attended the camp.
In 1727, the bad feeling, which had for some time existed between
England and Spain, produced an open rupture. A force of 20,000 Spaniards
besieged Gibraltar, opening their trenches on the 11th of February. By
means of reinforcements from England and Minorca, the garrison was
increased to 6000 men, and the bomb-vessels, which were sent from
England and from other parts of the Mediterranean, rendered great
assistance by enfilading the enemy's entrenchments. The siege was raised
on the 23rd June, having only lasted four months, during which time the
Spanish loss had been great, while that of the English had been
inconsiderable. With the reinforcements from England had come some guns
and stores, which assisted to make the fort more easily defended, its
previous armament having been but indifferent. Colonel Jonas Watson
commanded the Royal Artillery during the siege, having arrived for that
purpose from England, accompanied by Captain Hughes and some young
officers. The force under his command was two hundred in number. The
only Artillery officer killed during the siege was Captain-Lieutenant
Holman.
In this the first defensive operation in which the Royal Regiment of
Artillery was engaged—as in its first offensive at Vigo—it was on the
successful side. And in both cases, it not merely represented, but it
_was_ the principal arm of the English forces. The next event, the third
proposed to be chronicled, took place in the same year. The train which
it was deemed probable would have to proceed to Flanders was for field,
not garrison service. It comprised four 6-pounders, twelve 3-pounders,
and eight 1½-pounders. There were also six Royal mortars to be provided.
A complete company of Artillery—with the exception of the cadets of the
company, and nine of its bombardiers—attended the train, and 12
artificers and 22 pontoon-men, under a bridgemaster, were also ordered
to accompany it. Conductors and commissaries were also included. Unless,
however, it was proposed to enlist foreign Artillerymen into the British
service, on landing in the Continent,—the staff of the train seems
certainly excessive.
For a total of 140 of all ranks—smaller than a single battery now—the
following staff was detailed: 1 colonel, 1 comptroller, 1 paymaster, 1
adjutant, 1 chaplain, 1 quartermaster, 1 commissary of stores, 1 waggon
master, 1 surgeon, 1 assistant-surgeon, 1 assistant provost-marshal, 1
kettledrummer and his coachman.
These, then, were the three military events of most note during the
twenty years ending in 1741; and they are certainly not such as to
affect the peaceable reputation of the period. An unhappy expedition to
the West Indies, under Lord Cathcart, was ordered in 1741, but as it was
not completed until later, it can be alluded to more fully in a
succeeding chapter.
But the domestic life of the Regiment during this time requires
description. The rank of Captain-Lieutenant had been introduced in 1720,
and the third and fourth Lieutenant of a company were called Lieutenants
and Fireworkers, the conjunction being speedily dropped. The strength of
a company was during this period as follows:—
Captain.
Captain-Lieutenant.
First Lieutenant.
2 Second Lieutenants.
4 Fireworkers.
3 Sergeants.
3 Corporals.
12 Bombardiers.
25 Gunners. }
5 Cadet-Gunners. }
43 Matrosses. }
5 Cadet-Matrosses. }
2 Drummers.
The annual pay of each company amounted to 2956_l._ 10_s._
It was in 1727, that the Regiment was increased to four complete
companies. The siege of Gibraltar suggested an augmentation which the
declining numbers on the old establishment admitted of the Board
carrying out. On this taking place, the staff requisite for the Regiment
was added, and Colonel Borgard was styled Colonel-Commandant.
The staff consisted, in addition to the Colonel, of a Lieutenant-
Colonel—Jonas Watson; a Major—William Bousfield; an Adjutant, a
Quartermaster, and a Bridge-Master. To meet the demand for the more
scientific element in the new companies, one Second Lieutenant and one
Fireworker per company were transferred from the old, and the number of
bombardiers and gunners in each reduced to eight and twenty
respectively. The matrosses, as being more easily obtained, and
requiring less special training, were increased to sixty-four per
company; and from this time vacancies among the gunners were filled by
the most deserving matrosses.
The large number of junior officers and of bombardiers in each company
was intended to meet the demands of the bomb-service, which even in this
peaceable time were very heavy: more especially for the bomb-vessels in
the Mediterranean. It created, however, an evil which must always be
found in a profession where the junior ranks so greatly outnumber the
senior, and where the prizes are so few, while the candidates are many;—
the evil of slow promotion and even stagnation, and in their wake,
discontent, loss of zeal, and, at last, indifference. So soon did this
manifest itself, that by reducing the number of junior officers, and
increasing that of the seniors, it has been repeatedly attempted to
remedy it; the last attempt being so recent as during the tenancy of the
present Secretary of State for War—Mr. Cardwell. But this remedy has its
limits. There are duties to be performed suitable only to inferior
military rank, and the performance of which, by senior officers, would
have the effect of degrading the rank to which they may have attained. A
considerable proportion of an army's officers, therefore, must always
hold inferior military rank; but whether the evil which accompanies
stagnation in their ranks is to be remedied by increase of pay in
proportion to service, or by enforced retirement in the upper ranks, is
one of those questions which it is not for the historian to argue.
The Captains of the four companies of the Regiment after the
augmentation were
Captain JAMES RICHARDS,
Captain THOMAS HUGHES,
Captain JAMES DEAL,
and Captain THOMAS PATTISON.
The first-mentioned two were at Woolwich with their companies, although
compelled to furnish detachments for Scotland and the bombs; the third
was at Gibraltar, and the fourth in Minorca. Special establishments
still existed for Annapolis and Placentia. The pay per diem of an
Artillery Captain was 10_s._
It was in Minorca that the question of the military precedence of
Artillery officers was first authoritatively settled. The officers of
the four Infantry Regiments stationed there having refused to sit on
courts-martial on the same terms as the officers of the train, the
matter was referred to England, and by order of the King the Secretary
at War informed the commandant at Port Mahon that whenever any of the
Artillery were being tried, the officers of the train were to sit and
vote with other officers of the Army, according to the dates of their
commissions.
The objection taken by the Infantry officers was doubtless based on the
fact that until 1751 the commissions of Artillery officers under the
rank of field officer were signed by the Master-General, not by the
King. This decision, however, settled the point effectually; and ten
years later there is a record of the trial by court-martial in London of
a deserter from the Artillery in which all the members of the Court were
officers of the Guards, and the president belonged to the Artillery.
Among the places which were supplied with additional armament during
this time of rest were Berwick, Plymouth, Portsmouth, and Hull, but the
charge of the Ordnance and Stores still remained in the hands of the
master-gunners and gunners of Garrisons, numbering at this time
respectively 41 and 178. The value of these officials may be estimated
by a description of certain accepted candidates for the appointment in
1725, who were "superannuated and disabled gunners, who have served long
and well, and being too feeble for active service, are subsisted until
they can be placed in the garrisons."
An augmentation to the companies was commenced in 1739, but not
completed until the following year, when one new company was raised; the
strength of the companies at home being increased to 150, and of those
at Minorca and Gibraltar to 100. It was 1741 before the distribution of
the companies at home was finally arranged; for it was found necessary
to divide the three into four, for purposes of relief and detachment. At
this time,—the end of the twenty years, the strength of the Regiment at
home, in addition to the companies abroad, amounted to thirty-five
officers, eighty non-commissioned officers, of whom fifty-six were
bombardiers, twenty miners, ninety-two gunners, thirty-two pontoon-men,
184 matrosses, and eight drummers.
There were also sixteen cadet-gunners, and sixteen cadet-matrosses, the
number in each of the four home companies having been reduced to four.
It was from the cadets that the lieutenant-fireworkers were generally,
although not always, chosen. The employment of officers of that rank on
board the bomb-vessels without superior officers above them rendered it
necessary often to promote non-commissioned officers, whose experience
would enable them to carry on such an independent service, better than
the young and inexperienced fireworkers, just promoted from among the
cadets. The discipline among these young gentlemen may be gathered from
the marginal remarks of the commanding officer on the muster-rolls of
the two companies at Woolwich in 1739. After alluding to one officer as
having been lame for six months, and to another as having lost his
memory, and done no duty for seven years, he comes to the cadets of the
companies. Out of the whole number of sixteen, there is a remark against
the names of no less than nine, "I know not where they are," and against
another, "A very idle fellow!" The remaining six were detached, two at
Portsmouth, one in the Tower, one on board the bombs, and only two at
Woolwich.
There is in the same list a remark made against the name of one,
Captain-Lieutenant George Minnies, which might justly have been made
against others of the same rank in later days, if indeed it may not also
have to be made again, "old and worn-out in the service."
The end of this period brings us near to that time when the Regiment,
having quitted the nursery, so to speak, entered the school of war,
which was provided for it in Flanders. Before, however, tracing its
story then, it will be well to describe some little matters connected
with the foundation and early history of an institution which was
founded in 1741, the last of our twenty years, to meet a want, which the
above comments of the commanding officer must prove most distinctly to
have existed.
-----
Footnote 10:
Thackeray.
CHAPTER X.
FOUNDATION OF THE ROYAL MILITARY ACADEMY.
FROM what was mentioned in the last chapter, it will be seen that there
were cadets long before there was an Academy. Although, however, this
institution is of a date so long posterior to the formation of the
Regiment, and although by many of the practical officers serving when it
was founded, who had acquired their knowledge in the school of
experience, it was looked upon very coldly, as a useless and undesirable
innovation,—yet no History of the Royal Artillery would be complete
without some reference to its early days. For, although often
mismanaged, and even now almost paralysed as an Artillery school by the
marvellous arrangement under which the best Artillery scholars are
invited to join the Royal Engineers, it has yet acquired such a hold
upon the affections of those who have been there, as to ensure it a
prominent place among our Regimental Records.
The warrant founding the Academy was issued in 1741. The cadets then in
the Regiment were to be instructed there, but not these only; it was to
be available for the professional education of all "the raw and
inexperienced people belonging to the military branch of the Ordnance."
At first, the sum proposed to be voted annually for its support was
merely 500_l._, but this was almost immediately doubled, and before 1771
it had reached 1364_l._ 14_s._ From the very first the practical and
theoretical schools were distinct. The former was attended not merely by
the cadets, but also by all officers and men off duty; the latter by all
above the rank of bombardier, as well as any below that rank who had
evinced any special talent, or capacity for study. In the Theoretical
School, pure and mixed mathematics were taught; in the Practical School,
the various gun drills, fortification, laboratory duties, &c. Once a
year there was performed before the Master-General, or his lieutenant,
"a great and solemn exercise of Artillery, in which exercise those who
were best advanced in the several classes shot with different pieces of
Ordnance at several marks according to their different proficiencies, or
produced some other specimen of their diligence and application in their
study of fortification, drawing, &c., when he who best distinguished
himself in each class was presented with some prize of honour—if an
engineer, officer, or cadet—or some pecuniary premium, if a private man,
as an encouragement."
It will thus be seen that from the earliest days there was no finality
in the education acquired by a cadet at the Academy. His training was
not supposed to cease when he was commissioned. It is well to remember
this at a time when there are not wanting men to decry the continuous
education of Artillery officers, and to express perfect contentment with
the amount of Artillery education obtained at the Academy.
Probably these very men who deem Artillery an exact and finite science
to be mastered by a boy in his teens, would be the first to protest
against the idea that a man could master the intricacies of the stable,
without many years of progressive and practical experience. Chemistry as
applied to the service of Ordnance, dynamics, metallurgy, might be
sufficiently conquered at the Academy, or might be conscientiously
dispensed with, but the perambulation of a horse infirmary might go on
for a lifetime, and yet a man's education be incomplete.
The best friend to his corps is the man who denies and scorns such a
theory. National predilections have made and will continue to make the
horsing of the English Artillery the best in the world, but the gun must
not be lost sight of in devotion to the horse. And this once recognized,
from that moment an Artilleryman, to be conscientious and progressive,
must be studious. At the altar of science he should be the most regular
votary; for gunnery, to be perfect, draws incessantly and largely upon
science.
In the early days of the Regiment, an officer might master in a short
time the requisite details for working his guns. In the present day, an
Artilleryman is unworthy who fails to watch every scientific advance
which may increase the power of his weapons, and raise the tone of his
corps. And to enable the officers of the Regiment to do their duty in
this respect, no effort for continued exertion and study should be
spared; mutual interchange of ideas should be fostered; and the main use
of Artillery as an arm should not be concealed behind a veil of pipeclay
and harness-polish. The merits which these last-named agents are
calculated to foster will come almost spontaneously: it is the study of
the higher uses, and of the scientific progress of Artillery over the
world, which requires persuasion and encouragement.
The Academy, as we have said, was founded in 1741. Not until four years
later was the cadet company formed. During the interval, as before the
institution of the Academy, the cadets were under no discipline worthy
of the name; they wore no uniform, and were so outrageous in study, that
one of the occupations of the officer on duty in the Warren was
occasionally to visit the Academy, and prevent the masters from being
ill-used, and even pelted. When, in June 1744, the Regiment was
inspected by the Duke of Cumberland, a disorderly mob, without officers,
or even uniform, drawn up on the right of the line, represented the
cadets of the Royal Artillery. Let no man say that ceremonial
inspections are useless. Defects, which are not apparent in every-day
life, stare one in the face, as one stands behind the individual whose
office it is to criticise. The readiest critic is he who is most
interested on such an occasion. He is not the most demonstrative; he is
glad beyond measure if the blot escapes the inspecting eye; but he
remembers. And to such a man remembrance means remedy. Next January, the
cadets were no longer a mob; they were no longer unofficered: they were
clothed, but they were not yet in their right mind.
It may be said of the Cadets of the olden time, that they were veritable
sons of Ishmael; their hands were against every man, and every man's
hand against them. They were the parents of their own legislation; _à
priori_ law-making was unknown; and not a statute was passed that had
not been anticipated by the offence it was intended to curb. The cadets'
ingenuity in evading detection was equalled by their talent in inventing
new methods of annoyance. This talent was too often aided by the
connivance of the newly-commissioned officers, whose sympathies were
more with the law-breakers they had left than the law-insisters they had
joined. Hence came threats fulminated against an intimacy between cadets
and young officers, which made such intercourse all the sweeter; nor was
it effectually put an end to until the Academy was removed from the
Barracks in the Warren to a secluded spot at the foot of Shooter's Hill.
The extreme youth of the cadets in the earlier days of the Academy,
coupled with the very different views then in vogue as to educational
discipline, produced a system of government which was harsh and penal.
The Royal Military Academy has gone through two stages—the era of stern
restriction, and that of comparative liberty. The swing of the pendulum
is as certain in military as in civil life. From the days of black holes
and bullying, the reaction to liberty, confidence in a cadet's honour,
thoughtfulness for his comfort, and a system of punishment not degrading
nor unsuited to his age, were inevitable, and have come. So far, indeed,
has the pendulum swung, that the young officer must occasionally look
back with regret on the greater comfort and the absence of
responsibility which were characteristic of the older life. The absence
of degrading punishments has been brought about, in great part, by the
system of competition for cadet-ships, which, commencing with the
practical class in 1855, has now for many years been universal. Young
men from public schools, or from private tutors under whom they had to
study _proprio motu_, and without the spur of discipline, could not be
submitted to the same restraints as the mere boys who were cadets in the
earlier days of the Academy. Nor does their absence lessen the sense of
discipline which is necessary in a military body. The sympathy of
numbers is the strongest wall against which a recalcitrant member can
dash his head, and the result to the head is proverbial. And among
educated youth, past the stage of mere boyhood, reasonable restraint and
discipline can always be enforced with full confidence in the support of
the governed.
The extreme youth of the cadets, in the early Academy days, is the key
to the many ludicrous laws and anecdotes which have come down. For many
years the average age of the cadets was between twelve and fourteen
years, and old heads cannot be expected on young shoulders. As a matter
of fact, old heads were not to be found; and the history of the Academy,
over a hundred years ago, is one of the most comic narratives which can
be perused. The incessant war going on between the Gulliver of authority
and the Lilliputians of defiance, who so frequently got poor Gulliver on
his back,—the laughable use of unaccustomed power by cadet corporals,
bewildered by their position,—and the grandiloquent appeals of Governor
after Governor to the feelings of rebellious youth, all combine to make
up a rare picture. We meet threats against cadets who shall pass an
officer without pulling off their hats, or who shall stay away from
church, or shall play during the hours of study. So fond were the boys
of bathing, more especially after it had been forbidden, that no
punishment could deter them, until ingenious authority decided that any
cadet found swimming in the Thames should be taken out and carried naked
to the guard-room. Special punishments were devised for those who should
wear officers' uniforms for the purpose of getting past the guard at the
Warren gate, and for those who should break out over the wall after
tattoo, or spoil the furniture, or write upon the walls. Nor is it
merely the extreme youth of the cadets which is revealed by these
orders; it is their incessant repetition, month after month, day after
day, that makes the student detect the utter want of discipline that
existed. A record remains of a cadet who was expelled for striking and
maltreating another on parade, in presence of an officer, and "refusing
to make any concession, although urged to do so by the Lieutenant-
Governor." Two others are described in an official report as "scabby
sheep, whom neither lenity will improve, nor confinement to a dark room
and being fed on bread and water." These two, having openly displayed
contempt of orders and defiance of authority, were dismissed ultimately
from the Academy. Another, on whom the same penalty of expulsion fell,
rather checkmated the authorities by taking with him his cadet's uniform
and warrant, which enabled him to create such disturbances in the town
of Woolwich, that he had to be threatened with the civil power if he did
not give up the one and discontinue wearing the other.
But in the orders which it was found necessary to issue can be read most
succinctly the account of life among the earlier cadets.
"The Gentlemen Cadets are now strictly forbid to cut or carve their
names, or initial letters of names, on any part of their desks, or any
way to spoil them.... They are not to spoil their own locks, or those of
any other Gentlemen Cadets, by attempting to open them with wrong
keys.... The Lieutenant-Governor expects that henceforward no Gentleman
Cadet will be guilty of ever attempting to open or spoil any of the
desks or drawers of the Inspectors, Professors, or Masters, or of any
other Cadet, or even attempt to take anything out of them under the name
of _smouching_, as they may be fully assured such base and vile crimes
will be pardoned no more. The Gentlemen Cadets are, likewise, forbid
from leaping upon or running over the desks with their feet; and the
Corporals are expected, not only to keep a watchful eye to prevent any
disorder in the Academy, but, by their own good behaviour, to set an
example to others."
Shortly after this order a remonstrance is published, arguing that "the
cadets have been guilty of a habit of making a continued noise, and
going about greatly disturbing the Masters in their teaching; also, when
the Academy ends, by shutting their desks with violence, and running out
of the Academy hallooing, shouting, and making such a scene of riot and
dissipation, greatly unbecoming a Seminary of learning, and far beneath
the name of a Gentleman Cadet; and, lastly, during the hours of dancing,
several of the Under Academy, whose names are well known, behave at
present in so unpardonable a manner when dancing, by pulling, and
hauling, and stamping, that the Master is thereby prevented from
teaching. Hence the Lieutenant-Governor assures the gentlemen that
those, who are anyways found guilty of such conduct for the future will
be immediately sent to the Barracks, and receive such _corporal_
punishment as their crimes deserve."
Yet again in stately language, it is reported that "it had come to the
ears of the Lieutenant-Governor that of late the Corporals have
inflicted a mode of punishment entirely inconsistent with the Rules and
Regulations of the Academy—namely, that of making the Gentlemen kneel
down on both knees, with uplifted hands, in the attitude of prayer; at
other times placing them in painful and ridiculous postures, rather
tending to excite laughter than to inflict punishment. The Lieutenant-
Governor henceforward forbids all such modes of proceeding, as also that
of striking the Cadets. On the contrary, when any Cadet is thought
deserving of punishment, the Corporals may order them to stand sentinel,
or report them to the Master on duty, or, with his leave, march them to
the Barracks, and report them to the Commanding Officer in writing, who
may punish them according to their crimes. On the other hand, the
Lieutenant-Governor expects the Gentlemen Cadets to obey the Corporal's
commands equally the same as any other superior officer, subordination
being the most essential part of military duty. Lastly, the Lieutenant-
Governor expresses the highest satisfaction in the genteel behaviour of
the Company during the hours of dancing, in a great measure owing to the
care of the present Corporals."
These extracts are sufficient proof of the youth and unruly habits of
the earlier cadets. Courts-martial among them were far from uncommon;
and cases of disturbance worthy of the name of mutiny are also recorded.
Yet, in the very earliest days of the Academy, officers joined the
Regiment who entered with such spirit and zeal into their duties, that
they called forth special commendation from their commanding officers.
In Flanders, in 1747 and 1748, Colonel Belford and Major Michelson
warmly acknowledged the assistance they received from the young officers
in their arduous attempts to impart to the Artillery Train a more
military appearance than had hitherto distinguished it. And when, some
years later, we find this very Colonel Belford protesting against the
officers who joined from the Academy, and wishing that Institution were
"detached as a Repository for Captain Congreve's curiosities, and that a
number of fine young fellows were appointed as Cadets to every
Battalion, and such as were fit for every duty to go upon all commands,"
we must bear in mind that, so great had the demand for officers been in
the years immediately preceding his complaint, that the cadets had
hardly any time to spend at the Academy—three or four months only being
far from unusual, and, therefore, that the fault lay not so much in the
system as in its neglect. A lad of eighteen years of age will be able to
acquire even discipline in a very short time, because he is able to
understand its necessity, and he soon becomes a creature of habit in
this as in other matters. But a boy is always, either from restlessness
or mischief, chafing against restraint, and takes longer time to subdue.
The extreme youth of the earlier cadets prevents surprise at the
ludicrous state of discipline which prevailed, and creates wonder that
the officers who joined so young, after such a training, were so good as
they proved. If the truth were known, we should, doubtless, find that,
while their intellectual training commenced at the Academy, their real
discipline did not commence until they joined the Regiment.
Not merely did the exigencies of the service curtail the stay of the
earlier cadets at the Academy, but the abuses and jobbery which were
rife in the last century rendered it possible for cadets to be at the
Academy without any previous education at all. With a proclamation
hanging on the wall that the Institution was created for teaching the
"Mathematicks," we find piteous Masters protesting against the presence
of cadets who could neither read nor write. There were cadets,—not in
the Academy, but away in their homes,—drawing pay as such almost from
their cradle; and not until the Academy had been a considerable time in
existence was this abuse put an end to. Before the formation of the
Company of Cadets, the pay of a Cadet Gunner was 1_s._ 4_d._ per diem;
that of a Cadet Matross was 1_s._ When the company was formed, all
cadets received the higher rate; and ultimately, although not until
twenty years had passed, the pay was raised to 2_s._ 6_d._ When enrolled
in a company, military duties were expected of them which were never
dreamt of before: they carried arms, and mounted guard, the post where
the cadet-sentry was placed being generally over the commanding
officer's quarters. The officers of the company—in addition to the
Master-General, who was its captain—were a Captain-Lieutenant, whose
daily pay was 1_l._ 3_s._ 6_d._; a First Lieutenant, with 5_s._; a
Second Lieutenant, with 4_s._; and a Fireworker, with 3_s._ But it was
not for some time after its formation that the officers of the company
were borne as supernumeraries in the Regiment. A Drum-major was also on
the strength of the company.
The number of cadets in the company, which had been almost immediately
increased from forty to forty-eight, varied with the demands on the
Academy during different wars. At the end of last century, and the
beginning of the present, so heavy were the wants of the Regiment, and
of the East India Company's service, that accommodation for cadets had
to be sought for in the various private schools in Woolwich and its
vicinity, and even in the Military College at Marlow. With the opening
of the new Academy in 1806 this necessity gradually disappeared, the
Government accommodation being sufficient.
Besides the cadets of the company, the Academy was attended by
supernumeraries in the earlier days, who were permitted to study there
pending vacancies. Certain students, also known as gentlemen attendants,
who did not meditate joining the Army, but attended for general
education, were permitted to avail themselves of the services of the
Academy Masters by paying the annual sum of thirty guineas. Classics
were taught as well as mathematics, at the schools in the Warren; and,
in fact, Woolwich was used by these gentlemen attendants, much as West
Point is used in America by students who recognize the value of the
education imparted there, but do not contemplate entering the military
profession.
This suggests allusion to the Academy Masters in the olden time. It must
be admitted that, in point of discipline and obedience to authority, the
example set by the Masters to the pupils was far from beneficial. They
resented military interference. They brooded over real and fancied
slights. They absented themselves without permission; and their letters
to the Lieutenant-Governor were not unfrequently impertinent. The case
was at one time serious. But "Custodes quis custodiet ipsos?" At last a
man was found to bell the cat; a man of whom we shall hear again—who was
Lieutenant-Governor in 1776, before going to command the Artillery in
America—James Pattison. A letter which he addressed to the Mathematical
Masters on the 1st April, 1777, shows the line he adopted; and tells the
whole story without any explanation being necessary.
"GENTLEMEN,—I have received your letter of 27th March, and the reply
I have at present to make to it is principally to correct two
essential mistakes contained in the four lines which compose the
letter. You say, that at my _request_, you have subjoined your
opinion on the mode of education in the Academy, and desire me to
present it to the Master-General in _your names_.
"The case in my manner of stating it is _this_. I signified to you
the Master-General's being not well pleased at the slow progress
made by the Gentlemen Cadets in the Mathematics, and asked if you
thought there was room for any beneficial alteration in the method
of teaching in your department. Upon which you expressed great
discontent at the printed rules you are prescribed to teach by,
condemning them as being very defective and absurd, and mentioned
several amendments you wished might be allowed to take place. I
thereupon _required_, not _requested_, you to represent them to me
in writing, that I might be able to lay them, if expedient, before
the Master-General; _not_ meaning, as you seem to _conceive_, to be
merely the porter of them in your names.
"As to the temporary suspension of teaching Latin in the Lower
Academy, it being by the Master-General's orders, his lordship will
judge how far the manner in which you think proper to reprobate the
measure is becoming. I have only to say that, as that branch of
learning is not in either of your departments, it was no part of my
directions to you to give an opinion on it.
"I have, &c.,
"JAMES PATTISON."
But not merely on matters of public and official importance did the
masters test the patience of the authorities. Another letter, also, like
the one given above, deposited in the Royal Artillery Record Office,
gives a glimpse at the private worries over which the Academy Masters
brooded—and which they inflicted on the Lieutenant-Governors. Two
Professors had adjoining quarters in the Warren, adjacent to the wall
bounding the road to Plumstead, and a long way from the Warren gate.
From one of these quarters there was a communication through the wall to
the town—from the other there was not. The occupant of the latter
dwelling was, in consequence, a miserable and ill-used man; it was
another case of Ahab and Naboth's vineyard—and he waxed sick as he
thought of his hardship.
So, appending to his letter an elaborate map of the Warren, he addressed
the Lieutenant-Governor on the subject, begging either for a right of
way through his neighbour's house, or for a new communication for his
own. So quaintly does he argue his cause, that his words are reproduced
for the amusement of the reader.
"For want of such a ready communication with the town of Woolwich, with
regard to my Family, I am subject to much inconvenience. For, the way by
the gate of the Warren makes the distance to and from my house so great,
that I can't have the necessary provisions brought to me as other people
have, by Bakers, Butchers, Milkmen, &c., without great additional
expense, and many not even for that at any rate. So that I am obliged to
send my servants round about by all that way, on all occasions, to bring
in all things necessary to the Family. This is not the worst of it; for
all kinds of Family necessaries not being constantly to be bought in the
shops in such a place as Woolwich, many things are brought only
occasionally and cried about the streets, when it is matter of no small
grief that such things as may then be much wanted in the family can be
heard to be cried immediately behind the house, without a possibility of
coming at them, but by going half a mile round about, when perhaps the
servants can be least spared to go, and when they do go, it is ten to
one they are disappointed by the crier then being gone quite out of
sight and hearing. And besides all this, it is not always that I can
prevail on my good and sober female servants to be willing so frequently
to go through by the Warren gate, as it is next to an impossibility that
such persons can pass so many soldiers as are generally there assembled,
without sometimes being subject to rencounters disagreeable to them."
The Lieutenant-Governor, who had not merely official troubles with the
Masters to vex him, but had also to listen to such harrowing domestic
details as those just given, was not a man to be envied. Even a hundred
years later, as the student comes on this plaintive picture, his
imagination begins to work, and he sees, tearing his hair in his study,
the ill-fated teacher listening to the well-known cry, just over the
Warren walls, which told him that some much-loved delicacy was there—so
near and yet so far.
These pages, concerning the early days of the Academy, suggest the
difference between those days and the present. And in thoroughly
analysing that difference, the feeling grows stronger that two changes
are inevitable. Inevitable, because the principle of justice is
involved; but difficult to bring about speedily, on account of the
strength of Academy traditions. So long ago as 1792, these traditions
were strong enough to defeat a scheme for liberalizing the scientific
officering of the Regiment. Again, in 1855, the same traditions urged
many to oppose a similar change. And yet, as sure as anything can be,
the moment that the Universities realize that their sons are debarred
from entering the Artillery and the Engineers, by conditions as to age,
and by the long technical Academy curriculum, from that moment an
agitation will commence, which will sweep all obstructions away. In the
early days of the Academy, the cadets acquired all the education they
ever had, under its roof; not merely technical, but general. But in
these later days, the cadet enters the Academy at a more advanced age,
and with a sound and liberal education. Is it absolutely necessary that
he should spend so long a time as he does there, on the technical part
of his schooling? Would not the officers of the corps be of a much
higher scientific tone, if they spent a longer time at the University,
and a shorter at the Academy? While admitting the fact that from the
Academy there have come officers who have so pressed forward with the
great army of Science, that they have become Captains and Generals in
its ranks, it would be flattery to say that the Academy could ever be a
rival to the Universities, although it might certainly be an honoured
and useful helpmate. When it is remembered that an officer remains for
months in a state of professional pupilage after he obtains his
commission, in addition to the time spent at the Academy, the question
instinctively rises: "Is there not a danger of the technical part of
education receiving more than its fair share?" For although it is easy
to add the technical to the general, it is not easy to reverse the
operation; and in the division of a young man's training life, which is
now made in preparing the officers of the Scientific Corps, there is a
danger lest we may produce, to a certain extent, scientific soldiers;
but not what is also wanted in the Artillery of these days—scientific
and highly educated _men_.
The other change which must come is in the officering from one source,
of two corps, which are at once sister and rival. At the time the
Academy was founded, it was never imagined that the small Engineer
element then in our service was to develope itself into the large
regiment which now exists. Nor was it ever believed probable, that one
of the two Scientific Corps would have such pecuniary advantages over
the other, as to tempt many into its ranks who might otherwise have been
indifferent. But both these events having taken place, the Artilleryman,
who sees the best cadets tempted away every year to the sister corps,
may with justice ask whether he is not paying somewhat dearly for the
relationship. Without any violent divorce, there must come some friendly
separation before many years are over; and it is more likely to be
friendly, if the difficulty is looked in the face at once, instead of
having it urged in language of harsh misfortune hereafter. The only way
of maintaining the present system with justice would be by equalizing
the pecuniary prospects of officers in both corps; but this would be
more difficult than the obvious remedy suggested above. At present, the
case stands thus:—in order that Engineer officers may acquire the amount
of Artillery education which will be necessary for them hereafter, they
are educated under the same roof with the future officers of the
Artillery; and the highest and most accomplished cadets in each class
are invited to join the Royal Engineers. This invitation, being backed
by parents who have a natural eye to their children's future income, is
very generally accepted.
In this plain statement of facts, he who runs may read a grievance to
the Royal Artillery, which may develope itself into a Regimental, if not
a national misfortune.
CHAPTER XI.
A STERNER SCHOOL.
THE same year which saw the foundation of the Royal Military Academy
witnessed the commencement of a seven years' schooling, which was to
leave an indelible mark on the Regiment. In the West Indies and in
Flanders, as well as in the disturbances at home in 1745, officers and
men learnt lessons, and acquired an _esprit de corps_, to which they had
hitherto been strangers. It is at once pleasing and amusing to read in
the old order-books, framed at Woolwich during the years between the
peace of Aix-la-Chapelle and the commencement of the Seven Years' War,
reminders of the school of war and discipline represented by the years
between 1741 and 1748. "The same as we wore in Flanders" was a favourite
way for describing a particular dress for parade. And the word "we" is
poetry to the student, who is searching for signs of an awakening
Regimental _esprit_.
No history of a Regiment like the Royal Artillery could be compressed
into any reasonable dimensions, if every campaign in which it was
engaged were described in detail. It must suffice to sketch the
campaigns, but to paint in body colours the Artillery's share. The
gradual increase of the proportion of this arm; the occasions on which
it more particularly distinguished itself; the changes in dress and
equipment; and the officers whose services in the successive campaigns
were most conspicuous; these are the details which will form the
foreground of the Regiment's History. But even these are so numerous
that most careful sifting will be required to prevent the story from
becoming wearisome.
The same year, then, which saw the warrant issued for the foundation of
the Royal Military Academy saw also the despatch to the West Indies of
one of the most formidable expeditions, both in a naval and a military
sense, which had ever left the shores of England. The squadron consisted
of 115 vessels, well armed and manned, and the troops were in number
over 12,000. The Royal Artillery was commanded by Colonel Jonas Watson—a
brave and experienced officer, who did not live to return to England,
being killed at the bombardment of Carthagena,—and was divided into
trains for service on shore, and detachments for service on board the
numerous bomb-vessels which formed part of the squadron.
The troops were to have been commanded by Lord Cathcart, but
unfortunately this officer died of fever, on the arrival of the
expedition at Dominica, and his successor, General Wentworth, was
totally unfit for the duties which devolved upon him. To this
circumstance, and the want of harmony between him and the naval
commander, Admiral Vernon, the ultimate failure of the expedition was
due. Notwithstanding additional reinforcements from England, so reduced
was this force in two years by disaster and disease, that not a tenth
part returned to England; "and thus ended in shame, disappointment, and
loss, the most important, most expensive, and the best concerted
expedition that Great Britain was ever engaged in, leaving this
melancholy proof, that if dissension is the misfortune of a State, it is
the ruin of any military undertaking."[11]
In reading the accounts of this expedition, more especially of the
attack on Carthagena, there is a positive relief in turning from the
passages relating to the quarrels between the naval and military
commanders to those painful but proud episodes, in which the obedience
and bravery of the troops and seamen were so gloriously manifested; and
although the first service of the Royal Artillery on the Western side of
the Atlantic was neither profitable nor pleasant, it can be studied with
satisfaction, as far as their performance of their duties and endurance
of hardship are concerned. As for the blunders which were committed by
the commanders, the blame must lie with them, not with the executive.
To return, however, to Europe. The war of the Austrian succession had
commenced, and England felt obliged to support Maria Theresa, which she
did partly by a grant of money, and partly by sending an expedition to
Flanders under the aged Earl of Stair. The force employed amounted to
16,000 men; and the Artillery comprised a considerable staff, three
companies, and thirty guns, 3-pounders.
At this time the Regiment was distributed as follows:—One company at
Minorca, one in Gibraltar, one at Newfoundland, two at Woolwich, and
three in Flanders.
Although the Artillery was at Ghent in July, 1742, no military
operations were carried on that year, owing to the backwardness of the
Dutch to fulfil their part of the contract; and the English lay in
Flanders, inactive until the following year.
The commanding officer of the Royal Artillery, at first, was Colonel
Thomas Pattison, and the following is a nominal list of the combatant
officers who served under him:—
Major GEORGE MICHELSON,
Captain WILLIAM SUMPTER,
Captain WITHERS BORGARD,
First Lieutenant JAMES PATTISON,
Captain THOMAS FLIGHT,
Second Lieutenant SAMUEL CLEAVELAND,
Lieutenant-Fireworker JOHN NORTHALL,
Lieutenant-Fireworker NATHANIEL MARSH,
Lieutenant-Fireworker THOMAS BROADBRIDGE,
Lieutenant-Fireworker EDWARD BULLOCK,
Adjutant JOSEPH BROOME.
In November, 1742, Captain James Deal was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel
to the train; Lieutenant Archibald Macbean was appointed Bridge-master;
and Lieutenant Charles Stranover joined as Lieutenant of Miners.
The number of non-combatants was very great, and the total strength of
the companies amounted to eighteen non-commissioned officers, sixty-four
gunners, 140 matrosses, four drummers, and twenty pioneers.
On the 10th February, 1743, the train left Ghent to join the Allied
Army, which was effected on the 16th May. King George met the army on
the 19th June, and on the 27th was fought the Battle of Dettingen. The
Artillery share in this engagement was small, the chief points of note
in the battle being the gallantry of King George and of the Duke of
Cumberland, and the obstinate bravery of the infantry, to which—coupled
with the blunder of the Duc de Grammont—the victory was due. The
hardships suffered by the Allies before the battle had been excessive,
nor were they removed by success; so it was considered advisable to fall
back on their supplies instead of following the enemy. The guns present
with the Royal Artillery at the battle were 3-pounders, twenty-four in
number.
In the following year, 1744, and also in 1745, considerable
augmentations to the officers with the train had been made, many having
become available by the return of the expedition from the West Indies.
Among others, Colonel Jonathan Lewis was appointed Second Colonel to the
train: and Captains Borgard, Michelson, and Desaguliers, Lieutenants
Charlton, Bennett, and Macbean, and, somewhat later, Major William
Belford, joined it. The last-named officer was appointed Major to the
train, in room of Michelson deceased.
In 1744, many of the British troops had been recalled, on account of an
expected invasion of England; and so greatly did the French Army in
Flanders outnumber that of the Allies, that no resistance could be made
to its advance, and nothing but a diversion on the part of the
Austrians, which made the French King hasten to the defence of his own
kingdom, prevented the complete subjugation of Holland.
In 1745, the Artillery marched with the army from Ghent, leaving on the
13th April. The Artillery marched in rear of the Army in the following
order:—First, a sergeant and six miners, two and two; a tumbril drawn by
three horses with miners' tools; two four-horse waggons, containing
Colonel Lewis's baggage; a front guard of twenty-four gunners and
matrosses; a sergeant and two drummers; Lieutenant Pattison marching in
front, and Lieutenant Macbean in rear; the kettledrum; Colonel Lewis and
Captain Michelson on horseback; the flag-gun, a heavy 6-pounder, on a
field-carriage and limber drawn by nine horses; nine more 6-pounders,
drawn as above, but by seven horses; one spare 6-pounder carriage and
limber, drawn by seven horses; twelve covered tumbrils with stores, each
drawn by three horses; four howitzers with five horses each; one spare
howitzer-carriage and limber, also with five horses; six covered
tumbrils with stores, with three horses each; ten 3-pounders on
"galloping carriages," with four horses each; a travelling forge cart
with three horses; twenty-three powder tumbrils; and three covered
waggons with officers' tents, baggage, &c., with three horses each. The
remaining officers and men marched on the flanks of the waggons and
guns, a gunner marching by every gun, with a match. A Regiment of
infantry formed the escort, the grenadier company marching in front, the
remainder in rear. It should have been mentioned that in 1744, an
increase to the armament of the train had been made, comprising ten
heavy 6-pounders and four 8-inch howitzers; and in 1745 another company
arrived from Woolwich.
Some of the orders issued by the Duke of Cumberland, who was in command
of the Army at this time, are curious: "It is strictly ordered by His
Royal Highness that none presume to shoot or hunt, whether officer or
private, officers' servants or huntsmen; this to be a standing order."
Again: "Besides the going out of the Provost, there are fifty Hussars
ordered to patrol in the front and rear of the camp, and to cut to
pieces every man that they may find beyond the limits of the camp."
At Fontenoy, such of the guns as were engaged did good service, more
especially those attached to Ligonier's column, which preceded its
advance, dragged along by ropes, and doing great execution. Had the
Dutch troops fought as well as the British, Fontenoy would have been a
victory for the Allies, instead of a defeat. The loss of the Royal
Artillery was small compared with that of the English infantry. It
comprised Lieutenant Bennett, one sergeant, one gunner, and four
matrosses killed; one conductor, two sergeants, one corporal, six
gunners, and thirteen matrosses wounded; two gunners and four matrosses
missing.
The guns actually present on the field comprehended ten 6-pounders,
twenty-seven 3-pounders, six 1½-pounders,—recently sent from England—and
four 8-inch howitzers.
The officers present at the Battle of Fontenoy were Colonel Pattison,
Lieut.-Colonel Lewis, Major Belford, Captains Michelson, Mace,
Desaguliers, Flight, Captains-Lieutenant Ord, Leith, Brome, and Johnson,
and Lieutenants Pattison, Campbell, Cleaveland, Tovey, Stranover, T.
Smith, McLeod, Macbean, Charlton, Strachey, Northall, Maitland, Hussey,
Pike, B. Smith, Bennett (killed), Mason, Durham, Knox, Farquharson,
Worth, and Lindsay. Many of these had joined the train just before the
battle.
The strength of the Allied Army did not exceed 53,000 men; that of the
French—under Marshal Saxe, and inspirited by the presence of the King
and the Dauphin—approached 80,000. Of the British troops 4000 were
killed and wounded, besides 2000 Hanoverians. Fontenoy was a defeat, but
hardly one which can be said to have tarnished in the slightest the
British Arms.
The Duke of Cumberland withdrew his forces in good order. On the march,
an order which is extant shows a novel means of confining prisoners:
"The sergeant of miners is to make a black hole _under ground_, and the
carpenter to make a door to it with a padlock; always to be clean straw
for the prisoners; and if any sergeant or corporal suffer anything to go
in to them, but bread and water, they shall be tried for disobedience of
orders."
In October, the rebellion in Scotland had created such an alarm that the
whole of the Artillery in Flanders, now amounting to four companies, was
recalled to England.
Prior to their return, however, news had reached the Allied Army, near
Brussels, of the successful result of the Siege of Louisbourg by the New
England troops, and, as a symptom of rejoicing, a review of the Army was
ordered by the Duke of Cumberland, which is mentioned by General Forbes
Macbean in his MS. diary, on account of a circumstance which can best be
described in his own words: "The Army was drawn up in order of battle,
and reviewed by the Duke: the Park of Artillery was formed in great
order on a fine extensive plain near Vilvorden: the four companies of
Artillery under arms, drawn up, two on the right, and two on the left of
the park: Colonel Pattison, Lieut.-Colonel Lewis, and Major Belford,
posted themselves on horseback in front of the park, when they saluted
His Royal Highness as he passed, by dropping their swords. The other
officers, carrying fusees, only took off their hats as he passed them."
At this time—in 1745—a company was sent to garrison Louisbourg, and
another was sent to Newfoundland, the Regiment at this date having been
increased to ten companies.
The interlude of the Scotch rebellion, which involved the recall of the
companies from Flanders, does not require detailed mention. There was a
good deal of what Albert Borgard would have called useless marching and
counter-marching in England. The Artillery was successful at Carlisle
and Culloden; very unsuccessful at Falkirk. At Prestonpans, the guns
were not served by the Royal Artillery, but by seamen. At Falkirk, the
guns were hard and fast in a bog, and were not once in action. As soon
as the peasant drivers, who had been engaged with the horses, saw the
Royal Army waver, they promptly fled; and of the eight guns which had
accompanied the King's troops, seven fell into the hands of the enemy.
At Culloden, the victory may be said to have been won by the Artillery.
In the words of Sir Edward Cust, "the guns were so exceedingly well
plied that they made dreadful lanes through some of the clan regiments.
It was with extreme difficulty that the men could be kept in their
places to stand this murderous fire." The Artillery was under the
command of Colonel Belford. Only one company of the Regiment was at
Culloden, the remaining five on home service being at Woolwich, whence
in the preceding winter they had furnished detachments for service in
England at Chester, Carlisle, and Newcastle. The guns employed during
the rebellion were 6-pounders, 3-pounders, and howitzers.
It is with pleasure that one turns from the story of civil war, always
painful, rarely glorious, to Flanders again, where two companies were
ordered immediately after the suppression of the rebellion. But before
doing so, it is impossible to avoid mentioning a coincidence which is
somewhat singular. As in the Scotch rebellion of 1715, the disastrous
unwieldiness, and the indifferent equipment of the Artillery trains on
the old spasmodic principle, forced upon the country the idea of a
permanent force of Artillery, so in the Scotch rebellion of 1745, the
disaster of Falkirk forced upon the public attention the folly of a
Field Artillery with no assured mobility. In a contemporary article in
the 'Gentleman's Magazine,' quoted by the author of 'England's
Artillerymen,' this feeling found expression; and as to one Scotch
rebellion the Regiment may be said to owe its birth, so to another it
may date the first step in advance made by that portion of it intended
for service in the field. This coincidence suggests many questions to
the student. Is public opinion necessary to bring about military reform?
And is English public opinion on military questions only awakened when
civil or other war thrusts military blunders in a very prominent and
personal way before public attention? These questions may be answered
partly in the affirmative, and partly in the negative.
It is undoubtedly a consequence of military training, to produce, in a
man's mind, more of an inclination to make the best of what is, than to
suggest change and improvement. And, further, as change for the better
generally implies expense; and as the heads of military, as of other
public departments, have a particular horror of anything involving
increased outlay, it follows that suggestions in that direction, made by
their own subordinates, are received with scant favour, and the would-be
reformers are deterred in every way from pursuing their inclinations.
But the public owes no allegiance to its officials; and the wildest
schemes from an outsider receive an attention denied to the most
practical suggestions from those in the employment of a department.
Although, therefore, the public is often the father of military
advances, it must not hastily be assumed that this is owing to a want of
originality in military men.
Again, although civil war in England demonstrated military defects in a
very special way, it must not be assumed either that these defects had
not been apparent to soldiers before, or that so strong a measure as
civil war was necessary to enlist public opinion. Apart from the cause
above mentioned, which would deter an officer from recommending change,
it must not be inferred that the same delicacy was shown to the
peasantry of other countries, where transport was required for the
Artillery, as to those who were called upon in England for assistance.
Martial law, which would have been rarely, if ever, enforced upon
English peasantry by English commanders, was freely exercised abroad;
and, with this exercise, the want of mobility was not so frequently
allowed to appear. And with regard to the necessity of an actual, bitter
home-experience being required to awaken public opinion, the recent
Franco-German war proves the contrary. The reports of the value of
Artillery in that campaign were sufficient, without actual and personal
observation, to awaken in the public mind a strong and unanimous
resolution to perfect that arm in England, such as no government could
have dared to thwart. When backed by public opinion in England, a
Government will gladly make changes involving expense, and in fact, to
refuse to do so would be folly; but when that public opinion, even if
foolish and ignorant, is against change or expense, or even indifferent
on the subject, the military reformer within the ranks of the Army may
as well beat the air as urge his suggestions. All these considerations
have to be borne in mind when studying the history of Army reforms.
The two companies which went to Flanders in 1746, were under the command
of Colonel Lewis; Captain Borgard, Michelson acting as Major; Lieutenant
Brome as Adjutant, and Lieutenant Stranover as Quartermaster. The number
of subaltern officers with the companies seems excessive, being no less
than ten, besides three Captain-Lieutenants; but a means of employing
them was adopted this year, by distributing the fourteen 3-pounder guns,
which were with the companies, among the seven battalions; two to each
battalion under a Lieutenant. This arrangement was ordered on the 20th
July, 1746; but it is soothing to the student to find on the 23rd of the
following month this pernicious custom suspended, and the battalion guns
ordered to join the reserve.
In 1747, there were five companies in Flanders, three having been added
to the Regiment; and the following was the armament in their charge: six
heavy 12-pounders; six heavy 9-pounders; fourteen heavy and twelve light
6-pounders: fourteen heavy 3-pounders: two 8-inch howitzers; and six
Royal mortars.
In 1748, in addition to the above, thirty-two light 6-pounders were sent
for use with the battalions.
At the battle of Roncoux, the want of Artillery was sorely felt by the
British, the more so, as the enemy was in this arm particularly strong;
and doubtless this led to the great increase made in 1747, both in men
and guns.
The arrival of Colonel Belford to command the Artillery in the winter of
1746, and during the rest of the campaign, produced a marked and
beneficial effect. Colonel Pattison and Major Lewis were allowed to
retire on full-pay, in January 1748, on account of old age and
infirmities: and their younger successors devoted themselves to giving a
military appearance to the companies under their command. In this they
were greatly assisted, not merely by the improved and better educated
class of officers, now joining from the Academy; but also by an
accidental circumstance which swelled the ranks with many well-trained
soldiers. It is mentioned as follows by old General Macbean: "About this
time, three Regiments of Cavalry being reduced to Dragoons, and the
troopers having it in their option to remain as Dragoons or be
discharged, many of them chose the latter; and above two hundred of them
enlisted into the Artillery. From this period, the Regiment improved
much in appearance, and in the size of the men, neither of which had
been hitherto much attended to; but receiving at once so many tall men
in the corps may be said to have given rise to the change that has taken
place in regard to the height, strength, and figure of the men which now
compose it." Among other means of training and disciplining the men
under his command during the tedious months when the Army was in winter
quarters, Colonel Belford devoted much time to practising them in the
use of small-arms, and in infantry manœuvres, never yet practised in the
Regiment. So successful was he, that the Duke of Cumberland reviewed the
companies; on which occasion the gunners of the companies, with their
field staffs, formed upon the right as a company of grenadiers; and the
matrosses, with their muskets, as a battalion. There are not wanting, in
the nineteenth century, men who wish that Colonel Belford's zeal had
taken some other direction; who think the use of Artillerymen, even on
field-days, as infantry, is a misuse; and who would remove the carbines
from the Garrison Artillery, in order that more time might be allowed
for their own special and varied drills. There are even scoffers, who
say that the presence of a body of men in the garrison under his
command, armed and equipped like infantry, is more than a General
Officer can bear; that he is never at rest until he sees this body
swelling his Brigade by another battalion; and that he inspects it in
infantry details more minutely than in those of its own special arm.
Whatever ground there may be for these complaints, there can be no doubt
that Colonel Belford was innocent of any desire to divert his men from
their own work: and merely availed himself of this, as of other means of
disciplining and training them into habits of smartness and obedience.
And among other things which he borrowed from the infantry, besides
their drill, was that of an Officer's Regimental Guard over the
Artillery Park, in addition to the guard furnished by the Line
Regiments, a more important item than it would at first sight appear to
be.
Two Courts-martial, one upon an officer, and one upon a gunner, are
mentioned here, as probably interesting to the reader. Lieutenant
McCulloch, having been tried and found guilty by a General Court-
martial, of disobedience to Colonel Belford's orders, was suspended for
the space of three months, and ordered to make the following submission:
"I am very sorry I am guilty of a neglect of my duty, and I do
particularly ask Colonel Belford's pardon, and will, for the future,
avoid being guilty of a thing of the like nature." Having complied with
the submission, and Colonel Belford having requested that the remaining
part of the sentence might be remitted, the Duke of Cumberland, being
highly pleased with the conduct of the Artillery at the recent battle of
Val, was pleased to accede to the request.
The gunner, who was tried, had been guilty of insubordination towards a
sergeant, and being formally convicted by a Regimental Court-martial,
was sentenced to be "reduced in pay and duty for one month to matross,
ride the gun, ask the sergeant's pardon at the head of the Regiment, and
that the difference of his pay be employed for the use of the sick."
In reading the accounts of this war between the Allies and the French,
one feels how just was the remark of Louis XV. after Val, that the
"British not only paid all, but fought all." On them fell all the brunt
of every engagement, and the discussion and misunderstanding which so
often prevailed among the Allied commanders had no effect upon the
bravery of the British troops. At Val, the Artillery had thirty men
killed, Major Michelson, Lieutenants McLeod, Farrington, Dexter,
Stephens, Pedley, and nineteen men wounded; and twenty-five taken
prisoners. They received the special thanks of the Duke for their
conduct during this obstinate and bloody engagement.
The next thing that strikes one is the cool and able generalship of
Marshal Saxe. He had superior numbers under his command; nor did he
suffer from divided counsels, but these advantages do not conceal his
military talent.
Next, to the student's mind, the absurdly luxurious way of making war
then prevalent suggests itself, if the term can be applied to any
contest where loss of life was so great. It was, indeed, a game at which
the leaders played; and in the quiet of their systematic winter-quarters
they devised and matured new moves for the coming season. How changed is
modern warfare! What a different system is to be read in the stories of
the trenches before Sebastopol, or the winter encampment of the Germans
round Paris!
The war gradually filtered itself away into the peace of Aix-la-
Chapelle. After Val came the siege of Bergen-op-Zoom, where fourteen men
of the Royal Artillery were killed; then came winter quarters at Breda;
then came preparations for a new campaign in 1748; although peace was in
every one's mind, and the plenipotentiaries to conclude it had already
met; then came the siege of Maestricht, with its Quixotic ending; and at
last came peace itself. A peace which brought profit neither to England
nor to France; which could not obliterate the long list on the rolls of
each nation which war had entered in the books of death; which, if
possible, only made the folly of the contest more apparent; and which,
while it ceased the actual roll of cannon, and crossing of bayonets, did
not stop the pulsation of hatred in each nation's breast, which was to
throb with increasing vigour, until a new and more bitter war should
gratify the unsmothered longings of each. A peace which—with the
solitary exception of Prussia—seemed to do good, or bring rest to none
but unhappy Flanders, the battleground of Europe, the victim in every
international contest.
But a peace, also, which closed for a time that sterner school of
discipline in which the Royal Artillery had now for years been studying;
in which there had been officers such as Macbean, Desaguliers, Phillips,
and Pattison, learning lessons, which were to bear fruit in yet grimmer
warfare, both in Europe and America; and on whose black-boards—blank in
this respect, when the war commenced—there had now been indelibly
inscribed the words, that "an Army without Artillery is no Army at all!"
Before closing this chapter, there are one or two points connected with
the Artillery in the field, which deserve mention. First; the amount of
ammunition which was carried in the field with each gun was as follows:—
100 round-shot, and 30 rounds of grape; with the exception of the long
6-pounder guns, which carried 80 round-shot, and 40 grape. Second; the
stores and ammunition were issued direct by the Commissaries to the
officers commanding Brigades of guns, _i.e._ Batteries—on requisition—
who had, however, to make their own cartridges, and fix the wooden
bottoms to the round-shot and grape, after receipt. The wooden bottoms
were made by the artificer, called the turner; and were fastened by the
tinman. Another of the tinman's duties was the manufacture of the tubes—
and of boxes to contain them. Third; luxurious in one sense, as the war
was, it had its hardships, as the following extract will show:—August
27th, 1746.—"Arrived at camp after a most difficult march, the Artillery
constantly moving for four days and three nights without encamping—
nearly starved; through woods, over mountainous country, with the
bottoms full of rapid little rivers and deep marshes. Almost all the
horses lost their shoes, and men and horses nearly starved. 3rd
September.—Marched from the camp at 3 A.M., and crossed the Maise, 170
yards broad, over the pontoon bridges, near Maistricht. The bridges were
commenced laying at one o'clock in the morning, and were completed by
seven, when the heads of the column made their appearance. The French
army was in order of battle on the heights of Hautain, opposite to
Visel, where he supposed we were to pass, with a design to fall upon us
when we were partly crossed the river. 5th September.—The enemy attacked
our light troops posted opposite to Visel, on the Maise, and handled
them very roughly; those that were not killed, being forced into the
river, where they were drowned." Lastly, it is to be noted that, as in
all our later wars before they have lasted any time, the ranks were
thinned by disease and death, and there was a difficulty in replenishing
them, even with _recruits_. It is to be hoped that the system of
reserves recently organized in the English Army will in future mitigate
this evil.
On the return of the Army to England in 1748, three companies of
Artillery were reduced; the officers being gradually brought in, as
vacancies occurred. Among other customs brought by the companies from
Flanders was that of employing fifers as well as drummers: "the first
fifers in the British Army having been established in the Royal Regiment
of Artillery at the end of this war, being taught by John Ulrich, a
Hanoverian fifer, brought from Flanders by Colonel Belford, when the
Allied Army separated."[12]
So much for the school of discipline in Europe. But there had been a
class-room opened in the East, to which the Regiment sent some pupils.
Admiral Boscawen had been ordered to the East Indies, in command of a
mixed naval and military force, including a company of the Royal
Artillery, under Major Goodyear. The force of the enemy, and the
strength of his defences, had been underrated; and it cannot be said
that the expedition was very successful. The ordnance which accompanied
the Artillery consisted of twelve 6-pounders, six 3-pounders, two 10-
inch, three 8-inch, fifteen 5½ inch, and twenty-five 4⅖-inch mortars,
all of brass. It was at the siege of Pondicherry that these guns were
used, a siege which lasted from the 11th of August to the 6th of
October, 1748, when Admiral Boscawen was compelled to raise it after a
loss of over 1000 men. The Royal Artillery lost, out of a total of 148
of all ranks, no less than forty-three, including Major Goodyear, who
fell, mortally wounded, during the siege, his leg being carried away by
a round-shot.
A stop was put to the hostilities by the declaration of peace, but the
presence of Admiral Boscawen enabled him to ratify, in a prompt manner,
that part of the treaty which restored Madras to the English. Many men
of Major Goodyear's company were allowed, in 1749, to volunteer for the
East India Company's service.
But this expedition has an interest to the Artilleryman beyond the
military operations. Before sailing, Admiral Boscawen asserted his
intention, in spite of Major Goodyear's remonstrances, of filling up, as
Commander-in-Chief, any vacancies which might occur in the company of
Artillery.
The Board of Ordnance was appealed to, and most warmly protested against
such an interference with its prerogative,—declaring that none of the
appointments made by the Admiral would be recognized by the present or
any succeeding Master-General. Doubtless, the Board was right; and
Admiral Boscawen, being anxious to retain the favour of all under his
command, let the matter drop. With a seniority corps, essentially
detached when on service, it was absolutely necessary that promotion
should be general, not local. At the same time, the restraint of the
Board was irksome—not the less so because just; and the feeling could
never be agreeable to a commander, that serving under him were those who
owed a special allegiance to another. As time went on, and the military
department of the Ordnance increased, this irritation would become more
general, and the points of difference between Generals and the Board
would multiply.
The wisdom of the change which put Generals and the Ordnance Corps under
one head might have been proved by _à priori_, as it has been by _à
posteriori_ reasoning; and this trifling episode between Admiral
Boscawen and the Board is interesting, as showing that, thirty years
after the Regiment had been called into existence, the Dual Government
of the Artillery was already producing natural consequences. But it is
also interesting, as manifesting the affection which the Board already
evinced for the child they had begotten—an interest sometimes too
paternal, but never unlovely.
An excellent letter from the principal officers of the Ordnance is
extant, urging the claims to Army Rank of the officers of the Artillery,
which had been again questioned by some belonging to the other arms of
the service. The difficulty was, in a very few years, settled by the
King, in place of the Master-General, signing the commissions of
Artillery officers; but this letter from the Board is interesting, as
pleading, on grounds of justice and in language far warmer than could
have been expected, the claims of the corps which they had created. The
letter bears date 24th February, 1744, and, after quoting the decision
in favour of Artillery officers arrived at by the King in 1724, and
confirmed in 1735, and mentioning two Courts-martial held in 1737 and
1742, at which officers of Artillery sat with those of the other arms,
according to date of Commission, goes on to say that, notwithstanding
these facts, there are not wanting those who deny any military status to
Artillery officers in the field. The writers then state a case, to show
the absurdity of the view objected to:—"If a Captain of Artillery, with
a number of guns and Artillery people, should happen to be escorted by a
Lieutenant of a Regiment on Foot, with a number of men belonging
thereto, the Captain (according to the sentiments of those with whom we
differ) must take his orders from the Lieutenant, which he would, with
reason, think a great hardship; for the Lieutenant would not obey one
whom he deems to be no more than a titular Captain, and who, he is
taught to believe, has no rank in the Army. And if the said Lieutenant
should be killed, and the command devolve to the eldest sergeant,
according to the notion before mentioned, the Captain of Artillery must
take his orders from the said Sergeant of Foot,—the consequence of which
is so obvious, that we need not enlarge upon it."
"But further, my Lord, should this opinion prevail, it would be a total
discouragement to the officers of Artillery, as well as highly
prejudicial to His Majesty's Service."
"The ordinary duty and discipline of the officers and private men of the
Artillery is, in every respect, the same with that of every other
Regiment of the Army. The qualifications of Artillery officers are not
acquired by practice only, but are the result of long study and
application. They must be proficients in several sciences, and Masters
of several arts, which is not required from other officers. They are
subjected to the Articles of War, and all the penalties of the Act for
Mutiny and Desertion, and are equally a part of His Majesty's Forces
with any other Regiment of the Army. The service of the Artillery is
generally understood to be more dangerous and severe than any other; and
although they are an essential part of one and the same Army, yet if
they bear no rank in it, but at Courts-martial only, they are in a worse
situation and under greater difficulties and discouragements than any
part of the Army; for, let their service have been ever so long,—their
conduct and bravery ever so conspicuous and meritorious,—they can only
rise gradually and slowly in their own little corps, if they have no
rank in the Army, and can never be promoted in any other, which is the
usual and almost only reward of distinguished merit in other officers."
While sympathizing with the spirit which animated the writers of the
above, one may differ as to the nature of the reward they sought for
meritorious officers of Artillery, in promotion into the other arms. For
more than forty years after this letter was written this reward was one
which was coveted by the senior officers of the corps for the younger
members. Doubtless, the intention was to obtain a promotion for them
which could not be found in the stagnation of a seniority corps. But, to
the modern Artilleryman, the promotion which involved separation from
the Regiment for whose duties he had been specially trained would be but
a doubtful reward.
-----
Footnote 11:
Cust.
Footnote 12:
Macbean's MSS.
CHAPTER XII.
WOOLWICH IN THE OLDEN TIME.
LIFE in the Barracks in the Warren, where the Artillery at Woolwich were
stationed, with the exception of one company, which was detached at
Greenwich whenever the Warren was overcrowded, can be gathered from the
Standing Orders which survive in the old MS. order-books in the Royal
Artillery Regimental Library and Royal Artillery Record Office. A few of
these orders, extracted from the books whose contents extend over the
period between 1741 and 1757, cannot fail to be interesting.
The establishment of each company at the commencement of that period was
as follows:—One Captain, one Captain-Lieutenant, one First Lieutenant,
one Second Lieutenant, three Lieutenant Fireworkers, three Sergeants,
three Corporals, eight Bombardiers, twenty Gunners, sixty-four
Matrosses, and two Drummers—in all, one hundred and seven.
The uniform dress of the officers was a plain blue coat, lined with
scarlet, a large scarlet Argyle cuff, double-breasted, and with yellow
buttons to the bottom of the skirts; scarlet waistcoat and breeches—the
waistcoat trimmed with broad gold lace,—and a gold-laced hat. The
Sergeants' coats were trimmed, the lappels, cuffs, and pockets with a
broad single gold lace; the Corporals' and Bombardiers' with a narrow
single gold lace; the Gunners' and Matrosses', plain-blue coats; all the
non-commissioned officers and men having scarlet half-lappels, scarlet
cuffs, and slashed sleeves with five buttons, and blue waistcoats and
breeches; the Sergeants' hats trimmed with a broad and the other non-
commissioned officers' and men's with a narrow gold lace. White
spatterdashes were then worn. The Regimental clothing was delivered to
the non-commissioned officers and men once a year, with the exception of
the Regimental coats, which they only received every second year;
receiving in the intermediate year a coarse blue loose surtout, which
served for laboratory work, cooking, fatigue duties, &c. The arms of the
officers were fusees without bayonets, and not uniform. The sergeants,
corporals, and bombardiers were armed with halberds and long brass-
hilted swords; "the gunners carried field-staffs about two feet longer
than a halberd, with two lintstock cocks branching out at the head, and
a spear projecting between and beyond them (great care was paid to
keeping these very bright); a buff belt over the left shoulder, slinging
a large powder-horn, mounted with brass over the right pocket; and the
same long brass-hilted swords as worn by the non-commissioned officers.
The matrosses had only common muskets and bayonets, with cartouche-
boxes."[13]
The variations in the dress of the Regiment which subsequently were made
will be noted in their proper places.
A few of the orders issued by General Borgard are given to show the
interior economy of the Regiment in 1743 and subsequent years:
March 13, 1743. "That the corporals and bombardiers do not drink with
any of the private men."
March 29, 1743. "That if any non-commissioned officer or gunner make
himself unfit for the King's duty, either by drinking, whoring, or any
other bad practice, he will send them to the Hospital at London for
cure, and discharge them out of the Regiment."
January 30, 1744. "That no man go out a-shooting, on any account
whatever."
August 15, 1744. "The Captains to advertise all their deserters in the
newspapers."
October 29, 1744. "That none of the people go three miles out of
quarters without a passport, in writing, from the Captain or officer
commanding the Company to which they belong."
February 15, 1745. "That neither non-commissioned officers, cadets, nor
private men go a-shooting, either in the Warren or Country, without
leave of their officer who commands the company to which they belong."
April 18, 1746. "That none of the non-commissioned officers strike any
of the men, on any pretence whatsoever; but in case they are guilty of
any misbehaviour, confine them prisoners and report them to the
commanding officer. That the Sergeants, Corporals, and Bombardiers enrol
in duty all alike."
July 22, 1746. "That the Sergeants and Corporals go round all the
Public-houses in Town, and acquaint them that it is the General's orders
that they trust none of the Train people on any account whatever."
October 20, 1746. "That none of the men carry their victuals from the
Baker's or any other weight on their Regimental Hats. That the Orderly
Sergeants and Corporals make these orders known to the same."
November 21, 1746. "That the Captains have all their men provided with a
knapsack, two pair of shoes, three pair of stockings, and three shirts
and stocks each."
March 2, 1747. "That none of the men be suffered to go to work in their
Regimental coats, but either in frocks or surtouts."
March 16, 1747. "The men who are taken sick and sent to the Infirmary
are to be paid only 3_s._ 6_d._ per week, which money is to be paid the
nurse for subsistence; The remainder of their pay to be kept until they
are recovered."
June 16, 1747. "That none of the officers turn any of their horses to
graze in the Warren."
January 8, 1749. "That none of the Lieutenants go to London, stay all
night out of quarters, change his guard, or any other duty without the
General's or Commanding Officer's leave; that they first apply to their
Captain or Commanding Officer of the Company to which they belong for
his consent to be absent, which if obtained, they may then apply to the
commanding officer, and not before; that if any officer change his guard
or other duty without leave, or does not attend the Parade exactly at
the Hour of Mounting, or the proper time when visiting the Barracks, or
any other duty is to be done, that the Adjutant report the same directly
to the Commanding Officer in quarters."
February 27, 1749. "The Roll to be called in the Barracks at nine
o'clock at night, in presence of the Officer on Guard, who is to have a
Report made to him in writing of those absent. Immediately after the
Roll is called the Orderly Corporals are to go into Town, and each go
round their men's quarters (those in private lodgings as well as those
billeted in Public-houses), and make a report to the Officer of the
Guard of those who are absent. The Orderly men are then to go to their
Rooms, and the Sergeant of the Guard to lock both Barrack doors, and
bring the keys to his officer, who is to send the Sergeant to open the
doors at _Reveillé_ beating in the morning. The officer shall confine
any of those men who are found absent if they come in during his Guard,
and report them to the Commanding Officer at his being relieved. But, in
case they do not come in during his Guard, he is to leave their names
with the relieving officer. If the orderly men find any men absent from
quarters over night, they are to go early next morning to see if they
are come home, and, if they find they are, to bring them to the Guard in
order to be examined by the officer and give reasons for being absent
the night before. If the orderly men, in going round, find any man
drinking in Public-houses where they are not quartered, they are to
order them home, which if they refuse to comply with, are to bring them
directly to the Guard, and confine them for disobeying orders."
April 1, 1749. "The Orderly Corporals are to report to their respective
Captains all non-commissioned officers and private men who do not parade
for church, in order to their being stopped a day's pay, according to
the Articles of War; and if any man is seen to quit his rank after
marching from the parade, and does not go to Church, he shall be
punished the same as if he had not paraded, of which the non-
commissioned officers who go to Church are to report at their return to
the Orderly Corporals, and they to the Captains."
* * * * *
There was immense excitement in Woolwich in the spring of 1749. A great
firework, made at Woolwich, was to be exhibited in the Green Park, and
the Regiment, for the first time, was to be reviewed by the King. The
Order-books bristle with threats and admonitions, and some of them
reveal a power in the Commanding Officer of which he has long been
deprived.
April 16th, 1749. "The officers and men to be under arms to-morrow both
morning and afternoon. The officers to endeavour as much as possible to
perfect themselves, both in taking posts and saluting. The captains to
see that their companies march strong, and in as good order as possible,
on Tuesday morning at seven o'clock, in order to their being reviewed on
Wednesday by the King. Every man to parade with his arms and
accoutrements as clean as hands can make them; and in case any of their
clothes want mending or buttons, the person so offending shall be
severely punished. And the first man that is seen drunk, or the least in
liquor, he shall be immediately brought to y^e halberts, and there
receive 300 lashes, and afterwards be drummed out of the Regiment with a
rope about his neck. The guard to mount to-morrow in black
spatterdashes, and the officers in boots."
After order. "That all the cadets who desire to see the fireworks be
under arms at five o'clock in black spatterdashes, and their officers in
boots, in order to march by Lambeth to the Green Park. They are to take
white spatterdashes in their pockets to appear in."
The discipline among the cadets may be comprehended from the following
order:—
October 10, 1840. "Complaints having been made to the Board that the
following persons belonging to the Company of Gentlemen Cadets in the
Royal Regiment of Artillery have been very negligent of their duty,
viz., Francis Volloton, Archibald Douglas, &c. &c. And that Francis
Volloton has been absent above twelve months, and not so much as
attended the muster, and has otherwise misbehaved himself. It is the
Board's orders that the said Francis Volloton be broke, and the rest
suspended from their pay till they show cause to the contrary."
A previous order to that just quoted shows that boyishness was not
confined to the Cadets. An order, twice issued, appeared on
July 23, 1749. "That none of the men play at long bullet on Plumstead
Road, of which they are all to be acquainted."
August 26, 1749. "When any of the men die or desert, the Captain of the
company is to put down the day in the muster-roll against his name, and
the money to be left in the agent's hands from the day such men died or
deserted for recruiting others in their room."
March 14, 1750. "The Captains or commanding officers of companies are to
observe that henceforward no man is to be enlisted under five feet nine
inches without shoes."
March 30, 1750. "The Sergeant of the Guard is not to suffer any non-
commissioned officer or private man to go out of the Warren gate unless
they are dressed clean, their hair combed and tied up, with clean
stockings, and shoes well blacked, and in every other respect like
soldiers. The cooks are excepted during their cooking hours, but not
otherwise."
May 9, 1750. "No subaltern officer is for the future to have a servant
out of any of the companies."
July 17, 1750. "The commanding officers of companies are ordered by the
general to provide proper wigs for such of their respective men that do
not wear their hair, as soon as possible."
July 25, 1750. "Each company is to be divided into three squads. The
officers and non-commissioned officers to be appointed to them to be
answerable that the arms, accoutrements, &c., are kept in constant good
order, and that the men always appear clean."
July 25, 1750. "Joseph Spiers, gunner in Captain Desagulier's company,
is by sentence of a Court-martial broke to a matross, and to receive 100
lashes; but General Borgard has been pleased to forgive him the
punishment."
A General Court-martial was ordered to assemble _at the Academy_ to try
a matross for desertion. The Court, which assembled at 10 A.M. on the
20th October, 1750, was composed of Lieutenant-Colonel Belford as
President, with nine captains and three lieutenants as members.
November 3, 1750. "Sergeant Campbell, in Captain Pattison's company, is
by sentence of a Regimental Court-martial reduced to a Bombardier for
one month, from the date hereof, and the difference of his pay to be
stopped."
The death of General Borgard took place in 1751, and he was succeeded by
Colonel Belford. This officer was most energetic in drilling officers
and men, and in compelling them to attend Academy and all other
instructions. Even such an opportunity as the daily relief of the Warren
guard was turned to account by him; and the old and new guards were
formed into a company for an hour's drill, under the senior officer
present, at guard mounting. From one order issued by him, it would seem
as if the authority of the captains required support, being somewhat
weakened perhaps, as is often the case, by the oversight and
interference in small matters by the colonel; for we find it was
necessary on March 2, 1751, to order "That when any of the Captains
review their companies either with or without arms, all the officers
belonging to them were to be present."
Colonel Belford's weakness for the carbine is apparent in many of his
orders.
April 1, 1751. "All the officers' servants who are awkward at the
exercise of the small arms to be out every afternoon with the awkward
men, and the rest of them to attend the exercise of the gun."
A most important official must have been expected in the Warren on the
5th August, 1751, for we find orders issued on the previous evening, as
follows:
"The Regiment to be under arms to-morrow morning at nine o'clock. The
commanding officers are to see that their respective men are extremely
well-powdered, and as clean as possible in every respect. The guard to
consist to-morrow of one Captain, two Lieutenants, two Sergeants, four
Corporals, and forty men. The forty men are to consist of ten of the
handsomest fellows in each of the companies. The Sergeant of the Guard
to-morrow morning is not to suffer anybody into the Warren but such as
shall appear like gentlemen and ladies."
February 7, 1752. "For the future when any man is discharged he is not
to take his coat or hat with him, unless he has worn them a year."
April 6, 1752. "The officer of the Guard is for the future to send a
patrol through the town at any time he pleases between half an hour
after ten at night and one in the morning, with orders to the Corporal
to bring prisoners all the men of the Regiment he finds straggling in
the streets. The Corporal is likewise to inspect all the alehouses,
where there are lights, and if there are any of the men drinking in such
houses, they are also to be brought to the Guard; but the patrol is by
no means to interfere with riot or anything that may happen among the
town-people."
April 20, 1752. "When any man is to be whipped by sentence of a court-
martial, the Surgeon, or his Mate, is to attend the punishment."
February 6, 1753. "The officers are to appear in Regimental hats under
arms, and no others."
February 19, 1753. "The officers appointed to inspect the several squads
are to review them once every week for the future; to see that every man
has four good shirts, four stocks, four pair of stockings, two pair of
white, and one pair of black spatterdashes, two pair of shoes, &c.; and
that their arms, accoutrements, and clothes are in the best order. What
may be required to complete the above number is to be reported to the
commanding officer and the Captains. The officers are likewise to see
that the men of their squads always appear clean and well-dressed like
soldiers; and acquaint their Captains when they intend to review them."
February 20, 1753. "The Captains are to give directions to their
Paymasters to see that the initial letters of every man's name are
marked with ink in the collar of their shirts."
April 5, 1753. "The Captains or commanding officers of companies are not
to give leave of absence to any of their recruits or awkward men."
April 29, 1753. "It is Colonel Belford's positive orders that for the
future, either the Surgeon or his Mate always remain in quarters."
May 23, 1753. "No non-commissioned officer or private man to appear with
ruffles under arms."
June 15, 1753. "No man to be enlisted for the future who is not full
five feet nine inches without shoes, straight limbed, of a good
appearance, and not exceeding twenty-five years of age."
January 2, 1754. "No officer to appear under arms in a bob-wig for the
future."
October 19, 1754. "When any of the men are furnished with necessaries,
their Paymasters are immediately to give them account in writing of what
each article cost."
October 28, 1754. No Cadet is for the future to take any leave of
absence but by Sir John Ligonier, or the commanding officer in
quarters."
November 8, 1754. "In order that the sick may have proper airing, one of
the orderly Corporals is every day, at such an hour as the Surgeon shall
think proper, to collect all those in the Infirmary who may require
airing, and when he has sufficiently walked them about the Warren, he is
to see them safe into the Infirmary. If any sick man is seen out at any
other time, they will be punished for disobedience of orders."
March 17, 1755. "All officers promoted, and those who are newly
appointed, are to wait on Colonel Belford with their commissions as soon
as they receive them."
July 20, 1755. "If any orderly or other non-commissioned officer shall
excuse any man from duty or exercise without his officer's leave, he
will be immediately broke."
August 1, 1755. "As there are bomb and fire-ship stores preparing in the
Laboratory, the officers who are not acquainted with that service, and
not on any other duty, will please to attend, when convenient, for their
improvement."
August 8, 1755. "It is ordered that no non-commissioned officer or
soldier shall for the future go out of the Warren gate without their
hats being well cocked, their hair well-combed, tied, and dressed in a
regimental manner, their shoes well blacked, and clean in every
respect.... And it is recommended to the officers and non-commissioned
officers, that if they at any time should meet any of the men drunk, or
not dressed as before mentioned, to send them to the Guard to be
punished."
February 13, 1756. "The Captains are forthwith to provide their
respective companies with a knapsack and haversack each man."
February 16, 1756. "For the future, when any Recruits are brought to the
Regiment, they are immediately to be taken to the Colonel or commanding
officer for his approbation; as soon as he has approved of them, they
are directly to be drawn for, and the officers to whose lot they may
fall are forthwith to provide them with good quarters, and they are next
day to be put to the exercise."
March 16, 1756. "The Captains are to attend parade morning and
afternoon, and to see that the men of their respective companies are
dressed like soldiers before they are detached to the guns."
March 30, 1756. "It is recommended to the officers to confine every man
they see dirty out of the Warren, or with a bad cocked hat."
March 31, 1756. "The officers are desired not to appear on the parade
for the future with hats otherwised cocked than in the Cumberland
manner."
April 2, 1756. "It is the Duke of Marlborough's orders that Colonel
Belford writes to Captain Pattison to acquaint General Bland that it is
His Royal Highness's commands that the Artillery take the right of all
Foot on all parades, and likewise of dragoons when dismounted."
May 1, 1756. "It is Colonel Belford's orders that no non-commissioned
officer, or private man, is to wear ruffles on their wrists when under
arms, or any duty whatsoever for the future."
About this time, a camp was ordered to be formed at Byfleet, where the
Master-General of the Ordnance was present, and as many of the Royal
Artillery as could be spared. Most of the Ordnance for the camp went
from the Tower, and the following disposition of the Artillery on the
march from London to Byfleet may be found interesting.
ADVANCED GUARD:—Consisting of 1 non-commissioned officer
and 12 matrosses.
───────────────────┬────────────┬────────────┬────────────┬────────────
│ Captain. │Lieutenant. │ Non- │ Miners.
│ │ │commissioned│
│ │ │ Officers. │
───────────────────┼────────────┼────────────┼────────────┼────────────
Miners' Front │ 1│ 3│ 5│ 40
Guard: consisting│ │ │ │
of │ │ │ │
Front Guard │ 1│ 2│ 5│ ..
Eleven 24-pounders │ 1│ 2│ 4│ ..
Fourteen 12- │ 1│ 2│ 4│ ..
pounders │ │ │ │
Twenty 6-pounders │ 1│ 3│ 8│ ..
Six 3-pounders │ 1│ 1│ 2│ ..
Six Royal Howitzers│ 1│ 1│ 8│ ..
Forty-three │ 1│ 2│ 6│ ..
Ammunition │ │ │ │
Waggons │ │ │ │
Twenty-two │ 1│ 2│ 4│ ..
Ammunition Carts │ │ │ │
Two spare │ ..│ ..│ 1│ ..
Carriages, and │ │ │ │
one Forge Cart │ │ │ │
Four Waggons, │ ..│ ..│ ..│ ..
Intrenching │ │ │ │
Tools, Triangle │ │ │ │
Gyn │ │ │ │
Twenty-seven │ ..│ 1│ 6│ ..
Baggage-Waggons │ │ │ │
Ten Pontoons, and │ ..│ ..│ 5│ 40
one spare │ │ │ │
Carriage │ │ │ │
Rear Guard │ ..│ 1│ 2│ ..
───────────────────┴────────────┴────────────┴────────────┴────────────
───────────────────┬────────────┬────────────┬────────────┬────────────
│ Gunners. │ Matrosses. │ Fifers. │ Drummers.
───────────────────┼────────────┼────────────┼────────────┼────────────
Miners' Front │ ..│ ..│ 2│ 2
Guard: consisting│ │ │ │
of │ │ │ │
Front Guard │ ..│ 45│ 2│ 2
Eleven 24-pounders │ 11│ 11│ 1│ 1
Fourteen 12- │ 14│ 14│ ..│ 1
pounders │ │ │ │
Twenty 6-pounders │ 20│ 20│ ..│ 1
Six 3-pounders │ 6│ 6│ ..│ ..
Six Royal Howitzers│ 6│ ..│ ..│ ..
Forty-three │ ..│ 86│ ..│ 1
Ammunition │ │ │ │
Waggons │ │ │ │
Twenty-two │ ..│ 44│ ..│ 1
Ammunition Carts │ │ │ │
Two spare │ ..│ 6│ ..│ ..
Carriages, and │ │ │ │
one Forge Cart │ │ │ │
Four Waggons, │ ..│ 8│ ..│ ..
Intrenching │ │ │ │
Tools, Triangle │ │ │ │
Gyn │ │ │ │
Twenty-seven │ ..│ 54│ ..│ 1
Baggage-Waggons │ │ │ │
Ten Pontoons, and │ ..│ ..│ ..│ 1
one spare │ │ │ │
Carriage │ │ │ │
Rear Guard │ ..│ 24│ 2│ 1
───────────────────┴────────────┴────────────┴────────────┴────────────
Giving a total of 29 officers, 61 non-commissioned officers, 57 gunners,
330 matrosses, 80 miners, 7 fifers, and 12 drummers.
This train of Artillery left the Tower in July, and remained in Byfleet
until October, practising experiments in mining, and the usual exercises
of Ordnance, under the immediate eye of the Master-General himself, the
Duke of Marlborough, who marched at the head of the train, and encamped
with it. An interesting allusion to a custom long extinct appears in the
orders relative to the camp. We find certain artificers detailed for the
flag-gun and the flag-waggon. The former was always one of the heaviest
in the field; and the custom is mentioned in 1722, 1747, and in India in
1750. Colonel Miller, in alluding to this custom in his valuable
pamphlet, expresses his opinion that the flag on the gun corresponded to
the Queen's colour, and that on the waggon to the Regimental colour, the
latter probably bearing the Ordnance Arms. The guns had been divided
into Brigades, corresponding to the modern Batteries. Four 24-pounders,
five 12-pounders, five 6-pounders, and six 3-pounders, respectively,
constituted a Brigade. The howitzers were in Brigades of three. The
discipline insisted upon was very strict. Lights were not allowed even
in the sutler's tents after ten o'clock; no man was allowed to go more
than a mile from camp without a pass; officers were not allowed to
appear in plain clothes upon any occasion; strong guards were mounted in
every direction, with most voluminous orders to obey,—orders which seem
occasionally unreasonable. The Captain of the Guard had to see the
evening gun fired, and was made "answerable for any accident that might
happen"—a somewhat heavy responsibility, as accidents are not always
within the sphere of control, where the executive officer's duties are
placed. Whenever the weather was fine, all the powder was carefully
aired, and all articles of equipment requiring repair were laid out for
inspection. The powers of the commanding officers of companies in
granting indulgences to their men were curtailed. No artificer was
allowed to be employed at any time on any service but His Majesty's,
without the leave of the Duke of Marlborough himself, or the commandant
in the camp; and should any officer excuse a man from parade he was to
be put in arrest for disobedience of orders.
Colonel Belford revelled in the discipline of the camp. It brought back
to his mind the old days in Flanders when he worked so hard to imbue his
men with a strict military spirit, and, with the Master-General by his
side, he felt renewed vigour and keenness. The Regiment was attracting
greater attention every year; augmentations were continuous. The year
before the Byfleet camp was formed, six companies had been added: this
year there were three more; and in 1757, four additional companies were
to be raised. The King had reviewed the Regiment, and the Duke of
Cumberland came to Woolwich every year to inspect and encourage. Who can
tell whether the new organization of 1757, which divided the Regiment
into Battalions and accelerated the stagnant promotion, did not come
from the long days of intercourse at Byfleet between Colonel Belford and
the Master-General? The opportunities offered by such a meeting must
have been priceless to a man who was so fond of his Regiment. Nothing is
so infectious as enthusiasm; and we learn from Colonel Belford's orders
and letters that he was an enthusiastic gunner. The early History of the
Regiment is marked by the presence in its ranks of men eminent in their
own way, and perfectly distinct in character, yet whose talents all
worked in the same direction, the welfare of their corps. Who could be
more unlike than Borgard and his successor, Colonel Belford? And yet a
greater difference is found between the scientific Desaguliers, and the
diplomatic and statesmanlike Pattison, the model of a liberal-minded,
high-spirited soldier. These four men are the milestones along the road
of the Regiment's story from 1716 to 1783. They mark the stages of
continuous progress; but there the parallel fails. For they were no
stationary emblems. Their whole life was engrossed in their Regiment. To
one, discipline was dear; to another, military science; to another,
gunnery, and the laboratory; and they drew along with them in the
pursuits they loved all those whose privilege it was to serve under
them. It was in a small and distinct way a representation of what the
Regiment in its present gigantic proportions would be, if the
suggestions quoted in the commencement of this volume were heartily
adopted by all who belong to it. Out of the faded pages and musty
volumes which line the walls of the Regimental Record Office, there
seems to come a voice from these grand old masters, "Be worthy of us!"
To them, their corps was everything; to its advancement every taste or
talent they possessed was devoted. With its increased proportions, there
has now come an increased variety of tastes, of learning, and of
accomplishments; and the lives of our great predecessors in the corps
read like a prayer over the intervening years, beseeching us all to work
together for the Regiment's good.
If variety of taste is to produce opposition in working, or dissipation
of strength and talent, what a cruel answer the Present gives to the
Past! But, if it is to raise the Regiment in the eyes, not merely of
military critics, but of that other world of science, across whose
threshold not a few Artillerymen have passed with honour, then the
variety of tastes working together, and yet independently—conducing to
the one great end—is the noblest response that can be made to those who
showed us in the Regiment's earliest days how to forget self in a noble
_esprit de corps_.
-----
Footnote 13:
Macbean's MSS.
CHAPTER XIII.
To 1755.
A NUMBER of interesting events can be compressed into a chapter,
covering the period between the end of the war in Flanders and the year
1755.
The dress and equipment of the Regiment underwent a change. In 1748, the
last year of the war, the field staffs of the gunners, their powder
horns, slings, and swords, and the muskets of the matrosses were laid
aside, and both ranks were armed with carbines and bayonets—thus paving
the way for the step taken in the year 1783, when the distinction
between the two ranks was abolished. The non-commissioned officers
retained their halberds until 1754, when they were taken from the
corporals and bombardiers, who fell into the ranks with carbines. In
1748, black spatterdashes were introduced into the Regiment, for the
first time into any British corps. In 1750, the sergeants' coats were
laced round the button-holes with gold looping, the corporals,
bombardiers, and the privates having yellow worsted looping in the same
way. The corporals and bombardiers had gold and worsted shoulder-knots;
the surtouts were laid aside, and complete suits of clothing were issued
yearly.[14]
At the end of the war, the Regiment consisted of ten companies, and for
the first time, reliefs of the companies abroad were carried out, those
at Gibraltar and Minorca being relieved by companies at Woolwich. The
strength of the Regiment remained unchanged until 1755, when six new
companies were raised, making a total of sixteen, exclusive of the Cadet
company.
The year 1751 was marked by several important Regimental events. The
father of the Regiment, old General Borgard, died; and was succeeded by
Colonel Belford. The vexed question of the Army rank of Artillery
officers was settled by the King issuing a declaration under his Sign-
Manual, retrospective in its effects, deciding "the rank of the officers
of the Royal Regiment of Artillery to be the same as that of the other
officers of his Army of the same rank, notwithstanding their commissions
having been hitherto signed by the Master-General, the Lieutenant-
General, or the principal officers of the Ordnance, which had been the
practice hitherto." From this date all commissions of Artillery officers
were signed by the sovereign, and countersigned by the Master-General of
the Ordnance.
This year also saw the abolition of an official abuse dating back before
the days of the Regiment's existence. Up to this time, all non-
commissioned officers, gunners, matrosses, and even drummers, had
warrants signed by the Master-General, and countersigned by his
secretary, for which a sergeant paid 3_l._, a matross or drummer, 1_l._
10_s._, and the intermediate grades in proportion.
This was now abolished, with great propriety, as an old MS. says, "as no
one purpose appears to have been answered by it, but picking of the
men's pockets." Doubtless, there were in the Tower officials who would
not endorse this statement; and who were of opinion that a very material
purpose was answered by it.
In February of this year, also, the officers of the Regiment entered
into an agreement for the establishment of a fund for the benefit of
their widows, no such fund having as yet existed. Each officer agreed to
subscribe three days' pay annually, and three days' pay on promotion;
but this subscription apparently was felt to be too high, or it was
considered proper that some assistance should be rendered to the fund by
the Government, for in 1762 a Royal Warrant was issued, directing one
day's pay to be stopped from each officer for the Widows' Fund, and that
one non-effective matross—in other words a _paper_ man—should be
mustered in each company, the pay of such to be credited to the fund. By
this means it was hoped that the widow of a Colonel Commandant would
obtain 50_l._ per annum; of a Lieutenant-Colonel, 40_l._; of a Major,
30_l._; of a Captain, 25_l._; of a Lieutenant, Chaplain, or Surgeon,
20_l._; and of a Lieutenant-Fireworker, 16_l._ But, either the officers
would not marry, or the married officers would not die, for in 1772
another warrant was issued, announcing that the fund was larger than was
necessary, and directing the surplus to be given as a contingent to the
Captains of companies. It is somewhat anticipating matters, but it may
here be said that a few years later the officers of the Regiment again
took the matter into their own hands, and formed a marriage society,
membership of which was nominally voluntary, but virtually compulsory,
until about the year 1850, after which it failed to receive the support
of the corps, its rules not being suited to modern ideas. On 13th May,
1872, these rules were abrogated at a public meeting of the officers at
Woolwich, and the society, with its accumulated capital of 50,000_l._,
was thrown open on terms sufficiently modern and liberal to tempt all
who had hitherto refrained from joining it. At that meeting, the
original charter of the society, signed by the officers serving in the
Regiment at the time, was submitted to their successors, and there was a
dumb eloquence in the faded parchment with its long list of signatures,
which it would be impossible to express in words.
It has already been stated that Colonel Pattison and Major Lewis had
been permitted to retire on full pay, on account of infirmity. The
source from which their income was derived, and the use to which it was
devoted after their death, can best be described in Colonel Miller's
words: "To this purpose there was appropriated the pay allowed for two
tinmen and twenty-four matrosses, the number of effective matrosses
being reduced from forty-four to forty in each company, whilst forty-
four continued to appear as the nominal strength. At the death of
Jonathan Lewis, a warrant dated 25th September, 1751, approved of the
non-effectives being still kept up, and directed the sum of 273_l._
15_s._ a year (15_s._ a day) then available to be applied thus:—173_l._
15_s._ to Colonel Belford (as colonel commandant), and 100_l._ to
Catherine Borgard, widow of Lieutenant-General Albert Borgard, towards
the support of herself and her two children, who were left unprovided
for. When Colonel Thomas Pattison died, a warrant dated 27th February,
1753, directed that the annuity to Mrs. Borgard should in future be paid
out of another source, and applied the balance of the fund derived from
the non-effective tinmen and matrosses to increasing the pay of the
fireworkers from 3_s._ to 3_s._ 8_d._ a day."
"In 1763 the increased pay of the fireworkers was entered in the
estimates, and the pay of colonel commandant was raised to 2_l._ 4_s._ a
day."
During the period to which this chapter refers, a review of the Regiment
by the King took place in the Green Park; and as it was thought worthy
of entry in General Macbean's diary, and shows the way in which the
Regiment was formed upon such an occasion, it may not be deemed out of
place in this work. There were five companies present besides the
Cadets, and the numbers were as follows:—Field officers, three;
Captains, five; Captain-Lieutenants, six; four First, and seven Second
Lieutenants; Lieutenant-Fireworkers, seventeen; one Chaplain, one
Adjutant, one Quartermaster, one Bridge-master, one Surgeon and his
Mate, fifteen Sergeants, fifteen Corporals, one Drum-Major, ten Drummers
and six Fifers, forty Bombardiers, forty-eight Cadets, ninety-eight
Gunners, and 291 Matrosses. The companies were formed up as a Battalion;
three light 6-pounders being on the flanks, and the Cadets formed up on
the right as a Battalion.
Although there was peace for England in Europe up to 1755, there was no
lack of expeditions elsewhere. Besides Jamaica and Virginia, which
demanded guns and stores, Artillery was required for the East Indies and
America. It was for service in the former country that the augmentation
of four companies with an additional Major was made in March, 1755.
They were raised and equipped in thirty days, and embarked immediately,
the Board giving permission to Major Chalmers, who was in command, to
fill up any vacancies which might occur, by promoting the senior on the
spot. These companies were in the pay of the East India Company, and
formed part of the expedition under Clive and Admiral Watson. One of the
companies was lost on the passage, only three men being saved. It was
Captain Hislop's company, but that officer had been promoted while
serving in the East Indies, and it was commanded on the voyage by the
Captain-Lieutenant, N. Jones. As soon as the disaster was known in
England, another company was raised, and on its arrival in India Captain
Hislop assumed the command. This officer had gone out with five
officers, sixty men, and twelve cadets, and a small train of Artillery,
attached to the 39th Regiment, under Colonel Aldercon. His new company
was the last of the Royal Artillery which served in Bengal, until the
outbreak of the Indian Mutiny.[15]
The expedition to America was the ill-fated one commanded by General
Braddock. The detachment of Royal Artillery was only fifty strong; it
left England under the command of Captain-Lieutenant Robert Hind, with
two Lieutenants, three Fireworkers, and one cadet; and on its arrival in
America was joined by Captain Ord, who assumed the command. This officer
had been quartered with his company at Newfoundland; but at the request
of the Duke of Cumberland he was chosen to command the Artillery on this
expedition. The guns which accompanied the train were ten in number, all
light brass guns—four being 12-pounders, and six 6-pounders. The civil
attendants of the train were twenty-one in number, including conductors
and artificers; and there were attached to the train—attendants not
generally found in such lists—"ten servants, and six necessary women."
There were also five Engineers, and practitioner Engineers.
The melancholy fate of this expedition is well known. The detachment of
Artillery was cut to pieces at Fort du Quesne, on that ghastly July day
in 1755; the whole ten guns were taken; but Captain Ord himself survived
to do good service years after, on the American continent. It will be
remembered by the reader that George Washington fought on this occasion
on the English side, and displayed the same marvellous coolness and
courage, as he did on every subsequent occasion.
But events were ripening at Woolwich for great Regimental changes. A
small subaltern's detachment left for Dublin, which was to be the parent
of the Royal Irish Artillery, a corps which will form the subject of the
next chapter. In 1756, a company of miners was formed for service in
Minorca, which, on its return to Woolwich, was incorporated into the
Regiment, and two other companies having been raised in the same year,
and four additional in 1757, there was a total, including the companies
of miners and cadets, of twenty-four companies. The largely increased
number of company officers, in proportion to the limited number of those
in the higher grades, made the prospects of promotion so dismal, that
the Regiment was divided into two Battalions, each of which will receive
notice in subsequent chapters.
-----
Footnote 14:
Cleaveland's MSS. Macbean's MSS.
Footnote 15:
Brown.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE ROYAL IRISH ARTILLERY.
THE Ordnance Department in Ireland was independent of that in England
until the year 1674, when Charles II., availing himself of the vacancy
created by the death of the then Irish Master-General—Sir Robert Byron—
merged the appointment in that of the Master-General of England; and the
combined duties were first performed by Sir Thomas Chicheley. This
officer appointed, as his deputies in Ireland, Sir James Cuff and
Francis Cuff, Esq. The Masters-General of the Irish Ordnance, whom we
find mentioned after this date, were subordinate to the English Masters-
General, in a way which had never previously been recognized.
Even after the amalgamation, however, the accounts of the Irish and
British Departments of the Ordnance were kept perfectly distinct. When
ships were fitted out for service in the Irish seas, their guns and
stores were furnished from the Irish branch of the Ordnance. All
gunpowder for use in Ireland was issued by the English officials to the
Irish Board on payment; and the lack of funds, which was chronic at the
Tower during the reigns of the Stuarts, was not unfrequently remedied by
calling in the assistance of the Irish Board. Tenders for the
manufacture of gunpowder having been received, and the orders then given
having been complied with, it was no unusual thing to pay the merchants
with Ordnance Debentures, and to ship the powder to Ireland in exchange
for a money payment. The correspondence between the two Boards throws
light upon the way in which money was found for the English
fortifications, and also gives us the value of gunpowder at various
times. For example, in August, 1684, one thousand barrels were shipped
to Ireland; and the sum received in payment—2500_l._—was ordered to be
spent on the fortifications at Portsmouth.
Some of the debentures issued to the creditors of the English Ordnance,
in lieu of money, were on security of the grounds in the City of London,
called the Artillery Grounds, and carried interest at the rate of two
per cent.: others were merely promissory notes issued by the Board,
which bore no very high reputation, nor were they easily convertible
into money. From certain correspondence in the Tower Library, during the
reigns of Charles II. and James II., it would appear that the Board
could not be sued before the Law Courts for the amount of their debts;—
the letter-books of that period teeming with piteous appeals from the
defrauded creditors.
One unhappy man writes that in consequence of the inability of the Board
to meet his claims, he "had undergone extreme hardships, even to
imprisonment, loss of employment, and reputation." Another in the same
year, 1682, writes, that "he is in a very necessitous and indigent
condition, having not wherewithal to supply his want and necessity; and
he doth in all humility tender his miserable condition to your Honours'
consideration."
During periods of actual or expected disturbance in Ireland, stores for
that country were often accumulated in Chester, and on the Welsh coast,
ready for shipment; from which it may be inferred, that the arrangements
in Ireland for their safe keeping were inadequate.
The formation of a battalion of Artillery on the Irish establishment was
not contemplated until the year 1755, when, on the requisition of the
Lord-Lieutenant, a party of twenty-four non-commissioned officers and
men of the Royal Artillery, under the command of a First Lieutenant,
left Woolwich for Dublin, for that purpose. This detachment, having
received considerable augmentation and a special organization, was in
the following year styled "The Artillery Company in Ireland," the
commissions of the officers being dated the 1st of April, 1756. The
company consisted of a Major, a Captain, one First and one Second
Lieutenant, three Lieutenant-Fireworkers, five Sergeants, five
Corporals, one hundred and six Bombardiers, thirty-four Gunners, one
hundred and two Matrosses, and two Drummers. The large number of
Bombardiers suggests a special service, probably in the bomb-vessels,
for which this class was employed. Major Brownrigg, the commandant of
the corps, was replaced in 1758, by Major D. Chevenix, from the 11th
Dragoons. Two years later, the company was considerably increased, and
was styled the "Regiment of Royal Irish Artillery." It had now a
Colonel-in-Chief, and another _en seconde_, a Lieutenant-Colonel
commandant, a Major, four Captains, four First and four Second
Lieutenants, and four Lieutenant-Fireworkers. The Masters-General of the
Irish Ordnance were _ex officio_ Colonels-in-Chief of the Irish
Artillery. The following is a list of those who held this appointment
during the existence of the corps: James, Marquis of Kildare, Richard,
Earl of Shannon, Charles, Marquis of Drogheda, Henry, Earl of
Carhampton, and the Hon. Thomas Pakenham.
Reductions were made in the Regiment at the conclusion of peace in 1763,
and again in 1766; but they were chiefly confined to weeding the
Regiment of undersized men. In 1774, the rank of Lieutenant-Fireworker
was abolished, three years later than the same change had been made in
England. In 1778, the Regiment was augmented from four to six companies,
the total of the establishment being raised from 228 to 534; and from
that date the senior first lieutenant received the rank of Captain-
Lieutenant. A further addition of seventy-eight gunners raised the total
to 612, and caused an increase in the number of officers, four Second
Lieutenants being added in 1782.
In August, 1783, an invalid company was added, consisting of a captain,
first and second lieutenant, one sergeant, two corporals, one drummer,
three bombardiers, four gunners, and thirty-nine matrosses, and with a
few additions to the marching companies raised the establishment to 701.
But in three months, a most serious reduction can be traced, not in the
cadres, nor among the higher commissioned ranks, but among the
subalterns, and the rank and file, and the total fell to 386.
By the monthly returns for October, 1783, we find that the title of
matross, although retained in the invalid company, was otherwise
abolished; the private soldiers being now all designated gunners. From
1783 to 1789, the establishment remained at 386; and in 1791, it was the
same. The returns for the intermediate year have been lost.
In 1793, recruiting on a large scale can be traced, and we find, that in
October, 1794, by successive augmentations, the establishment had
reached a total of no less than 2069 of all ranks, organized into one
invalid and twenty marching companies. By a King's letter, dated 20th
May, 1795, these were constituted into two Battalions, the company of
invalids remaining distinct. This gave an addition of thirteen Field and
Staff Officers, and three Staff Sergeants, raising the total
establishment from 2069 to 2085. Each company consisted of 100 of all
ranks—except the invalid company, which remained at a total of fifty-
three, until 1st October, 1800, when it was raised to 100—and the
strength of the Regiment reached its maximum, 2132.
This establishment continued, until the 1st of March, 1801, when, in
anticipation of the amalgamation with the Royal Artillery, eight
companies, with a proportion of Field Officers, were reduced, followed
next month by a reduction of two more.
On the 1st April, 1801, the remaining ten marching companies, with Field
and Staff Officers, were incorporated with the Royal Artillery, and
numbered as the 7th Battalion of that corps. By General Order of 17th
September, 1801, the invalid company was transferred to the battalion of
invalids on the British establishment.
It was a singular coincidence that the officer of the Royal Artillery,
who forty-six years before had left Woolwich to organize the first
company of the Royal Irish Artillery, should, on the amalgamation, have
been the Colonel commandant of the new Battalion. Lieutenant-General
Straton had proceeded, in May, 1755, to Ireland, for the former purpose,
and he rejoined the Royal Artillery on the 1st April, 1801, as Colonel
commandant of the 7th Battalion. He died in Dublin on the 16th May,
1803, after a service of sixty-one years.
At the time of the amalgamation, six of the companies were stationed in
Ireland, and four in the West Indies. The Irish Artillery was not exempt
from foreign service, and the conduct of the men abroad was as excellent
as it always was during the times of even the greatest civil commotion.
When, however, they left Ireland on service, their pay became a charge
on the English Office of Ordnance; and in the Returns from their own
head-quarters we find that any men who might be in England, pending
embarkation, were shown as "on foreign service."
The first employment of the Irish Artillery abroad was during the
American war. In March, 1777, seventy men embarked, under the command of
an officer of the Royal Artillery, and did duty with that corps in a
manner which called forth the highest commendations from the officers
under whom they served. The Master-General of the Ordnance, Lord
Townsend, in a letter to the officer commanding the Irish Artillery,
dated 23rd of December, 1777, alludes to these men in the following
terms: "I am informed that none among the gallant troops behaved so
nobly as the Irish Artillery, who are now exchanged, and are to return.
I am sorry they have suffered so much, but it is the lot of brave men,
who, so situated, prefer glorious discharge of their duty to an
unavailing desertion of it."
The conduct of the Irish Artillery, both in America and in the darkest
period of their service, in the West Indies, contrasts so strongly with
that of the men enlisted in Ireland for the Royal Artillery at the same
time, that evidently the recruiting for the latter corps must have been
grossly mismanaged, or, what is more probable, the national corps
obtained with ease the best men, while the refuse of the country was
left to the recruiting sergeants of the Royal Artillery. In the
correspondence of General Pattison, who at one period of the American
war commanded the Royal Artillery on that continent, the language
employed in describing the recruits enlisted in Ireland, and sent to
join the 3rd and 4th Battalions in America, would be strong in any one,
but is doubly so, coming from an officer always most courteous in his
language, and by no means given to exaggeration.
Three companies of the Irish Artillery embarked for the Continent in
1794, and served in Flanders and the Netherlands, under the Duke of
York. But, as has already been hinted, the most severe foreign service
undergone by the corps was in the West Indies. In 1793, three companies
embarked for these islands, and took honourable part during the
following year, in the capture of Martinique, Guadaloupe, and St. Lucia,
as well as in the more general operations.
Their strength, on embarkation, had been 15 Officers and 288 non-
commissioned officers and men. In less than two years, only forty-three
of the men were alive, and of the officers, only four returned to
Europe. It accordingly became necessary to reinforce the companies by
drafts from Ireland; and in addition to these, two other companies
sailed in the winter of 1795; thus bringing the total strength serving
in the West Indies to 500 of all ranks. In less than two years, a
further reinforcement of 176 officers, non-commissioned officers, and
men, was found necessary to repair the ravages of the climate upon the
troops; and apparently further drafts in the following year were only
avoided, by transferring the head-quarters of one of the companies to
the home establishment, and absorbing the men in the others. Four of the
companies were still in the West Indies, when the amalgamation took
place.
Certain details connected with the organization of the Irish Artillery,
immediately prior to their incorporation with the Royal Artillery,
remain to be mentioned. On the 19th September, 1798, Lord Carhampton,
then Master-General of the Irish Ordnance, notified to the officer
commanding the corps, that the formation of the Artillery in Ireland
into _Brigades_ had been decided upon; the Brigades to be distinguished
as heavy and light. The establishment of a Heavy Brigade was to include
four medium 12-pounders, and two 5½-inch howitzers:—of a Light Brigade,
four light 6-pounder Battalion guns. The former was to be manned by
forty-eight non-commissioned officers and men, the latter by thirty-
seven—of the Regiment; while the guns and waggons were to be horsed and
driven by the Driver Corps. This improved organization superseded the
system of Battalion guns; for while, in September, 1798, one hundred of
the Irish Artillery were returned as being attached to these, in
November only thirty-seven were so employed; in the following January,
only four; and in March, 1799, all were finally withdrawn. The
additional gunners from the Militia, who had, at the date of the new
organization, been 213 in number, were gradually reduced by its
operation, and in the monthly return for September, 1799, they disappear
altogether.
It was at first proposed that the 12-pounders and the howitzers of the
Heavy Brigades should be drawn by four horses, and the 6-pounders of the
Light Brigades by three; but subsequently a 4½-inch howitzer having been
added to each Light Brigade, the number of horses to each gun was
apparently increased from three to four, and the total number of horses
to each Heavy Brigade was seventy-three;—to each Light Brigade, fifty-
one. The "two leading horses were ridden by Artillerymen, and the gun
was driven by a driver."[16] This arrangement applied also to the
ammunition waggons. The harness-maker, wheeler, and smith, each rode a
spare horse with harness on.
While the guns had four horses, the howitzers in Heavy Brigades had but
three, and in Light Brigades only a pair. The Driver Corps furnished to
each Heavy Brigade 1 officer, 1 quartermaster, 3 non-commissioned
officers, and 26 privates; to each Light Brigade, 5 non-commissioned
officers and 14 privates. For the information of the general reader, it
may be stated that the Brigades of the Irish Artillery were analogous to
the present Field Batteries; the modern Brigade of Artillery meaning a
number of Batteries linked together for administrative purposes.
In January, 1799, there were twenty-five Brigades in Ireland, and at
this point they remained until the amalgamation with the Royal
Artillery. Although it is not probable that they were all horsed at that
date, there were no less than 1027 officers and men at the appointed
stations of the Brigades, and in the language of an old document in the
Royal Artillery Record Office, "the New Irish Field Artillery had not
only form, but consistency."
In addition to these Brigades of Field Artillery, the Regiment was
divided into detachments—generally eight in number,—stationed in the
chief harbours, garrisons, and forts, for service with heavy ordnance.
The invalid company was scattered over the country, many of the non-
commissioned officers and men being totally unfit for service. The
Regiment was actively employed in the field during the Rebellion; "and
it must be recorded to the honour of the Royal Irish Regiment of
Artillery, that though exposed to every machination of the disaffected,
and to the strongest temptations, they preserved throughout an unsullied
character, and manifested on all occasions a true spirit of loyalty,
zeal, and fidelity to His Majesty's service and Government."[17]
The dress of the Royal Irish Artillery was as follows:—Blue coat with
scarlet facings, cuff and collar gold embroidered; yellow worsted lace
being used for all beneath the rank of corporal; gold-laced cocked hat,
black leather cockade, white cloth breeches, with short gaiters and
white stockings in summer, and long gaiters in winter. The non-
commissioned officers and men wore their hair powdered and clubbed. In
1798 jackets were introduced according to the pattern adopted for the
Army; and the gold lace was removed from the cocked hats.
At the date of the amalgamation the Regiment was armed with cavalry
carbines,—the bayonet and pouch, containing from sixteen to eighteen
rounds, being carried on the same belt. A cross belt was also worn to
which the great-coat was suspended, resting on the left hip. At an
earlier period, the Regiment had been armed with long Queen Anne's
fusils, which were replaced, when worn out, by arms of various patterns,
until at length the cavalry carbine was adopted.
One cannot but be struck—in studying the history of this national corps
of Artillery—with the rapidity of its formation, and its attainment of
high discipline and professional knowledge,—keeping pace in its career
of half a century with the constant changes, with which even in those
days this arm was harassed; nor can one read without pride and interest
those pages of loyalty at home, gallantry on service abroad, and patient
endurance under suffering and disease in the West Indies,—at once as
fatal as active war, and yet destitute of the excitement which in war
enables the soldier willingly to undergo any hardship.
-----
Footnote 16:
MS in Royal Artillery Record Office.
Footnote 17:
MS. in Royal Artillery Record Office.
CHAPTER XV.
FIRST BATTALION.—THE HISTORY AND PRESENT DESIGNATION OF THE COMPANIES.
IN the beginning of the year 1757, the Regiment consisted of nineteen
companies, with four field officers. On the 2nd April four additional
companies were added, giving a total of twenty-four companies, inclusive
of the Cadet Company.
But there was no organization in existence corresponding to the
Battalion, or present Brigade, system. The number of company officers
was very great, being no less than 140 at the end of 1756; and as there
were only four field officers, the prospect of promotion to the younger
men was very disheartening. By introducing the Battalion system, and
dividing the companies in some way which should give an excuse for an
augmentation in the higher ranks, stagnation would be less immediate,
and discontent among the junior ranks postponed. Charles, Duke of
Marlborough, being then Master-General, approved of this change, and the
Regiment was on the 1st August, 1757, divided into two Battalions, each
having three field officers, and a separate staff. The strength of the
Regiment, after this change had been introduced, was as follows:—
No. of Companies, 24:—
One Colonel-in-Chief, and one _en seconde_ 2
Field Officers 6
Captains and Captain-Lieutenants 48
Subaltern Officers 117
Chaplain 1
Medical Officers 3
Bridge-master 1
Adjutants 2
Quartermasters 2
Gentlemen Cadets 48
Non-commissioned Officers 322
Gunners 460
Matrosses 1472
Drummers and Fifers 47
————
Total 2531
————
The recruiting of Battalions was always carried on by means of parties
scattered over England and Scotland, but the men so obtained were liable
to be transferred to other Battalions, whose wants might be greater.
This system, which still obtains, prevents, and perhaps wisely, any
great Battalion, or Brigade _esprit de corps_. The real _esprit_ should
be for the Regiment first, and then for the Battery. The organization,
by whatever name it may be called, which links a certain number of
Batteries together for special purposes, has never been allowed the
official respect which is paid to the Battalion system in the Infantry.
In the absence of such respect, and in the knowledge that the men who
might receive their instruction in one Brigade or Battalion were liable
to transfer to another, immediately on the completion of their drills,
is to be found the reason why both in the days of Battalions and
Brigades there has been no _esprit_ found strong enough to weaken that
which should exist in every Artilleryman's mind for his Regiment at
large, instead of for a detail of it. At the same time, the transfer
system can be carried to an injurious extent. The instruction of
recruits is more likely to be thorough, if the instructor feels that he
himself is likely to retain under his command those whom he educates.
The consciousness that the "_Sic vos non vobis_" system is to be applied
to himself must diminish to a certain extent his zeal in instruction.
And therefore while no one should be allowed to imagine that his own
Battery or his own Brigade is to be considered before the Regiment at
large, there can be no doubt that the Depôt system for feeding the
Regimental wants is far less cruel than that by which volunteers are
called, or transfers ordered, from one portion of the Regiment to
another.
The establishment of the 1st Battalion varied very much with the signs
of the times. Before the Peninsular War, its greatest strength was in
1758, the year after its formation, when it consisted of 13 companies,
and a total of 1383 of all ranks. In 1772, it fell to 8 companies, with
a total of 437; but during the American War of Independence, it reached
a total of 1259, divided into 11 companies. After the peace of 1783, it
was again reduced, falling to a total of 648, in ten companies. During
the Peninsular War, the average strength of the Battalion was 1420, the
number of companies remaining the same; but as only one company of the
Battalion served in the Peninsula, its increased numbers were evidently
intended to assist in feeding the companies of other Battalions. After
Waterloo it was greatly reduced, and for the next thirty years, its
average strength was 700, in 8 companies. In 1846, it rose to a total of
842, and on the outbreak of the War with Russia, in which no fewer than
five companies of the Battalion were engaged, further augmentations took
place, the totals standing during the war as follows: in 1854, 1208; in
1855, 1336; and in 1856, 1468.
The names of the various Captains who have successively commanded the
companies of the 1st Battalion, down to the introduction of the Brigade
system, and the new nomenclature in 1859, are given in the following
pages, as far as the state of the Battalion Records will admit. The list
of the various military operations in which they were severally engaged
is also given; and the names which the companies received at the
reorganization referred to. It has been thought advisable to give this
now in a short but complete form, but in studying the various campaigns,
the services of the companies alluded to will occasionally receive more
detailed notice.
It is to be remembered that the history of these companies is the
legitimate property of the Batteries, which represent them. It is hoped
that the publication of their antecedents in this way will not merely
interest those in any way connected with them, but will create a feeling
of pride which will materially aid discipline, and check negligence. It
is believed that with such a past to appeal to as many of the Batteries
will find they have, a commander will find a weapon in dealing with his
men more powerful than the most penal code, for in each line there seems
to be a voice speaking from the dead, and urging those who are, to be
worthy of those who have been.
No. 1 COMPANY, 1st BATTALION,
Now "F" BATTERY, 9th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1796 Expedition to Saint Domingo.
1809 Expedition from Jamaica to Saint Domingo.
1854 Expedition to Crimea, and siege of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1757 Captain Robert Hind.
* * * * *
1779 Captain David Scott.
1788 Captain S. P. Adye.
1790 Captain William Cuppage.
1790 Captain John Rogers.
1796 Captain Wiltshire Wilson.
1797 Captain George F. Keohler.
1801 Captain Thomas Franklin.
1805 Captain Thomas B. P. Hardy.
1814 Captain Sir Hy. Onslow, Bart.
1817 Captain John Taylor.
1821 Captain George Cobbe.
1829 Captain George J. Belson.
* * * * *
1841 Captain Lewis E. Walsh.
1842 Captain C. B. Symons.
1848 Captain J. W. Collington.
1851 Captain George Graydon.
1856 Captain George Colclough.
1859 Captain S. Freeling.
1859 Captain J. F. Pennycuick.
No. 2 COMPANY, 1st BATTALION,
Now "B" BATTERY, 1st BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1793 Action of St. Amand, 8th May.
1793 Siege of Valenciennes.
1793 Battle of Lincelles on 18th August.
1794 Battle of Cambray on 24th April.
1794 Battles of Ostend on 5th May.
1794 Battle of Tournay on 10th, 18th, and 22nd May.
1797-1801 Detachments of the Company served on board the Bombs.
1804 Ditto.
1805 Expedition to Hanover.
1807 Siege of Copenhagen.
1809 Battle of Talavera on 27th July.
1810 Battle of Almeida on 27th August.
1812 Siege of Burgos on 20th October.
1813 Siege of Saint Sebastian.
1855 Expedition to Crimea, and siege of Sebastopol from June
1855.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1771 Captain Thomas Simpson.
1774 Captain Agar Weetman.
1782 Captain Edward Abbott.
1782 Captain Thomas Hosmer.
1793 Captain Jesse Wright.
1793 Captain George Glasgow.
1794 Captain James Winter.
1795 Captain Henry Shrapnel.
1803 Captain Josh. W. Tobin.
1807 Captain John May.
1815 Captain James Lloyd.
1819 Captain John Chester.
1825 Captain John C. Petley.
1834 Captain Charles Dalton.
1834 Captain John W. Spellen.
1836 Captain P. W. Lawlor.
1838 Captain Thomas R. Cookson.
1839 Captain George Charleton.
1840 Captain Hugh Morgan.
1843 Captain W. W. D'Arley.
1851 Captain J. R. Domvile.
1852 Captain F. A. Campbell.
1855 Captain H. P. Newton.
1858 Captain G. H. A. Forbes.
No. 3 COMPANY, 1st BATTALION,
Now "7" BATTERY, 2nd BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1779 Taking of Saint Lucia.
1779 In the Island of Grenada; a Detachment taken prisoners.
1793-1795 A Detachment served with the Army on the Expedition to
Holland.
1797-1801 Detachments of this Company served on board the Bombs.
1801 Taking of Madeira.
1809 Expedition from Jamaica to Saint Domingo.
1855 Expedition to Crimea, and siege of Sebastopol, from June,
1855.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1769 Captain John Williamson.
1782 Captain Simon Parry.
1785 Captain William Grant.
1785 Captain Thomas Blomefield.
1793 Captain Charles Terrott
1800 Captain John Quayle.
1806 Captain Henry Deacon.
1807 Captain James Armstrong.
1825 Captain W. M. G. Colebrooke.
1837 Captain W. C. Anderson.
1846 Captain Charles J. Dalton.
1854 Captain Miller Clifford.
No. 4
COMPANY, 1st BATTALION,
Now "3" BATTERY, 5th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1759 Battle of Minden.
1796 General Doyle's Expedition to the Isle of Dieu on the French
coast.
1804 Detachments served on board the Bombs.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1759 Captain David Hay.
1781 Captain Alexander Dickson.
1781 Captain Jesse Wright.
1793 Captain Thomas Hosmer.
1795 Captain Archibald Roberton.
1802 Captain Robert Lawson.
1802 Captain Thomas Downman.
1804 Captain H. M. Farrington.
1820 Captain Thomas J. Harrison.
1820 Captain Henry Light.
1821 Captain James P. St. Clair.
1822 Captain Henry Light.
1823 Captain Thomas Van Straubenzee.
1826 Captain Charles E. Gordon.
1839 Captain W. H. Bent.
1846 Captain George Sandham.
1852 Captain R. Blackwood Price.
1854 Captain Barclay Lawson.
No. 5 COMPANY, 1st BATTALION,
Now "4" BATTERY, 13th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1759 Battle of Minden.
1793 Siege of Valenciennes.
1793 Battle of Lincelles.
1794 Battle of Cambray.
1794 Battle of Ostend.
1794 Battles of Tournay.
1797-1800 Detachment served on board the Bombs.
1799 Expedition to the Helder.
1801 Battle of Alexandria, and other actions in Egypt.[18]
1805 Expedition to Hanover.
1858 India during the Mutiny.
_N.B._—This Company formed part of the Army of Occupation in France,
1815-1818.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1758 Captain William Phillips.
1759 Captain George Charleton.
1766 Captain Griffith Williams.
1779 Captain Alexander J. Scott.
1779 Captain Francis Downman.
1781 Captain Jesse Wright.
1782 Captain Thomas Brady.
1782 Captain Alexander Dickson.
1782 Captain Richard Chapman.
1783 Captain James Frost.
1783 Captain John D. Goll.
1790 Captain James Winter.
1795 Captain William Mudge.
1794 Captain William Borthwick.
1802 Captain George B. Fisher.
1803 Captain George Scott.
1803 Captain William Leake.
1803 Captain Turtliff Boger.
1806 Captain John Dyer.
1812 Captain Richard Jones.
1814 Captain Stephen Kirby.
1815 Captain William Lloyd.
1825 Captain Alfred Thompson.
1828 Captain Jno. W. Spellen.
1834 Captain Charles Dalton.
1844 Captain Alexander Tulloh.
1849 Captain G. J. L. Buchanan.
1854 Captain John Desborough.
No. 6 COMPANY, 1st BATTALION,
Now "6" BATTERY, 2nd BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
This Company served during the American War of Independence, but the
actions in which it was engaged cannot be traced with precision.
1855 Expedition to Crimea, and siege of Sebastopol, from June,
1855.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1771 Captain David Standish.
1780 Captain Thomas Brady.
1782 Captain Francis Downman.
1790 Captain John Smith.
1795 Captain George Scott.
1796 Captain Robert King.
1802 Captain Francis Rey.
1808 Captain Charles H. Godby.
1815 Captain William Lloyd.
1815 Captain Stephen Kirby.
1819 Captain William Cleeve.
1826 Captain Christopher Clarke.
1828 Captain Hassel R. Moor.
1838 Captain John R. Hornsby.
1840 Captain Henry Stanway.
1846 Captain Francis Dick.
1851 Captain G. J. Beresford.
1852 Captain Henry Aylmer.
1854 Captain A. F. F. Lennox.
No. 7 COMPANY, 1st BATTALION,
Now "4" BATTERY, 5th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1776 Action on Lake Champlain, in America.
1794 Battles of Cambray, Ostend, and Tournay.
1797 Detachments of this Company served on board the Bombs.
1799 Expedition to the Helder.
1801 Battle of Alexandria.[19]
1807 Siege of Copenhagen.
1815 Surrender of Guadaloupe.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1763 Captain John Carter.
1768 Captain William Gostling.
1779 Captain Thomas Hosmer.
1780 Captain Stephen P. Adye.
1782 Captain Edward Abbott.
1788 Captain C. F. Scott.
1788 Captain David Scott.
1791 Captain George Wilson.
1794 Captain George Bowater.
1799 Captain John Lemoine.
1802 Captain Andrew Schalch.
1803 Captain Percy Drummond.
1803 Captain Benjamin Fenwick.
1804 Captain George Forster.
1805 Captain Oliver Fry.
1805 Captain Charles Egan.
1806 Captain James P. Cockburn.
1813 Captain Richard S. Brough.
1822 Captain J. W. Kettlewell.
1832 Captain Forbes Macbean.
1837 Captain H. G. Jackson.
1840 Captain R. W. Story.
1847 Captain Hon. R. F. Handcock.
1848 Captain Henry A. Turner.
1855 Captain H. P. Newton.
1855 Captain F. A. Campbell.
No. 8 COMPANY, 1ST BATTALION,
Now "A" BATTERY, 11th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1759 Battle of Minden.
1796 Surrender of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice.
1796 Taking of Saint Lucia.
1803 The next capture of the above Islands, &c.
1809 Capture of Martinique.
1810 Surrender of Guadaloupe.
1815 Surrender of Guadaloupe.
1855 Expedition to Crimea, and siege of Sebastopol.
1858 East Indies during the Mutiny.
_N.B._—At the reduction in 1819, the Men of a company of the 10th
Battalion were drafted into this company.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1759 Captain Forbes Macbean.
1780 Captain Thomas Blomefield.
1785 Captain William Grant
1794 Captain John Arbuthnot.
1796 Captain Lawrence H. Newton.
1803 Captain John Sheldrake.
1804 Captain Charles Keane.
1813 Captain Edward C. Whinyates.
1813 Captain William N. Ramsay.
1814 Captain George Jenkinson.
1814 Captain Henry Light.
1815 Captain George Cobbe.
1819 Captain T. A. Brandreth.
1828 Captain James Fogo.
1841 Captain R. G. B. Wilson.
1843 Captain J. M. Savage.
1852 Captain D. W. Pack Beresford.
1854 Captain A. F. Connell, who held the command until the
introduction of Brigade System.
-----
Footnote 18:
By General Orders of 31st October and 1st November, 1803, the
Officers, non-commissioned Officers, and Men of this Company were
permitted to wear the "Sphynx" and "Egypt," on their Regimental Caps;
but the distinction was a personal one, and not granted to the
companies to be perpetuated.
Footnote 19:
By General Orders of 31st October, and 1st November, 1803, the
Officers, non-commissioned Officers, and Men of this Company were
permitted to wear the "Sphynx," with "Egypt," on their Regimental
Caps; but the distinction was a personal one, and not given to the
companies to be perpetuated.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE SECOND BATTALION.—THE HISTORY AND PRESENT
DESIGNATION OF THE COMPANIES.
FORMED in 1757, at the same time as the 1st Battalion, the 2nd Battalion
at first included companies in all parts of the world—the East Indies,
America, Gibraltar, and England. The Cadet Company belonged to it, and
was one of the twelve which constituted the Battalion; but in 1758
another service company was added, making it, in respect of service
companies, equal to the 1st Battalion.
Its strength in 1758 amounted to a total of 1385, divided into thirteen
companies. This strength was reduced in the following year by the
transfer of three companies to assist in the formation of the 3rd
Battalion. One company was again added in 1761, and two taken away when
the 4th Battalion was formed in 1771. During the American War two
companies were again added, and the greatest strength of all ranks was
1145. In 1793 and 1794 it approached 1300; and during the Peninsular War
its average strength was 1460. While the Crimean War lasted the
Battalion consisted of eight companies, and its strength was as
follows:—In 1854, 1216; in 1855, 1344; and in 1856, 1480.
The distinctive mark of this Battalion was the fact, that the only
Artillery present during the memorable siege of Gibraltar belonged to
it.
The early services of the companies are difficult to trace. One company,
under Captain Hislop, was present at the defence of Fort St. George,
Madras, when besieged by the French, in October, 1758. In November of
the same year a company of the Battalion, under Captain P. Innes,
embarked with General Barrington's expedition, for the attack of the
Island of Martinique. This expedition was unsuccessful, but the troops
were then ordered against Guadaloupe, which was taken on 1st May, 1759.
In February, 1759, the siege of Fort St. George was raised by the
French, Captain Hislop's Company receiving great praise for its conduct
during the defence.
No. 1 COMPANY, 2nd BATTALION,
Now "7" BATTERY, 21st BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1779-1783 Siege of Gibraltar.
1801 Detachments in Egypt, present at Battle of Alexandria, and
later actions.
1809 Expedition to Walcheren.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1782 Captain Joseph Eyre.
1782 Captain Charles Abbott.
1793 Captain James M. Hadden.
1793 Captain James Boag.
1800 Captain Thomas Charleton.
1806 Captain Joseph D'Arcy.
1825 Captain Richard T. King.
1837 Captain Charles Manners.
1840 Captain Charles H. Nevett.
1848 Captain C. J. Wright.
1855 Captain M. A. S. Biddulph.
No. 2 COMPANY, 2nd BATTALION,
Now "2" BATTERY, 12th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1761 Siege of Belleisle.
1779-1783 Siege of Gibraltar.
1801 Detachments in Egypt, present at Battle of Alexandria, and
later actions.
1810-1812 Cadiz, during siege.
1812 Carthagena, and operations in South of Spain.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1782 Captain Philip Martin.
1783 Captain Edward Stephens.
1794 Captain William Bentham.
1795 Captain William Collier.
1796 Captain Daniel Gahan.
1802 Captain Robert Wright.
1806 Captain Patrick Campbell.
1825 Captain Robert S. Douglas.
1831 Captain Peter D. Stewart.
1841 Captain W. H. Hennis.
1850 Captain W. B. Gardner.
1855 Captain A. E. H. Anson.
No. 3 COMPANY, 2nd BATTALION,
Now "7" BATTERY, 10th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1779-1783 Siege of Gibraltar.
1809 Detachments served in Expedition against St. Domingo.
1854 Detachments furnished for siege of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1782 Captain George Groves.
1782 Captain Alexander Shand.
1793 Captain James Butler.
1794 Captain Edward Stehelin.
1801 Captain William Dixon.
1808 Captain Marcus Roe.
1810 Captain Dugald Campbell.
1828 Captain Zachary C. Bayly.
1836 Captain Daniel Bissett.
1837 Captain John M. Stephens.
1837 Captain Edmund Sheppard.
1839 Captain William Lemoine.
1840 Captain G. James.
1840 Captain T. O. Cater.
1847 Captain G. Gambier.
1850 Captain T. A. Shone.
1852 Captain R. H. Crofton.
1856 Captain J. C. Childs.
No. 4 COMPANY, 2nd BATTALION,
Now "D" BATTERY, 1st BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1779-1783 Siege of Gibraltar.
1801 Detachments in Egypt, present at battle of Alexandria, and
later actions.
1854 Expedition to Crimea, and siege of Sebastopol, from
December, 1854.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1772 Captain Vaughan Lloyd.
1782 Captain Robert Garstin.
1793 Captain Henry T. Thomson.
1801 Captain Ralph W. Adye.
1803 Captain J. Vivion.
1815 Captain James E. Grant.
1817 Captain Robert H. Birch.
1825 Captain Henry W. Gordon.
1837 Captain James S. Law.
1842 Captain William Fraser.
1848 Captain Henry Poole.
1852 Captain S. D. Broughton.
1857 Captain D. S. Greene.
1857 Captain R. K. Freeth.
No. 5 COMPANY, 2nd BATTALION,
Now "8" BATTERY, 3rd BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1779-1783 Siege of Gibraltar.
1809 Detachments served in Expedition against St. Domingo.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1782 Captain James Dunbar.
1782 Captain Jacob Schalch.
1789 Captain John Ramsay.
1794 Captain Charles N. Cookson.
1803 Captain W. Henry Gardner.
1803 Captain A. Y. Spearman.
1808 Captain Nathl. W. Oliver.
1808 Captain William Lloyd.
1815 Captain Charles H. Godby.
1826 Captain Alexr. McLachlan.
1840 Captain Wm. Furneaux.
1847 Captain J. A. Wilson.
1848 Captain Anthony Benn.
1855 Captain C. G. Arbuthnot.
1855 Captain A. R. Wragge.
No. 6 COMPANY, 2nd BATTALION,
_Reduced on 1st March, 1819._
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1807 Expedition to Copenhagen.
1809 Expedition to Walcheren.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1782 Captain Joseph Walton.
1782 Captain John Fairlamb.
1782 Captain Ralph Wilson.
1790 Captain W. P. Smith.
1796 Captain George Wulff.
1799 Captain Spencer C. Parry.
1805 Captain Thomas Francklin.
1807 Captain Robert H. Birch.
1808 Captain Thomas Paterson.
No. 7 COMPANY (afterwards No. 6), 2nd BATTALION,
Now "G" BATTERY, 8th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1782 Captain George Fead.
1792 Captain Thomas R. Charleton.
1799 Captain William Cox.
1805 Captain William Millar.
1805 Captain William Payne.
1816 Captain James S. Bastard.
1817 Captain J. F. Fead.
1821 Captain H. B. Lane.
1826 Captain Charles G. Napier.
1826 Captain Thomas Scott.
1834 Captain William A. Raynes.
1843 Captain G. M. Glasgow.
1848 Captain H. J. Morris.
1851 Captain A. G. W. Hamilton.
1854 Captain A. C. Pigou.
No. 8 COMPANY (afterwards No. 7), 2nd BATTALION,
Now "5" BATTERY, 2nd BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1782 Captain Alexr. McKenzie.
1782 Captain George Groves.
1782 Captain Abraham Witham.
1794 Captain Edward Stehelin.
1794 Captain Charles Nevelle.
1802 Captain Thomas Dodd.
1813 Captain Abraham Paul.
1814 Captain Francis Knox.
1819 Captain Joseph Brome.
1821 Captain Frederick Gordon.
1826 Captain Wm. E. Maling.
1833 Captain Wm. Saunders.
1834 Captain J. R. Colebrooke.
1840 Captain E. Trevor.
1845 Captain A. Shuttleworth.
1852 Captain M. O. Nixon.
No. 9 COMPANY, 2nd BATTALION,
_Reduced 1st February, 1819._
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1782 Captain Thomas Paterson.
1790 Captain John Macleod.
1793 Captain Thomas Desbrisay.
1799 Captain William Robe.
1800 Captain Robert Wright.
1802 Captain Daniel Gahan.
1804 Captain George Forster.
1804 Captain Benjamin Fenwick.
1812 Captain David Story.
No. 10 COMPANY (afterwards No. 8), 2nd BATTALION,
Now "A" BATTERY, 14th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1782 Captain Thomas Davis.
1783 Captain F. M. Dixon.
1793 Captain Charles Robison.
1803 Captain John Dyer.
1804 Captain George Desbrisay.
1814 Captain Thomas J. Harrison.
1819 Captain Thomas Paterson.
1825 Captain Courty. Cruttenden.
1826 Captain Hamelin Trelawney.
1831 Captain Thomas Grantham.
1843 Captain T. C. Robe.
1851 Captain Evan Maberley.
1856 Captain J. E. Thring.
CHAPTER XVII.
DURING THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR.
AT this time the Regiment well deserved the motto it now bears,
"Ubique." The feeling uppermost in the mind of one who has been studying
its records between 1756 and 1763 is one of astonishment and admiration.
Only forty years before, the Royal Artillery was represented by two
companies at Woolwich; now we find it serving in the East and West
Indies, in North America, in the Mediterranean, in Germany, in
Belleisle, and in Britain, and yet it was by no means a large Regiment.
In 1756 it contained eighteen companies, and by the end of the war it
had increased to thirty, exclusive of the cadets; but when we reflect on
the detached nature of their service, we cannot but marvel at the work
they did. If England must always look back with pride to the annals of
this war, so also must the Royal Artilleryman look back to this period
of his Regimental History with amazement and satisfaction. It was a
wonderful time,—a time bristling with ubiquitous victories,—a time
teeming with chivalrous memories—Clive in the East, and Wolfe in the
West—British soldiers conquering under Prince Ferdinand at Minden, under
Lord Albemarle at the Havannah, under Amherst at Louisbourg, and under
Hodgson at Belleisle,—English Artillerymen winning honours and promotion
from a foreign prince in Portugal; and at the end, when the Peace of
Paris allowed the nations to cast up the columns in their balance-sheet,
England, finding Canada all her own, Minorca restored to her, and
nineteen-twentieths of India acknowledging her sovereignty. It was a
golden time: who can paint it? Who can select enough of its episodes to
satisfy the reader, and yet not weary him with glut of triumph? And
shall it be by continents that the deeds of our soldiers shall be
watched? or on account of popular leaders? or by value of results?
With much thought and hesitation it has been resolved in this work to
choose subjects for complex reasons. Who can think of England's Field
Artillery without thinking, at such a time as this was, of Minden?—of
her siege Artillery, without remembering Belleisle? And yet what would
the History of the Regiment at such a period in England's annals be, if
the names of Phillips, Macbean, and Desaguliers were unspoken?
Happy coincidence that enables the historian to combine both,—that bids
him, as he writes of Minden, write also of Phillips, who was the head,
and Macbean, who was the hand, of the corps on that proud day; and as he
tells of the wet and miserable trenches at Belleisle, with the boom of
its incessant bombardment, tell also of him, the brave, the learned
Desaguliers, wounded, yet ever at his post! But is this all? The Seven
Years' War, without America having a chapter given—America, which was
the cradle of the war, as it was the scene of its greatest triumphs!
Where shall we turn to choose on that continent some scene which shall
be noble and pleasant to tell, and shall not wander from the purpose of
this work? The mind clings instinctively to Wolfe, eager to narrate
something of the Regiment's story over which his presence shall shed a
lustre, in memory as in life. Quebec is eagerly studied, reluctantly
laid aside, for on that sad and glorious day only a handful of
Artillerymen mustered on the Plains of Abraham. So the student wanders
backward from that closing scene, and on the shores of that bay in Cape
Breton where Louisbourg once stood in arms, he finds a theme in which
Wolfe and this Regiment, whose history he fain would write, were joint
and worthy actors. And what prouder comrade could one have than he who
was the Washington of England in bravery, in gentleness, in the
adoration of his men?
These three episodes of the war, therefore, have been selected for
separate mention. In the present chapter the general outline of the war
will be glanced at, and domestic occurrences in the Regiment described.
The Seven Years' War owed its immediate origin to the quarrels in
America between England and France. Under the impression that the time
was favourable for recovering Silesia, which had been awarded to Prussia
at the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, Austria secured Russia, Saxony, and
Sweden as allies, and ultimately France; while Prussia obtained the
alliance of England. The commencement of the war was unfavourable to
England. Minorca and Hanover fell into the hands of the French, and
remained so until the end of the war. But they were avenged by the
victories of the British troops under Prince Ferdinand at Crevelt and
Minden; and by the victories of the King of Prussia over the Austrians
at Prague and Rosbach. The capture of Belleisle by the English
compensated, to a certain extent, for the loss of Minorca. The capture
of Louisbourg, Quebec, Montreal, and ultimately the whole of Canada,
added lustre to the English arms in the West, as that of Pondicherry did
in the East; while even Africa contributed its share to English triumph,
in the capture of Senegal from the French.
It was not until 1758 that the first Artillery was sent to Germany. It
was increased in the following year, and a further reinforcement was
sent in 1760, increasing the whole to five companies. Two companies were
sent to America in 1757, to swell the Artillery force already there,
with a view to the reduction of Louisbourg and the subjugation of
Canada. Two, besides a number of detachments, were at Belleisle in 1761;
the company at Gibraltar was increased by another; two companies were
sent to Portugal after France had formed the Treaty known as the Family
Compact; four were in the East Indies; two companies, besides a number
of detachments, accompanied Lord Albemarle to the Havannah; and a
detachment went to Senegal. This summary—not including the numerous
detachments on board the bomb-vessels—is sufficient to give some idea of
the ubiquitous duties performed by the Regiment during this time.
The increase in the number of companies which took place during the
Seven Years' War was accompanied by the formation of another Battalion
(the Third), whose history will therefore, be given in proper
chronological place.
Although three episodes have been selected for more detailed mention
than the others, it would not be just to omit all notice of the other
events which occurred in the Regiment's history at this time. Turning to
the East, there are many pages in the old records which speak
eloquently, though quaintly, of service done at this time by the corps
in India. A mixed force, under the command of Captain Richard Maitland,
R.A., was ordered by the Governor of Bombay to proceed, in February,
1759, against the City and Castle of Surat. Captain Maitland's and
Captain Northall's companies were present with the force, but the last-
named officer died of sunstroke on the march. "The first attack," writes
Captain Maitland, "that we made was against the French garden, where the
enemy (Seydees) had lodged a number of men. Them we drove out, after a
very smart firing on both sides for about four hours, our number lost
consisting of about twenty men killed and as many wounded. After we had
got possession of the French garden, I thought it necessary to order the
Engineer to pitch upon a proper place to erect a battery, which he did,
and completed it in two days. On the battery were mounted two 24-
pounders and a 13-inch mortar, which I ordered to fire against the wall,
&c., as brisk as possible. After three days' bombarding from the
batteries and the armed vessels, I formed a general attack, driving the
enemy from their batteries, and carrying the outer town, with its
fortifications. The same evening I commenced firing from the 13 and 10-
inch mortars on the inner town and castle, distant 500 and 700 yards.
The continual firing of our batteries caused such consternation, and the
impossibility of supporting themselves caused the Governor to open the
gates of the town, and offering to give up the castle if I would allow
him and his people to march out with their effects. We got possession
without further molestation." Captain Maitland, who seems to have been
more proficient with his sword than his pen, died in India in 1763.
The scene changes to Manilla; and on a faded page the student reads how
a company of Artillery arrived off that island on the 23rd September,
1762, with General Draper's force, and made good their landing next
morning with three field-guns and one howitzer. By the 26th the
batteries were ready for heavier ordnance; and eight 24-pounders were
placed in one, and 10 and 13-inch mortars in another. And here the dim
page is illumined by a sentence dear to the student's heart:—"The
officers of Artillery and Engineers exercising themselves in a manner
that nothing but their zeal for the public service could have inspired."
On the 5th October, so violent had been the fire of the Artillery, that
the breach appeared practicable; and at daylight on the morning of the
6th, after a general discharge from all the batteries, the troops rushed
to the assault. The Governor and principal officers retired to the
citadel, and surrendered themselves prisoners at discretion.
Again the scene changes. On the 5th March, 1762, Lord Albemarle's
expedition left Portsmouth for the Havannah. The Royal Artillery
consisted of Captain Buchanan's and Captain Anderson's companies, with
Brevet-Lieutenant-Colonels Leith[20] and Cleveland, Captain-Lieutenant
Williamson as a Volunteer, and Lieutenants Lee, Lemoine, and Blomefield
for duty on board the bomb-vessels. On reaching Barbadoes news is
received of the capitulation of Martinique to General Monckton's force,
and the fleet steers for that island. Here large reinforcements from
America meet them, including Captain Strachey's company, which brings
the strength of the Artillery up to 377 of all ranks. On the 6th June
the expedition reaches Havannah, and a landing is effected six miles to
the eastward of the Moro, which it is resolved to besiege first. And
here the story becomes a purely Artillery matter. Two batteries were
opened—one against the Moro, at 192 yards distance, called the grand
battery, and one for howitzers, to annoy the shipping. Repeated and
unsuccessful sallies were made by the enemy; and still battery after
battery was made and opened by the English. On the 1st July four
batteries opened fire—from twelve 24-pounders, six 13-inch, three 10-
inch, and 26 Royal mortars. On the 3rd July another was completed; and
on the 16th sixteen additional guns were brought into play and so well
served that the besieged were reduced to six guns. But there were other
enemies than man to contend with. Twice the Grand Battery took fire, and
the second time it was entirely consumed. Fresh provisions became
scarce, and water equally so. No words can paint what followed better
than the short sentence which meets the student's eye:—"The scanty
supply of water exhausted their strength, and, joined to the anguish of
dreadful thirst, put an end to the existence of many. Five thousand
soldiers and three thousand sailors were laid up with various
distempers."[21] On the 22nd,—a lodgment having been effected on the
glacis,—it was found necessary to have recourse to mining; and on the
30th the mines were sprung and the place carried by storm. Fresh
batteries were now formed, and the guns of the Moro turned against the
town. On the 11th August forty-five guns and eight mortars opened on the
town with such fury, that flags of truce were soon hung up all round the
town, and on the following day the articles of capitulation were signed;
the principal gates of the town were taken possession of; the English
colours were hoisted; and Captain Duncan took possession of the men-of-
war in the harbour.[22]
The death vacancies in the Artillery, which were very numerous, had been
filled up on the spot by Lord Albemarle, who not merely gave the
promotions, but also made first appointments as Lieutenant-Fireworkers
from among the cadets and non-commissioned officers present with the
companies. The whole of these promotions were ratified by the Board in
the following year; but an opportunity was taken at the same time of
informing the Regiment that "Lieutenant-Colonel Cleveland's brevet is
not to allow of his ranking otherwise than as Major in the Regiment,"
although his pay would be that of the higher rank.
Yet again and again, from east to west and west to east, do the scenes
in the Regimental drama at this time change. From Newfoundland we hear
of a gallant band of fifty-eight Artillerymen under Captain Ferguson,
with a train of no less than twenty-nine pieces, being present with
Colonel Amherst at the recapture of that island, after its brief
occupation by the French. And from Portugal comes a letter from Lord
London in October, 1762: "In the action of Villa Vella, Major Macbean,
with four field-pieces, joined, having used the greatest diligence in
his march. The force retiring, Major Macbean's guns formed part of the
rear-guard, which he conducted so effectually, that hardly any shot was
fired that did not take place among the enemy.... Major Macbean of the
Artillery is an officer whose zeal and ability, upon this and every
other occasion, justly entitle him to the warmest recommendations I can
possibly give him."
In the mean time, what was going on in England?
An unsuccessful expedition was ordered in July, 1757, to Rochfort, in
which Captain James's company was engaged. On its return in October the
Company was sent to Scarborough.
On the 5th June, 1758, we find 400 Artillerymen with sixty guns forming
part of an expedition against St. Malo under Charles, Duke of
Marlborough; but little was done except destroying a large number of
French vessels. The subsequent attack and capture of Cherbourg was more
successful, and the number of guns taken from the enemy enabled the
Government to get up a display in London—utterly out of proportion to
the actual danger and loss incurred by the troops, but intended to
gratify the populace—which may be described in a few words. "The cannon
and mortars taken at Cherbourg passed by His Majesty, set out from Hyde
Park and came through the City in grand procession, guarded by a company
of matrosses, with drums beating and fifes playing all the way to the
Tower, where they arrived at four o'clock in the afternoon. There were
twenty-three carriages drawn by 229 horses, with a postilion and driver
to each carriage in the following manner:—The first, drawn by fifteen
grey horses, with the English colours and the French underneath; seven
ditto, drawn by thirteen horses each; nine ditto by nine horses each;
three ditto by seven horses each; one ditto by five horses; then the two
mortars, by nine horses each."
And at Woolwich, what was going on? Promotion was brisk, with death so
busy all over the world; officers got their commissions when very young;
and the age of the cadets fell in proportion. Hence we feel no surprise
that the legislation for these young gentlemen occupies a considerable
part of the order-books of the period. But the remaining orders are not
destitute of interest. One, dated 1st October, 1758, introduces a name
which has been familiar to the Regiment ever since in the same capacity:
"R. Cox, Esq., is appointed Paymaster to the Royal Regiment of
Artillery." The division of the Regiment into Battalions rendered many
orders necessary. It was now for the first time laid down that the
quartermasters were responsible for the clothing and equipment until
handed over to the captains. A separate roster was kept for detachments,
which, however, was not to interfere with officers accompanying their
own men, when the whole company moved. Promotion from matross to gunner
was ordered never to be made without submitting the case to the
Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance, in the same manner as the promotion
of non-commissioned officers. No non-commissioned officer was to be
recommended for promotion who had not written in full for the
examination of his Captain the names and different parts of guns and
mortars, their carriages and beds, and also a full description of a gyn.
And at every parade the Captain of the week was to take care that the
men were made acquainted with the names of all the different parts of a
gun and carriage, and of a gyn, and once a day to mount and dismount a
gun. Every man was supplied with three rounds of ball-cartridge, without
which he was never to go on duty; when discharged, an English gunner
received a fortnight's pay; a Scotchman received a month's, provided he
had been enlisted in Scotland; no Irishman was on any account allowed at
this time to be enlisted for the Royal Artillery; no recruit was
permitted leave of absence until he had been dismissed drill; no man on
guard was to "extort money from any prisoner on any pretence
whatsoever;" no man was to pull off his clothes or accoutrements during
the hours of exercise; no pay-sergeant was allowed to pay the men in a
public-house; the drummers and fifers were, when on duty, always to wear
their swords; any pay-sergeant lending money _at a premium_ to any of
the men was to be tried and reduced to the rank of matross, and any man
consenting to be imposed upon in this respect would receive no further
advancement in the Regiment. No men were allowed to enter the Laboratory
in their new clothing. Every recruit for the Regiment at this time
received a guinea and a crown as bounty, provided he were medically fit,
5 feet 9 inches in height, and not over 25 years of age.
Many of the orders would lose their quaintness, if curtailed.
November 19, 1758. "Complaint having been made of the Greenwich guard
for milking the cows belonging to Combe Farm, the Sergeant of that guard
to be answerable for such theft, who will be broke and punished if he
suffer it for the future, and does not take care to prevent it."
Jan. 6, 1759. "The Paymasters of each company are to clear with the
nurse of the hospital once a week. No man is to be allowed within the
nurse's apartment."
March 19, 1759. "The sentries to load with a running ball, and when the
Officer of the Guard goes his rounds, they are to drop the muzzles of
their pieces to show him that they are properly loaded."
June 14, 1758. "In drilling with the Battalion guns the man who loads
the gun is to give the word 'Fire,' as it is natural to believe he will
not do it till he believes himself safe; and he who gives the word
'Fire' is not to attempt to sponge until he hears the report of the
gun."
With regard to officers, the order-books at this time divided their
attention pretty equally between the Surgeon and his mate, who had a
playful habit of being out of the way when wanted, and that favourite
theme, the young officers. Much fatherly advice, which in more modern
times would be given verbally, was given then through the channel of the
Regimental order-book. Nor was the system more successful, if one may
judge from the frequent repetitions of neglected orders. Various orders
as to dress were given, from which we learn that boots for the officers
and black spatterdashes for the men were the ordinary covering for their
extremities on parade—white spatterdashes with their six-and-thirty
buttons being reserved for grand occasions. It was a very serious crime
to wear a black stock,—white being the orthodox colour—and the lace from
the officers' scarlet waistcoats was removed at this period. Very great
attention was paid at this time to perfecting the officers, old and
young, in the knowledge of laboratory duties, nor was any exemption
allowed. From the order-books of this date, also, we learn that
officers' servants were chosen from among the matrosses; and that, on a
man becoming a gunner, he ceased to be a servant. Nor was a matross
allowed to be made gunner until a recruit was found to fill his vacancy
in the lower grade. As now, the practice prevailed then, whenever a man
in debt was transferred from one company to another, of making the
Captain who received the man reimburse the Captain who handed him over,
repaying himself by stoppages from the man's pay.
With this general glance at the Regiment during the Seven Years' War,
the History will now proceed to a somewhat fuller examination of the
three important episodes in that War, which have been selected.
_N.B._—Good service was rendered at Guadaloupe in 1759 by a Company
under Major S. Cleaveland, and at Martinique in 1762 by two
Companies under Lieutenant-Colonel Ord.
-----
Footnote 20:
Lieutenant-Colonel Leith was killed subsequently at the bombardment of
Havannah, while in command of the Artillery.
Footnote 21:
Cleaveland's MSS.
Footnote 22:
Afterwards Lord Camperdown.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE SIEGE OF LOUISBOURG.
THE year in which the Regiment was divided into two Battalions witnessed
the commencement in America of military operations which were to result
in the complete removal of French authority from Canada.
Captain Ord's company, which had suffered so grievously at Fort du
Quesne in 1755, having been reinforced from England, was joined in 1757
by two companies under Colonel George Williamson, and a large staff of
artificers, the whole being intended to form part of an expedition
against the French town of Louisbourg in Cape Breton, now part of the
province of Nova Scotia. It was to be Colonel Williamson's good fortune
to command the Royal Artillery in America until, in 1760, the English
power was fully established on the Continent.
When the English captured Annapolis and Placentia in the beginning of
the 18th century, the French garrisons were allowed to settle in
Louisbourg, which place they very strongly fortified. Its military
advantages were not very great, had an attack from the land side been
undertaken, for it was surrounded by high ground; but it had an
admirable harbour, and it was very difficult to land troops against the
place from the sea side of the town. The harbour lies open to the south-
east, and is nearly six miles long, with an average depth of seven
fathoms, and an excellent anchorage. There was abundance of fuel in the
neighbourhood, both wood and coal; in fact, the whole island was full of
both; and there were casemates in the town which could greatly shelter
the women and children during a bombardment. Generally some French men-
of-war were in the harbour; and in 1757, when the siege was first
proposed to be undertaken, so strong was the French fleet at Louisbourg,
that the English commanders postponed their operations until the
following year. Had our statesmen been better acquainted with geography,
it is probable that at the Peace of Utrecht, when Nova Scotia and
Newfoundland were authoritatively pronounced to be English territory,
Cape Breton would have also been included; but being an island, and
separate from Nova Scotia although immediately adjoining it, the French
did not consider that it fell within the treaty, and clung to it, as
they always had to the maritime provinces of Canada.
The siege of 1758 was not the first to which Louisbourg had been
subjected. In 1745 an expedition had been fitted out from Massachusetts—
the land forces being American Militia under Colonel Pepperell, and the
naval contingent being composed of English men-of-war under Commodore
Warren. The amicable relations between the naval and military commanders
tended greatly to bring about the ultimate success.
The American Militia were badly trained, and far from well disciplined,
but they were brave, headstrong, and animated by strong hatred of their
old enemies the French. Powerful as Louisbourg was (it was called the
Dunkirk of America) the Americans did not hesitate to attack it, and
they were justified by the result. On the 30th April, 1745, the siege
commenced; on the 15th June, M. Du Chambon, the Governor of Louisbourg,
signed the capitulation.
For a year after this, the town was occupied by the American Militia;
but a garrison which included a company of the Royal Artillery was then
sent from England, and remained until 1748, when by the treaty of Aix-
la-Chapelle Louisbourg was restored to the French. The sum of
235,749_l._ was paid by England to her American colonies, to meet the
expenses of the expedition whose success had now been cancelled by
diplomacy, and if to this sum be added the expenses of the Navy, and the
cost of garrisoning the place for three years, we shall find that at
least 600,000_l._ must have been expended to no purpose.
Time went on; treaties were torn up; and Louisbourg was again the object
of English attack. It is this second siege which is the one considered
in this chapter; for none of the Royal Artillery were present at the
first; the Artillery which fought on that occasion being militia,
commanded by an officer who fought against England during the subsequent
War of Independence. An indirect interest certainly is attached to that
siege in the mind of one studying the annals of the Royal Artillery; for
had it been unsuccessful, Annapolis with its little garrison would have
been exposed to another assault. From private letters in possession of
the descendants of a distinguished Artillery officer—Major-General
Phillips—the perilous condition of that town during 1745 can be easily
realized. Large bodies of French, and of hostile Indians, were in the
immediate neighbourhood, making no secret of their intention to attack
Annapolis in force, should the English siege of Louisbourg be
unsuccessful. With the news of its capture, the danger to Annapolis
disappeared. These local wars between the French and English settlers
proved an admirable school for instructing the New Englanders in
military operations; nor was it foreseen that the experience thus
acquired would be turned against the parent country. Distraction in
America helped England in her wars with France in Europe; and such
distractions were easy to raise among colonists whose mutual hatred was
so great. It was never imagined that the tools which England thus used
against France were being sharpened in the process for use against
herself in the stern days which were coming on. Colonial rebellion
seemed impossible; colonial endurance was believed to be eternal; it was
hoped that patriotism and sentiment would be stronger than any hardship,
and would condone any injustice. But when the day came when colonists
asked the question "Why?" for the Imperial actions towards them, the
parental tie was cut, and the lesson taught in the school of local
warfare—the lesson of their own strength—became apparent to the
children.
The siege of Louisbourg, in 1758, has a threefold interest to the
military reader; in connection with the conspicuous services of the
Royal Artillery on the occasion; in relation to the story of the gallant
Wolfe, who acted as one of the Brigadiers; and in the fact that this was
the last place held by the French against England, on the east coast of
America. Ghastly for France as the results of the Seven Years' War were,
perhaps none were felt more acutely than this loss of Canada, with its
episodes of Louisbourg and Quebec. Louis the Well-beloved was sinking
into a decrepit debauchee; and in the East and in the West his kingdom
was crumbling away. The distinctive characteristics, even at this day,
of the French population of Canada, which have survived more than a
century of English rule, give an idea of the firm hold France had
obtained on the country; and the strength of that hold must have made
the pang of defeat proportionately bitter.
Lord Loudon was to have commanded the expedition; and in 1757 the
necessary troops and ships were concentrated at Halifax, now the capital
of Nova Scotia. But on learning that there were 10,300 of a garrison in
Louisbourg, besides fifteen men-of-war and three frigates, he abandoned
the idea of an attack, and sailed for New York, leaving garrisons in
Halifax and Annapolis.
In the following year, the idea was revived; and General Amherst left
Halifax for Louisbourg with a force of 12,260 men, of whom 324 belonged
to the Royal Artillery. The naval force consisted of 23 ships of the
line and 18 frigates; and the number of vessels employed as transports
was 144.
The Artillery train included 2 Captain-Lieutenants, 6 First Lieutenants,
5 Second Lieutenants, and 4 Lieutenant-Fireworkers; besides a staff
consisting of a Colonel, an Adjutant, a Quartermaster, and two medical
officers. There were no less than 53 non-commissioned officers, to a
total rank and file of 63 gunners and 163 matrosses.
The Regiments engaged were as follows:—the 1st Royals, 15th, 17th, 22nd,
28th, 35th, 40th, 45th, 47th, 48th, 58th, two battalions of the 60th
Royal Americans, and Frazer's Highlanders. There were eleven officers of
miners and engineers, and they were assisted during the siege, and at
the demolition of the fortifications, by selected officers from the
Infantry Regiments. General Amherst was assisted by the following
Brigadiers:—Whitmore, Lawrance, and James Wolfe.
The following guns were taken with the Artillery:—
Brass.
26 24-prs. guns.
18 12-prs. guns.
6 6-prs. guns.
1 3-pr. gun (sent by mistake).
2 13-inch mortars.
2 10-inch mortars.
7 8-inch mortars.
10 5½-inch mortars.
30 4⅖-inch mortars.
Iron.
8 32-prs. guns.
25 24-prs. guns.
4 6-prs. guns.
1 13-inch mortar.
There were also two 8-inch and four 5½-inch howitzers. Over 43,000 round
shot, 2380 case, 41,762 shell, besides a few grape and carcasses, and
4888 barrels of powder accompanied the train.
The fleet was commanded by Admiral Boscawen, assisted by Vice-Admiral
Sir Charles Hardy, and Commodore Durell. It consisted, as has been said,
of no less than 23 ships of the line, and 18 frigates. Even the harbour
of Halifax, Nova Scotia, which has been the witness of so many
historical scenes, never saw a finer sight than when on Sunday the 28th
May, 1758, this fleet, accompanied by the transports, sailed for
Louisbourg. All the arrangements for the embarkation and the siege had
been made by Brigadier Lawrance, at Halifax, even down to such details
as the prescription of ginger and sugar for the troops, for the purpose
of neutralizing the evil effects of the American water—an evil which
must certainly have existed in the Brigadier's imagination. But just as
they left the harbour, and reached Sambro' Point, they met a vessel from
England with General Amherst on board, commissioned to take command of
the expedition, as far as the military forces were concerned. The
cordial relations between him and Admiral Boscawen assisted, to a marked
extent, in bringing about the success of the enterprise.
The orders issued to the troops were intended to excite them to anger
against the enemy, at the same time that they should inculcate the
strongest discipline. The quaintness of some of them renders them worthy
of reproduction. "No care or attention will be wanting for the
subsistence and preservation of the troops, such as our situation will
admit of. There will be an Hospital, and in time it is hoped there will
be fresh meat for the sick and wounded men.... The least murmur or
complaint against any part of duty will be checked with great severity,
and any backwardness in sight of the enemy will be punished with
immediate death. If any man is villain enough to desert his colours and
go over to the enemy, he shall be excepted in the capitulation, and
hanged with infamy as a traitor. When any of our troops are to attack
the French regular forces, they are to march close up to them, discharge
their pieces loaded with two bullets, and then rush upon them with their
bayonets; and the commander of the Highlanders may, when he sees
occasion, order his corps to run upon them with their drawn swords.... A
body of light troops are now training to oppose the Indians, Canadians,
and other painted savages of the Island, who will entertain them in
their own way, and preserve the women and children of the Army from
their unnatural barbarity. Indians spurred on by our inveterate enemy,
the French, are the only brutes and cowards in the creation who were
ever known to exercise their cruelties upon the sex, and to scalp and
mangle the poor sick soldiers and defenceless women. When the light
troops have by practice and experience acquired as much caution and
circumspection, as they have spirit and activity, these howling
barbarians will fly before them.... The tents will be slightly
intrenched or palisaded, that the sentries may not be exposed to the
shot of a miserable-looking Mic-Mac, whose trade is not war, but
murder.... As the air of Cape Breton is moist and foggy, there must be a
particular attention to the fire-arms upon duty, that they may be kept
dry, and always fit for use; and the Light Infantry should fall upon
some method to secure their arms from the dews, and dropping of the
trees when they are in search of the enemy."
After a favourable passage, the fleet anchored in Gabreuse Bay, on
Friday the 2nd June. This bay is about three leagues by sea from
Louisbourg harbour, and to the southwest of it. Here it was resolved to
attempt a landing; but for days the elements fought for the French.
Incessant fogs and a tremendous surf rendered the enterprise hopeless,
until Thursday, the 8th June. The landing was ultimately effected under
the fire of the ships; the leading boats containing the four senior
companies of grenadiers, and all the light infantry of the force, under
General Wolfe, whose courage and skill on this occasion were
conspicuous. With a loss of 111 killed and wounded, they succeeded in
driving the enemy back, and the other regiments were able to land. A
change of weather prevented the landing of Artillery, baggage, and
stores, so that the troops were exposed for the night to great
discomfort. The spirit of the men under Wolfe on this occasion was
remarkable. Boats were swamped, or dashed to pieces on the rocks; many
men were drowned; and all had to leap into the water up to the waist;
but nothing could restrain their ardour. Not merely did they drive the
enemy back, but they captured 4 officers and 70 men, and 24 pieces of
Ordnance.
From this day until the 19th, when the Royal Artillery opened upon the
town from a line of batteries which had been thrown up along the shore,
the operations of the army were weary and monotonous in the extreme.
With the exception of Wolfe's party, which was detached to secure a
battery called the Lighthouse Battery,—an undertaking in which he
succeeded, the duties of the troops consisted in making roads, and
transporting from the landing-place guns, ammunition, and stores. In all
the arrangements for the investment and bombardment, Colonel Williamson
was warmly supported by General Amherst; and the Admiral lent his
assistance by landing his marines to work with the Artillery, and by
sending four 32-pounders with part of his own ship's company, for a
battery whose construction had been strongly recommended. It was nearly
ten o'clock on the night of the 19th, when the English batteries opened
on the shipping and on the Island Battery. This last was a powerful
battery commanding the entrance to the harbour, and with a double ditch
to the land side to strengthen it. It was the chief obstacle to the
English movements, and smart as our fire was, it returned it with equal
warmth. A battery of six 24-pounders was thrown up at the lighthouse for
the sole purpose of attempting to silence this particular battery; and
on the 25th it succeeded. The fire on the rest of the fortifications of
Louisbourg was marvellously true, and incessant; and as of late years
they had been somewhat neglected, and in many places sea-sand had been
used with the mortar in their construction, the effect of the English
fire was more rapidly apparent.
One precaution had been taken on this occasion by the French, which had
been omitted by them in 1745, as they had too good reason to remember.
When compelled to evacuate the Grand Battery, they set fire to it, and
rendered it utterly useless; so that the course pursued by the English
in the former siege, when they turned the guns of the battery against
the town, could not be repeated. The effects of the English fire in the
siege of 1758, when the Royal Artillery was represented, were thus
described by a French officer who was in the town:—"Each cannon shot
from the English batteries shook and brought down immense pieces of the
ruinous walls, so that, in a short cannonade, the Bastion du Roi, the
Bastion Dauphin, and the courtin of communication between them, were
entirely demolished, all the defences ruined, all the cannon dismounted,
all the parapets and banquettes razed, and became as one continued
breach to make an assault everywhere."[23]
An attempt was made by the Governor of Louisbourg to procure a cessation
of fire against a particular part of the works, behind which he said was
the hospital for the sick and wounded. As however, there were shrewd
reasons for believing that not the hospital, but the magazine, was the
subject of his anxious thoughts, his request was refused, but he was
informed that he might place his sick on board ship, where they would be
unmolested, or on the island under our sentries. These offers, however,
were not accepted.
The fire of the enemy's Artillery slackened perceptibly about the 13th
July, and continued getting feebler, so that in a fortnight's time an
occasional shot was all that was fired. At the commencement of the siege
there were in Louisbourg 218 pieces of ordnance, exclusive of 11
mortars; but such was the effect of the English fire, not merely in
dismounting and disabling the guns, but (as the deserters reported) in
killing and wounding the gunners, that some days before the 27th July,
when the capitulation was signed, the French reply to our Artillery fire
was simply _nil_. The gallantry of the French commandant, the Chevalier
de Drucour, was undoubted; but he was sorely tried by the fears and
prayers of the unhappy civil population, to whom military glory was a
myth, but a bombardment a very painful reality. Madame de Drucour did
all in her power to inspire the troops with increased ardour; while
there were any guns in position to fire, she daily fired three herself;
and showed a courage which earned for her the respect both of friend and
enemy. But misfortunes came fast upon one another. A shot from the
English batteries striking an iron bolt in the powder magazine of the
French ship 'Entreprenant,' an explosion followed, which set fire to
her, and to two others alongside, the 'Capricieuse' and 'Superbe.' The
confusion which ensued baffles description; and not the least startling
occurrence was the self-discharge of the heated guns in the burning
ships, whose shot went into the town, and occasionally into the other
two men-of-war which had escaped a similar fate to that which befell the
three which have been named. Four days later, on the 25th July, a party
of 600 British sailors entered the harbour, boarded the only two ships
which remained, the 'Prudent' and 'Bienfaisant,' set fire to the former,
which had gone aground, and towed the latter out of the harbour to the
English fleet.
Their batteries being destroyed, the fortifications one vast breach,
their ships of war burnt or captured, and there being no prospect of
relief, the French commander had no alternative but capitulation. He
first proposed to treat, but was informed in reply, that unless he
capitulated in an hour the English fleet would enter the harbour and
bombard the town. So, after a little delay, he consented, on condition
that the French troops should be sent as prisoners of war to France.
The articles of capitulation were signed on the 27th July, 1758, and
immediately three companies of grenadiers took possession of the West
Gate, while General Whitmore superintended the disarming of the
garrison.
The expenditure of ammunition by the Royal Artillery during the siege
was as follows:—13,700 round shot, 3340 shell, 766 case shot, 156 round
shot fixed, 50 carcasses, and 1493 barrels of powder. Eight brass, and
five iron guns were disabled; and one mortar.
Of the English army, 524 were killed or wounded; and at the capture of
the place, there were 10,813 left fit for duty. The total strength of
the French garrison, including sailors and marines on shore, at the same
date, was 5637 of all ranks, of whom 1790 were sick or wounded.
After the capitulation many of the English men-of-war moved into the
harbour; and the demolition of the fortifications by the Engineers and
working-parties was methodically commenced. The approach of the winter,
and the heavy garrison duties, suspended the work for a time; and it was
not until the 1st June, 1760, that the uninterrupted destruction of the
works was commenced, under Captain Muckell of the Company of Miners,
assisted by working parties from the infantry, of strength varying
according to the work, from 160 to 220 daily. The miners and artificers
numbered a little over 100. The whole work was completed on the 10th
November, 1760, there having been only two days' intermission, besides
Sundays, one being the King's birthday, and the other being Midsummer
Day. The reason for keeping this latter day is thus mentioned in a MS.
diary of the mining operations at Louisbourg, now in the Royal Artillery
Record Office, which belonged to Sir John Ligonier:—"According to
tradition among the miners, Midsummer was the first that found out the
copper mines in Cornwall, for which occasion they esteem this a holy
day, and all the miners come from below ground to carouse, and drink to
the good old man's memory."
The fortifications of Louisbourg have never been rebuilt; and with the
disappearance of its garrison its importance vanished. Cape Breton and
the Island of St. John, now called Prince Edward's Island, fell into
English hands almost immediately, and have never since been ruled by any
other. The former is now part of Nova Scotia; its capital is no longer
Louisbourg, but Sydney; and its French population has vanished—being
replaced, to a great extent, by Highlanders from Scotland.
Although the purpose of this work has made the Artillery part of the
army's duties the most prominent in the chapter, it cannot be denied
that, to the ordinary reader, Wolfe is the centre of attraction. The
time was drawing near when the brave spirit which animated him at
Louisbourg was to fire his exhausted and weary frame, and raise him from
his sickbed to that encounter on the Plains of Abraham, which his own
death and that of his opponent were to render famous for all time. And
the fire which then breathed life for the moment into his own frame
inspired the men under his command at Louisbourg. The foremost duties,
the posts of danger, were always his; and with such a guide his
followers never failed. On one evening in June he was issuing orders to
his division, which was to be employed during the night in bringing up
guns to a new and exposed post. It was necessary to warn the men that
the fire of the enemy would be probably warmer than usual, to check the
working-parties: but with simple confidence, he said, "He does not doubt
but that the officers and soldiers will co-operate with their usual
spirit, that they may have at least their share in the "honours of this
enterprise." Of a truth, he who asks his men to do nothing that he will
not do himself,—who trusts them, instead of worrying and doubting them,—
and who holds before his own eyes and theirs that ideal of duty which is
of all virtues the most God-like, is the man to _lead_ men; and such a
man was Wolfe.
Louisbourg and Quebec—two words—yet on Wolfe's grave they would mean
pages of heroism.
-----
Footnote 23:
Murdoch.
CHAPTER XIX.
MINDEN,—AND AFTER MINDEN.
CERTAIN Goths and Vandals, connected with the Board of Ordnance in 1799,
issued an order granting permission for the destruction of many old
documents which had accumulated in the Battalion offices at Woolwich
since the year 1758. Had these been vouchers for pecuniary outlay, it is
but just to the Honourable Board to say that this permission would never
have been granted. But as they referred merely to such trumpery matters
as expenditure of life, and the stories of England's military
operations, no reluctance was displayed, nor any trouble taken to
distinguish between what might have proved useful, and useless to
posterity. A gap consequently occurs in the official records of the 1st
and 2nd Battalions, which increases twentyfold the labours of the
student.
The Battle of Minden was fought during the years represented by that
gap, and the difficulties to be overcome in tracing the identical
companies of the Royal Artillery which were engaged can only be realised
by the reader, who has himself had to burrow among old records and
mutilated volumes. The main purpose in this history being to strengthen
the _Battery_ as well as the _Regimental esprit_, it was of the utmost
importance that the Companies, which did so much to decide the contest
on that eventful day, should be discovered with certainty, for the sake
of the existing Batteries who are entitled to their glory, by virtue of
succession; and—to make certain that no hasty conclusions have been
arrived at—it has been thought desirable to give the data on which they
have been based.
Minden was fought in 1759. Fortunately, a fresh distribution of the
companies in the two existing Battalions took place in the preceding
year; and the names of the officers in each company are given at length
in Cleaveland's MS. notes.
Now three companies are known to have been present at Minden. Of one,
Captain Phillips', there is fortunately no doubt. It was then No. 5
Company of the 1st Battalion; and after long and glorious service became
on the 1st July, 1859, No. 7 Battery, 14th Brigade, when that change in
the nomenclature of the companies took place, which is always baffling
the student. On the 1st January, 1860, the exigencies of the service
required yet another christening, and it became, on transfer, No. 4
Battery of the 13th Brigade, which it now is. This Battery was
undoubtedly present at Minden.
The tracing of the other two companies is not so easy. It is on record
that one was commanded by Captain Cleaveland. In 1758, this officer was
in command of No. 2 Company of the 2nd Battalion, but in the winter of
that year he exchanged with Captain Tovey, of the 1st Battalion, and
almost immediately marched with his new company to join the Allied
Armies on the Continent. This was then No. 4 Company of the 1st
Battalion; and as Captain Cleaveland exchanged into it on the 30th
October, 1758, and was in Germany with his Company in the beginning of
December, (no second exchange having taken place,) there can be little
doubt that another of the Companies at Minden was No. 4 Company of the
1st Battalion, now designated No. 3 Battery of the 5th Brigade.
Judging from a mention of Captain Drummond in one of Prince Ferdinand's
despatches, the third company present at the battle would at first sight
appear to have been No. 6 of the 2nd Battalion, commanded by Captain
Thomas Smith,—Captain Drummond being at that date his Captain-
Lieutenant. But there is no mention of Captain Smith in any of the
despatches; and as there is a very frequent and most honourable mention
of Captain Forbes Macbean, who was undoubtedly present in command of one
of the companies, it would appear that Captain-Lieutenant Drummond must
have been transferred to some other company for this service.
Fortunately the Records of the 1st Battalion—generally a wilderness at
this time—contain a key to the solution of the difficulty, for they show
that Captain Forbes Macbean (on his promotion on 1st January, 1759, the
very year that Minden was fought) took command of No. 8 Company of the
1st Battalion, now A Battery, 11th Brigade. As he never exchanged, and
is specially mentioned as having _taken his company_ to Germany, this
may be assumed with certainty to have been the third of the companies
present at Minden.
A little confusion has been caused by the mention of Captain Foy in
Prince Ferdinand's General Order after the battle; and one writer,
generally marvellously accurate, assumes that he commanded one of the
companies engaged. But, in the first place, he was then merely a
Captain-Lieutenant, and much junior even to Captain Drummond, and, in
the second, he was then holding a special appointment, namely, that of
Bridge-master to the Artillery. Although he and Captain Drummond had
undoubtedly each charge of some guns during the battle, he was certainly
not there with his Company. Indeed, in a contemporary notice, we find
that this officer proceeded _alone_ to join the Allied Army in the
capacity named above. He held a similar appointment in America
afterwards for nine years, and died in that country in 1779.
The two most prominent of the Artillery officers present at Minden were
Captain Phillips, who commanded, and Captain Macbean; and both deserve
more than passing notice. The former joined the Regiment as a cadet
gunner in 1746, became Lieutenant-Fireworker in the following year,
Second Lieutenant in 1755, and First Lieutenant in 1756. When holding
this rank, he was appointed to the command of a company of miners raised
in 1756 for duty in Minorca, but no longer required after the
capitulation of Port Mahon. Instead of disbanding them, however, the
Board of Ordnance converted them into a company of Artillery, and added
them to the Regiment. Greatly to the indignation of the officers of a
corps, whose promotion then, as now, was by seniority, Lieutenant
Phillips was transferred with the company, as a Captain, without having
passed through the intermediate grade of Captain-Lieutenant. If the end
ever justifies the means, this job on the part of Sir John Ligonier,
then Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance, was justified by Captain
Phillips' subsequent career both in Germany and in America. A minor
point in connection with this officer is worthy of mention. He was the
first to originate a band in the Royal Artillery—not a permanent one,
however—the present Band only dating as far back as 1771, when the 4th
Battalion was formed, and with it the nucleus of what has developed into
probably the best military band in the world. Captain Phillips died—a
general officer—in Virginia, in the year 1781, from illness contracted
on active service.
Forbes Macbean, the next most worthy of mention, began his career in the
Regiment, as a Cadet Matross, and died in 1800 as Colonel-Commandant of
the Invalid Battalion. He was present at Fontenoy, as has already been
mentioned; in Germany during the campaign of which Minden was part; in
Portugal, where he reached the rank of Inspector-General of the
Portuguese Artillery; and in Canada, in the years 1778-9, as commanding
the Royal Artillery. He is mentioned in Kane's List, as having been the
second officer in the Regiment who obtained the blue ribbon of Science,
the Fellowship of the Royal Society—an honour borne by a good many in
the Regiment now, and valued by every one who appreciates its position
as a scientific corps.
The battle of Minden was the first during the operations in Germany of
the Allied Army under Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, at which special
notice was made of the English troops.
These operations commenced in 1757, the year in which Prince Ferdinand
assumed the command of the Allied Army, and terminated in 1762. On the
8th March, 1758, Prince Ferdinand captured Minden from the French—a town
situated on the river Weser, about 45 miles W.S.W. from Hanover; and
retained possession of it until July, 1759, when it was retaken from
General Zastrow and his Hessian troops by the French under M. de
Broglio.
During this interval, however, the Allied Army had been strengthened by
the arrival of the following Regiments from England, sent by King
George, as Elector of Brunswick-Luneberg, viz., _Cavalry_: Horse Guards
Blue, Bland's, Howard's, Inniskillen, and Mordaunt's. _Infantry_:
Napier's, Kingsley's, Welsh Fusiliers, Home's, and Stuart's.
These were afterwards joined by the North British Dragoons, and
Brudenel's Regiment of Foot. The Artillery which first accompanied this
force consisted of a Captain, six subalterns, and 120 non-commissioned
officers and men, but in 1759 it was reinforced to a total strength of
three companies. At first nothing but light 6-pounders had come, for use
as battalion guns, and had this state of matters remained unaltered,
this chapter need never have been written. But with the reinforcements
of 1759 came also twenty-eight guns of heavier calibre, and the
Artillery was now divided into independent Brigades or Batteries, with a
proportion merely of battalion guns; and as it now ceased to march in
one column, as had formerly been the case, the great kettledrums were no
longer carried with the companies.
In July, 1759, the French re-occupied Minden; and, outside the town,
Prince Ferdinand was encamped with his Army, the right resting on Minden
Marsh, the left on the Weser, but on a somewhat extended arc, and with
intervals so great as to appear dangerous. He resolved to make a stand
against the French, who had been considerably strengthened and were now
under the command of M. de Contades. The French Commander had obtained
permission from Paris to attack the Allies, and on the evening of the
31st July he issued the most detailed orders to his army as to the hours
of movement, disposition of the troops, and order of battle. Prince
Ferdinand anticipating the movements of the French, had issued orders
for his army to march at 5 A.M. on the morning of the 1st August, moving
in eight columns towards Minden, thus narrowing the arc on which they
would deploy, and proportionately diminishing the intervals. By the hour
the Allies marched, the French, who had moved two hours before, were
drawn up in order of battle, and at 6.30 A.M. the Allied Army was
similarly formed. The appearance of the armies now was that of the arcs
of two concentric circles, Minden being the centre, and the French Army
being on the inner and smaller arc. The French had confidence in
superior numbers—in the protection of the guns of the fortress in case
of retreat—and in the prestige of recent successes. Their commander had
boasted of his intention of surrounding Prince Ferdinand's army, and
sending their capitulation to Paris. His plan was to make a powerful
attack on General Wangenheim's corps, the left of the Allied Army, and
somewhat detached from the main body; which he hoped to turn. But, as
the event turned out, Wangenheim's division did not change its position
during the whole engagement. About 7 A.M. a French battery commenced
harassing the English Artillery, as it advanced in column of route on
right of the Allied infantry; but as soon as possible Captain Macbean
brought his battery—known as the heavy brigade—into action, and soon
silenced the enemy's fire. Although he had only ten medium 12-pounders,
manned by his own and Captain Phillips's companies—and two of these were
disabled during this Artillery duel—he succeeded in overcoming a battery
of thirty guns. While he was thus engaged, the celebrated attack of the
British infantry on the French cavalry was taking place. The British,
accompanied by the Hanoverian Guards, and Hardenberg's Regiment, marched
for some 150 paces, exposed both to a cross fire from the enemy's
batteries, and a musketry fire from the infantry; but, notwithstanding
their consequent losses, and their continued exposure on both flanks, so
unshaken were they, and so courageously did they fight, that in a very
short time the French cavalry was routed. It is doubtful if their
gallantry has ever been exceeded. Captain Macbean, being now at leisure,
advanced his battery, came into action to the left, and—first preventing
the French cavalry from reforming—followed by opening fire upon the
Saxon troops who were now attacking the British infantry. The value of
this assistance was very great.
On the left of the Allies, the Artillery fire was equally successful,
and the Hanoverians and Hessians greatly distinguished themselves.
Notwithstanding the unhappy and severely expiated blunder of Lord George
Sackville, in failing to obey the orders for advancing his cavalry,
before 10 A.M. the French army fled in confusion. At this time, Prince
Ferdinand advanced the English guns on the right, as close to the morass
as they could be taken, to prevent the French from returning to their
old camp on the Minden side of Dutzen; and in this he completely
succeeded,—the enemy being compelled to retire behind the high ground,
with their right on the Weser. The victorious army encamped on the field
of battle, and on totalling their losses, they were found to amount to
2800 killed and wounded, 1394 of that number being British. The French
lost in killed, wounded, and prisoners, between 7000 and 8000; besides
43 cannon, 10 pairs of colours, and 7 standards.
The Royal Artillery had present on this memorable day in addition to
Captain Macbean's heavy brigade, two light 12-pounders, three light 6-
pounders, and four howitzers, under Captain-Lieutenant Drummond; and
four light 12-pounders, three light 6-pounders, and two howitzers, under
Captain-Lieutenant Foy. There were also twelve light 6-pounders with six
British battalions. Captain Phillips commanded the whole three companies
at the battle.
The two points which strike one most after the perusal of the accounts
of this engagement are the stolidity and nerve of English infantry under
fire, and the advantage of independent action on the part of Field
Artillery.
Minden was a cruel blow at the system of battalion guns. And although
battalion guns have long disappeared, the mere concentration of them
into batteries was not enough, while those batteries had to accommodate
their movements to those of the battalions to which they were attached.
Billed ordnance—with a range double that of the infantry weapon—had been
in existence for years; and yet general officers at reviews and field-
days made the batteries keep with the battalions;—advancing, retiring,
dressing together, as if the only advantage of a gun over a rifle was
the size of the projectile, and not also increased range. It seemed
never to dawn upon their understanding that by bringing their Artillery
within range of the enemy's infantry fire, as by their system they
certainly did, they would ensure for their batteries, after half an
hour's engagement, a ghastly paraphernalia of dead horses and empty
saddles. It was not until the year 1871, that an order was issued by one
who is at once Commander-in-Chief of the Army, and Colonel of the Royal
Artillery, giving to field batteries in the field that inestimable boon,
comparative freedom of action. The lesson was a long time in learning;
and one of the best teachers was one of the oldest—this very Battle of
Minden—which, in the words of one who took part in it, was of such
importance in its results, that it "entirely defeated the French views,
disconcerted all their schemes, and rescued Hanover, Brunswick, and
Hesse from the rapacious hands of a cruel ambitious, and elated enemy."
On the day after the battle, Prince Ferdinand issued a General Order,
thanking the army for their gallantry, and particularizing, among
others, "the three English Captains, Phillips, Drummond, and Foy;" and
on discovering that he had omitted mention of Captain Macbean, he wrote
the following letter to him in his own hand.
"_To_ Captain MACBEAN, _of the British Artillery._
"SIR,—It is from a sense of your merit, and a regard to justice,
that I do in this manner declare I have reason to be infinitely
satisfied with your behaviour, activity, and zeal, which in so
conspicuous a manner you made appear at the battle of Thonhausen, on
the 1st of August. The talents you possess in your profession did
not a little contribute to render our fire superior to that of the
enemy, and it is to you and your Brigade that I am indebted for
having silenced the fire of a battery of the enemy, which extremely
galled the troops, and particularly the British infantry.
"Accept then, sir, from me the just tribute of my most perfect
acknowledgment, accompanied by my most sincere thanks. I shall be
happy in every opportunity of obliging you, desiring only occasions
of proving it; being with the most distinguished esteem,
"Your devoted and entirely affectionate servant,
(Signed) "FERDINAND,
"Duke of Brunswic and Luneberg."
Subsequently, as a further proof of his appreciation of the services of
the Royal Artillery at Minden or Thonhausen, as the battle was also
named, the Prince directed the following gratuities to be presented to
the senior officers:—
To Captain William Phillips 1000 crowns.
Captain Forbes Macbean 500 crowns.
Captain Duncan Drummond 500 crowns.
Captain Edward Foy 500 crowns.
The story of the remaining operations of the Allied Army, in so far as
they bear upon the services of the Royal Artillery, may be briefly
stated. In 1760, two additional companies were sent to Germany, the
Regiment having in the interim been augmented by a third battalion. The
British guns now with the army were as follows:—eight heavy, twelve
medium, and six light 12-pounders; thirty light 6-pounders; three 8-
inch, and six Royal mortars. Before the end of the war the armament was
changed to eight heavy, six medium, and four light 12-pounders; twenty-
four heavy, and thirty-four light 6-pounders; eight 8-inch, and four
Royal howitzers. Captain Macbean is the prominent Artillery officer
during the rest of the campaign: except, perhaps, at Warberg, where, on
the 30th July, 1760, Captain Phillips astounded every one by bringing up
the Artillery at a gallop, and so seconding the attack as utterly to
prevent the enemy, who had passed the Dymel, from forming on the other
side; and by the accuracy and rapidity of his fire, converting their
retreat into a precipitate rout. Perhaps it was young blood that
prompted this unexpected action; for, as has already been stated, he was
but a boy compared with most captains; if so, it contributes somewhat to
atone for Sir John Ligonier's favouritism. More than thirty years were
to pass before Horse Artillery should form part of the British army, and
show what mobility it was possible to attain; and more than a century
ere Field Artillery should reach the perfection it now possesses, a
perfection which treads closely on the heels of the more brilliant
branch. During the Seven Years' War, so unwieldy was the movement of
Artillery in the field, that this little episode, which makes modern
lips smile, was thought worthy of a record denied to events which would
now be considered far more important.
Although more than two years passed between the Battle of Minden and the
conclusion of peace, the custom which then prevailed of armies going
into winter-quarters curtailed the time for active operations; and even
when the forces were manœuvring, much of the time was spent in empty
marching and counter-marching. At Warberg, as at Minden, the heaviest
loss fell upon the English troops, of whom 590 were killed or wounded;
their gallantry—more especially in the case of the Highlanders and
grenadiers—being again conspicuous. Among the trophies taken on this
occasion from the enemy were ten guns.
The fortune of war changed repeatedly; and the British troops received
further reinforcements, including three battalions of the Guards. Lord
George Sackville having been cashiered was succeeded in the command of
the English contingent by the Marquis of Granby; and a cheerful feeling
prevailed among the troops, since the news had arrived of the conquest
of Canada.
On the 12th February, 1761, Captain Macbean received the brevet rank of
Major, and was ordered to proceed with a brigade of eight heavy 12-
pounders, to join the Hereditary Prince near Fritzlar, on the following
day. This town was garrisoned by 1200 French troops under M. de
Narbonne; and Major Macbean—having been entrusted with the command of
the whole Artillery of the Prince's army—commenced the bombardment on
the 14th, placing his batteries within 300 yards of the wall, and
advancing some light pieces even nearer, to scour the parapet with
grape. As, however, he had no guns heavier than 12-pounders, and the
walls were made of flint, his fire, although hot and steady, made little
or no impression; nor could he do much damage to the gates, which were
barricaded with felled trees, and immense heaps of earth and stones.
The Hereditary Prince, although expressing himself pleased with Major
Macbean's dispositions, was evidently impatient to take the city; so
Major Macbean suggested shelling it with howitzers, a suggestion which
was approved of. So successful was the fire, that in about an hour's
time the enemy capitulated, being allowed to march out with the honours
of war.
Major Macbean received the Prince's special thanks; and the town was
ordered to pay him 4000 crowns in lieu of their bells, a perquisite in
those days of the commanding officer of Artillery, when a siege was
crowned with success.
From this time, matters looked well for the Allies. On the 25th June,
1761, news reached the army of the reduction of Belleisle; and in
October, 1762, tidings of the British successes at the Havannah arrived.
On both occasions, a _feu de joie_ was fired. On the 1st November, 1762,
Cassel capitulated; a signal victory was gained over the combined
Austrians and Imperialists, near Freytag, by Prince Henry of Prussia,
which filled the Allied camp with joy; and on the 14th November, word
reached the army that the preliminaries of peace had been signed at
Fontainebleau. On the 24th December, Prince Ferdinand wrote to King
George, congratulating him on the peace, and asking permission to quit
the army, where his presence was no longer necessary; and at the same
time he announced to the British troops, that the remembrance of their
gallantry would not cease but with his life; and that "by the skill of
their officers he had been enabled at the same time to serve his
country, and to make a suitable return for the confidence which His
Britannic Majesty had been pleased to honour him with."
On the 13th January, 1763, the thanks of the House of Commons was
conveyed to the British troops for "their meritorious and eminent
services;" and on the 25th January, their homeward march through Holland
commenced; through the provinces of Guelderland, Nimeguen, and Breda, to
Williamstadt, where they took ship for England.
And, as sleep on the eyes of the weary, so peace descended for a time on
those towns and hamlets by the Weser and the Rhine, which had been for
so many years unwilling pawns on the great chess-board of war.
CHAPTER XX.
THE THIRD BATTALION.—THE HISTORY AND PRESENT DESIGNATION
OF THE COMPANIES.
NOT very long after the Battle of Minden, and while the lessons of the
war were urging on the military world the increasing importance of
Artillery, the Board of Ordnance resolved to increase the Royal
Artillery still further. This was done by transferring five companies
from the existing battalions, and by raising five others; the ten being
combined into the Third Battalion with a staff similar to that of the
other two. Each company of the battalion consisted of a Captain, a
Captain-Lieutenant, a First and Second Lieutenant, 3 Lieutenant-
Fireworkers, 3 sergeants, 3 corporals, 8 bombardiers, 20 gunners, 62
matrosses, and 2 drummers; making a total of 105 per company.
The total of all ranks, on the formation of the battalion, was 1054. At
the end of the Seven Years' War, the battalion was reduced to 554; but
as the troubles in America became visible, it was again increased; and
in 1779, the establishment of all ranks stood at 1145. At the peace of
1783, it fell to 648; rising, however, in 1793, during England's
continental troubles, to 1240. It reached its maximum during the
Peninsular War, when its strength was no less than 1461 of all ranks. In
the year 1778, when the 4th Battalion was raised, two companies were
taken from the 3rd; but they were replaced in 1779.
For thirty years after the reductions made in 1816, the average strength
of the battalion was 700; but from that time it gradually rose until, at
the commencement of the war with Russia, it stood at 1128, and in the
following year it reached 1220.
There is a little obscurity as to the services of this battalion during
the American War of Independence. One set of documents claims for Nos. 1
and 6 Companies, no inconsiderable share in the earlier part of the
campaign; another asserts that to the 4th Battalion alone does all the
credit, which the Artillery during that war especially merited, belong.
The truth seems to be, that, in 1778, two companies of the 3rd Battalion
were in America, and were engaged in several battles; but that in 1779,
the men of these companies were drafted into those of the 4th Battalion,
and their officers returned to England.
The fusion was not, however, complete; for we find traces of No. 1
Company of the 3rd Battalion in America so late as 1781, when a
detachment of it was present at Guildford Court-house.
No fewer than seven companies of the battalion were engaged in the West
Indies in the last decade of the eighteenth century; five companies
served in the Peninsula, four being present at the Battle of Corunna;
eight companies served on the Walcheren expedition; and four companies—
Nos. 2, 4, 7, 9—were present at the Battle of Waterloo. At this battle
detachments of Nos. 5 and 6 Companies were also present.
At the commencement of the Crimean war, although the strength of the
battalion was considerable, it only consisted of eight companies, two
having been reduced in 1819; and of these eight, no fewer than six took
part in the war.
Appended is a list—as in the case of the 1st and 2nd Battalions—showing,
in anticipation, the various military operations in which the companies
of the 3rd Battalion were engaged—the succession of Captains, as far as
can be traced down to 1859—and the nomenclature introduced in that year,
when Battalions and Companies became Brigades and Batteries.
No. 1 COMPANY, 3rd BATTALION,
Now "A" BATTERY, 4th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1776-1783. American War of Independence, including:—
Capture of Charlestown, South Carolina, January, 1778.
Defeat of Rebels on Rhode Island, 29th August, 1778.
Expedition on the Acushuet River, 5th September, 1778.
Battle of Guildford Court-house, 15th March, 1781.
1791-1802. West Indies. Present at the taking of the Island of Tobago,
April, 1793.
Martinique, 23rd March, 1794.
Saint Lucia, 4th April, 1794.
Guadaloupe, 12th April, 1794.
Saint Lucia (2nd time), April, 1796.
Trinidad, February, 1797.
Porto Rico, 2nd May, 1797.
Surinam, August, 1799.
1809 Walcheren Expedition, and Siege of Flushing, July, 1809.
1813-14 Peninsula. Present at the Siege of Tarragona, June, 1813.
1854 Crimea. Affair on the Bulganak.
1854 Crimea. Affair at Mackenzie's Farm.
1854 Battle of Alma, Sept., 1854.
1854 Battle of Balaclava, Oct., 1854.
1854 Battle of Inkerman, Nov., 1854.
1855 Siege and Fall of Sebastopol, 8th Sept., 1855.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1757 Captain John Innes.
1779 Captain Thomas Johnson.
1781 Captain James Dunbar.
1783 Captain Charles Smith.
1790 Captain Francis Whitworth.
1796 Captain Lawrence H. Newton.
1798 Captain John Sheldrake.
1804 Captain Alexander Campbell.
1814 Captain John Briscoe.
1825 Captain Archibald M. Maxwell.
1826 Captain Charles Blachley.
1831 Captain John Gordon.
1843 Captain W. H. Pickering.
1851 Captain H. J. Thomas.
1854 Captain C. H. Morris.
1856 Captain H. Bent.
No. 2 COMPANY, 3rd BATTALION,
Now "7" BATTERY, 13th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1791-1802 West Indies. Present at the taking of the Island of Tobago,
April, 1793.
Martinique, 23rd March, 1794.
Saint Lucia, 4th April, 1794.
Guadaloupe, 12th April, 1794.
Saint Lucia (2nd time), Apr., 1796.
Trinidad, February, 1797.
Porto Rico, 2 May, 1797.
Surinam, August, 1799.
1809 Walcheren Expedition, and Siege of Flushing.
1813-1818 Holland, Netherlands, and France, including:—
Bombardment of Merxham.
Storming of Bergen-op-Zoom.
Engagement with French Shipping off Fort Frederick, on 21st
March, 1814.
Quatre Bras.
Battle of Waterloo.
1855 Expedition to Crimea, and Siege of Sebastopol.
1858 East Indies. Disembarked at Bombay, on 9th September, 1858.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1761 Captain Benjamin Stehelin.
* * * * *
1781 Captain Orlando Manley.
1793 Captain Abram Du Vernet.
1801 Captain George B. Fisher.
1801 Captain Joseph Heaven.
1801 Captain Frederick Griffiths.
1802 Captain Henry Eveleigh.
1806 Captain Thomas Rogers.
1825 Captain William Miller.
1826 Captain Daniel M. Bourchier.
1829 Captain W. H. Stopford.
1841 Captain John Somerville.
1842 Captain Theophilus Desbrisay.
1850 Captain James W. Domville.
1850 Captain T. B. F. Marriott.
1855 Captain A. C. Gleig.
1856 Captain R. E. F. Craufurd.
No. 3 COMPANY, 3rd BATTALION,
Now "2" BATTERY, 13th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1805 Expedition in Hanover.
1807 Siege of Copenhagen.
1809 Walcheren Expedition, and Siege of Flushing.
1815-1818 In position at Waterloo, but not engaged.
Siege of Cambrai, 24th June, 1815.
1826 Expedition to Portugal, under Lieut.-General Sir W. H.
Clinton, until April, 1828.
1857 East Indies. Disembarked at Madras, 6th November, 1857.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1761 Captain Duncan Drummond.
* * * * *
1782 Captain James Sympson.
1787 Captain John Reid.
1790 Captain Bailey Willington.
1797 Captain William Spicer.
1804 Captain Joseph Brome.
1806 Captain George Cobbe.
1806 Captain John Taylor.
1808 Captain William Holcroft.
1830 Captain Robert F. Romer.
1841 Captain Frederick A. Griffiths.
1843 Captain E. N. Wilford.
1848 Captain W. M. H. Dixon.
1854 Captain Richard Gregory.
1857 Captain Joseph Godby.
No. 4 COMPANY, 3rd BATTALION,
Now "4" BATTERY, 3rd BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1799 Holland.
1807 Siege of Copenhagen.
1808 Expedition to Sweden.
1809 Battle of Corunna.
1809 Walcheren Expedition, and Siege of Flushing, July, 1809.
1815-1818 Battle of Waterloo.
Holland and France, to Nov. 1818.
1826 Expedition to Portugal, under Sir W. H. Clinton; returned to
England, March, 1828.
1855 Expedition to the Crimea, and Fall of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1764 Captain Edward Foy.
1779 Captain James Wood.
1786 Captain Richard Dysart.
1795 Captain William H. Walker.
1798 Captain George Ramsay.
1799 Captain William Millar.
1803 Captain Percy Drummond.
1805 Captain Charles Younghusband.
1814 Captain Frederick Gordon.
1815 Captain Charles Egan.
1817 Captain Cyprian Bridge.
1832 Captain William E. Jackson.
1836 Captain Philip Sandilands.
1844 Captain Thomas Knatchbull.
1844 Captain Arthur Gosset.
1845 Captain Piercy Benn.
1852 Captain G. B. Shakespear.
1854 Captain Mortimer Adye.
No. 5 COMPANY, 3rd BATTALION,
Now "B" BATTERY, 11th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1801 Expedition to Egypt, and Battle of Alexandria.
1809 Battle of Corunna.
1813 Battle of Vittoria.
1813 Siege of Sebastian, July and August, 1813.
1855 Expedition to Crimea, and Fall of Sebastopol.
1858 East Indies. Disembarked at Calcutta, 16th January, 1858.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1764 Captain Josiah Jeffreys.
1777 Captain Richard Chapman.
1782 Captain Francis M. Dixon.
1783 Captain Robert Douglas.
1794 Captain John A. Schalch.
1794 Captain William Bentham.
1801 Captain Robert Beevor.
1808 Captain George Beane.
1812 Captain Thomas Hutchesson.
1830 Captain William Bell.
1841 Captain John Bloomfield.
1841 Captain W. B. Ingilby.
1841 Captain Robert Burn.
1849 Captain P. H. Mundy.
1851 Captain J. W. Ormsby.
1854 Captain P. F. G. Scott.
1854 Captain F. B. Ward.
1857 Captain E. E. Dynelly.
1858 Captain S. M. Grylls.
1858 Captain G. C. Henry.
No. 6 COMPANY, 3rd BATTALION,
Now "7" BATTERY, 3rd BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1776-83 American War of Independence:—
Defeat of the Americans on Rhode Island, 29th August, 1778.
Expedition on the Acushuet River, September, 1778.
Expedition to Horseneck, in Connecticut, February, 1779.
Engaged at the Capture of Charlestown, South Carolina, 1780.
1791-1802 West Indies. Present at the Capture of the Island of Tobago,
April, 1793.
Martinique, 23rd March, 1794.
Saint Lucia, 4th April, 1794.
Guadaloupe, 12th April, 1794.
Saint Lucia (2nd time), Apr., 1796.
Trinidad, February, 1797.
Porto Rico, May, 1797.
Surinam, August, 1799.
1808-9 Expedition to Peninsula, and Battle of Corunna.
1813-1818 Holland, Netherlands, and France, including:—
Bombardment of Antwerp, and Bombardment of Maubeuge
(attached to Saxon Army).
1855 Expedition to Crimea, and Fall of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1759 Captain Thomas Smith.
1771 Captain Peter Traile.
1782 Captain John Downing.
1797 Captain John Godfrey.
1798 Captain Edward W. Drosier.
1805 Captain Robert Truscott.
1814 Captain Arthur Hunt.
1831 Captain William Brereton.
1837 Captain John R. Hornsby.
1838 Captain H. R. Moor.
1840 Captain Henry Stanway.
1840 Captain John R. Hornsby.
1846 Captain D. E. Wood.
1848 Captain G. A. F. De Rinzy.
1855 Captain H. A. Vernon.
No. 7 COMPANY, 3rd BATTALION,
Now "3" BATTERY, 7th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1790-1802 West Indies. Present at the taking of the Island of Tobago,
April, 1793.
Martinique, 23rd March, 1794.
Saint Lucia, 4th April, 1794.
Guadaloupe, 12th April, 1794.
Saint Lucia (2nd time) 4th April, 1796.
Trinidad, February, 1797.
Porto Rico, May, 1797.
Surinam, August, 1799.
1809 Walcheren Expedition, and Siege of Flushing.
1815 Campaign of Waterloo.
1815-18 Holland and France, including the Siege of Cambrai, 24th
June, 1815.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1763 Captain Thomas Howdell.
1771 Captain Ellis Walker.
1782 Captain Edward Fage.
1793 Captain F. L. Deruvynes.
1796 Captain George W. Dixon.
1800 Captain Joseph McLean.
1806 Captain John Matthews.
1808 Captain William Cleeve.
1808 Captain George W. Unett.
1825 Captain William D. Jones.
1828 Captain John E. G. Parker.
1829 Captain W. D. Jones.
1837 Captain Reynolds Palmer.
1837 Captain Charles Otway.
1846 Captain Alfred Tylee.
1854 Captain R. O'Connell.
No. 8 COMPANY, 3rd BATTALION,
Now "D" BATTERY, 4th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1791-1802 West Indies. Present at the taking of the Island of Tobago,
April, 1793.
Martinique, 23rd March, 1794.
Saint Lucia, 4th April, 1794.
Guadaloupe, 12th April, 1794.
Saint Lucia (2nd time), 4th April, 1796.
Trinidad, February, 1797.
Porto Rico, May, 1797.
Surinam, August, 1799.
1807 Siege of Copenhagen.
1809 Battle of Corunna.
1809 Walcheren Expedition: engaged several times.
1854 Battle of Alma.
1854 Battle of Inkerman.
1855 Siege and Fall of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1762 Captain Charles Torriano.
1773 Captain William Borthwick.
1782 Captain Joseph Barnes.
1794 Captain George Lewis.
1801 Captain Charles Newhouse.
1804 Captain Charles H. Fitzmayer.
1806 Captain John W. Kettlewell.
1808 Captain William Stewart
1808 Captain Edward Wilmot.
1809 Captain Robert Douglas.
1811 Captain George Turner.
1814 Captain Henry Bates.
1829 Captain Forbes Macbean.
1835 Captain Richard Hardinge.
1845 Captain John Gore.
1846 Captain J. W. Ormsby.
1846 Captain George Maclean.
1847 Captain J. W. Fitzmayer.
1854 Captain C. T. Franklin.
No. 9 COMPANY, 3rd BATTALION,
_Reduced 1819._
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1791-1802 West Indies. Engaged at the taking of the Island of Tobago,
April, 1793.
Martinique, March, 1794.
Saint Lucia, April, 1794.
Guadaloupe, April, 1794.
Saint Lucia (2nd time), April, 1796.
Trinidad, February, 1797.
Porto Rico, May, 1797.
Surinam, August, 1799.
1807 Siege of Copenhagen.
1809 Walcheren Expedition and Siege of Flushing.
1815 Battle of Waterloo.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1759 Captain John Dovers.
1771 Captain William Johnstone.
1779 Captain James Sowerby.
1793 Captain Edward Howorth.
1793 Captain John Wilks.
1799 Captain John Duncan.
1803 Captain Charles C. Bingham.
1803 Captain Peter Fyers.
1813 Captain Lewis Carmichael.
1814 Captain Charles F. Sandham.
No. 10 COMPANY, 3rd BATTALION,
_Reduced 1819._
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1791-1802 West Indies. Engaged at the taking of the Island of Tobago,
April, 1793.
Martinique, March, 1794.
Saint Lucia, April, 1794.
Guadaloupe, April, 1794.
Saint Lucia (2nd time), April, 1796.
Trinidad, February, 1797.
Porto Rico, May, 1797.
Surinam, August, 1799.
1809 Expedition to Walcheren, and Siege of Flushing.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1758 Captain William McLeod.
* * * * *
1779 Captain David Vans.
1780 Captain William Tiffin.
1782 Captain Alexander Mackenzie.
1791 Captain Frederick Irwin.
1793 Captain Samuel D. Edwards.
1796 Captain Richard Hamilton.
1804 Captain Henry Marsh.
1813 Captain John Chester.
1816 Captain Thomas V. Straubenzee.
CHAPTER XXI.
THE SIEGE OF BELLEISLE.
ALTHOUGH the History of the Royal Artillery is the history of England's
campaigns since the existence of the Regiment, there are occasional
chapters in these wars more interesting to the Artilleryman, than to the
ordinary military student, or the general reader. There have been events
which have had no perceptible effect on the progress of the campaigns,
and yet are indissolubly woven in our Regimental annals. Of such events
the siege of Belleisle is a type.
During the Seven Years' War, England made various diversions—in addition
to those in America and the East Indies—to distract the French in their
operations against the Allied Army in Germany. One of these was the
attack on the Island of Belleisle on the west coast of France, between
Port Louis and the mouth of the Loire. It was devised in the hope of
inducing the French to detach some of their forces from Germany, for the
defence of their own coasts; but in this respect it failed. Another
motive, which inspired the English Government, was that they might
gratify the lust for conquest, which at that time animated the people,
whetted instead of satiated by their successes in the East and in the
West.
To a certain extent, it succeeded in this; but after counting the cost
of the victory, it required the most exaggerated statements on the part
of the Ministry to reconcile the nation to the expenditure of life and
money caused by the Siege of Belleisle, if indeed it can be said ever to
have been reconciled.
The English nation has characteristics, which are displayed at every
stage of its history. Lavish during war in order to gain its ends, it is
disposed to be penurious during peace; and the favourite stalking-horse
to power then is a profession of economy. The whole of Europe stood
amazed at the readiness with which the English nation granted enormous
supplies for the carrying on of the war ending in 1762; and this had
perhaps as much effect as military success in persuading the French to
consent to the disastrous conditions of the Peace of Paris. It may be
said that, as a nation, the English sink political differences during
war, and show a union almost peculiar to themselves. The only case in
which war and political differences existed simultaneously to any great
extent was during the American War of Independence; the reasons then
were exceptional, and the result fatal.
As a consequence of political union, comes a demand for vigorous
administration; and the success of Mr. Pitt's ministry was due to his
knowledge of this. The Siege of Belleisle was an illustration of this
knowledge. It cannot be said that in time of peace the English insist on
such administrative vigour; in fact, vigorous action in the head of a
department is viewed with distrust and suspicion more frequently than
with admiration. It is by remembering considerations such as these that
a military operation such as is now to be described can be understood,
almost valueless in its political results, expensive in its conduct,
and—in a military point of view—worthless, save in so far as it
strengthened (as only success can do) the _esprit_ and courage of the
Army.
But to the Artilleryman this siege has an interest far above political
considerations; it was one of the earliest schools for developing that
which is the most scientific, albeit less brilliant branch of the
Regiment,—Siege Artillery. And it was suitable that the man who
commanded the siege-train on this occasion should be one eminent
afterwards in the scientific as well as the military world: a Fellow of
the Royal Society as well as a practical soldier: a fit predecessor to
the many who have since distinguished the Regiment by their learning—
Brigadier Desaguliers.
The Artillery present at the siege consisted of two companies from
Portsmouth, Captain Tovey's and Captain Hind's, with about seventy
miners; besides eleven detachments for battalion guns, and others for
service on board the bomb-vessels.
There were no less than thirty-seven Artillery officers employed in the
expedition. Of these, Captain-Lieutenant Muckell was killed, and the
following were wounded: Brigadier Desaguliers, Lieutenant N.
Kindersley,—the Acting Adjutant, Lieutenant E. Williams, and Lieutenant-
Fireworker A. McKenzie. The following is a list of the officers who did
duty in the trenches, in addition to those named above:—
Captain A. TOVEY.
Captain R. HIND.
Captain-Lieutenant WILLIAMS.
Captain-Lieutenant STEHELIN.
Captain-Lieutenant JONES.
Captain-Lieutenant GROVE.
Captain-Lieutenant MARTIN.
Lieutenant WILSON.
Lieutenant WALKER.
Lieutenant ROGERS.
Lieutenant SCOTT.
Lieutenant WALKER.
Lieutenant PEARSE.
Lieutenant BRIETZCHE.
Lieutenant GOWEN.
Lieutenant TURNER.
Lieutenant SCHALCH.
Lieutenant LAWSON.
Lieutenant PARRY.
Lieutenant-Fireworker ROSAT.
Lieutenant-Fireworker SKOTTOWE.
Lieutenant-Fireworker MAYNE.
There were also two medical officers attached to the Artillery.
When, in the early part of 1761, preparations for an expedition on a
large scale were commenced at Portsmouth, it was imagined that the
destination of the fleet was either the East or West Indies. The vessels
were provisioned for twelve months; there were no less than 35
transports; and the only difficulty that spectators and gossips had to
overcome was the fact that an immense number of flat-bottomed boats,
capable each of carrying 60 men, was to form part of the fleet. Those
were days when newspaper reporters and interviewers were not licensed as
now; and when inquisitive members of Parliament had to content
themselves with very evasive replies.
In addition to a powerful fleet and Artillery, no less than fifteen
battalions of infantry and three troops of Burgoyne's horse accompanied
the expedition. The command of the troops was given to Major-General
Studholm Hodgson, with several Brigadiers to assist him, some of whom
bore names which we shall meet again during the War of Independence,
Howe, Burgoyne, and Carleton. The fleet was under the command of
Commodore Keppel; and it was intended that much of the work should be
done by it, as the nation had of late been somewhat outspoken as to the
inaction of the navy, nor were Admiral Byng and Minorca forgotten.
When the fleet first sailed from Portsmouth on the 29th March, 1761,
Captain Tovey commanded the Artillery; but on the 5th April Colonel
Desaguliers was ordered by the King to proceed (with the rank of
Brigadier) to Portsmouth: the miners were ordered to the same place to
join Captain Hind's company; the whole to proceed without delay to
Belleisle, whither it was now known the expedition had gone. The gallant
Brigadier was no sluggard; at midnight on the 6th April—those were not
the days of railways—he reached Portsmouth, sent word to Captain Hind to
have his company ready at a moment's notice, went himself on board the
'Blast' transport on the afternoon of the 7th, and sailed at daybreak
the following morning.
The same energy displayed itself on his reaching Belleisle. The
expedition had already met with misfortune. An attempt had been made on
the 8th April to land 300 men on the south-east of the island, after a
heavy and apparently successful bombardment from the fleet; but the
enemy charged them with superior numbers before they could form, and
took them all prisoners, besides inflicting a loss on some detachments
which landed to assist them, of 37 killed and 76 wounded.
A heavy gale followed, in which 20 boats were lost and many vessels
driven to sea; the introduction to a continuation of frightful weather
which lasted during the whole siege. On the 12th April, Brigadier
Desaguliers arrived; learnt what had taken place; immediately ordered
the battalion guns to be placed in the Ordnance boats,—ready to
accompany the troops on the next attempt at a landing, coming into
action so as to enable the infantry to form up on the shore; got his
warrant as commanding the Royal Artillery published in orders; appointed
Captain-Lieutenant Stehelin his Brigade Major; and volunteered to
reconnoitre the island for a landing-place.
On the 22nd, Captain Hind's company, with the miners, some other troops,
and an immense quantity of Artillery stores, reached Belleisle. It had
by this time been resolved to attempt a landing near the place, where
the first had failed; but with a view to deceiving the enemy, the newly-
arrived troops were ordered to get into the ship's boats, and make a
feint of landing at the Point of Sauzon. The feint succeeded; the fear
of their landing detained a large body of the enemy whose presence would
have been invaluable in checking the real landing, which was now
effected, under cover of the fire from the fleet, and assisted by the
panic which was created among the enemy by the appearance on their flank
of a number of men who had climbed up some difficult precipices, at a
little distance from the spot where the main body landed.
In addition to a body of 900 marines, which landed with the other
troops, the Commodore collected 500 from the ships, and landed them; and
as the Colonel of the Marines, McKenzie, had been wounded, the command
of this large body devolved upon a Captain named Collins, who on account
of the responsibility of his position received the rank of Major.
For some days the weather was so tempestuous that it was impossible to
land the heavy guns, or Artillery stores; and the enemy was enabled to
strengthen his position unmolested. The bomb-vessels stood close in to
the shore, and plied the Citadel, but without much effect. Picquets of
500 men were on duty every night in the English camp; the inhabitants of
Palais, the capital of the Island, were strictly watched; and a village
in a good position was taken and set fire to, from which circumstance it
was always after this time called "the Burnt Village." The Artillerymen
were hard at work making their batteries and parallels, assisted by
large working parties from the Line; and every officer in the Army who
knew anything of engineering was invited to submit his name with a view
to employment at an increased rate of pay. The trench work was not a
favourite duty with the infantry, even after working-pay was allowed for
it; and Brigadier Desaguliers had to make the strongest representations
on the subject to General Hodgson. The men did not dislike idling and
loafing about the trenches; it was the spade-work which was unpopular;
and this led to an amusing order being issued, that any Artillery
officer who found a man near his post, idling or curious, was to "lay
hold of him, and make him work for 12 hours."
The town of Palais was soon occupied by the English troops, and being
near the Citadel, to which the enemy had withdrawn, it afforded
excellent cover for the English marksmen, whom the reluctance of the
enemy to fire on the town left quite unmolested.
The armament for the batteries had at length been landed and mounted,
although not without the greatest difficulty. The Brigadier had at this
time, and later on, repeatedly to acknowledge the assistance he received
from the Navy, between which and the Artillery there was then, as now, a
strong _entente cordiale_.
And now commenced the regular siege:—Sebastopol in miniature; daily and
nightly bombardments; the trenches flooded with rain; and Artillerymen
so reduced in numbers as to be without the requisite rest or relief.
Three important batteries were opened against the Citadel, known
respectively as the 16-Gun, the 10-Gun, and the 4-Gun Batteries. Mortar
batteries were made, as the siege progressed, containing two 13-inch,
three 10-inch, and six 8-inch land-service mortars; two 13-inch, and two
10-inch sea-service mortars; besides fifteen Royal mortars, and ten Coe-
horn's. The guns in the batteries were heavy 24-pounders, medium 12-
pounders, and 8-inch and 4½-inch howitzers. There were a few 3-pounder
guns, and the Battalion guns, which were 6-pounders. Although it is
somewhat anticipating matters, it may here be mentioned that the
expenditure of ammunition by the Artillery during the siege amounted to
1500 barrels of powder, 17,000 shot, and 12,000 shell.
The infantry had been divided into three brigades, with a total of all
ranks of 6254, exclusive of Artillery, Marines, and Burgoyne's horse,
the last-named being chiefly employed in duties of transport and
foraging. The duties, which were very heavy, were taken alternately by
brigades. The marines did duty _in corps_, and had to find 378 men for
various guards every day.
When Palais was taken, the bells of the churches became, according to
custom, the property of the commanding officer of Artillery. A piteous
letter, however, was written to him by the priests, pleading the poverty
of their parishes, the destitution of many members of their
congregations, and the precarious livelihood earned by the most
fortunate, concluding by offering 300 livres in ransom for their bells.
"So miserable and wretched," wrote the Rector of Palais, was his parish
since the bombardment—more so even than before, when no repairs could be
executed without the assistance of private charity, that the Church
would be unable to exist, did the Commandant of Artillery act on his
rights with rigour." They therefore prayed him to leave the bells
untouched, that the services might be notified to the people; and to
suffer them to be redeemed by the sum above mentioned: with which
request Brigadier Desaguliers complied.
Various interesting occurrences took place early in the siege. On the
2nd May, some guns under cavalry escort were ordered to occupy a village
on the left of the English camp, which had given considerable annoyance.
So warm, however, was their reception, that the cavalry withdrew, with
some precipitation. The guns pressed on, nevertheless, unsupported, for
about 700 yards, cannonaded the village, and dislodged the enemy.
Artillery in a village, without escort, was a strong temptation; and
towards night, 300 men made an attempt to cut them off from the main
body. The gunners were awake, withdrew their guns behind some rising
ground about 1450 yards from the Citadel, and kept their assailants at
bay. Next morning, General Hodgson visited the spot, and was so charmed
with its natural advantages that he ordered it to be entrenched, and
strong batteries mounted. The same was done at this time in front of the
Burnt Village, about 900 yards from the Citadel.
The enemy did not content himself with answering the English cannonade.
Sorties were frequent; and on one dark night, Major-General Crawford and
his staff, taken unawares, were made prisoners in the trenches. Many
more would have met the same fate, but for the presence of mind of the
gunners in charge of two light field-pieces which happened to be in the
trenches that evening. They were charged by several hundred men,
including a spiking party, but with well-aimed and frequent volleys of
grape, the gunners utterly routed them.
The fire of the enemy was by no means contemptible; in fact, until a
number of their guns were dismounted, it was both admirable and
effective. On one occasion, a sergeant and thirteen men in the trenches
were killed by the explosion of one of the enemy's shells; and so
numerous at last were the casualties among the Artillery, that the
Brigadier had to apply for 200 men from the infantry to assist in
working the guns. There was great difficulty in obtaining even that
number: the duties of the camp were hard; and the importance of keeping
the Artillery ranks at a siege well filled was not yet fully understood.
But with the progress of the siege, came an increase of wisdom; and,
before long, not a requisition from the Brigadier was unattended to.
All the available sea-service mortars had been landed from the ships;
but a few vessels of lighter draught stood in to attack the Citadel from
the sea with their guns. The effect produced was but slight, perhaps
because—as an old diary of the siege says—"There were no Artillery
people, either officers or men, aboard."
The English works were gradually approached to within musketry range of
the Citadel; and to enable the working parties to carry on their duties
without molestation from the enemy's marksmen, a heavy and somewhat
wasteful fire was kept up from the batteries, which had at length to be
put a stop to by the Brigadier, for reasons of economy.
That the fire of the English Artillery was effective, was ascertained
from prisoners, who said, "Que c'étoit un feu infernal, et qu'on ne
voyoit ni ciel, ni terre;" and, when on parole in the town of Palais, a
favourite joke among the French prisoners, when they saw an Artillery
officer approaching, was to run behind the nearest cover, shouting "Gare
la bombe! Gare la bombe!"
When the second parallel was opened, the Navy commenced landing some 32-
pounders to arm a battery which some amateur engineers had made, and as
additional mortar batteries had also been constructed, the works were
now so extensive, that the Artillery was utterly unable to man them all.
General Hodgson, accordingly, issued a standing order that as many men
from the infantry as Brigadier Desaguliers should require were to be
given, and while employed with the Artillery, their pay and allowances
were to be made equal to those of the matrosses.
After the occupation of Palais by the British troops, much trouble was
caused by drunkenness among the men, and its concomitants, absence and
insubordination. The Provost-Marshal was at last ordered to live there,
and got very extensive powers. _Inter alia_, he was permitted "to _hang_
any soldiers committing _any_ kind of irregularities; above all to lay
hold of any soldier whom he found drunk on duty, and when he became
sober to hang him without trial."
When the civil officials of Palais had occasion to come into the
trenches on business, they were always blindfolded while there. Their
business was generally of a commercial nature: they were ready to accept
English money for their wares, but were anxious to be the appraisers of
the value of the foreign coins. At last, it was necessary to publish in
orders a standard, regulating the comparative values of French and
English specie,—the guinea being valued at 24 livres; and if any
tradesman was found cheating in this respect, he was made liable to
confiscation of his goods, and corporal punishment.
As the siege approached its end, many of the redoubts near the Citadel
fell into the hands of the British; and the duties of the officers of
Artillery became somewhat lighter. It is pleasant to find that, instead
of availing themselves of their comparative leisure, they all
immediately offered their services as engineers, an offer which was
greedily accepted.
The Ordnance stores were sadly reduced, and the Navy had not another
round to spare; so that fresh requisitions had to be sent to England
more than once. Pending a reply, a very strict economy was enjoined;
firing in volleys was forbidden, and single rounds were directed to be
fired day and night at stated intervals. Twenty-four rounds per gun was
laid down as the daily maximum; but an exception was permitted, should
the Citadel seem to be on fire, in which case even volleys were allowed.
Even to the end, when the number of available guns in the Citadel was
much reduced, the fire of the enemy was excellent; twice the English
magazines were blown up, and only five days before the capitulation a
most severe loss was inflicted on the besiegers, Brigadier Desaguliers
himself being among the wounded.
The enemy was able by means of subterranean passages and signalling to
keep up a constant communication with the mainland. Nor did he confine
himself to these. An apparently innocent and respectable old lady was
found traversing the English lines one morning under suspicious
circumstances. She was questioned without success. Her profession—she
said—was simple; she was a washerwoman, and in the exercise of her
vocation had she been seized. A stronger measure was taken: the old lady
was searched. Her countenance fell as the operation commenced; fell yet
more as dozens of letters were produced from hidden places, containing
piteous appeals for assistance from the beleaguered citizens. But even
yet she protested her innocence, her astonishment, and her trade; and,
yet protesting, with a rope round her neck, she was led away. Whether
the rope was afterwards tightened or not, the story does not tell.
Breaching batteries were opened in front of the second parallel and of
the town of Palais, the latter at a distance of 230 yards from the
Citadel. It was armed with 24-pounders by the Artillery in a single
night, although the guns had to be dragged over frightful roads from the
landing-place, and without any appliances for diminishing the labour.
The zeal and willingness of the men were unmistakable. Yet a third
breaching battery was opened to the left of St. Sebastian's Church,
about 380 yards from the Citadel; and the guns of the original 16-gun
battery were also brought into play to assist in making the breach. At
first the energies of the Artillery were confined to a breach which was
attempted in the Redan du Havre, between the Bastion du Gouvernement and
the Bastion du Cavalier ou du Roy. But a second breach was afterwards
commenced in the latter of these Bastions. Powerful enfilading batteries
of howitzers and 12-pounders were opened at the same time, whose fire
proved most efficacious, as was seen after the capitulation by the
number of damaged and dismounted guns along the faces of the works. From
the end of May to the 7th June, the day when the Citadel surrendered,
there was daily and hourly expectation of submission by the Garrison.
The prisoners who were taken at this time all agreed in saying that the
commandant merely waited for a breach being made, before he should
capitulate. Not merely was the enemy's fire becoming daily weaker, but
the ammunition was evidently falling short, _wooden_ shot being not
unfrequently fired by him.
Mining had been commenced by the English, a shaft having been sunk under
a house in Palais, and a passage commenced under the ditch—which was wet
at high water—towards the Redan du Havre. The miners also made several
attempts by night, when the tide was out, to cross the ditch and enlarge
the breaches made by the batteries, but without much success, the enemy
being alert, and throwing hand-grenades among them as they crossed.
On the 4th June, the King's birthday, a tremendous fire was kept up from
all the batteries, and additional ammunition having arrived from
England, the Brigadier gave permission for thirty rounds per gun,
instead of twenty-four, being fired from the ordinary batteries—no limit
being placed on the number to be fired from the breaching batteries. The
mortar batteries were now kept silent, the powder being more profitably
employed for the guns firing against the breaches.
On the morning of the 7th June, no less than ninety-three pieces of
ordnance were in use against the Citadel, and on this day the long-
expected white flag was seen, and an officer came out to make the best
terms he could for the garrison.
These were, briefly, that the Citadel with all its stores should be
handed over to the British troops: that the French garrison should be
provided with transport to the nearest French port; that the sick and
wounded left behind should be treated in the same manner as the British
soldiers; and that the inhabitants of the island should be allowed full
permission to worship according to the rites of the Roman Catholic
religion. Further, in consideration of the gallant defence made by the
Chevalier de St. Croix and his troops, they were permitted to march out
of the Citadel with the honours of war, drums beating, colours flying,
lighted matches, and three pieces of cannon with twelve rounds each; and
each soldier carrying fifteen rounds of ammunition in his cartouche box.
An inventory of the Ordnance and stores was at once taken by Brigadier
Desaguliers; and on a garrison for the island being decided on, the
following Artillery officers were selected to remain behind, and form
part of it:—Captain Hind, Captain-Lieutenant Martin, Lieutenant Rogers,
and Lieutenant-Fireworkers Rosat, Skottowe, and Mayne. The remainder of
the Artillery embarked on Christmas Day, 1761, for England.
Among the orders issued during the siege, which enable one to form an
idea of the weather which prevailed, is one directing the hides of all
animals killed for the troops to be taken to the trenches for the use of
the Artillery in making their expense-magazines water-tight.
From an old order-book in the Royal Artillery Library the discipline of
the troops after the siege, and the means taken to enforce it, may be
ascertained. Three men of the 75th Regiment having been found guilty of
drunkenness and absence from the King's works, received 300 lashes each,
and were debarred from employment on the works again. Two men of Colonel
Morgan's Regiment having been convicted of disorderly behaviour were
sentenced to receive 200 lashes each "on their bare backs;" and another,
in the 19th Regiment, received 100 lashes for drunkenness and
disobedience. A man in Crawford's Regiment, who had been convicted of
prevarication on a court-martial by which one of his officers was tried,
was sentenced to receive 500 lashes; but as it appeared by the evidence
that he had been under pressure and undue influence by the prisoner at
the time, the sentence was remitted.
There seems to have been a want of zeal on the part of the chaplains, if
one may judge from the following order:—"Palais, 26 November, 1761.
Whenever any patient dies in any of the Grand Hospitals, the principal
surgeon attached to the Hospital where the patient dies is immediately
to send a written report of his death, and the time he would have him
interred, to the visiting chaplain then in waiting, who is, conformable
to a former order of Major-General Hodgson, to attend the corpse at the
grave, and read the burial-service over it. General Hodgson is extremely
concerned that he has occasion to repeat the latter part of this order,
and expects for the future that he shall not hear any complaints on this
subject."
It may be mentioned, in concluding this chapter, that at the Peace of
1763 Belleisle was returned to the French in exchange for Minorca, which
England had lost at the commencement of the Seven Years' War.
CHAPTER XXII.
PEACE.
AT the conclusion of the war in 1763, the reductions in the Regiment
were carried out on a different system from that which had hitherto
prevailed. At the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, entire companies had been
reduced, and the establishment of the remaining companies was left
unchanged. Now, the cadres of the three Battalions with their companies
remained, but the establishment of the latter was materially reduced.
Besides the Cadet company, there were now thirty others; and the total
in each company of all ranks was—as it had been twenty years before—107.
But the following reduction was now ordered—one Lieutenant-Fireworker,
one Sergeant, one Corporal, four bombardiers, twelve gunners, and
thirty-two matrosses per company, reducing the total from 107 to 57, a
fifer having been added to each. The supernumerary fireworkers were put
on half-pay, and brought in as vacancies occurred,—the last being
absorbed in 1767.
From 1763 to 1771 was a singularly uneventful period in the history of
the Regiment. One Battalion was quartered in America, its head-quarters
being at Woolwich; the companies of another were divided between
Gibraltar and Minorca, and the third was in Great Britain. The companies
in the East Indies remained as before until 1765. A relief of the 2nd by
the 1st Battalion took place towards the end of this time; and the
companies at home were periodically relieved as at present. One
peculiarity, however, existed then, which does so no longer. When two or
more companies were required from Woolwich for out-stations at home, the
Captains were ordered to meet at the Commandant's office, and draw lots
for their destinations. As a means of silencing grumblers, it was
certainly advantageous.
Although England was at peace, other countries had their troubles; and
Portugal, being in distress as regarded her Artillery, applied during
this time for the services of Captain Macbean, who had served her so
well before, and various other officers of the Regiment. The request was
granted: the officers being made supernumerary, their promotion going
on, but their pay coming from the Portuguese Government. Captain Macbean
reached the highest rank in the Portuguese service, and all the others
received the strongest commendations.—One—Captain-Lieutenant Yorke—died
in Portugal: the same officer, who, as a subaltern, with a handful of
men, managed to get a gun up the heights above Quebec, when Wolfe made
his famous and successful attack.
This was not the first instance of a Foreign Government paying the
compliment to the Royal Artillery of asking assistance from its ranks.
In 1744, the King of Sardinia asked and obtained the services of five
officers and twenty-four men of the Royal Artillery, who were on board
the bomb-vessels in the Mediterranean; and they served with distinction
in his Army until taken prisoners at the capture of Montalban and
Montleuze.
Some changes in the dress of the officers were made during this time. In
1768 white waistcoats, instead of scarlet, and white breeches were
adopted both for officers and men. In 1770, swords were substituted for
the fusees which had hitherto been the arms of the officers, and the
same sword exercise was adopted as was in use among dragoons. At the
same time, the Regiment adopted the German mode of wearing the sash
round the waist, instead of over the right shoulder, as hitherto.
Epaulettes were also substituted for laced shoulder-knots. The non-
commissioned officers and men wore their hair plaited, and turned up
behind with a black ribbon or tape, three quarters of a yard long, in a
_bow_-knot where tied; and if any men were debarred by nature or
accident from wearing their hair sufficiently long, they were compelled
to wear a false plait—anticipating by a century the present custom of
the other sex.
The letter-books of this time are chiefly devoted to correspondence on
matters connected with clothing, promotion and reliefs. On the first
named subject, the correspondence with Major James, who commanded at New
York, is particularly voluminous.
Promotion was slow; and when accelerated by retirement of officers, the
system pursued was peculiar. For example, it was decided to remove
Captain-Lieutenant Rogers to the half-pay list. His half-pay,—six
shillings per diem, was to be augmented by two shillings from the Board
of Ordnance; but—by an ingenious arrangement, whereby the Lieutenant,
Second Lieutenant, and Lieutenant-Fireworker, who got promotion, were
made to remain on their old rate of pay, six shillings and fourpence per
diem was saved towards Captain Rogers' half-pay, and the Board had only
to find the daily sum of one shilling and eightpence. At this time, in
the year 1765, the Board placed the responsibility of the men's clothing
on the Colonels of Battalions, declining any further interference. The
wisdom of the change—except in so far as it saved trouble to the
Honourable Board—was questionable; for some Colonels took a very liberal
view of their discretion and power in the matter, going so far even as
to alter the _colour_ as well as the shape of the various articles of
their men's uniform.
An excellent and hospitable officer, General Williamson, now commanded
at Woolwich; and one of his invitations to his friends is so quaint as
to be worthy of reproduction:—"July 25th, 1767. The gentlemen of twenty
years' acquaintance are desired to meet General Williamson, and dine at
'The Bull' on Shooter's Hill, on Monday next, 1st August, their names to
be sent to Dr. Irwin. Dinner on table at three o'clock." The General had
a son in the Regiment, at this time in New York, who was as great a
favourite as his father.
This time of peace was beneficial to the Royal Military Academy. More
time was devoted to the curriculum, and inducements to proficiency held
out successfully to the cadets. The King and Queen paid a visit to the
Academy, among the other lions of Woolwich. It was on this occasion that
"their Majesties saw many curious firings; among the rest a large iron
cannon, fired by a lock like a common gun; a heavy 12-pounder, fired 23
times in a minute, and spunged every time by a new and wonderful
contrivance, said to be the invention of Dr. Desaguliers, with other
astonishing improvements of the like kind."[24] In 1765, a most formal
examination of the cadets had taken place in presence of the Master-
General and principal officers of the Ordnance, and many other important
officials, including the President of the Royal Society, who expressed
their satisfaction with the "noble institution," and distributed gold
and silver medals to the most distinguished cadets. In a hundred years,
one who had been himself a cadet at the Royal Military Academy, and for
many years an honoured officer in the Royal Artillery, Sir Edward
Sabine, would occupy the chair filled by one of the visitors on that
day, and be one of the most popular Presidents of the Royal Society.
The names of the following officers appear during this peaceful time, as
in command of companies:—Captains Foy, Drummond, and Stehelin, at
Minorca; Torriano, Innes, and Butler, at Gibraltar; Jeffery, Phillips,
Smith, Carter, and Howdell, at Woolwich. In America, we trace companies
commanded at different times by Captains Martin, Williams, Farrington,
Hay, Ferguson, Webdall, Lewis, Dover, Walton, Winter, Carlisle, and
Gillespie. The stations on that continent which were the head-quarters
of the companies included New York, Pensacola, Quebec, Halifax,
Pittsburg (Louisbourg), Montreal, and Placentia in Newfoundland. There
were also detachments at Boston, Crown Point, Fort Ontario, and Niagara.
An amusing narrative of the service of a bombardier and two matrosses
who were permitted to accept employment from the Emperor of Morocco may
prove an interesting conclusion to this short chapter. It is based upon
a manuscript in the Royal Artillery Library, framed by the bombardier
himself, one John Turner by name, who had been called upon to make a
report of his doings during his absence, and who certainly even on his
own showing had a keen eye to the main chance. The ineffable conceit of
the man, his firm impression that Emperors and Princes only existed to
give him his daily pay and rations, and his exalted notion of his
position as a bombardier in the Royal Artillery, can only be realized by
a complete perusal of the manuscript. But even if curtailed, the
narrative cannot fail to amuse.
John Turner was quartered at Gibraltar. He was a fair scholar, had a
good opinion of himself, and was a bombardier. In the summer of 1769,
the Emperor of Morocco sent a request to the Governor of Gibraltar for
an Artilleryman to explain certain matters in gunnery, and to act as a
tutor in the military art to the young Prince, his son. In 1872, it is
probable that for such an appointment candidates would be innumerable,
and would embrace even General Officers among their numbers. Possibly in
Gibraltar, the Emperor was not very highly esteemed; be that, however,
as it may, Bombardier John Turner was selected. He was to receive
thirty-five dollars per month, besides certain other advantages, and
this fact was very present to his mind during his absence. At first, a
circumstance which occurred vexed John Turner's soul sorely: the wind
having detained him some days, the Governor was relieved by one who
would not assume the responsibility of letting him go, without an order
from England. Until November the honest man was kept fretting and
pining, but in the end he was rewarded not merely by the permission to
go himself, but by an order to take with him two matrosses, who greatly
swelled his importance. On the 3rd of December, he and his comrades
landed about six miles from Tetuan, whither they were conveyed on mules
and lodged in a house where they were treated "beyond their
expectation." It was but seldom that in this respect John Turner's
expectations were exceeded. He had a letter to the Governor, which he
insisted on presenting; and with much presence of mind, on the morning
after his arrival, he demanded an advance of money for himself and
comrades. This was granted; but, as he plaintively wrote, it was made
the subject of much misrepresentation, and he was reprimanded by his
superiors in Gibraltar, on the story reaching them. The fact was, he
innocently said, that he had borrowed some money on his note of hand in
Gibraltar, "to clear some little obligations under which we lay," and
the note met him at Tetuan, where he was led to believe he would be put
in funds to pay it. On the 17th, the party left in great state "with an
Alcayde and three horsemen for our guard, hired horses to ride on, and
mules to carry our baggage and camp equipage." They encamped every night
near some village, and the inhabitants were compelled to bring them
food, and find sentinels for their baggage, under pain of being taken as
rebels to the Emperor, for which purpose chains were carried by the
escort. The good bombardier describes in his report at some length the
nature of the food, some of which he was pleased to consider very good
eating. At last they reached the place where the young Prince was
encamped, and from that moment John Turner became an old man of the sea
to that unhappy youth, and when he had any complaint to make would go
nowhere but to head-quarters. His early interviews with the Prince, and
every word that passed between them are duly chronicled. He accompanied
him to Mequinez, and immediately sought the Emperor's Secretary, to whom
he had letters. The frank manners of that official at first charmed
John; but he soon found him to be but "a master of the French address,
joined to all the villainies of the Court of Morocco, and a Jew in the
very essence of the word." In a few days he had an interview with the
Emperor himself, who in the course of conversation asked to see his
instruments. It may interest the modern Artilleryman to know what a
bombardier's instruments were in the year 1770. Those which John
produced were his "quadrant, perpendicular, and Gunter's scales,
together with a case of mathematical instruments."
The unfortunate bombardier never saw his instruments after he once let
them into the young Prince's hands, and this called forth very severe
strictures from him on princely nature. "Plundering," he writes, "is
what these Princes are taught from their infancy."
The Emperor having expressed a wish to see the three Artillerymen throw
a shell, they complied. The mortar was of a different calibre from any
they had ever seen, nor did they know anything about the range;
fortunately, however, they made a good guess, and the Emperor was much
pleased with the practice. He ordered them a daily supply of provisions,
"which order, however, was never complied with but in part."
From this moment John's domestic troubles were very great. While he had
enough meat he never abused it; but when his allowance was cut short, he
described it as "carrion meat." He was quartered in a Jew's house, and
the Jew plundered him sorely, depriving him of the best part of his
provisions. He said little, but thought a good deal; and receiving no
satisfaction from the Imperial Secretary, demanded to see the Prince,
who came to him immediately. "I acquainted him how ill we were treated
with regard to provisions, and as our money was all gone begged of His
Royal Highness to take some method that we might be better supplied. He
asked whose fault it was. I answered, 'The Chief of the Jews.' He
ordered our interpreter to go and tell him that if he did not find us
everything, as his father had ordered, he would cut off his head, and
burn his body; and desired, whenever we found him in the least
deficient, to call a guard of Moors, and bring the Chief of the Jews to
him, and we should see him executed. He then dismissed us, and we went
home, and almost as soon as we went there one of the Prince's black
servants came with the Chief of the Jews, and a halter about his neck,
and told us by the interpreter that he was ordered to bring him there,
and give him fifty bastinados in our presence, which he did,
notwithstanding we offered to buy off the punishment with six ounces."
The climax of John Turner's narrative is when he describes a day's shell
practice with the Prince in presence of the Emperor, when the powder of
the country, of whose strength John was ignorant, was used. The young
Prince made good practice with it, but as he would not impart the secret
of its strength, the Artillerymen made very indifferent shooting. His
Majesty remonstrated, making invidious comparisons, which roused John
Turner into reminding the Emperor with due deference that he came there
to instruct His Majesty's subjects in the _English_ method of practice,
not to be instructed by the Prince—he being master of his business
before he came there.
Another day's practice followed: The Prince hit the mark with one of his
shells, the bombardier did not. It was a painful circumstance; but the
conceit of John Turner did not fail him. He first blamed the powder, and
then asserted that, notwithstanding his failure to hit the mark, his
general practice was infinitely superior to that of his Royal pupil. And
he submitted a chart of the day's shooting in support of his statement.
It is but fair to say that Bombardier Turner was most conscientious in
performing another duty which was enjoined upon him, the construction of
a small laboratory. He writes with the greatest scorn of the native
artificers, but he succeeded in making them do what he wished. Just,
however, as he had overcome the main difficulties, his peace of mind was
disturbed by his two chronic wants, lack of money and scarcity of
provisions. This time he resolved to write to the Emperor himself; and
endeavoured to get some one to translate his remonstrances into Arabic
with that view. He failed, however, and had to content himself with the
Prince, whose life, by means of his interpreter, he was able to make a
burden to him.
The reader of his report is not surprised to find that after a very
short time his services were dispensed with, and he was directed to
return to Gibraltar. A man who insists on afflicting royalty with the
most trivial complaints becomes a very unwelcome inmate of a despotic
Court.
So John and his comrades started, grumbling to the last, and his conceit
and self-importance manifesting themselves at every stage of the
journey. Carefully mentioning that he was still allowed an Imperial
escort, he points out another instance of shabby treatment to which he
was exposed. It should be mentioned that when the horses requisite for
his comfort were not forthcoming, the gallant bombardier always declined
to move. On one evening he was informed that the requisite cattle would
be ready next morning. "Our things being ready by the time," he writes,
"I went to see the cattle that was prepared for us. I found only four
mules barely sufficient to carry our baggage. I enquired where I and the
two men were to ride, and was informed—on the top of the baggage. I said
that since I had been in the country I was never asked to travel in this
manner; neither did I think His Majesty would be pleased if he knew how
we were treated; and, moreover, not any of _my_ baggage should be moved
until three saddle-horses should be brought for me and my companions. He
said, as for me, I might ride on one of his horses, but I absolutely
refused, adding it was equally my duty to take care of those men as of
myself, and until I saw cattle enough to carry us and our baggage, I
would not stir from the place, unless it was to return and acquaint the
Emperor of our usage."
It is sufficient to say that on this, as on every similar occasion, the
bombardier carried his point.
The day arrived when they were to take ship from Tetuan to Gibraltar. To
the very last his pecuniary difficulties haunted him. They were directed
to attend at a notary's office to receive their pay. A sum far inferior
to what he considered his due was offered him. "I informed them," he
writes, "that that was not near the sum that was due to us; but was
given to understand that if I did not accept that, I might possibly get
none; and rather than run that hazard, as I knew them capable of any
meanness, I took what was offered, and gave a receipt in part payment.
We were likewise out of this short payment obliged to pay our
interpreter; but this I did with less reluctance, as I had been informed
by Mr. Rodway, Master-Wheeler, of Gibraltar, that whenever he went to
Mequinez by order of Government, he always paid his interpreter himself,
but that the money was always returned to him at Gibraltar." The
exquisite delicacy of the hint at repayment, embodied in an official
report, cannot be surpassed.
In days long after John Turner's career was finished, the spectacle has
been witnessed of an invaded country straining every nerve, and
practising every self-denial, to procure the withdrawal from its
occupied districts of the enemy's troops. It is questionable, however,
whether its eagerness was equal to that which must have been felt on all
sides when that memorable event occurred which it has been attempted to
describe,—the invasion of Morocco by a bombardier.
In the year 1770, the Regiment suffered from two evils: one, the chronic
slowness of promotion which has always afflicted it; the other, an
inability to carry out the foreign reliefs with so small a number of
companies at home. To meet these evils a remedy was devised, which shall
be treated in the next chapter—the formation of another Battalion.
-----
Footnote 24:
Cleaveland's MSS.
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE FOURTH BATTALION.—THE HISTORY AND PRESENT
DESIGNATION OF THE COMPANIES.
THIS Battalion was formed on the 1st January, 1771, by drafting six
companies from the Battalions already in existence, which were thus
reduced from ten to eight companies, and by the formation, in addition,
of two new companies. At the same date, eight companies of invalids were
formed from the men on out-pension, two of which were attached to each
Battalion, but were not borne upon the effective strength. These eight
companies were consolidated in 1779 in one invalid battalion, with a
regular staff, and effective companies were raised for the other
battalions, in their stead.
On its first formation, the companies of the 4th Battalion were very
weak, consisting each of 1 Captain, 1 Captain-Lieutenant, 2 First
Lieutenants, 2 Second Lieutenants, 2 Sergeants, 2 Corporals, 4
bombardiers, 8 gunners, 52 matrosses, and 2 drummers. The staff of the
Battalion consisted of a Colonel-Commandant, a Lieutenant-Colonel, a
Major, an Adjutant, a Quartermaster, and a Chaplain. Colonel Ord, the
first Colonel-Commandant, had greatly distinguished himself in North
America in 1759 and 1760; and it was a happy coincidence that he should
receive the command of a battalion whose services in that country were
destined to be so brilliant. These services will receive more
appropriate mention in the chapters connected with the American War of
Independence, and with the gallant officer who commanded it during that
war, General James Pattison.
But two of the companies received special marks of distinction which
deserve to be mentioned. One, No. 1 Company, now No. 4 Battery, 7th
Brigade, was singled out after the battle of Vaux, in 1794, for its
gallant conduct during the day, and the whole Army was formed up to see
it march past the Duke on the field of battle. Another company, No. 10,
received a special mark of distinction for its gallantry during the
second American War, and more especially at the capture of Fort Niagara.
By General Order of 7th October, 1816, it was permitted to wear on its
appointments "in addition to any badges or devices which may have been
hitherto granted to the Royal Regiment of Artillery" the word "Niagara."
This company subsequently fell a victim to change and reduction. It was
reduced in January, 1819, after a service of forty years, having been
one of the two companies formed in 1779 to replace the invalid companies
of the Battalion. It was reformed at Woolwich on the 16th August, 1848;
and on the 3rd November in that year it became No. 6 Company of the 12th
Battalion. In 1859, when the Brigade system was introduced, it became
No. 9 Battery of the 6th Brigade; on the 1st April, 1865, it was
transferred to the 12th Brigade as No. 8 Battery; and on the 1st
February, 1871, by reduction, it ceased to exist as such. It is a matter
of regret that the pruning-knife should be applied to the companies
which have a distinctive history.
The 4th Battalion afforded a precedent—although not a happy one—for the
Brigade system as applied to the Royal Artillery. It was the only
battalion which ever went on service with its head-quarter staff.
Experience soon proved that it would have been better to leave that
appendage—as was customary—at Woolwich. The Battalion letter-books teem
with complaints as to clothing, recruiting, and pay, which might have
been obviated by having at home the usual battalion officials, whose
duties were connected with these details. With the companies detached
over the American continent, and the head-quarters virtually imprisoned
in New York, the confusion was endless, and the natural results excite a
smile as the student reads of them. For the officials at the Board of
Ordnance exercised the same paternal interference over the distant
staff, as if they had been in Woolwich. The time occupied by
correspondence across the Atlantic, rendered necessary by the stupidity
and the curiosity of the Ordnance officials, told heavily against the
comfort of the companies, and the peace of mind of their Captains. The
circumlocution between London and New York, New York and all the
stations on the continent where detachments of the Battalion were
stationed, and back again to the Tower, was at once ludicrous and
irritating. And the trouble caused by the absence from England of those
who would have interested themselves in procuring suitable and
creditable recruits cannot be realized save by those who have waded
through the letter-books of the period. The companies were fettered to a
beleaguered head-quarters, which in its turn was tied and bound to a
distant department, nor was allowed the slightest independence of
action. The result may easily be imagined. Questions which could have
been decided in a few minutes, if those interested could have met, grew
every day more complicated and unwieldy by the correspondence at long
and uncertain intervals in which the Board of Ordnance revelled.
The services of the companies will now be given, in the same manner as
those of the other battalions. There are few lists more noble than that
of the military operations in which No. 1 Company was engaged. The
battery—No. 4 of the 7th Brigade—whose history this is, may well be
proud of such noble antecedents. The revival of these may prove a means
of awakening a pride in its ranks which will be the strongest aid to
discipline, the most powerful incentive to progress.
The succession of Captains of the various companies, as far as the
somewhat mutilated records on this point will admit, will also be given,
down to the time when the nomenclature of the companies was changed,
since which date, so recent, no difficulty will be found in continuing
the lists.
No. 1 COMPANY, 4th BATTALION,
Now "4" BATTERY, 7th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1775 Battle of Bunker's Hill.
1776 Siege of Boston.
1776 Battle of Brooklyn, and capture of Horan's Hook.
1776 Occupation of New York.
1776 Battle of White Plains.
1776 Capture of Fort Washington and Fort Lee.
1776 Expedition against Charleston.
1777 Operations in the Jerseys under Lord Cornwallis.
1777 Affair of Westfield: defeat of Americans.
1777 Battle of Brandywine: ditto.
1777 Occupation of Philadelphia.
1777 Battle of Freehold Court: defeat of Americans.
1777 Capture of Savannah, and defeat of American General Howe—
detachments only present.
1779 Capture of Stoney Point on the Hudson.
1779 General Matthews' successful raid in Virginia.
1780 Capture of Charlestown, and operations in North Carolina.
1781 Detachments were present at Yorktown when Lord Cornwallis
capitulated.
1793 Expedition to the Netherlands under H. R. H. the Duke of
York: present at Siege and Capture of Valenciennes.
1793 Affair of Lincelles.
1793 Siege of Dunkirk.
1793 Affairs of Lannoy and Marchiennes.
1794 Severe engagement at Vaux. (The Company thanked in General
Orders, and marched past the Duke on the field of battle.)
1794 Affairs of Cateau and Landrecy.
1794 Retreat from Lannoy, &c.
1794 Engagement of 22nd May. This Company was specially thanked
by H.R.H. the Duke of York.
1794 Retreat to Bremen. This Company was continually engaged, and
suffered great loss.
1799 A small detachment of the Company accompanied the Expedition
to the Netherlands.
1807 Siege of Buenos Ayres.
1811 Battle of Albuera.
1813 Battle of Vittoria.
1813 Battle of the Pyrenees.
1814 Passage of the Gave de Menton, near Villa Franca.
1814 Battle of Orthes.
1814 Battle of Toulouse.
1814 Various affairs with the Americans in Canada during 1814.
1839 Disturbances in Canada. This Company performed the Winter
March to Quebec.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1786 Captain W. O. Huddlestone.
1790 Captain Thomas Trotter.
1795 Captain John Burton.
1804 Captain James Hawker.
1812 Captain Stewart Maxwell.
* * * * *
1824 Captain William Butts.
1824 Captain Thomas Cubitt.
1832 Captain Frederick Arabin.
1837 Captain R. S. Armstrong.
1846 Captain Hugh Manley Tuite.
1854 Captain Charles Taylor Du Plat.
1856 Captain M. B. Forde.
No. 2 COMPANY, 4th BATTALION,
Now "6" BATTERY, 3rd BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1775 Battle of Bunker's Hill.
1776 Siege of Boston.
1776 Battle of Brooklyn, and capture of Horan's Hook.
1776 Occupation of New York.
1776 Battle of White Plains. Specially thanked in General Orders.
1776 Capture of Forts Washington and Lee.
1776 Expedition against Charleston.
1777 Operations in the Jerseys under Lord Cornwallis.
1777 Affair of Westfield: defeat of Americans.
1777 Battle of Brandywine: ditto.
1777 Occupation of Philadelphia.
1777 Affair of Germantown: defeat of Americans.
1778 Evacuation of Philadelphia.
1778 Battle of Freehold Court: defeat of Americans.
1778 Affairs in North Carolina.
1778 Capture of Savannah.
1779 Capture of Stoney Point on the Hudson: Detachment only
present.
1779 General Matthews' successful raid in Virginia.
1780 Capture of Charlestown, and operations in North Carolina.
1781 Detachments were present at Yorktown when Lord Cornwallis
capitulated.
1813 Second American War: present at the affairs of Sackett's
Harbour, Goose Creek, and Chrystler's Farm.
1814 Expedition to Plattsburg under Sir George Prevost.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1786 Captain John Lemoine.
1791 Captain William Collier.
1795 Captain J. A. Schalch.
1801 Captain Charles Godfrey.
1805 Captain William Hall.
1806 Captain P. Durnford.
1806 Captain Charles C. Bingham.
1812 Captain P. M. Wallace.
* * * * *
1828 Captain J. A. Chalmers.
1835 Captain A. MacDonald.
1840 Captain Thomas O. Cater.
1840 Captain George James.
1848 Captain Thomas Elwyn.
1850 Captain A. J. Taylor.
1852 Captain A. H. Graham.
1857 Captain W. W. Barry.
No. 3 COMPANY, 4th BATTALION,
Now "8" BATTERY, 2nd BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1775 Defence of Quebec against Americans under General Arnold.
1777 Battle of Brandywine.
1777 Occupation of Philadelphia.
1777 Defeat of Americans at Germantown.
1778 Ditto at Battle of Freehold Court, after Evacuation of
Philadelphia.
1778 Detachments present at Capture of Savannah.
1779 Detachments present at Capture of Stoney Point on the
Hudson.
1780 Capture of Charlestown, and operations in North
Carolina.
1795 Cape of Good Hope: Expedition under General Craig.
1801 Siege and Capture of Alexandria, and expulsion of French
from Egypt (detachments only).
1807 Expedition against Madeira.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1786 Captain F. M. Keith.
1790 Captain J. H. Yorke.
1796 Captain George Koehler.
1797 Captain W. Wilson.
1802 Captain Edward Hope.
1803 Captain W. Scott.
1812 Captain W. R. Carey.
1815 Captain E. C. Wilford.
1817 Captain James Addams.
1825 Captain E. T. Michell.
1835 Captain Thomas Dyneley.
1837 Captain W. Elgee.
1846 Captain Henry S. Tireman.
1847 Captain S. P. Townsend.
1849 Captain St. John T. Browne.
* * * * *
No. 4 COMPANY, 4th BATTALION,
AFTERWARDS "8" BATTERY, 1st BRIGADE.
_Reduced 1st April, 1869._
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1775 Battle of Bunker's Hill.
1776 Siege of Boston.
1776 Battle of Brooklyn, and Capture of Horan's Hook.
1776 Occupation of New York.
1776 Battle of White Plains. Specially thanked in General Orders.
1776 Capture of Forts Washington and Lee.
1776 Expedition against Charlestown.
1777 Operations in the Jerseys under Lord Cornwallis.
1777 Affairs of Peek's Hill and Westfield.
1777 Battle of Brandywine, and occupation of Philadelphia.
1778 Evacuation of Philadelphia by British, and defeat of
Americans at Germantown.
1778 Battle of Freehold Court.
1778 Detachments present at Capture of Savannah.
1779 Detachments present at Capture of Stoney Point on the
Hudson.
1779 Ditto during General Matthews' raid in Virginia.
1780 Capture of Charlestown, and operations in North Carolina.
1793 Expedition to Flanders under H.R.H. the Duke of York:
present at every engagement during the Campaign, and
specially mentioned in General Orders.
1808 Present with the Army in Portugal until the Battle of
Corunna, when it returned to Gibraltar.
1839 Canadian Rebellion.
1856 Expedition to Crimea, but arrived a few days after the fall
of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1786 Captain W. Houghton.
1790 Captain F. Laye.
1797 Captain B. Young.
1804 Captain Hon. W. H. Gardner.
1805 Captain F. Smith.
* * * * *
1823 Captain Thomas Cubitt.
1826 Captain William Butts.
1829 Captain John Dowse.
* * * * *
1841 Captain R. L. Cornelius.
1844 Captain W. Y. Fenwick.
1844 Captain Henry Poole.
1848 Captain William Fraser.
1850 Captain A. G. Burrows.
1855 Captain J. F. E. Travers.
No. 5 COMPANY, 4th BATTALION,
Now "B" BATTERY, 9th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1775 Battle of Bunker's Hill.
1776 Defence of Boston.
1776 Battle of Brooklyn.
1776 Capture of Horan's Hook.
1776 Occupation of New York.
1776 Battle of White Plains. (Thanked in Orders.)
1776 Capture of Fort Washington and Fort Lee.
1777 Operations in the Jerseys under Lord Cornwallis, and action
near Westfield.
1779 Capture of Stoney Point on the Hudson.
1779 General Matthews' raid in Virginia.
1780 Expedition to South Carolina.
1794 War in Flanders, including actions at Alost and Malines, and
defence of Nimeguen.
1796 Capture of St. Lucia, St. Vincent's, and Grenada.
1803 Capture of St. Lucia and Tobago.
1804 Capture of Demerara.
_N.B._—A detachment of this Company embarked on board Lord Nelson's
fleet from Barbadoes to assist in working the guns.
1809-1810 Capture of Martinique and Guadaloupe.
1815 Occupation of Paris.
1842 to Engaged at Cape of Good Hope in the operations against the
1848 insurgent Boers and Kaffirs.
1855 Siege of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1786 Captain Charles Wood.
1787 Captain George Abson.
1792 Captain Ashton Shuttleworth.
1795 Captain Robert Hope.
1802 Captain W. Wilson.
1804 Captain W. Payne.
1805 Captain W. Millar.
1805 Captain Charles Younghusband.
* * * * *
1823 Captain G. C. Coffin.
* * * * *
1836 Captain E. Sheppard.
1837 Captain J. M. Stephens.
1840 Captain G. G. Palmer.
1841 Captain Henry Pallisser.
1848 Captain W. H. Elliot.
1855 Captain G. H. L. Milman.
No. 6 COMPANY, 4th BATTALION,
Now "1" BATTERY, 6th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1775 Crown Point, Ticonderoga, Chambly, and St. John. (The whole
Company, with the exception of 9 men, was taken prisoner
at this time, and remained so until April, 1777.)
1779 Capture of Stoney Point, on the Hudson.
1779 Raid in Virginia under General Matthews.
1780 Battle of Camden.
1780 Operations under Lord Cornwallis.
1781 Battle of Cowpens.
1781 Battle of Guildford Court-house.
1781 Surrender of Yorktown.
1798 Expedition to Minorca.
1808 Operations in Portugal and Battle of Vimiera.
1809 Battle of Corunna.
1813 Battle of Vittoria.
1813 Battle of Pyrenees.
1813 Siege and capture of St. Sebastian.[25]
1814 Battle of Toulouse.
1815 Occupation of Paris.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1783 Captain R. Lawson.
1793 Captain J. Wilson.
1794 Captain J. Bradbridge.
1797 Captain H. Framingham.
1804 Captain George Skyring.
1811 Captain W. Morrison.
* * * * *
1826 Captain P. Faddy.
* * * * *
1839 Captain R. Kendall.
1845 Captain George Markland.
1852 Captain H. P. Goodenough.
* * * * *
No. 7 COMPANY, 4th BATTALION,
Now "6" BATTERY, 10th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1778 Capture of Sunbury in Georgia.
1778 Affair of Brier Creek.
1779 Repulse of Americans at Stono Ferry.
1781 Defence of Pensacola.
1812 Canada during second American War.
1855 Siege of Sebastopol. (The captain of the Company, Captain
Fitzroy, was killed in the trenches.)
_N.B._—A detachment of this Company accompanied their Captain, F. R.
Chesney, in his scientific researches along the Euphrates and Persian
Gulf.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1786 Captain Thomas Hare.
1790 Captain T. Seward.
1796 Captain C. W. Thornton.
1797 Captain E. Trelawney.
1799 Captain G. Wulff.
1804 Captain W. Caddy.
1817 Captain C. Bridge.
1817 Captain A. Bredin.
1820 Captain George Turner.
1825 Captain W. Greene.
1830 Captain F. R. Chesney.
1842 Captain D. Thorndike.
1850 Captain John Henry Lefroy.
1854 Captain A. C. Hawkins.
1855 Captain S. Robinson.
1855 Captain A. C. L. Fitzroy.
No. 8 COMPANY, 4th BATTALION,
Now "E" BATTERY, 1st BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1775 Battle of Bunker's Hill.
1776 Defence of Boston.
1776 Battle of Brooklyn.
1776 Capture of Horan's Hook.
1776 Occupation of New York.
1776 Battle of White Plains. (Thanked in Orders.)
1776 Capture of Fort Washington and Fort Lee.
1777 Operations in the Jerseys under Lord Cornwallis, and affair
of Peek's Hill.
1777 Action near Westfield.
1777 Battle of Brandywine, and occupation of Philadelphia.
1778 Evacuation of Philadelphia, and Battle of Freehold Court.
1778 Detachment present at Capture of Savannah.
1779 Capture of Stoney Point on the Hudson.
1779 General Matthews' raid in Virginia.
1780 Capture of Charlestown, and operations in North Carolina.
1781 Detachments present at Surrender of Yorktown.
1803 War in Ceylon, ending in total defeat of the native king of
Kandy.
1811 Expedition against Java, and capture of the Island.
1854 Siege of Sebastopol. (The Captain of the Company, A.
Oldfield, was killed in the trenches.)
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1786 Captain Patrick Ross.
1791 Captain S. Rimington.
1799 Captain James Hook.
1802 Captain E. V. Worsley.
1809 Captain J. T. Robison.
1811 Captain R. F. Cleaveland.
1819 Captain C. F. Sandham.
1822 Captain N. W. Oliver.
1826 Captain P. Walker.
1827 Captain C. Cruttenden.
1833 Captain W. B. Dundas.
1837 Captain A. O. W. Schalch.
1837 Captain R. B. Rawnsley.
1842 Captain G. Durnford.
1844 Captain J. H. St. John.
1844 Captain G. H. Hyde.
1854-55 Captain A. Oldfield.
1856 Captain W. T. Barnett.
No. 9 COMPANY, 4th BATTALION,
(_Afterwards 4th Company, 11th Battalion_),
Now "H" BATTERY, 4th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1812 Second American War. Engaged on board the gunboats on the
Canadian lakes, and on various outpost duties, receiving
special mention in Orders.
1815 Formed part of the Duke of Wellington's Army, but took no
active part, proceeding no further than Valenciennes.
Reduced in 1819 and reformed in 1848, when it was
transferred to the 11th Battalion as No. 4 Company. It
served during the Crimean War, and was present at the
Battle of Alma.
Battle of Inkerman.
and was constantly employed in carrying ammunition into the
trenches.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
* * * * *
1783 Captain James Winter.
1790 Captain T. Brady.
1793 Captain R. Hamilton.
1800 Captain R. Wright.
1800 Captain W. Robe.
1806 Captain T. J. Forbes.
1808 Captain J. S. Sinclair.
Reduced in 1819.
Reformed in 1848.
1848 Captain W. S. Payne.
1848 Captain T. B. F. Marriott.
(Transferred to 11th Battalion.)
1849 Captain W. R. Nedham.
1854 Captain J. Turner.
1855 Captain H. A. Smyth.
No. 10 COMPANY, 4th BATTALION,
AFTERWARDS "8" BATTERY, 12th BRIGADE,
Now "5" BATTERY, 12th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
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1812-13 Second American War. Engaged in nearly every operation on
the American frontier, repeatedly mentioned in Orders, and
by General Order was permitted to wear the designation
"Niagara."
1815-16 Present with the Duke of Wellington's Army, but took no
active part, remaining in garrison at Tournay.
1855 Crimea.
_N.B._—No. 8 Battery, 12th Brigade, R. A., was _nominally_ reduced on
1st Feb., 1871: but as No. 5 Battery of that Brigade was _really_
reduced, and the officers, non-commissioned officers, and men, of No.
8 Battery were transferred to No. 5, it seems just to perpetuate No.
8 Battery. The arms, books, &c., of No. 8 were also transferred to
No. 5.
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List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
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1783 Captain W. Godwin.
1787 Captain B. Marlow.
1794 Captain William Borthwick.
1794 Captain George Glasgow.
1800 Captain R. Dickinson.
1806 Captain E. Curry.
1808 Captain William Holcroft.
1816 Captain Joseph Brome.
Reduced in 1819.
Reformed in 1848.
1848 Captain H. S. Rowan.
Became 6th Company 12th Battalion in November, 1848.
1854 Captain Hamley.
1858 Captain Macdougal.
1859 Captain Boothby.
-----
Footnote 25:
At the capture of St. Sebastian, ten men of this Company volunteered
for the storming party, and were instrumental in deciding the fate of
the attack by the gallant style in which they turned two of the
enemy's guns upon the garrison, driving the defenders from the works.
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE JOURNAL OF A FEW YEARS.
FOR a few years after the formation of the Fourth Battalion, the History
of the Regiment contains little that possesses more than domestic
interest. It was the stillness which precedes a storm.
In 1775, the Titanic contest commenced, in which England found herself
pitted against France, Spain, and her own children.
From that year, until 1783, the student of her military history finds
his labour incessant. America and Europe alike claim his attention; the
War of Independence, and the Sieges of Gibraltar and Port Mahon, furnish
a wealth of material for his examination.
But before entering on these, the ground must be cleared and the
regimental gossip between 1771 and 1775 must be chronicled.
During that time, the relief of the battalion serving in America—by the
4th—took place, and on the latter fell all Artillery duties performed at
the commencement of hostilities in that country. As the war developed,
the 4th Battalion was reinforced by four companies of the 3rd, whose
men—and also the Lieutenant-Fireworkers—were gradually absorbed into the
4th Battalion. At the same time, four companies of the 1st and 3rd
Battalions, under the gallant Phillips, were ordered to America, and
formed part of the force commanded by the ill-fated Burgoyne. During
this decade, between 1770 and 1779, five companies of the 2nd Battalion
relieved those at Gibraltar, and were the only Artillery present at that
memorable siege, which sheds a lustre over this unhappy period in the
national history.
Woolwich saw a good many changes at this time. The barracks in the
Warren were inadequate to meet the wants of the Regiment, now that it
had received so many augmentations. Some ground on the Common was,
therefore, purchased by the Board, and the foundation laid of barracks,
large enough to accommodate a battalion of eight companies. The building
was completed, and the barracks inhabited, early in 1776.
Modifications in the dress of the Regiment took place; and the evil
results of the liberty granted to the Colonels of Battalions with regard
to their men's clothing manifested themselves to such a degree, that in
March, 1772, an order was issued, forbidding any alteration in the
clothing of the men, or uniform of the officers, without the previous
knowledge and approbation of the Master-General.
From various Battalion Orders issued at this time, we learn that the
officers had now to provide themselves with plain frocks, and plain hats
with a gold band, button, and loop; and that the accoutrements of the
men, which had hitherto been buff, were now changed,—becoming what they
are at present—white. The dress for a parade under arms was as follows:—
The men, in white breeches, white stockings, black half-spatterdashes,
and their hair clubbed:—the officers, in plain frocks, half-
spatterdashes, and queues, with white cotton or thread stockings under
their spatterdashes, and gold button and loop on their plain hats. When
the officers were on duty, they were ordered to wear their hair clubbed,
and their hats cocked in the same manner as those of the men. The hats
of the men were worn with the front loops just over the nose. Black
stocks were utterly forbidden, white only being permitted to be worn,
either by officers or men.
On the 22nd June, 1772, a Royal Warrant was issued, deciding that
Captain-Lieutenants in the Artillery and Engineers should rank as
Captains in the Army. Those who were then serving, were to have their
commissions as Captain, dated 26th May, 1772; and those who might be
subsequently commissioned, from the date of their appointment. The title
of Captain-Lieutenant was abolished, and that of Second Captain
substituted, in 1804.
In 1772 and 1775, the regiment was reviewed by the King—on both
occasions at Blackheath. The inspections were very satisfactory; in
1772, "The corps went through their different evolutions with great
exactness, though greatly incommoded by the weather, and obstructed by
the prodigious concourse of people, which was greater than ever was
known on any like occasion." In addition to these reviews, the King
visited Woolwich in state in 1773, for the purpose of inspecting the new
foundry and boring-room. In the latter, he saw a 42-pounder bored with a
new and wonderful horizontal boring-machine. He saw many curious
inventions; among others, a light field-piece, invented by Colonel
Pattison, "which, on emergencies, might be carried on men's shoulders,"
and which was tried, "to the great amazement of His Majesty." He also
went to the Academy, where he breakfasted; and then inspected the
companies which happened to be in Woolwich, with whose manœuvres he
expressed the utmost satisfaction. The review was marred by an accident
which occurred. "Colonel Broome, in parading in front of the Regiment,
before His Majesty, on a very beautiful and well-broke horse, but very
tender-mouthed, checked him, which made the horse rise upon his hind-
legs, and fall backwards upon his rider, who is so greatly bruised, that
his life is despaired of."[26]
In 1772, the officers, whose extra pay on promotion had been taken to
make up the half-pay of Captain-Lieutenant Rogers, complained of the
injustice, and their remonstrances were attended to. A warrant was
issued on the 4th August, 1772, directing a vacancy of one Second
Lieutenant to be kept open in one of the invalid companies, the pay to
be employed towards Captain Rogers's half-pay.
It is impossible to stigmatize too harshly the system of non-effectives,
borne for various purposes on the strength of the Regiment, in which the
Board of Ordnance delighted. It was at once deceitful and
unbusinesslike. If the purposes were legitimate, they should have formed
the subject of a separate vote. At the risk of wearying the reader, a
recapitulation will be given of the non-effectives in the Regiment at
this time, and the purposes for which they were borne upon the
establishment. There were thirty-two marching companies in the Regiment,
and eight of invalids. On the muster-roll of each company, a dummy—so to
speak—was borne, whose pay went to the Widows' Fund; another per
company, for what was called the Non-effective Fund, and a third, whose
pay went to remunerate the fifer. In addition to this, ten dummies were
borne, whose pay went to swell General Belford's income, in the form of
command pay; and nine were utilized for the band.
In short, out of 1088 matrosses, shown as the establishment of the
marching companies, no less than 115 had no existence; and in the
invalid companies, a Second Lieutenant and 16 matrosses were equally
shadowy. If we examine the purposes for which the fund called the non-
effective fund existed, shall we find them to be irregular, or such as
could not be made public? Not at all; the charges on this fund were
legitimate, and a separate vote might and should have been taken,
particularizing them. They were to meet the expenses connected with
recruits, deserters, and discharged invalids, as well as certain
contingent charges, connected with the command of companies. Why then
the mystery, and deceit practised upon the public? If the senior officer
of Artillery was deserving of higher pay on account of his services or
responsibility, why not openly say so, instead of showing to the
country, as part of the Artillery establishment, ten men who had no
existence? The wickedness and folly of such a means of keeping accounts
could only have emanated from such a Department as the Board of
Ordnance.
Mention has been made of recruiting expenses. Certain regulations which
were in force at this time may be interesting to the reader. Levy money
was not allowed to the recruiting officer in cases where the recruits
were not approved by the commanding officer, but their subsistence after
enlistment until rejection, was admitted. If a recruit deserted before
joining, no charge whatever was admitted against the fund. But if he
died between enlistment and the time when he should have joined, all
expenses connected with him were admitted on production of the necessary
vouchers and certificates. When the non-effective fund was balanced,
which was done annually on the 30th June, 5_l._ was credited to the
accounts of the coming year, for each man wanting to complete the
establishment, in order to meet the expenses of the recruits who would
be enlisted to fill the vacancies.
A word, now, about the invalids. They were for service in the garrisons;
at first, merely in Great Britain, but ultimately also abroad, for in
1775, when the war in Massachusetts was assuming considerable
proportions, the company of the 4th Battalion, which was quartered in
Newfoundland, was ordered to Boston; and the two companies of invalids,
shown as belonging to that battalion, and then quartered at Portsmouth,
were ordered to Newfoundland for duty. Men over twenty years' service
were drafted from the marching to the invalid companies, instead of
being discharged with a pension; and the companies were officered from
the regiment, appointments in the various ranks being given to the
senior applicants.
In 1779, two additional invalid companies were added, and the ten were
consolidated into one battalion, effective companies being given to the
other battalions in their room.
The staff of the Invalid Battalion consisted of a Lieutenant-Colonel
Commandant, a Major, and an Adjutant; and the establishment of each
company was as follows:—a Captain, a First and Second Lieutenant, 1
Sergeant, 1 Corporal, 1 Drummer, 3 Bombardiers, 6 Gunners, and 36
Matrosses. Although this battalion was fifth in order of formation, and
was frequently called the Fifth Battalion,—the real Fifth Battalion, the
services of which are sketched in the end of this volume, was not formed
until much nearer the close of the eighteenth century.
In 1772, a Military Society was founded at Woolwich for the discussion
of professional questions. It was originated by two officers at
Gibraltar—Jardine and Williams—extracts from whose letters to one
another, when the idea occurred to them, are quaintly amusing.
Lieutenant Jardine writes:—"I have been thinking that there must be a
good deal of knowledge scattered about in this numerous corps. Could it
not be collected, concentrated, and turned to some effect? We have
already in this country all kinds of Societies, except Military ones. I
think a voluntary association might be formed among us (admitting,
perhaps, Engineers and others) on liberal principles, viz., for their
own improvement and amusement, where military, mathematical, and
philosophical knowledge, being the chief object of their enquiries,
essays, &c., might thus be improved and propagated. They might thus
communicate and increase their own ideas, preserve themselves from
vulgar errors, and keeping one another in countenance, bear up against
the contempt of pert and presumptive ignorance. If it increased in
numbers, and grew into consequence, they might in time bring study and
real knowledge into fashion, and, retorting a juster contempt, keep
mediocrity, and false or no merit, down to their proper sphere."
His correspondent, who was then on board a transport, and wrote under
difficulties, eagerly entered into the scheme, but for reasons stated
could not go into details. "I have many things," he writes, "in my head,
but our band (consisting of geese screaming, ducks quacking, hogs
grunting, dogs growling, puppies barking, brats squalling, and all hands
bawling) are now performing a full piece, so that whatever my
pericranium labours with, it must lie concealed until I arrive at
Retirement's Lying-in Hospital, in Solitude Row, where I shall hope for
a happy delivery."
The friends reached Woolwich that year; and in October the society was
formed. There happened to be many among the senior officers who
sympathized with the promoters, notably Generals Williamson and
Desaguliers, and Colonels Pattison and Phillips. The meetings took place
at 6 P.M. on every Saturday preceding the full moon; and were secret, in
order that an inventor might communicate his discoveries without fear of
their appropriation. With the author's consent, however, papers might be
published. The carrying-on of experiments was one of the main purposes
which animated the society. At the present day, when the idea which
animated the promoters of the old society has blossomed into a Literary
and Scientific Institution, unparalleled in any corps in any land, which
not merely encourages and developes the intelligence and literary talent
of its members, but aids, in the highest degree, to lift the corps out
of mediocrity into science,—these old facts connected with the infant
society have a peculiar interest. The year 1872 may look back to 1772
with filial regard.
On the 8th July, 1773, the 4th Battalion arrived in New York—with the
exception of one company, which went to Newfoundland.
Within a very brief period, the political atmosphere in that country
became hopelessly overcast, and with the outbreak of the storm at
Boston, in 1775, commences at once the active history of the American
War, and of the Royal Artillery during that war, which is to be treated
by itself. But parallel with that long and disastrous campaign, and
occupying a period extending from 1779 to 1783, was the great siege of
Gibraltar. To prevent an interruption in the thread of the American
narrative, it is proposed to anticipate matters, and passing over the
years 1775 to 1778, when the eye of the student can see nothing but
America, proceed at once to the consideration of the siege, and then
return to an uninterrupted consideration of the Artillery share in the
American War from 1775 to the Peace of 1783.
-----
Footnote 26:
Colonel Cleaveland's MSS.
CHAPTER XXV.
THE GREAT SIEGE OF GIBRALTAR.
"Neither, while the war lasts, will Gibraltar surrender. Not though
Crillon, Nassau, Siegen, with the ablest projectors extant, are
there; and Prince Condé and Prince d'Artois have hastened to help.
Wondrous leather-roofed floating-batteries, set afloat by French-
Spanish _Pacte de famille_, give gallant summons; to which,
nevertheless, Gibraltar answers Plutonically, with mere torrents of
red-hot iron,—as if stone Calpe had become a throat of the Pit; and
utters such a Doom's-blast of a No, as all men must credit."—
CARLYLE.
THE year 1779 saw England engaged in war on both sides of the Atlantic,
with bitter and jealous enemies. Her struggle with the revolted colonies
offered a tempting opportunity to France to wipe out her losses during
the Seven Years' War,—and to Spain, to wipe out the disgrace which she
felt in the possession of Gibraltar by the English. France, accordingly,
espoused the cause of the Americans; and Spain, under pretence of the
rejection of an offer of mediation between England and France, proposed
in terms which could not be accepted, immediately declared a war, which
had been decided upon from the day of the disaster at Saratoga, and for
which preparations had been progressing for some time without any
pretence of concealment.
The Royal Artillery in this year consisted of thirty-two _service_
companies, and eight _invalid_. The augmentation referred to in the last
chapter did not take place until the end of the year. Of this number,
one-half—sixteen companies—was in America; one company in Newfoundland;
three in the West Indies; three in Minorca; and five in Gibraltar:—a
total abroad of twenty-eight service companies out of thirty-two. Nor
was it a foreign service, so weary and uneventful as it sometimes is
now: it was a time when England was fighting almost for existence, and
every company had to share the dangers. Should such a rising against
England ever occur again, the Regiment could not select as its model for
imitation anything nobler than the five companies which were in
Gibraltar during the great siege.
They were the five senior companies of the 2nd Battalion, and they still
exist, under the altered nomenclature, as,—
No. 7 Battery, 21st Brigade Intermediately in the 6th Brigade.
2 Battery 12th Brigade
7 Battery 10th Brigade
D Battery 1st Brigade
8 Battery 3rd Brigade
At the commencement of the siege, Colonel Godwin was in command of the
Artillery; but he returned to England in the following year, on
promotion to the command of the Battalion, and died in about six years.
He was succeeded by Colonel Tovey, the same officer who had been present
with his company at Belleisle; and who, having had practical experience
of Siege Artillery of the attack, was now to head a train of Artillery
of the defence, in which duty and command he died. On his death, which
happened at a most exciting period of the siege, he was succeeded by
Major Lewis, whose conspicuous gallantry and severe wounds earned for
him a well-deserved Good Service Pension.
The strength of the Artillery was wholly inadequate to the number of
guns on the Rock. It amounted to a total of 25 officers, and 460 non-
commissioned officers and men; whereas, at the termination of the siege,
the following was the serviceable and mounted armament:—
_Guns._—Seventy-seven 32-pounders; one hundred and twenty-two 24-
pounders and 26-pounders; one hundred and four 18-pounders; seventy 12-
pounders; sixteen 9-pounders; twenty-five 6-pounders; thirty-eight 4-
pounders and 3-pounders.
_Mortars._—Twenty-nine 13-inch; one 10-inch; six 8-inch; and thirty-four
of smaller natures.
_Howitzers._—Nineteen 10-inch, and nine 8-inch.
One of the first steps taken by the Governor, General Eliott, was to
attach 180 men from the infantry to the Artillery, to learn gunnery, and
assist in the duties of the latter. The regiments in garrison were the
12th, 39th, 56th, and 58th, also the (then) 72nd regiment. The (then)
73rd and 97th regiments joined during the siege. There were also 124
Engineers and artificers, and three regiments of Hanoverian troops. The
total strength of all ranks in June 1779, was 5382; but it increased
before the siege was over—by means of reinforcements from England—to
7000.
A few statistics connected with the Artillery and their duties may,
perhaps, with advantage be prefaced to the account of the siege.
The amount of ammunition expended between September 1779|and February
1783, was as follows:
Shot 57,163
Shell 129,151
Grape 12,681
Carcasses 926
Light Balls 679
In all 200,600 rounds, and 8000 barrels of powder.
The preponderance of the number of shell over shot was caused by the
use, during the siege, of shell from _guns_, with reduced charges—as
well as from mortars and howitzers; suggested by Captain Mercier, of the
39th Regiment, and found so successful, as almost to abolish the use of
shot during the first two years. In the year 1782, however, the value of
red-hot shot against the enemy's fleet and works was discovered; the
amount of shot expended rapidly increased; and while there was hardly a
battery without the means at hand for heating them, there was also a
constant supply, already heated, in the chief batteries.
The batteries from which the Artillery generally fired on the land side
were those known collectively as Willis's; but when the fleet, and
especially the hornet-like gunboats, commenced annoying the garrison,
the batteries towards the sea had also to be manned, and the duty became
so severe, that at times the fire had to be slackened, literally to
allow the men to snatch a few hours' sleep.
The proportion in the Royal Artillery of killed and wounded was very
great. According to the records of the 2nd Battalion, the list was even
heavier than that given by Drinkwater in his celebrated work; but even
accepting the latter version as correct, it stood as follows:—
Out of a total of 485 of all ranks, there were:—
Killed 23
Died of wounds 8
Totally disabled 13
Wounded 116
Died of sickness 36
———
Total number of casualties 196
The officers who were killed were Captain J. Reeves and Lieutenant J.
Grumley. The former commenced his career as a matross, and received his
commission at the Havannah in 1762; the latter was a volunteer, attached
in 1778 to the Artillery in Gibraltar, and commissioned in 1780; who
enjoyed his honours for a very short time, being killed in the
bombardment of the 13th of September, 1782. The officers who were
wounded were Major Lewis, Captain-Lieutenant Seward, Lieutenants Boag,
Willington, Godfrey, and Cuppage. Of these, Lieutenant Boag was twice
wounded during the siege. He, like Captain Reeves, had commenced his
service as a matross; nor was his promotion accelerated by brevet or
otherwise on account of his wounds, in the dull times of reduction and
stagnation, which followed the peace signed at Versailles in 1783. He
was at last appointed Major in 1801. Retiring two years later, after a
service of forty-five years, he died, as he had lived, plain James
Boag,—unnoticed, forgotten, as the great siege itself was, in the
boiling whirl which was circling over Europe, fevering every head and
heart.
Two valuable inventions were made during the siege by Artillery
officers, to increase the efficacy of their fire. By means of one, a gun
could be depressed to any angle not exceeding 70°—a most important
invention in a fortification like Gibraltar.
The other discovery—if it may be called so—was in an opposite direction.
The nightly bombardment, in 1781, by the enemy's gunboats not merely
caused great damage and loss of life, but also an annoyance and
irritation out of proportion to the injury inflicted. Governor Eliott
resolved to retaliate in similar fashion, and to bombard the Spanish
camp, which it was hoped to reach by firing from the Old Mole Head. On
it was placed a 13-inch sea-service mortar, fired at the usual elevation
but with a charge of from twenty-eight to thirty pounds of powder; and
in the sand alongside, secured by timber, and at an angle of 42°, five
32-pounders and one 18 pounder were sunk, and fired with charges of
fourteen and nine pounds of powder respectively. The results were most
satisfactory,—alarming and annoying the enemy, and in proportion
cheering the garrison.
It was impossible that a siege of such duration could continue without
the importance and responsibility of Artillery officers becoming
apparent. This fact produced an order from the Governor, which saved
them from much interference from amateur Artillerymen in the form of
Brigadiers. The officers commanding in any part of the Fort were
forbidden to interfere with the officers of Artillery in the execution
of their duty, nor were they to give orders for firing from any of the
batteries without consulting the officer who might happen to be in
charge of the Artillery.
The life of the garrison during this weary siege was, as might be
expected, monotonous in the extreme. The distress undergone, the want of
provisions felt by all ranks, from the self denying Governor downwards;—
the hoping against hope for relief;—the childish excitement at every
rumour which reached the place;—the indignation at what seemed a cruel,
unnecessary, and spiteful bombardment;—and the greater fury among the
troops, when, among other results of the enemy's fire, came the
disclosure in the damaged houses and stores of the inhabitants, of large
quantities of wine and provisions, hoarded through all the time of
scarcity, in the hope that with still greater famine the price they
would bring would be greater too;—all these are told with the minuteness
of daily observation, in the work from which all accounts of the siege
are more or less drawn.
The marvellous contentment with which the troops bore privations, which
they saw were necessary; the good-humour and discipline they always
displayed, save on the occasion just mentioned, when anger drove them
into marauding, and intoxication produced its usual effect on troops;
the extraordinary coolness and courage they displayed during even the
worst part of the bombardment, a courage which was even foolhardy, and
had to be restrained; all these make this siege one of the noblest
chapters in England's military history.
Although the blockade commenced in 1779, it was April, 1781, before the
bombardment from the Spanish lines, which drove the miserable
townspeople from their houses for shelter to the south of the Rock, can
be said to have regularly commenced. When it did commence, it did so in
earnest; shells filled with an inflammable matter were used, which set
the buildings on fire; and a graphic description of a bombarded town may
be found in Drinkwater's pages. "About noon, Lieutenant Budworth, of the
72nd Regiment, and Surgeon Chisholme, of the 56th, were wounded by a
splinter of a shell, at the door of a northern casemate in the King's
Bastion. The former was dangerously scalped, and the latter had one foot
taken off, and the other leg broken, besides a wound in the knee....
Many casks of flour were brought into the King's Bastion, and piled as
temporary traverses before the doors of the southern casemates, in which
several persons had been killed and wounded in bed.... In the course of
the day, a shell fell through the roof of the galley-house, where part
of the 39th and some of the 12th Regiments were quartered; it killed
two, and wounded four privates.... In the course of the 20th April,
1781, the Victualling Office was on fire for a short time; and at night,
the town was on fire in four different places.... On the 21st, the
enemy's cannonade continued very brisk; forty-two rounds were counted in
two minutes. The Garrison Flag-staff, on the Grand Battery, was so much
injured by their fire, that the upper part was obliged to be cut off,
and the colours, or rather their glorious remains, were _nailed_ to the
stump.... On the 23rd, the wife of a soldier was killed behind the South
Barracks, and several men wounded.... On the 24th, a shell fell at the
door of a casemate in the King's Bastion, and wounded four men _within_
the bomb-proof.... The buildings at this time exhibited a most dreadful
picture of the results of so animated a bombardment. Scarce a house
north of Grand Parade was habitable; all of them were deserted. Some few
near Southport continued to be inhabited by soldiers' families; but in
general, the floors and roofs were destroyed, and only the shell left
standing.... A shell from the gunboats fell in a house in Hardy Town,
and killed Mr. Israel, a very respectable Jew, with Mrs. Tourale, a
female relation, and his clerk.... A soldier of the 72nd Regiment was
killed in his bed by a round shot, and a Jew butcher was equally
unfortunate.... The gunboats bombarded our camp about midnight, and
killed and wounded twelve or fourteen.... About ten o'clock on the
evening of 18th September, a shell from the lines fell into a house
opposite the King's Bastion, where the Town Major, Captain Burke, with
Majors Mercier and Vignoles, were sitting. The shell took off Major
Burke's thigh; afterwards fell through the floor into the cellar—there
it burst, and forced the flooring, with the unfortunate Major, to the
ceiling. When assistance came, they found poor Major Burke almost buried
among the ruins of the room. He was instantly conveyed to the Hospital,
where he died soon after.... On the 30th, a soldier of the 72nd lost
both his legs by a shot from Fort Barbara.... In the afternoon of the
7th October, a shell fell into a house in town, where Ensign Stephens of
the 39th was sitting. Imagining himself not safe where he was, he
quitted the room to get to a more secure place; but just as he passed
the door, the shell burst, and a splinter mortally wounded him in the
reins, and another took off his leg. He was conveyed to the Hospital,
and had suffered amputation before the surgeons discovered the mortal
wound in the body. He died about seven o'clock.... In the course of the
25th March, 1782, a shot came through one of the capped embrasures on
Princess Amelia's Battery, took off the legs of two men belonging to the
72nd and 73rd Regiments, one leg of another soldier of the 73rd, and
wounded another man in both legs; thus four men had seven legs taken off
and wounded by one shot."
And so on, _ad infinitum_. The daily life was like this; for although
even worse was to come at the final attack, this wearying, cruel
bombardment went on literally every day. On the 5th May, 1782, the
bombardment ceased for twenty-four hours, for the first time during
thirteen months.
As in the time of great pestilence, after the first alarm has subsided,
there is a callous indifference, which creeps over those who have
escaped, and among whom the familiarity with Death seems almost to have
bred contempt, so—during this long siege—after the novelty and
excitement of the first few days' bombardment had worn off, the men
became so indifferent to the danger, that, when a shell fell near them,
the officer in charge would often have to compel them to take the
commonest precautions. The fire of the enemy became a subject of wit
even, and laughter, among the men; and probably the unaccustomed silence
of that 5th of May, when the bombardment was suspended, was quite
irksome to these creatures of habit, whose favourite theme of
conversation was thus removed.
Among the incidents of the bombardment, there was one which demands
insertion in this work, as the victim—a matross—belonged to the Royal
Artillery. Shortly before the bombardment commenced, he had broken his
thigh; and being a hearty, active fellow, he found the confinement in
hospital very irksome. He managed to get out of the ward before he was
cured, and his spirits proving too much for him, he forgot his broken
leg, and falling again, he was taken up as bad as ever. While lying in
the ward for the second time under treatment, a shell from one of the
gunboats entered, and rebounding, lodged on his body as he lay, the
shell spent, but the fuze burning. The other sick men in the room
summoned strength to crawl out of the ward before the shell burst; but
this poor fellow was kept down in his bed by the weight of the shell,
and the shock of the blow, and when it burst, it took off both his legs,
and scorched him frightfully. Wonderful to say, he survived a short
time, and remained sensible to the last. Before he died he expressed his
regret that he had not been killed in the batteries. Heroic, noble wish!
While men like these are to be found in the ranks of our armies, let no
man despair. Heroism such as this, in an educated man, may be inspired
by mixed motives—personal courage, hope of being remembered with honour,
pride in what will be said at home, and, perhaps, a touch of theatrical
effect,—but, in a man like this brave matross, whose courage has failed
even to rescue his name from oblivion, although his story remains—the
heroism is pure and simple—unalloyed, and the mere expression of
devotion to duty, for duty's sake. And this heroism is god-like!
This was but one of many heroic actions performed by men of the Royal
Artillery. Another deserves mention, in which the greatest coolness and
presence of mind were displayed. A gunner, named Hartley, was employed
in the laboratory, filling shells with carcass composition and fixing
fuzes. During the operation a fuze ignited, and "Although he was
surrounded by unfixed fuzes, loaded shells, composition, &c., with the
most astonishing coolness he carried out the lighted shell, and threw it
where it could do little or no harm. Two seconds had scarcely elapsed,
before it exploded. If the shell had burst in the laboratory, it is
almost certain the whole would have been blown up—when the loss in fixed
ammunition, fuzes, &c., would have been irreparable—exclusive of the
damage which the fortifications would have suffered from the explosion,
and the lives that might have been lost."[27]
Yet again. On New Year's Day, 1782, an officer of Artillery in Willis's
Batteries, observing a shell about to fall near where he was standing,
got behind a traverse for shelter. The shell struck this very traverse,
and _before_ bursting, half buried him with the earth loosened by the
impact. One of the guard—named Martin—observing his officer's position,
hurried, in spite of the risk to his own life when the shell should
burst, and endeavoured to extricate him from the rubbish. Unable to do
it by himself, he called for assistance, and another of the guard,
equally regardless of personal danger, ran to him, and they had hardly
succeeded in extricating their officer, when the shell burst and
levelled the traverse with the ground.
This great siege of Calpe, the fourteenth to which the Rock had been
subjected, divides itself into three epochs. First, the monotonous
blockade, commencing in July, 1779; second, the bombardment which
commenced in April, 1781; and third, the grand attack, on the 13th
September, 1782.
The blockade was varied by occasional reliefs and reinforcements; and
was accompanied by an incessant fire from the guns of the fortress on
the Spanish works. The batteries most used at first were Willis's, so
called (according to an old MS. of 1705, in the Royal Artillery Record
Office), because the man who was most energetic, when these batteries
were first armed, bore that name. When the attacks from the gunboats
commenced, the batteries to the westward—the King's Bastions and others—
were also employed. The steady fire kept up by the Artillery, its
accuracy, and the improvements in it suggested by the experience of the
siege, were themes of universal admiration; and the many ingenious
devices, some of them copied by the enemy, by which, with the assistance
of the Engineers, they masked, strengthened, and repaired their
batteries, form a most interesting study for the modern Artilleryman.
The incessant Artillery duel, which went on, made the gunners' nights as
sleepless frequently as their days; for the hours of darkness had to be
devoted to repairing the damages sustained during the day. Well may the
celebrated chronicler of the siege talk of them as "our brave
Artillery,"—brave in the sense of continuous endurance, not merely
spasmodic effort.
At the siege of Belleisle, described in a former chapter, the failing
ammunition of the enemy was indicated by the use of wooden and stone
projectiles. The latter were used by the Royal Artillery at Gibraltar,
but for a different reason. To check and distract the working-parties of
the enemy, shell had been chiefly employed by the garrison; and the
proficiency they attained in the use of these projectiles can easily be
accounted for, when it is remembered how soon and how accurately every
range could be ascertained; how eager the gunners were to make every
shot tell; and how exceedingly important it was to check the continued
advance of the enemy's works. For variety's sake, it would seem, for
there was no need to economize shell at this time—in pure boyish love of
change, the Artillerymen devised stone balls, perforated so as to admit
of a small bursting-charge, and a short fuze; and it was found that the
bursting of these projectiles over the Spanish working-parties caused
them incredible annoyance.
Although the fire of the garrison during the first epoch of the siege
was the most important consideration, and its value could hardly be
overrated, as to it alone was any hope due of prolonging the defence
until help should come from England,—it was not the only distinctive
feature of this time. It was during the blockade that the garrison was
most sorely tried by the scarcity of food. And in forming our estimate
of the defence of Gibraltar, it should never be forgotten that the
defenders were always the same—unrelieved, without communication with
any back country; and with hardly any reinforcements to ease the heavy
duties. The 97th Regiment, which arrived during the siege, was long in
the garrison before it was permitted, or indeed was able, to take its
share of duty; and the hard work, as well as the hard fare, fell upon
the same individuals.
The statistics, given so curtly by Drinkwater, as to the famine in the
place, enable us to realize the daily privations of the troops. At one
time, scurvy had so reduced the effective strength of the garrison, that
a shipload of lemons which arrived was a more valuable contingent than
several regiments would have been. In reading the account of this, with
all the quiet arguments as to the value of lemon-juice, and its effect
upon the patients, one cannot but wish, that in every military operation
there were artists like Drinkwater to fill in the details of those
pictures, whose outlines may be drawn by military commanders, or by the
logic of events, but whose canvas becomes doubly inviting through the
agency of the other industrious and unobtrusive brush. Modern warlike
operations suffer from an overabundance of description; but the skeleton
supplied by official reports, and the frequent flabbiness of those
rendered by newspaper correspondents, produce a result far inferior to
the compact picture presented by a writer at once observant and
professional.
In a table, at the end of Drinkwater's work, crowded out of the book, as
if hardly worthy of mention, and yet most precious to the student now,
we find some of the prices paid for articles of food during the siege.
Fowls brought over a guinea a couple; beef as much as 4_s._ 10_d._ per
pound; a goose, 30_s._; best tea as high as 2_l._ 5_s._ 6_d._ per pound;
eggs, as much as 4_s._ 10½_d._ per dozen; cheese, 4_s._ 1_d._ per pound;
onions, 2_s._ 6_d._ per pound; a cabbage, 1_s._ 7½_d._; a live pig,
9_l._ 14_s._ 9_d._; and a sow in pig, over 29_l._
The high price, at times, of all vegetables, was an index of the
existence of that terrible scourge—scurvy.
Some very quaint sales took place. An English cow was sold during the
blockade for fifty guineas, reserving to the sellers a pint of milk each
day while she continued to give it; while another cow was purchased by a
Jew for sixty guineas, but in so feeble a state, that she dropped down
dead before she had been removed many hundred yards. The imagination
fails in attempting to realize the purchaser's face—a Jew, and a
Gibraltar Jew; but can readily conceive the laugh against him among the
surrounding crowd, their haggard faces looking more ghastly as they
smiled. Although Englishmen take their pleasure sadly, they also bear
their troubles lightly. An English soldier must be reduced indeed, ere
he fails to enjoy a joke at another man's expense, and this
characteristic was not wanting at Gibraltar.
The second epoch—the Bombardment—was at first hardly believed to be
possible. The fire of the garrison was directed against an assailant and
a masculine force; but a bombardment of Gibraltar meant—in the minds of
its defenders—a wanton sacrifice of women and children; a wholesale
murder of unwarlike inhabitants, who could not escape, and to whom the
claims of the conflicting Powers were immaterial. The wailing of women
over murdered children, of children over wounded parents; the smoking
ruins of recently happy homes; the distress of the flying tradespeople
and their families, seeking safety to the southward of the Rock, and
abandoning their treasures to bombardment and pillage; all these told
with irritating effect upon the troops of a country whose sons are
chivalrous without being demonstrative. In days coming on—in terrible
days which many who read these pages may have lived in and seen, English
troops shall clench their hands, and set their teeth with cruel
hardness, as they come upon little female relics—articles of jewellery
or dress—perhaps even locks of hair, scattered in hideous abandonment
near that well at Cawnpore, whose horrors have often been imagined—never
told. To those who have seen this picture, the feelings of the
beleaguered garrison in Gibraltar will be easily intelligible, as they
stumbled in the town over a corpse—and that corpse a woman's. No wonder
that when the great sally took place, historical as much for its
boldness as its success, there was an angry desperation among the
troops, which it would have taken tremendous obstacles to resist. It was
a brave morning, that 27th of November, 1781, when "the moon's nightly
course was "nearly run,"[28] and ere the sun had risen, a little over
2000 men sallied forth to destroy the advanced works of the enemy—an
enemy 14,000 strong—and works, three-quarters of a mile from the
garrison, and "within a few hundred yards of the enemy's lines, which
mounted 135 pieces of heavy artillery."[28] The officers and men of the
Royal Artillery who took part in the sortie, numbered 114; and were
divided into detachments to accompany the three columns of the sallying
force, to spike the enemy's guns, destroy their magazines and
ammunition, and set fire to their works. It was the last order issued in
Colonel Tovey's name to the brave men whom he had commanded since the
promotion of Colonel Godwin. For Abraham Tovey was sick unto death; and
as his men were parading for the sortie, and the moon was running her
nightly course—his was running fast too. Before his men returned, he was
dead. For nearly half a century he had served in the Royal Artillery—
beginning his career as a matross in 1734, and ending it as a
Lieutenant-Colonel in 1781. He died in harness—died in the command of a
force of Garrison Artillery which has never been surpassed nor equalled,
save by the great and famous siege-train in the Crimea.
The troops for the sortie paraded at midnight, on the Red Sands, under
Brigadier-General Ross. They consisted of the 12th Regiment, and
Hardenberg's—two which had fought side by side at Minden—and the
Grenadiers and light infantry of the other regiments. There were also,
in addition to the Artillery, 100 sailors, 3 Engineers, with 7 officers
and 12 non-commissioned officers, overseers, 40 artificers, and 160 men
from the line as a working party. A reserve of the 39th and 58th
Regiments was also in readiness, if required.
On reaching the works, "The ardour of the assailants was irresistible.
The enemy on every side gave way, abandoning in an instant, and with the
utmost precipitation, those works which had cost them so much expense,
and employed so many months to perfect.... The exertions of the workmen,
and the Artillery, were wonderful. The batteries were soon in a state
for the fire faggots to operate; and the flames spread with astonishing
rapidity into every part. The column of fire and smoke which rolled from
the works, beautifully illuminated the troops and neighbouring objects,
forming altogether a _coup d'œil_ not possible to be described. In an
hour, the object of the sortie was fully effected."[29]
The third epoch, culminating in the grand attack on the 13th September,
1782, is deeply interesting. The fate of Minorca had released a number
of Spanish troops, to act against Gibraltar; and large French
reinforcements had arrived. On the land side, there were now "Most
stupendous and strong batteries and works, mounting two hundred pieces
of heavy ordnance, and protected by an army of near 40,000 men,
commanded by a victorious and active general, the Duke de Crillon; and
animated by the immediate presence of two Princes of the Royal Blood of
France." From the sea, the Fort was menaced by forty-seven sail of the
line:—"Ten battering-ships, deemed perfect in design, and esteemed
invincible, carrying 212 guns; besides innumerable frigates, xebeques,
bomb-ketches, cutters, gun and mortar-boats, and smaller craft for
disembarking men."[29]
It was during the bombardment immediately preceding the grand attack,
that Major Lewis was wounded, and Lieutenant Boag received his second
wound, the latter in a singular manner. He was in the act of laying a
gun, when a shell fell in the Battery. He immediately threw himself into
an embrasure for safety when the shell should explode; but when the
shell burst, it _fired the gun under whose muzzle he lay_. Besides other
injury, the report deprived him of hearing, and it was very long ere he
recovered. Another officer of the Artillery, Major Martin, had a narrow
escape at the same time, a 26-pounder shot carrying away the cock of his
hat, near the crown.
The 26-pounder was a very common gun, both in the Rock and in the
enemy's land-batteries; but as it was not used on board their ships, and
to prevent them returning the shot of the garrison against themselves,
all the 26-pounders were moved to the seaward batteries, and fired
against the ships, guns of other calibres being employed against the
land forces.
The battering ships, with their supposed impregnable shields, were the
mainstay of the enemy's hopes; but the use of red-hot shot by the
garrison made them after a time perfectly useless.
When the cannonade was at its highest pitch, on the day of the grand
attack, "the showers of shot and shell which were directed from the
enemy's land-batteries, the battering-ships, and, on the other hand,
from the various works of the garrison, exhibited a scene of which,
perhaps, neither the pen nor pencil can furnish a competent idea. It is
sufficient to say that four hundred pieces of the heaviest Artillery
were playing at the same moment: an instance which has scarcely occurred
in any siege since the invention of those wonderful engines of
destruction."[30]
At first the battering-ships seemed to deserve their reputation. "Our
heaviest shells often rebounded from their tops, whilst the 32-pound
shot seemed incapable of making any visible impression upon their
hulls.... Even the Artillery themselves at this period had their doubts
of the effect of the red-hot shot.... Though so vexatiously annoyed from
the Isthmus, our Artillery totally disregarded their opponents in that
quarter, directing their sole attention to the battering-ships, the
furious and spirited opposition of which served to excite our people to
more animated exertions. A fire, more tremendous, if possible, than ever
was therefore directed from the garrison. Incessant showers of hot
balls, carcasses, and shells of every species flew from all quarters;
and as the masts of several of the ships were shot away, and the rigging
of all in great confusion, our hopes of a speedy and favourable decision
began to revive."[31]
Towards evening, signs of great distress and confusion were visible on
board the ships, and the Admiral's ship was seen to be on fire. But not
until next morning did the garrison realize how great was their
advantage. In the meantime the fire was continued, though less rapidly;
and "as the Artillery, from such a hard-fought day, exposed to the
intense heat of a warm sun, in addition to the harassing duties of the
preceding night, were much fatigued; and as it was impossible to foresee
what new objects might demand their service the following day; the
Governor about six in the evening, when the enemy's fire abated,
permitted the majority of the officers and men to be relieved by a
piquet of a hundred men from the Marine Brigade; and officers and non-
commissioned officers of the Artillery were stationed on the different
batteries, to direct the sailors in the mode of firing the hot
shot."[31]
During the night, several of the battering-ships took fire, and the
scenes on board were terrible. Next day "three more blew up, and three
were burnt to the water's edge;" and of the only two remaining, one
"unexpectedly burst out into flames, and in a short time blew up, with a
terrible report," and the other was burnt in the afternoon by an officer
of the English navy.
"The exertions and activity of the brave Artillery," says Drinkwater,
"in this well-fought contest, deserve the highest commendations.... The
ordnance and carriages in the Fort were much damaged; but by the
activity of the Artillery, the whole sea-line before night was in
serviceable order.... During this action the enemy had more than three
hundred pieces of heavy ordnance in play; whilst the garrison had only
eighty cannon, seven mortars, and nine howitzers in opposition. Upwards
of 8300|rounds, more than half of which were hot-shot, and 716 barrels
of powder, were expended by our Artillery.... The distance of the
battering-ships from the garrison was exactly such as our Artillery
could have wished. It required so small an elevation that almost every
shot took effect."
On the 13th, the day of the attack, Captain Reeves and five men of the
Royal Artillery were killed: Captains Groves and Seward, and Lieutenant
Godfrey, with twenty-one men, were wounded.
It was, indeed, as Carlyle says, a "Doom's-blast of a No," which the
Artillery of Gibraltar answered to the summons of this grand attack.
After the failure of the attack, the enemy did not discontinue their old
bombardment, nor did the gunboats fail to make their nightly appearance,
and molest the inhabitants longing for rest. The Governor accordingly
directed the Artillery to resume the retaliation from the Old Mole Head
with the highly-elevated guns against the enemy's camp. The command of
the Royal Artillery now lay with Colonel Williams, an officer who joined
the service as a cadet-gunner in 1744, and died at Woolwich in 1790.
The work of the Artillery in the interval between the grand attack and
the declaration of peace was incessant, day and night.
On the 2nd February, 1783, exchange of shots ceased; and letters were
sent by the Spanish to the Governor announcing that the preliminaries of
peace were signed at Paris. From this date, courtesies were constantly
exchanged. It was on the occasion of a friendly visit of the Duke de
Crillon to the Fort, that on the officers of Artillery being presented
to him he said, "Gentlemen! I would rather see you here as friends, than
on your batteries as enemies, where you never spared me."
The siege had lasted in all three years, seven months, and twelve days;
and during this time the troops had well earned the expressions used
with regard to them by General Eliott, when he paraded them to receive
the thanks of the Houses of Parliament,—"Your cheerful submission to the
greatest hardships, your matchless spirit and exertions, and on all
occasions your heroic contempt of every danger."
To the Artillery, for their share in this matchless defence, there came
also the commendation of their own chief, the Master-General of the
Ordnance, then the Duke of Richmond. The old records of the Regiment
seem to sparkle and shine as one comes on such a sentence as this:—"His
Majesty has seen with great satisfaction such effectual proofs of the
bravery, zeal, and skill by which you and the Royal Regiment of
Artillery under your command at Gibraltar have so eminently
distinguished yourselves during the siege; and particularly in setting
fire to, and destroying all the floating batteries of the combined
forces of France and Spain on the 13th September last."
There was so much in the Peace of 1783 that was painful to England, not
so much in a military as in a political point of view, but undoubtedly
in the former also, that one hesitates to leave this bright spot in the
history of the time, and to turn back to that weary seven years'
catalogue in America, of blunders, dissensions, and loss. It was one and
the same Peace which celebrated the salvation of Gibraltar, and the loss
of our American Colonies. A strong arm saved the one: a foolish
statesmanship lost the other. But be statesmen wise or foolish, armies
have to march where they order; and the history of a foolish war has to
be written as well as that of a wise one.
It was October, 1783, ere the companies of the Royal Artillery which had
been present at the Great Siege returned to Woolwich on relief. The next
active service they saw was in Egypt in 1801, when three of them, Nos.
1, 2, and 4 Companies of the Second Battalion, were present with
Abercromby's force at the Battle of Alexandria, and during the
subsequent operations.
To serve in one of these companies is to serve in one whose antecedents
as Garrison Artillery are unsurpassed. Their story is one which should
be handed down among the officers and men belonging to them: for they
have a reputation to maintain, which no altered nomenclature can justify
them in allowing to become tarnished.
There is no fear of courage being wanting; but the standard from which
there should be no falling away is that of conduct and proficiency,
worthy of the old proficiency maintained under such harsh circumstances,
and of the old conduct which shone so brightly in the "cheerful
submission to the greatest hardships."
-----
Footnote 27:
Drinkwater.
Footnote 28:
Drinkwater.
Footnote 29:
Drinkwater.
Footnote 30:
Drinkwater.
Footnote 31:
Drinkwater.
CHAPTER XXVI.
PORT MAHON.
THE military importance of the capture of Minorca from the English in
1782 was not, perhaps, such as to warrant a separate chapter for its
consideration. But the defence of St. Philip's Castle by the English
against the combined forces of France and Spain was so exceptionally
gallant, their sufferings so great, and the zeal and courage of the
Artillery, especially, so conspicuous, that something more than a
passing mention is necessary in a work of this nature.
The siege lasted from the 19th August, 1781, to the 5th February, 1782.
General Murray was Governor, and Sir William Draper, Lieutenant-
Governor. The strength of the garrison at the commencement of the siege
was 2295 of all ranks; at the end of the siege, this number had been
reduced to 1227, but so many of these were in hospital, that the whole
number able to march out at the capitulation did not exceed—to use the
Governor's own words—"600 old decrepit soldiers, 200 seamen, 170 of the
Royal Artillery, 20 Corsicans, 25 Greeks, Moors, &c."
In a postscript to the official report of the capitulation the Governor
says:—"It would be unjust and ungrateful were I not to declare that from
the beginning to the last hour of the siege, the officers and men of the
Royal Regiment of Artillery distinguished themselves. I believe the
world cannot produce more expert gunners and bombardiers than those who
served in this siege." This alone would make imperative some notice of
this siege in a narrative of the services of the Corps.
In the Castle of St. Philip's, there were at the commencement of the
siege 234 guns and mortars. At the end, no less than 78 of these had
been rendered unserviceable by the enemy's fire. The batteries were
almost demolished, and the buildings a heap of ruins.
The following officers of the Royal Artillery were present:
Major WALTON.
Captains: FEAD, LAMBERT, SCHALCH, PARRY, and DIXON.
First Lieutenants: IRWIN, WOODWARD, LEMOINE, NEVILLE, and
BRADBRIDGE.
Second Lieutenants: HOPE, WULFF, and HAMILTON.
In addition to the Artillery the garrison was composed of two Regiments
of British, and two of Hanoverian troops.
The commandant of the enemy's forces was the Duke de Crillon, the same
officer who after the capitulation of St. Philip's proceeded to command
at the Siege of Gibraltar. He drew upon himself a well-merited rebuke
from General Murray, whom he had endeavoured to bribe, with a view to
the immediate surrender of the Castle; a rebuke which he felt, and
answered with great respect and admiration.
There is in the Royal Artillery Record Office a journal kept during the
siege by Captain F. M. Dixon, R.A., from which the following details are
taken, many of which would lose their force if given except in the
writer's own words. The siege commenced on the 20th August, when there
was nothing but confusion and disorder within St. Philip's, to which the
troops had retired; but the enemy did not commence firing on the Castle
until the 15th September. The English had not been so quiet; they
commenced firing at a great range on the 27th August, and with great
success. At the request of the Duke de Crillon, all the English families
had been sent out, in humane anticipation of the intended bombardment.
Desertion from the enemy was frequent at first; and as the siege
progressed it was occasional from the British troops. When a deserter
was captured, he received no mercy.
The most deadly enemy of the garrison was scurvy. Hence an order on the
7th November, 1781, for an officer and six men per company to be told
off daily to gather pot-herbs on the glacis. Anything of a vegetable
nature brought a fabulous price; tea was sold at thirty shillings a
pound; the number of sick increased every day, the men concealing their
illness to the last rather than go to hospital, and very frequently
dying on duty from sheer exhaustion:—"Our people," says the diary, "do
more than can be expected, considering their strength; the scurvy is
inveterate.... 108 men fell sick in two days with the scurvy.... I am
sorry our men are so very sickly; our people fall down surprisingly, we
have not a relief.... The Hanoverians die very fast: there is no
fighting against God.... Our troops increase vastly in their sickness;"
and so on. Among those who fell a victim during the siege was Captain
Lambert, of the Artillery.
So heavy were the duties that even the General's orderly sergeants were
given up to diminish the burden; and when the capitulation was resolved
upon, it was found that while the necessary guards required 415 men,
there were only 660 able to carry arms, leaving, as the Governor said,
no men for piquet, and a deficiency of 170 men to relieve the guard.
Against this small force, entrenched in what was now a mere heap of
rubbish, there was an enemy, whose lowest number was estimated at
15,000, and was more likely 20,000.
Some of the enemy's batteries were armed with 13-inch mortars. When the
British ammunition ran short, the shells of the enemy which had not
burst were returned to them, and in default of these, stone projectiles
were used with much effect.
On the 12th December, 1781, the following batteries had been opened
against the Castle:—
Hangman's Battery, containing 8 guns and 4 mortars.
Beneside Battery, containing 15 guns.
Dragoon Battery, containing 15 guns.
Burgos's Battery, containing 28 guns.
Swiss Battery, containing 14 to 16 guns.
America Battery, containing 14 to 16 guns.
Murcia Battery, containing 14 to 16 guns.
A small Battery, containing 6 mortars.
Assessor's Battery, containing 6 guns.
Cove Battery, containing 6 guns and 3 mortars.
George Town Battery, containing 6 guns and 4 mortars.
French Battery, containing 12 guns.
_St. Geordi_ Battery, containing 6 guns and 3 mortars.
Russian Hospital, containing 26 guns.
A Battery on the road to Philipet containing 10 guns.
Cove,
But the above list does not exhaust the number which ultimately directed
their fire on the Castle. New batteries were prepared without
intermission, hemming in with a deadly circle the devoted garrison. Some
extracts from Captain Dixon's diary will give some idea of the fire to
which the place was subjected:—
January 6th, 1782. "A little before seven o'clock this morning they gave
three cheers and fired a _feu de joie_; then all their batteries fired
upon us with great fury, which was equally returned by our brave
Artillery. Our General declared he had never seen guns and mortars
better served than ours were."
January 7th, 1782. "Such a terrible fire, night and day, from both
sides, never has been seen at any siege. We knew of 86 brass guns and 40
mortars against us.... Our batteries are greatly demolished; it is with
great difficulty that we can stand to our guns."
January 9. "All last night and this day they never ceased firing, and we
as well returned it. You would have thought the elements were in a
blaze. It has been observed they fire about 750 shot and shell every
hour. Who in the name of God is able to stand it? We hear they have 200
guns in their park."
January 10. "The enemy had 36 shells in flight at the same time. God has
been with us in preserving our people: they are in high spirits, and
behave as Englishmen. Considering our small garrison, they do wonders.
Our Generals constantly visit all the works.... A great number of shells
fell within the limits of the Castle.... A shell fell in the General's
quarters, wounded Captain Fead of the Artillery, and two other
officers."
January 11. "The enemy keep up, if possible, a fiercer fire than
yesterday. A man might safely swear, for six days past, the firing was
so quick that it was like a proof at Woolwich of 200 cannon. About a
quarter past six, the enemy began to fire shells, I may say
innumerable."
January 19. "Never was Artillery better served, I may say in favour of
our own corps."
January 20. "This night shells meet shells in the air. We have a great
many sick and wounded, and those that have died of their wounds.... Our
sentries have hardly time to call out, 'A shell!' and 'Down!' before
others are at their heels."
January 24. "The Artillery have had hard duty and are greatly fatigued.
The scurvy rages among our men."
The casualties among the small garrison, between the 6th and 25th of
January, 1782, included 24 killed, 34 died, 71 wounded, and 4 deserted.
January 28, 1782. "They fire shot and shell every minute. The poor
Castle is in a tattered and rotten condition, as indeed are all the
works in general.... The Castle and every battery round it are so filled
by the excavations made by the enemy's shells, that he must be a nimble
young man who can go from one battery to another without danger. The
Castle, their grand mark, as well as the rest of the works, are in a
most shocking plight."
On the 4th February, a new and powerful battery of the enemy's, on a
very commanding situation, being ready to open fire, a white flag was
hoisted, the drums beat a parley, and an officer was sent out with the
proposed terms of capitulation; which were ultimately amended and agreed
to. By the second Article of the Treaty, "in consideration of the
constancy and valour with which General Murray and his garrison have
behaved by their brave defence, they shall be permitted to march out
with shouldered arms, drums beating, matches lighted, and colours
flying, until they get towards the centre of the Spanish troops." This
was done at noon on the following day, between two lines of the Spanish
and French troops. So pitiable and deplorable was the appearance of the
handful of men who marched out that the conquerors are said to have shed
tears as they looked at them. In the official report of General Murray,
he alludes to this, saying that the Duke de Crillon averred it to be
true. When the men laid down their arms, they declared that they
surrendered them to God alone, "having the consolation that the victors
could not plume themselves upon taking a hospital."
Captain Schalch was the senior officer of Artillery left to march out at
the head of the dwindled and crippled remnant of the three companies. Of
them, and their comrades of the other arms, the Governor said in a final
General Order, dated at Mahon, 28th February, 1782, that he had not
words to express his admiration of their brave behaviour; and that while
he lived he should be proud of calling himself the father of such
distinguished officers and soldiers as he had had the honour to command.
So ended the Train of Artillery for Port Mahon, which the reader will
remember was one of those quoted in 1716 as a reason for some permanent
force of Artillery at home. Since 1709, with a short interval in the
time of the Seven Years' War, a train had remained in Minorca; but now,
overpowered by numbers, the force of which it was a part had to evacuate
the island. It was a stirring time for the Foreign establishments, as
they were called in pre-regimental days: that in Gibraltar was earning
for itself an immortal name; those in America were within the clouds of
smoke and war which covered the whole continent; and this one had just
been compelled to die hard. Of the four, which were used as arguments
for the creation of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, only one remains at
this day—that at Gibraltar. Those at Annapolis and Placentia have
vanished before the breath of economy, and the dawn of a new colonial
system; and in this brief chapter may be learnt the end of the other,
the Train of Artillery for service at Port Mahon.
_N.B._—It is worthy of mention, that during this siege, three non-
commissioned officers, Sergeants-Major J. Swaine, J. Shand, and J.
Rostrow, were commissioned as Second Lieutenants in the Regiment, by
the Governor, for their gallantry. They were afterwards posted to
the Invalid Battalion.
CHAPTER XXVII.
THE AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
THERE are few campaigns in English history which have been more
systematically misunderstood, and more deliberately ignored, than the
American War between 1775 and 1783. The disadvantages under which the
British troops laboured were many and great; they were not merely local,
as in most English wars, but were magnified and intensified by the
unpopularity of the campaign at home, by the positive hostility of a
large party, including some of the most eloquent politicians, and by the
inflated statements of the Government, which made the tale of disaster—
when it came to be known—more irritating and intolerable.
Soldiers will fight for a nation which is in earnest: British soldiers
will even fight when they are merely the police to execute the wishes of
a Government, instead of a people. But in the one case they are fired
with enthusiasm,—in the other, their prompter is the coldest duty.
The American War was at once unpopular and unsuccessful. When it was
over, the nation seemed inspired by a longing to forget it; it was
associated in their minds with everything that was unpleasant; and the
labour of searching for the points in it which were worthy of being
treasured was not appreciated. English historians have always been
reluctant to pen the pages of their country's disasters; and their
silence is at once characteristic of, and thoroughly understood by, the
English people. There has, however, been a species of self-denying
ordinance laid down by English writers, and spouted _ad nauseam_ by
English speakers, in which the whole blame of this war is accepted
almost greedily and its losses painted in heightened colours as the
legitimate consequences of national error. England _was_ to blame—
taxation without representation undoubtedly is unjust; but were American
motives at the outset pure? It may readily be granted that after the
first shedding of blood the resistance of the colonists was prompted by
a keen sense of injury such as might well animate a free and high-
spirited people; but, before the sword was drawn, the motives of the
Boston recusants no more deserve to be called worthy, than the policy of
England deserves to be called statesmanship.
England, with the name, had also the responsibilities of a mighty and
extended empire. Her colonies had the name and the advantages, without
the responsibilities. The parent was sorely pressed and heavily taxed,
to protect the children; the children were becoming so strong and rich
that they might well be expected to do something for themselves. The
question was "How?" It is only just to say that when the answer to the
question involved the defence of their own soil by their own right hand,
no more eager assistants to the Empire could be found than our American
colonists. But when they were asked to look beyond their own shores, to
contribute their share to the maintenance of the Empire elsewhere—
perhaps no bad way of ensuring increased security for themselves—the
answer was "No!" They would shed their blood in defence of their own
plot of ground; but they would not open their purses to assist the
general welfare of the Empire.
The colonial difficulty in more recent times has been met by presenting
to the colonies the liberty desired by the old American provinces, but
at the same time throwing on them to a great extent the duty of their
own defence. It is a mere suspension of the difficulty, well enough in
theory, but which must break down in practice. While the parent has the
sole power of declaring war, and of involving in its area distant
children, innocent and ignorant of the cause, she can no more throw off
the duty of their defence than she can bury herself beneath the waves
that chafe her coasts. But, for the present, it affords a tolerable
compromise. In the future, unless our rulers can spare time from the
discussion of such petty measures as the Ballot, for the consideration
of a question which involves the national existence, the Colonial
Question is as certain again to face us as a difficulty, as it did in
1775. Then, the system which seemed most natural to the rulers of
England was to accept the duty of the Empire's defence, but to insist on
the colonies contributing to the cost. Unwise as this step was, the
colonies being unrepresented in the Taxing Body, it might have been
borne, had it not interfered with certain vested, although ignoble
rights. The collection of the new revenue required imperial cruisers to
enforce it: and these vessels sorely interfered with the habits and
customs of the merchants of Massachusetts, who were the most systematic
smugglers. With what petty matters are the beginnings of great
revolutions entwined! The sensuality of Henry VIII. was a means to the
religious reformation of England: the selfishness of the Boston traders
was the note which raised in America the thirst for independence. It is
an easy thing to raise a cry which shall at once carry with it the
populace, and yet smother the real issues. And this was done in Boston.
Up to the commencement of military operations, it is difficult to say
which is the least enticing subject for contemplation, the blind,
unreasoning, unaccommodating temper of the English Government, or the
selfish, partisan, ignoble motives of those who were really the prime
movers of the Revolution, although soon dwarfed and put out of sight by
the Frankenstein which their cunning had called into existence. It is
almost a relief to the student, when the sword is drawn: he has then to
deal with men, not schemers; he has then pictures to gaze at of an
earnest people fighting for independence, or, on the other hand, an
outnumbered army fighting for duty; and he has then such figures to
worship as that purest and noblest in history, George Washington, for
the proper revelation of whose character the losses of that war's
continuance may be counted to all time as a clear gain. What a grim
satire it reads as one finds this god-like man a puppet in the hands of
those who were as incapable of understanding his greatness as of
wielding his sword! Wellington in Spain, worried by departmental idiocy
in England, was an object of pity, but his troubles are dwarfed by those
under which a weaker man than Washington would have resigned in disgust.
It is pleasant to read of the gallant way in which the Royal Artillery
acquitted itself in the American War: but no encomium from an English
General has greater value than that of Washington, who urged his own
Artillery to emulate that of his enemy: and in all the satisfaction
which such praise from Washington, as an enemy, must beget, there is
mingled a feeling of pride that it should have been in a school of war,
where Washington was a comrade, instead of an enemy, that he had taken
the first lessons in the science of which he proved so great a master.
It is to be regretted that the silence of the one country's historians
on the subject of the American War is not compensated by the undoubted
loquacity and grandiloquence of the other's. The student is equally
baffled by the former, and bewildered by the latter. Perhaps the pride
and boasting of the young country is natural: perhaps it was to be
expected that ere long the fact would be forgotten that without the
assistance of France and Spain to distract England, their independence
could never have been achieved; but when coupled with this
forgetfulness, comes an exaggeration of petty encounters into high-
sounding battles, and of defeats like that of Bunker's Hill into
something like victories, to be celebrated by national monuments, the
student may smile complacently at the enthusiasm of the conquerors, but
must regret the dust which is thrown in his eyes by their boasting and
party-feeling.
There are fortunately two comparatively temperate writers, who were
contemporary with the war, and took part in it on opposite sides,
Stedman and Lee,—the latter being the officer who commanded the
celebrated Partisan Legion (as it was called), on the American side; and
in endeavouring to arrive at the truth as to the war, the student cannot
do better than adhere to them.
The war, like the siege of Gibraltar, divides itself into epochs. The
first, and most northerly, embraces Massachusetts and Canada; the second
concentrates itself round New York, with the episode of Saratoga; and
the third and last, derives its main interest from the operations in the
South, culminating in the disastrous capitulation of Yorktown. In
tracing the services of the Artillery during the various stages, we
shall have a glimpse of nearly every operation of importance which
occurred during the war.
Although the 4th Battalion was not the only representative of the Royal
Artillery in America during the war—the 1st and 3rd Battalions also
being represented—its commanding officers, Colonels Cleaveland and
Pattison, who served on the Staff of the Army as Brigadiers, were in
command of the Artillery on the Continent; and, therefore, in tracing
the services of the corps, the records of the 4th Battalion form the
best groundwork. When hostilities commenced, in Massachusetts, the head-
quarters of the battalion were in Boston. General Gage, who commanded
the troops, had failed to conciliate the colonial representatives. On
the 25th February, 1775, he sent a party of infantry and marines to
seize some guns which he understood were in the town of Salem; but on
their arrival, they found that the guns had been removed. On the evening
of the 18th April, in the same year, he sent a similar body—about 900
strong—to the town of Concord on a like errand, and here the first blood
of the war was shed. Great mismanagement was displayed on the part of
the English commander, and a very decided hostility on the part of the
colonists, ultimately rendering a retreat necessary. The troops
commenced retiring on Lexington, under an incessant, although irregular
fire from the militia and peasantry; and luckily, on their arrival at
that town, they met a reinforcement under Lord Percy, sent to their
assistance, and accompanied by two field-guns. This was the first
appearance of the Royal Artillery in the war. Under the fire of the
guns, the troops were able to continue their retreat comparatively
unmolested; but before they reached Boston, they had sustained a loss of
no less than 273 killed, wounded, and prisoners. This number was
considered sufficient to justify the Americans in honouring the
conflicts which occurred, by the high-sounding titles of the "Battles of
Concord and Lexington." Effective as the fire of the English guns was,
complaints were made, probably in self-defence, by the commanding
officer of the troops, that the Artillery were inadequately supplied
with ammunition on the occasion. A strong remonstrance was immediately
addressed by Colonel Cleaveland to the Master-General of the Ordnance,
stating the true facts. "I find it has been said in England, that
ammunition was wanting for the two guns which went with the Brigade to
Lexington—that they had only 24 rounds per gun. I had a waggon with 140
rounds on the parade, and Lord Percy refused to take it, saying it might
retard their march, and that he did not imagine there would be any
occasion for more than was on the side boxes."[32]
On the 17th June, 1775, the Battle of Bunker's Hill, as it is called,
although Breed's Hill was the real scene of operations, (Bunker's Hill,
which was intended to be fortified, being considerably more distant from
Boston,) was fought; and in the batteries on Cop's Hill, and with the
guns actually on the field, five companies of the 4th Battalion were
present—Nos. 1, 2, 4, 5, and 8. Eight field-guns were actually in
action; but twelve accompanied the attacking force—four light 12-
pounders, four 5½-inch howitzers, and four light 6-pounders. The attack
was made under the fire of the guns, "The troops advancing slowly, and
halting at intervals to give time for the Artillery to produce some
effect."[33] In these words, the recently exploded traditions are
apparent, which wedded the Artillery to the infantry during an
engagement, instead of allowing it independent action. One statement is
made by Stedman, generally a most accurate writer, which it is difficult
to reconcile with Colonel Cleaveland's official report. "During the
engagement," writes the former, "a supply of ball for the Artillery,
sent from the Ordnance Department in Boston, was found to be of larger
dimensions than fitted the calibres of the field-pieces that accompanied
the detachment; an oversight which prevented the further use of the
Artillery." In opposition to this statement, Colonel Cleaveland's report
to the Master-General may be quoted. "At Bunker's Hill, I sent sixty-six
rounds to each gun, and not more than half was fired."[34] Had the
reason been that given by Stedman, Colonel Cleaveland was too truthful a
man to omit mentioning it. The Battle of Bunker's Hill was the Inkermann
of the American War. The British lost 1054 killed and wounded; the enemy
admitted a loss of 449. The latter had the advantage of an elevated and
entrenched position; the former fought in heavy marching order—on a hot
summer day—and had to ascend a steep hill in the face of a heavy and
continuous fire. The loss fell most heavily on those who met hand to
hand; the Artillery met with but little casualty. According to the 4th
Battalion records, Captain-Lieutenant Lemoine, Lieutenant Shuttleworth,
and nine matrosses were wounded; according to Colonel Cleaveland's MSS.,
this number was increased by Captain Huddlestone, whom he includes among
the wounded.
The English plan of attack was faulty, and the defence of the Americans
was admirable; but these facts merely rendered the victory of the
English troops more creditable. It was a barren victory—perhaps, even,
an injurious one. It did not save Boston from the blockade, which from
this day became more thorough, and it certainly encouraged the American
militia, who found with what effect they could fight against those
regular troops from whom they had hitherto shrunk a little, with a
species of superstitious dread.
But it was not the less a complete victory, a soldiers' victory, by
sheer hard and close fighting; and, even more, an officers' victory—for
at one time nothing but the energy and gallantry of the officers would
have rallied the troops, reeling under a tremendous fire.
In the meantime, the rebels or patriots, as they were called
respectively by enemies and friends, resolved to invade Canada. Nos. 3
and 6 Companies of the 4th Battalion were scattered over the provinces,
and on the lakes, in detachments. On the 3rd May, 1775, a small body of
the Americans, (who had already possessed themselves of artillery,)
attacked with success Crown Point and Ticonderoga. In November, the
posts of Chambly and St. John were also taken, and with the exception of
one officer and eight men, the whole of No. 6 Company was now captive,
and remained so until exchanged on the 7th April, 1777. Two men
belonging to the company were killed at St. John. The capture of these
posts placed at the disposal of the Americans a quantity of guns,
ammunition, and stores, of which they had stood sorely in need: and the
supply was largely increased by the fortunate capture of an ordnance
transport from Woolwich, heavily laden with a valuable cargo.
On the 25th September, an ill-judged and unsuccessful attack was made on
Montreal by a small force of rebels, in which their commander was taken
prisoner; but later in the year—a more formidable demonstration being
made by a force under General Montgomery—the Commandant, General
Carleton, withdrew to Quebec: and Montreal fell into the enemy's hands.
Part of No. 3 Company was made prisoner on this occasion.
The siege of Quebec was the next episode in the Canadian part of the
war. It was totally unsuccessful; and the gallant commander of the
Americans—General Montgomery, who had fought under Wolfe at the same
place—was killed. The Artillery present in Quebec belonged to No. 3
Company, 4th Battalion; but they were very few in number. They were
under the command of Captain Jones, whose services on the occasion
received the highest praise. A sort of blockade of the town was kept up
by General Montgomery's successor—Arnold,—but it was indifferently
conducted; and as soon as a man-of-war was able to get up through the
ice, General Carleton sallied out and routed the American forces in a
most thorough manner. Very little more was done in Canada during the
war. The loyalty of the inhabitants was unmistakable; and it cannot fail
to surprise one who remembers for how very brief a time the French
Canadians had been under British rule. Even later in the war, when the
French fleet came to render active assistance to the Americans, and the
Admiral appealed to the French colonists to rise, his appeal was
unsuccessful. Either the British rule had already become popular,
because, on the whole, kind and just; or the sympathies of the French
Canadians—although, perhaps, not with the English—were still more averse
from the American cause, which was associated in their minds with the
old New England enemies who had waged with them such an incessant
border-warfare. The loyalty of Canada is one of the marvels of English
history. It seems unalienable, as it certainly is unselfish. Tested,
sixteen years after its conquest, by the great American War; and again
in the present century by the second American War; tried sorely by a too
paternal Colonial Office, which retarded its advancement, its hindrance
made all the more plain by the spectacle, across the frontier, of the
American Republic attaining a marvellous wealth and development; exposed
to risk from enemies whom it did not know, and in quarrels in which it
had no share, merely on account of its connection with England;
suffering, without indemnity, loss of life and of treasure by invasion
from lawless banditti, who thought to strike England through her
dependency; chilled by neglect, and depressed by words which, if they
had any meaning at all, insinuated that she was a burden to the parent,
and half suggested to her to take her leave, and to quit the Empire of
which she had been so staunch a member;—tested, tried, endangered,
suffering, and neglected, the loyalty of Canada remains undimmed. It is,
as has been said, a marvel! Let England take heed that she do not
underrate this treasure of a people's tried affection.
In the meantime, while Canada had been invaded by the rebels, their
army, under Washington, had gradually surrounded Boston, and established
a very thorough blockade—causing great hardship and suffering to the
troops. On the 2nd and 3rd of March, 1776, they established batteries to
the east and west of the town, which the Royal Artillery vainly
endeavoured for fourteen days to silence; and ultimately it was decided
to evacuate Boston, and retire to Halifax, Nova Scotia, to prepare for
an attack upon New York later in the year, and with large naval and
military reinforcements from England.
The evacuation of Boston was conducted in good order, and without loss.
Washington ceased firing on the troops, on receiving notice from the
English general—Howe—that if the bombardment continued, he would set
fire to the town, to cover his retreat; and the men, guns, and stores,
were placed on board the transports with regularity, and without
interruption—but not without great labour. Colonel Cleaveland reported
to the Board of Ordnance, that on the evening of the 6th March, 1776, he
had received orders to use every despatch to embark the Artillery and
stores. "The transports for the cannon, &c., which were ordered to the
wharf, were without a sailor on board, and half stowed with lumber. At
the same time, most of my heavy cannon, and all the Field Artillery,
with a great quantity of ammunition, was to be brought in from
Charleston, and other distant posts. I was also obliged to send iron
ordnance to supply their places, to keep up a fire on the enemy, and
prevent their breaking ground on Forster Hill. On the fifth day, most of
the stores were on board, with the exception of four iron mortars and
their beds, weighing near six tons each. With great difficulty I brought
three of them from the battery, but on getting them on board the
transport, the blocks gave way, and a mortar fell into the sea, where I
afterwards threw the other two.... Two of my transports were manned with
four marines, and a few Artillery, who understand something of sailing."
The guns which were left in the town were the oldest, and were left for
use, if necessary, in covering the final embarkation of the troops. One
hundred and fifty vessels were employed in transporting the army and its
stores to Halifax; and with the army were Nos. 1, 2, 4, 5, and 8
Companies of the 4th Battalion, Royal Artillery, under Colonel
Cleaveland, who, having recently received the Army rank of Colonel,
received also now the local rank of Brigadier. During the last few
months of his stay in Boston, he had been much occupied in planning the
Artillery share in the coming summer campaign, and in making the
necessary demands on the authorities at home. He obtained permission to
purchase 700 horses at Halifax and Annapolis; and a remonstrance made by
him about the "wretches whom he had to hire as drivers" at two shillings
per day, succeeded in procuring for him a draft of trained drivers from
England. Four companies of the 3rd Battalion had joined before he left
Boston, but not before he was sorely in need of their services, for he
literally had not a relief for the men whom he had to keep constantly on
duty. Two more companies were ordered from England to the South; four
companies under Colonel Phillips were ordered to Canada, to take part
ultimately in Burgoyne's wild expedition; and two more were embarked for
service along the coast in bomb-vessels. A large number of 3-pounders,
mounted on wheel-carriages devised by Captain Congreve, had arrived, and
a larger number was promised. They were found infinitely more convenient
than those Colonel Cleaveland already had, and arranged so as to be
carried on the backs of horses and mules. Captain Congreve's ingenuity
displayed itself in many ways, and called forth repeated expressions and
letters of praise and commendation from Colonel Cleaveland. Doubtless
the favourable reports made by that officer did much to procure for him—
in 1778—from Lord Townsend, then Master-General of the Ordnance, the new
appointment of Founder and Commandant of the Royal Military Repository.
The grounds attached to that institution are now used solely for
instruction in the management of heavy ordnance, but when it was first
opened, the sharp turns and steep inclines in the roads of the
Repository Grounds were made use of in training the drivers to turn and
manage their horses. Captain Congreve—afterwards Sir William Congreve—
was a very distinguished and able Artillery officer, but it was not he,
but his son, who invented the well-known Congreve rocket.
The officer who went in command of the companies of Artillery ordered
for service in the South was Major Innes, an officer who commenced his
career as a matross, and ended it as Commandant of the Invalid Battalion
in 1783.
Colonel James commanded the detachments on board the bombs, and was much
praised for the accuracy of his fire at the unsuccessful attack on Fort
Sullivan, near Charlestown, South Carolina, in June, 1776. He also
commenced his career as a matross—in the year 1738—and died as a Colonel
Commandant, in 1782.
Several cadets were sent out to fill vacancies as they might occur,
instead of promoting non-commissioned officers. While doing duty,
awaiting these vacancies, they received pay as Second Lieutenants.
Among the guns sent out for the campaign of 1776 were some light 24-
pounders with travelling carriages, some 12-pounders, an immense number
of light 3-pounders with Congreve's carriages, and some mortars for
pound-shot. It was intended by the English Government, that this
campaign should be decisive; and the fleet, army, and Artillery were
very powerful. Lord Howe commanded the fleet, and his brother commanded
the army; and they had full powers to treat with the rebels with a view
to a cessation of hostilities, provided they should submit. The army
left Halifax in June, 1776, and landed on Staten Island on the 3rd July;
the whole of the Artillery being disembarked by the 7th of the month.
Here they were joined by Sir Henry Clinton's forces from the South, and
by Lord Howe and his fleet from England. A large force of Hessians and
Waldeckers also joined them; and on the 22nd August, the army crossed to
Long Island without molestation. The Americans were encamped at the
north end of the island, where the city of Brooklyn now stands—protected
behind by batteries, on the left by East River, and on the right by a
marsh. A range of wooded hills separated the two armies, the passes
being in the possession of the rebels. On the 27th, the Battle of Long
Island—or Battle of Brooklyn, as it is indifferently called—was fought.
The share taken by the Artillery in this victory, was—owing to the
nature of the ground, and the hurried retreat of the Americans within
their lines—but small. There were forty guns present: six with Lord
Cornwallis's brigade; fourteen with General Clinton in the van; ten with
the main body under Lord Percy; and four 12-pounders with the 49th
Regiment in rear. The loss consisted of but three killed—Lieutenant
Lovell, a sergeant, and a bombardier. So difficult were the 3-pounder
guns on truck carriages found either to be moved or carried, that
Brigadier Cleaveland sent them on board ship, and replaced them with
those mounted on Congreve's carriages. From the loyalist farmers on Long
Island, an additional hundred horses were bought for the Artillery, and
eighty two-horse waggons, with drivers, hired for the conveyance of
ammunition and stores.
One of the greatest blots on Sir William Howe's generalship was his
omission to follow up the victory he won on Long Island. Had he done so,
his troops being flushed with victory, and the enemy being disheartened
and disunited, it is possible that he might have put an end to the war.
By means of his apathy or neglect, Washington's troops were able to
cross over to New York unmolested. Before attacking New York, the
English commander considered it desirable to destroy a very strong
redoubt, at a place called Hell Gate, mounted with a considerable number
of guns to prevent communication, should it be attempted by the British
troops, from the East River into the Sound. Four batteries were
accordingly erected by the Royal Artillery on the opposite shore,
mounting three 24-pounders, three heavy and three medium 12-pounders,
and ten small mortars. As it eventually happened, the landing of the
British in New York was made at a spot where the Hell Gate redoubt would
have been useless; but it was satisfactory to find, on entering it
afterwards, the enemy's guns dismounted, and the works so shattered,
that the troops might have marched in with little or no impediment. In
the Brigadier's report on this occasion, he said, "The distance was near
700 yards, and though the enemy threw a number of shells from six
mortars, we had only on this occasion two men killed, and one lost an
arm. It is with infinite satisfaction that I can say, that whenever the
Artillery is employed, they have not only the approbation of the
Commander-in-Chief, but the whole army, for their behaviour."
The British landed on Manhattan Island, under the fire of the ships; and
in the precipitate retreat to the heights of Haarlem, the Americans lost
their artillery, and many stores, and Washington nearly despaired of
ever succeeding with such troops as he had under his command. But it was
not enough to obtain possession of New York, unless the rebel forces
could be dislodged from the powerful position they occupied in the north
of the island; and to do this, an engagement on no small scale was
necessary, and was commenced on the 27th October, 1776. Its opening was
called the Battle of the White Plains; and viewing it from the Artillery
point of view, it may be described as follows (bearing in mind that it
was only the opening scene of a series of engagements, all intimately
connected, and resulting in the scattering of Washington's forces, their
expulsion from New York Island, and almost from the Jerseys; the capture
of Forts Washington and Lee, and the complete command of the Lower
Hudson):—The attack of the 27th October on the White Plains commenced
with a cannonade on the enemy's left wing, with nearly thirty guns,
manned by the Royal Artillery. On the 28th, the attack of the Hessian
troops was covered by six light 12-pounders; and General Knyphausen
publicly thanked the officers and men who were attached to them. In the
attack on Fort Washington in the beginning of November, the Royal
Artillery had thirty-four guns in action to cover the troops. The Guards
and Light Infantry who were engaged in the attack crossed the East River
in boats under the protection of batteries erected for the purpose. The
hill they had to ascend from their landing was exceedingly rugged and
steep, and the boats in which they crossed were exposed to the fire of
two of the American batteries. To silence these, the batteries above-
mentioned were built, and armed with four medium 12-pounders, fourteen
light 6-pounders, four howitzers, and two mortars. With this armament,
the rebel fire was soon silenced, with the exception of one 3-pounder,
which was sheltered by a rock, and which did considerable damage. A
battalion of the rebel forces which was marching for the defence of the
hill was also entirely broken and dispersed by the well-directed fire of
the Royal Artillery, under which the Guards and Light Infantry landed,
and gained the hill without losing a man. The 42nd Regiment, which
landed at another place, was covered by four 6-pounders; and six guns
advanced with Lord Percy, from the lines at New York, and gained the
heights of Haarlem, every gun being engaged. In this attack, the
Artillery is described as having been powerful and well-served; officers
and men received public acknowledgment in General Orders, and from the
Master-General; and in answering the latter's commendations, Brigadier
Cleaveland felt justified in saying: "The officers and men under my
command have shown an unwearied application to the service, and deserve
everything I can say in their favour.... The good opinion your Lordship
is pleased to form of the conduct and superior abilities of the British
Artillery when engaged, does them the highest honour, and I have the
pleasure to inform your Lordship, that both officers and men have been
emulous during the course of the campaign in deserving it."
The attack on the fort was too powerful to be resisted; so it
capitulated. Lord Cornwallis, with a large body of men immediately
crossed the North River, to attack Fort Lee, but it was abandoned by its
garrison on the 18th November, and all the guns and stores fell into the
hands of the English.
The English now overran the Jerseys, and the following guns were present
with the Royal Artillery during the raid: four light 12-pounders,
fourteen 6-pounders, eight 3-pounders, and two 5½-inch howitzers. This
was a very critical period for the American cause, almost as much so as
after the Battle of Long Island. "During these operations, the New York
Convention was greatly alarmed lest the numerous forces (_i.e._
loyalists) of the State should rise in arms, and openly join the British
forces. Often obliged by the movements of the armies to change its
locality, that body sat successively at Haarlem, King's Bridge, Philip's
Manor, Croton River, and Fishkill; some of the time, to guard against
surprise, with arms in their hands. A committee was appointed for
inquiring into, detecting, and defeating conspiracies. That committee
had funds at its disposal, a special armed force, and unlimited powers.
Many Tories were seized by its orders and sent into Connecticut for
safe-keeping, their personal property being forfeited to the use of the
State.... Some of the New York Militia (in Washington's camp) refused to
do duty. They were offered—they said—peace, liberty, and safety, and
what more could they ask."[35] While not underrating the energy of a
people who could attain their end in spite of such difficulties, it is
healthy reading occasionally, in the midst of flabby orations as to the
uprising of a united people, to examine passages like that just quoted.
A large substratum of loyalty existed yet, which had to be kept down by
a sort of reign of terror; and although, as we shall see, the loyal
diminished greatly in numbers as the war went on, the fact remains that
the rebellion was not a national conception, but a party manœuvre, which
secured by dexterous management the assistance of many pure and noble
men, and ultimately—assisted by war—received the co-operation of the
mass of the people. The war bound the people together by an instinct of
self-defence, apart from the reasons which had brought it about; and
once committed to a cause, men are as ingenious in inventing, often
unconsciously, arguments in its favour, as they are enthusiastic in
defending their opinions.
The gloom of the American cause in the end of 1776 was brightened by a
surprise of some German troops at Trenton, by Washington, who took the
whole prisoners, to the number of about 1000. This success did much to
re-animate the rebels, and gave a new life to their prosecution of the
war.
The year 1777 was destined to be the most eventful year of the whole
campaign. The British had formed a plan, whose aim was as good as its
execution was foolish. Prior, however, to its commencement, Washington
made an attack on two regiments, the 17th and 55th, near Princeton,
which is described in Brigadier Cleaveland's despatch to the Board of
Ordnance in the following words:—"The most particular action that has
happened since Washington's recrossing the Delaware, was an attack made
by him with 4000 men, upon the Battalion of the 17th Regiment at
Princeton, in which action the 17th has gained great honour, and their
Lieutenant-Colonel, Mawhood, great reputation. The heavy fire of the
enemy at the first of the attack obliged the Regiment to retire, under
cover of four 6-pounders advantageously posted. Here the Regiment
formed, and made a general charge upon the enemy, whom they forced
wherever they advanced, leaving a piece of cannon behind them. Colonel
Mawhood observing the enemy increasing greatly in their numbers, thought
proper to march from Princeton, where we were obliged to leave two 6-
pounders, all the horses belonging to the guns being shot, and the
axletree of the other carriage broke by firing." At this affair,
Lieutenant Desaguliers, and nine men of the Royal Artillery were killed.
These active movements of Washington had the effect of making both
General Howe and Lord Cornwallis withdraw their forces from Trenton and
Princeton, and spend the rest of the winter near New York,—on Long
Island, and in the neighbouring parts of New Jersey.
The plan of operations formed by the British Commanders under
instructions from home is well and succinctly described by the American
writer, Lee: "It contemplated the annihilation of resistance in all the
country between the Lakes and Albany; undisturbed possession of the
Hudson River (thus severing the Union), and the conquest of
Pennsylvania, whose capital (Philadelphia) was the metropolis of the
American States." To carry out this plan, it was resolved that one
British army should march from Canada, and another from New York, whose
meeting would complete the separation of the Eastern from the Western
States, north of New York. Two blunders were committed in this scheme.
The first was the appointment of General Burgoyne to command the
northern force, instead of General Carleton, who was well acquainted
with the country; the second was the employment of a northern army at
all. New York was in English hands, and the mastery of the sea was as
yet undisputed. Had New York been made the base of operations, and an
army been sent up the Hudson, with its communications with New York
maintained by the navy, the separation of the States would have been
assured. But when General Burgoyne with his 7000 men left Canada, and
plunged into the American forest, he cut his communications with the
base of his operations, and his case became more hopeless every mile he
advanced. That it was not want of gallantry, but infamous strategy,
which brought on the Sedan-like Convention of Saratoga, may be seen by
the most cursory study, and is eloquently acknowledged in the following
words by Lee, who, though an enemy, was not blind to the courage of his
opponents:—"Where is the General who ever more prodigally risked his
life in his country's cause, than the unfortunate Burgoyne? Where the
army which more bravely executed its leader's will, than did that which
he conducted? What danger was avoided? What effort unessayed? What
privation not submitted to? What difficulties not encountered? But all
terminated in disaster; and the army, from whose prowess so much was
expected, yielded to its equal in courage, to its superior in number."
The American army, under General Gates, was a little over 13,000 strong;
Burgoyne's force did not exceed 5700|at the date of the capitulation.
The interest to the Artilleryman, in the details of this expedition, is
unaffected by its disastrous termination. From commencement to
termination, order-books,[36] despatches, and regimental records, speak
in terms of enthusiasm of the courage of the Artillery, and their
gallant commander—Major-General Phillips—who, although only a Regimental
Major, held the higher Army rank by brevet, and was second in command of
the whole force. Of the service of the Artillery at the Battle of
Stillwater, Cust, in his 'Annals of the Wars,' writes, "The Artillery
did wonders;"—and of the retreat of the 7th October, the same author
says, "Phillips and Riedesel were now ordered to cover the retreat, and
the troops retired, hard pressed, but in good order; the Artillery,
under Major Williams, doing good execution, but _all_ the horses having
been disabled, six of the guns were obliged to be abandoned." Stedman,
in his account of the Battle of Stillwater, says, "During the action,
Major-General Phillips contrived to convey through a thick part of the
wood, some British Artillery, which was of essential service. Captain
Jones of this corps, who fell in this action, was particularly
distinguished." But the most valuable comment is that made by General
Phillips himself, after the termination of the campaign; in a report
made by him from Albany on the 22nd October, 1777, to Lords Townsend and
Amherst. "I have to report to you, my Lords, that the Corps of Artillery
which I commanded has acted during the campaign with the greatest
spirit, and has received the entire approbation of General Burgoyne, and
the applause of the army. In the action of the 19th September, the
Artillery was of infinite use; and a brigade commanded by Captain Jones,
with Lieutenants Hadden and Reid, was particularly engaged, and
maintained their post to the last, although in doing of it _every man,
except five, was either killed or wounded_. Captain Jones was killed.
"In the affair of October 7th, Major Williams kept a battery in action,
until the Artillery horses were all destroyed, and his men either killed
or wounded; being unable to get off their guns, he was surrounded and
taken, with two officers, Lieutenants York and Howorth, the latter
wounded. Captain Blomefield, my Major of Brigade, was also wounded on
the 7th instant, at Major Williams' battery. I cannot sufficiently
commend the activity, zeal, and spirit of the officers. The same gallant
spirit remained to the last day, when the Convention was signed. I had
the honour to deliver a message to the Lieutenant-General from the Corps
of Artillery, that they were as ready as ever to undergo any hardships,
or to undertake any difficulties, for the King's service. Under this
description, allow me to recommend the corps to your Lordship's
protection, and humbly request that you will represent their conduct to
His Majesty." The men of the Irish Artillery, who were referred to in a
former chapter as having taken part in the American War, formed part of
the force under General Phillips, and it was to their conduct during
this expedition that allusion was made by the Master-General in the
despatch there quoted.
The story of this disastrous expedition is short and simple. Having left
his Canadian quarters in June, Burgoyne invested Ticonderoga on the 1st
July, captured it on the 6th, pursued the flying garrison with gunboats
on the lakes, as well as in forced marches by land, and utterly
scattered them. Leaving the lakes in the end of July, he marched for the
Hudson; but as he already felt the want of supplies, it was the 13th of
September before he crossed that river, and took up his position at
Saratoga. On the 19th September, the Battle of Stillwater was fought—in
which the English were left masters of the field—the 9th, 20th, 21st,
24th, 47th, and 62nd Regiments being engaged, and behaving with the
greatest valour. On the 7th of October, a forward movement made by
Burgoyne was defeated, and it was during his retreat on that day that—as
stated above—Major Williams' battery behaved so well. Affairs were now
desperate: the Indians were deserting, and the enemy increasing in
numbers every day; supplies of all sorts were short, nor was there any
means of obtaining them; the actually effective British troops did not
exceed 3500; and there was an opposing force, said to amount to 16,000
men: there was no appearance of the long-expected army from New York
under Sir Henry Clinton; and even if Burgoyne succeeded in retreating to
Canada, he might greatly embarrass Clinton, by enabling Gates' and
Washington's armies to unite; but retreat became soon impossible. At
last, with only three days' provisions left, he opened negotiations with
General Gates, and on the 17th the Convention was signed, and this wild,
baseless expedition met its natural and disastrous termination.
This was the signal in Europe for action among England's enemies. From
this day, France and Spain made no secret of their resolution to join
the Americans; and to this extraneous evil was added the indignation of
the English people with the Government. Even those who opposed the war
were indignant with the authorities: ready critics, although backward in
assistance. The affair at Trenton was more valuable, as far as the
Americans themselves were concerned: it came at a time of great
depression, and reanimated their drooping spirits: but as far as other
nations could judge, the surrender of Burgoyne was most important, and
decided two at least to take an active instead of a passive share in the
war.
But in the mean time what were the troops doing at New York? And in the
first place, what were Colonel Cleaveland, and the companies under his
command, doing? They were becoming sadly diminished in numbers, and the
theme of all Colonel Cleaveland's letters was the same—a cry for more
men from England. "The demand for Artillerymen," he wrote "is so great
that the smallest body of infantry wish not to move without them. I must
therefore entreat your Lordship to give us every possible addition to
our Corps.... From the small number of Artillerymen in quarters, and no
assistance to be had from the army, I am obliged to hire seamen to act
as labourers, and find they do more work than any other men I can
employ."
At the very time he was writing thus, he was being pressed by the
Commander-in-Chief to increase the number of guns for the field during
the summer campaign; to form batteries of iron 24-pounders and brass 12-
pounders on travelling carriages; and to buy as many horses as he could,
instead of trusting to those which were pressed for service as required.
His patience and the wants of the army being unable to wait for the
deliberate movements of the English Ordnance officials, he at last
obtained permission from the Commander-in-Chief to enlist three hundred
men in New York, "although," he wrote, "these will be very insufficient
to man the cannon for the field,—and we therefore most ardently wish for
more Artillery from England." He clothed the recruits with the last
year's clothing for the 4th Battalion, demanding an additional supply
from England in its room. By the correspondence of this time, it appears
that the men had no greatcoats except a few for use on sentry, which
were kept in the guard rooms. The severity of the winter made it
necessary to demand a supply, as the men were much exposed. This appeal
was made in the year 1777, and was granted in the year 1786—the matter
having taken nine years to penetrate the official brain. Even then it
was only granted in part—to the extent of ten per company, increased two
years later to fifteen, as the idea became more comprehended by the
authorities.
By the 1st of June, 1777, an extra supply of four hundred horses was
obtained; the batteries were all ready, and by the middle of the month
the campaign commenced. The object of Sir William Howe was to draw off
Washington from a strong position which he held, enabling him to prevent
his opponents from rendering assistance to Burgoyne, and also from
advancing on Philadelphia. Every feint was attempted without success;
and at last the British General resolved on a genuine invasion of some
part south of New York, which would compel Washington to move. During
the month of June, only one engagement of any importance took place, at
Westfield, between the British under Lord Cornwallis and 3000 Americans
under Lord Stirling, in which the latter were defeated with a loss of
three guns. At this action, the detachments of Artillery who were
present belonged to the 4th Battalion. By the way, a peculiar service
for the Royal Artillery to perform is mentioned by Stedman as having
been carried out on the 6th July in this year. "The American galleys
were destroyed near Skenesborough during Burgoyne's expedition by
Captain Carter, of the Artillery, who commanded a Brigade of _gunboats_.
He gave chase, and pursued them with such speed, that he captured
several of their largest galleys, and obliged them to set the remainder
on fire with a considerable number of their bateaux."
On the 23rd July 1777, Sir William Howe embarked his army—leaving Sir
Henry Clinton in command at New York—and sailed for the south. Until the
22nd August he kept his intended destination a secret, and baffled
Washington's speculations, but on that day news came that he had entered
Chesapeake Bay, so the American General marched to meet him. On the 25th
August Howe disembarked his troops, and marched inland. To prevent the
English reaching Philadelphia, the Americans who had been within a very
few miles of their enemies, fell back, and occupied the heights beyond
the Brandywine river. On the 11th, the English attacked the American
position, moving in two columns, one under Lord Cornwallis, the other
under General Knyphausen. The former column crossed the river at an
unexpected point, and mounting the hill under a heavy protecting fire of
Artillery drove the Americans into the woods. General Knyphausen had
some severe fighting also, and ultimately succeeded in getting across.
This was the Battle of Brandywine, in which the Americans admitted a
loss of 300 killed, 600 wounded, and 400 prisoners, besides 11 pieces of
Artillery. The English had 8 officers and 74 men killed, and a little
over 400 wounded. The Royal Artillery lost 5 killed—Lieutenant Shand, 2
sergeants, and 9 rank and file wounded. A small engagement, equally
favourable to the British, and in which the 42nd and 44th Regiments
greatly distinguished themselves, took place on the 18th September, and
on the 25th Lord Cornwallis took possession of Philadelphia. Writing
from that city on the 28th November to Lord Germaine, Sir William Howe
said, "Much credit is due to Brigadier-General Cleaveland and to the
officers and men of the Corps of Artillery."
While in Philadelphia, Brigadier Cleaveland heard that he was to be
superseded by Brigadier Pattison who had been appointed to the 4th
Battalion _vice_ Colonel Ord, who had died in the preceding April. The
first time that General Pattison is mentioned as having taken active
part in the war was on the 22nd October, 1777, when the British troops
took possession of the Fort of Red Back—on which occasion he commanded
the Artillery: but General Cleaveland had not ceased to do duty, for he
commanded the Artillery at the successful attack on Mud Island on the
16th November, an attack which succeeded in "removing all the obstacles
to the free navigation of the Delaware by the British fleet."[37]
After Lord Cornwallis had entered Philadelphia, and while the great body
of the British troops were encamped under Sir William Howe, at a village
called Germantown, about six miles from Philadelphia, Washington made a
sudden attack upon them early in the morning of the 4th October.
Although at first successful, it did not long continue so. Failure of
punctual co-operation, according to Lee's account, and the brave stand
made by the 40th Regiment, soon changed the current of events: and
Washington was ultimately obliged to retire with a loss of at least 1000
killed, wounded, and prisoners. In speculating on the causes of this
defeat, Lee uses language such as few other American writers would use,
and such as few living Americans would care to hear. But it is perhaps
all the more valuable. "The defeat must be attributed," he says, "to the
yet imperfect discipline of the American army: to the broken spirit of
the troops, who, from day to day, and from month to month, had been
subjected to the most trying and strength-wasting privations, through
the improvidence or inability of Government: to the inexperience of the
tribe of generals, and to the complication of the plan of assault—a
complication said to have been unavoidable."
It was before superior numbers that the British evacuated Boston: to
superior numbers Burgoyne surrendered at Saratoga: and now the
superiority of numbers being in the other direction, the Americans were
defeated in every action during this part of the campaign. Defeated,
but, it must be admitted, not disheartened, for the losses round
Philadelphia were forgotten in the blaze of triumph which accompanied
the capitulation of Burgoyne's force; and the growing intensity of the
American feeling will be realized from a letter, which will be quoted in
the next chapter, written in the very place where their losses must have
been most palpably real.
It was necessary to throw up field-works round the British camp, which
after the battle of Germantown was brought nearer Philadelphia, and also
to erect works to secure the command of the river. The Artillerymen were
largely employed in building and arming these; and one of them was the
scene of a gallant action on the part of a detachment, which is
mentioned both by Stedman and Lee, and also appears in the MS. Record
Book of the 4th Battalion. According to the last-mentioned authority,
some detachments of Nos. 4, 5, and 8 Companies were employed in
constructing batteries on Provence Island, in the Delaware, for the
reduction of an American post on Mud Island, when a party of the 10th
Regiment, under Major Vatap, which covered the works, abandoned them on
the advance of the enemy, and the whole of the guns fell into their
hands, but owing to the gallantry of the detachment of Artillery, the
enemy was obliged to retire, the guns were retaken, and the batteries
again occupied. Stedman in telling this circumstance mentions that the
Artillerymen were under the command of a subaltern, to whose gallantry
the recapture of the batteries was due: and Lee adds, "I believe this
conduct of Major Vatap (who abandoned most shamefully the Artillery) is
the single instance of dastardly conduct among the British officers
during the war."
Sir William Howe spent the winter at Philadelphia with his army—of which
eight companies of the Royal Artillery formed part. The same hesitation
or dilatory disposition which prevented him following up his successes
on Long Island induced him to spend many valuable months in idleness
now. France and America had now formed an alliance, and it was very
important that energetic action should be taken by the British troops in
America before the arrival of the French fleet. But the opportunity was
lost by the supineness of Sir William Howe; and although he was a man
who had endeared himself to his troops, there can be no doubt that when
he resigned the command in May, 1778, and was succeeded by Sir Henry
Clinton, he was replaced by one who was equal to him as a soldier, and
far superior in energy and activity. The first step taken by the new
commander was to evacuate Philadelphia, and withdraw the army to New
York. Every difficulty was thrown in his way by Washington, and a severe
and indecisive engagement was fought during his retreat, which is known
as the Battle of Monmouth or of Freehold Court-house. Both sides claimed
the victory, but as Clinton's movement towards New York was not
interrupted by it, it may be inferred that he had not the worst of the
encounter. Four companies of the Artillery were engaged, and their fire
was true and severe: one officer, Lieutenant T. L. Vaughan, was killed.
On the 30th June, the English army reached Sandyhook, where they found
Lord Howe's fleet; and early in July they passed over to New York. The
conduct of the Artillery during the return from Philadelphia to New York
may be learnt from the following order, issued by General Pattison:—"The
very handsome and obliging terms in which the General Officers and
others have repeatedly spoken of the appearance, discipline, and good
order of the Corps of Artillery, and particularly of the conduct, care
and attention of all the officers who have been detached with the
several Brigades and Battalion guns, cannot fail to be highly pleasing
and satisfactory to the Brigadier-General. He therefore takes this
occasion to give them his best thanks, and to express further his entire
approbation of the regularity and observance of duties that have been
shown by all ranks during the late march, and of the cheerfulness and
alacrity with which they have undergone the great fatigue of it."
During this retreat from Philadelphia, the Artillerymen were for the
first time relieved of carrying their knapsacks and ammunition pouches,
which were carried for them on the waggons. They carried their arms,
except when actually fighting their guns, and had six cartridges in a
small bag in their pockets.
A short summary of the occasions in 1778, after the evacuation of
Philadelphia, when individual Artillerymen distinguished themselves, may
be extracted from the pages of that most conscientiously and laboriously
written work, Browne's 'England's Artillerymen;' with any requisite
additions from other sources.
In July, 1778, Rhode Island was attacked by the American General
Sullivan, supported by the French fleet. The island was garrisoned by
5000 British troops under Sir Robert Pigott, including a company of the
Royal Artillery under the command of Lieut.-Colonel John Innes, an
officer who, as has already been mentioned, commenced his career as a
matross in 1736, and died in 1783, in command of the Invalid Battalion.
The severe labour and exposure cheerfully undergone by the Artillery on
this occasion were specially mentioned by Sir Robert in his despatches
announcing the total defeat of the American scheme. The loss of the
Artillery amounted to thirty-three killed and wounded. In September,
1778, General Grey sailed for Bedford, to destroy a nest of privateers,
and was accompanied by some Artillery under Captain Scott, who blew up
the American fort. In November a body of troops, with a detachment of
Artillery under Lieutenant Ralph Wilson, sailed for Savannah in Georgia,
a place which was speedily taken. From General Pattison's letter-books,
it is easy to see that this operation gave great satisfaction in New
York: considerable stores were taken; and the province of Georgia
reduced. An officer of the Royal Artillery bearing the same surname as
he who commanded at Rhode Island, Lieut.-Colonel Alexander Innes, was
made Governor of Savannah, and afterwards sent home to the King with
despatches. He had greatly distinguished himself during the attack.
This was the last operation of any consequence in 1778. The Army
remained concentrated at New York, and the prisoners of war who had been
taken by the Americans at Burgoyne's capitulation remained prisoners
still. A few of the officers had been exchanged for American officers;
and, in this way, General Phillips, of the Artillery, ultimately became
available for duty. General Pattison, who still commanded the Artillery,
and was with the head-quarters of the army, received a special mark of
favour from Sir Henry Clinton in July, 1779, being appointed Commandant
of the City and Garrison of New York. It may not be uninteresting to the
reader to learn what sort of place New York was in 1779, under a
gunner's government, and an attempt to describe it will now be made.
-----
Footnote 32:
MSS. R. A. Record Office.
Footnote 33:
Stedman.
Footnote 34:
MSS. R. A. Record Office.
Footnote 35:
Hildreth's 'History of the United States.'
Footnote 36:
During recent researches in America, the author found an old order-
book taken by the Americans when Burgoyne surrendered, containing the
most favourable notices of the Royal Artillery under his command.
Footnote 37:
Cust.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE GUNNER WHO GOVERNED NEW YORK.
AT the foot of Broadway, in New York (the principal street during the
American War, as it is yet, although eclipsed in point of size by those
known as Avenues,) there was, and there is, a small patch of turf giving
its name to the surrounding houses, and known as the Bowling Green.
On this Green there used to stand a statue, in lead, of His Majesty King
George III., erected by a mob, to celebrate a victory over His Majesty's
Government in a dispute in which they believed they had the King's
sympathy; and on this Green, in July, 1776, this same statue lay
prostrate, thrown down by a similar mob, in anger because their wishes
had been thwarted. It was their boast afterwards that forty-two thousand
bullets were made out of King George's statue to fire at King George's
soldiers. But although the mob ran riot in the city on that day, it must
not be imagined that there was no loyalty in New York. There was, among
all the respectable classes, a feeling of shame and sadness, which
showed itself in the closed churches and darkened windows, and, later
on, in the joyous welcome which the British troops enabled them openly
to give to the representatives of the British connection. New York, for
many reasons, was more loyal than any other part of the revolted
colonies, and there were many opportunities of displaying this in the
period of its occupation by the British forces,—an occupation which,
commencing in 1776, continued uninterruptedly for over seven years,
until the war was at an end, and the colonies were lost.
Near this Bowling Green lived, during the British occupation, most of
the military officials; and among others, in the years 1779 and 1780,
lived James Pattison, Colonel in the Royal Artillery, Major-General in
His Majesty's forces in America, and Commandant of the City and Garrison
of New York. And the narrative of James Pattison's life is one which
must occupy a very prominent place in a History of the Regiment to which
he belonged.
He was the second son of a merchant in London, who owned the estate at
Woolwich and Plumstead, known as the Burrage Estate. He married a
daughter of the celebrated Albert Borgard, and was repeatedly selected
for appointments requiring great tact and firmness, two qualities which
he possessed in an eminent degree. Among others, he was, as a
Lieutenant-Colonel, appointed Lieutenant-Governor of the Royal Military
Academy, and did more than any of his predecessors, or most of those who
have succeeded him, to introduce a proper discipline among the Cadets
and their instructors, while, at the same time, he raised the tone of
the institution, and asserted, to an unheard-of extent, its independence
of the authorities of the Woolwich garrison.
He served with distinction in Flanders, and at the end of the Seven
Years' War he was chosen to command the companies selected for service
in Portugal. When so employed, he won the respect of all by his
dignified firmness and courtesy, and laid the foundation of an affection
towards himself from the officers serving under him which never even
waned. On his staff in Portugal was a subaltern bearing a name honoured
then as now in the Artillery,—Adye. Lieutenant S. P. Adye was
afterwards, as a Captain-Lieutenant, aide-de-camp to General Pattison
when in command of the Royal Artillery in New York, and was a most able
and energetic staff officer.
In 1769 Colonel Pattison was sent to Venice to superintend the
organization of the Venetian Artillery. From private letters, which are
still in existence, it would appear that he had a very difficult task,
not so much with the Artillerymen as with the authorities, who were
disposed to break faith with him. But as he simply threatened to resign
if they did not keep their promises, he obtained what he wanted; and it
may be said of James Pattison that he never wanted more than justice.
General Pattison, as has already been mentioned, succeeded Colonel
Cleaveland in the command of the Fourth Battalion of the Royal Artillery
in America. He succeeded one who was a soldier, but no statesman,—who
conceived that the utmost expected of him was to despise and defeat any
enemy who might be opposed to him. General Pattison was equally sensible
of his duty as far as military operations were concerned; but he went
beyond his predecessor in the liberal and statesmanlike views he took of
the state of America. In his official reports, it is needless to say, he
did not enter into details beyond his province; but his private
correspondence is a mine of wealth to the student of the great American
War, and it has been placed at the disposal of the compiler of this work
by the representatives of the family. The following letter is a
dispassionate and valuable contribution to the history of those stirring
times, and reveals at once the able character of the writer and the
state of the American Colonies. In writing to his brother from
Philadelphia, in December, 1777, he says:
"I wish it was in my power to give you very pleasing accounts of the
state of affairs in this distracted country; but, indeed, it is almost a
distracting consideration for anyone who knows them, as we do by
_experience_, to think of them. Ministers have been deceived, and have
never known the true state of this country; if they had, they never
would have entered into a war with it. I own I had very mistaken notions
myself when in England of reducing America to obedience by conquest. I
have totally changed my sentiments, not that I would wish them to be
known but to yourself, as it might not be prudent for me to declare
them; but I will confess to _you_ that, by what I have seen and heard, I
am fully of opinion that all the efforts Great Britain can make will
never effectually conquer this great continent, in which,
notwithstanding all that has been said of _friends_ to Government here,
and _friends_ to Government there, yet there is scarcely one to be met
with from one end of it to the other. We have not only armies to combat
with, but a whole country, where every man, woman, and even child is
your enemy, and, in fact, do in one shape or another act as such. One
Royal Army has been already obliged to do what is not in our History to
be met with,—to lay down their arms, and surrender prisoners of war;
another Army at New York in a state of alarm; and the Grand Army here
penned up within the narrow limits of two or three miles, and cut off
from all provisions, but what must be gained by fighting for with large
foraging parties sent out from time to time for that purpose. In short,
unless thirty thousand men more, added to the thirty thousand we already
have, can be sent hither early in the year, the wisest thing would be to
get rid of the contest in the best manner you can, and, if it was
possible to persuade them to revoke their Declaration of Independence,
then to make one general Act of Oblivion—give up entirely the point of
taxation, and restore the whole country to the state it was in 1763.
These are my politics, though I would not wish them to be known. I am
much afraid the prosecution of the war must prove ruinous and
destructive to Great Britain."
These words have a special value, as coming from one whose official
position in command of the Artillery gave him favourable opportunities
for forming an opinion. Happily, among British officers, opinions never
interfere with the performance of duties, however hopeless; and it will
be found that no one was more energetic than General Pattison, both at
Philadelphia and in his command at New York. At the same time, we learn
from this letter three things—the success of the cry against England
commenced in Massachusetts, and swollen by hasty and foolish treatment
on the part of England; the falsehood of the Government statements at
home; and the great difficulties which embarrassed the English Army in
its operations, even thus early in the war.
But in this chapter the condition of New York during the British
occupation is the subject of consideration; and perhaps it cannot be
better realized than by imagining oneself in the company of the gallant
General, as he went his daily rounds. Hanging about in the vicinity of
his house are orderlies, in different costume; the gunner, in full
dress, with his gold-laced cocked-hat, with _black_ feather, as was the
custom then in the 4th Battalion, his hair clubbed and powdered, white
stock, white breeches, and white stockings, and armed with a carbine and
a bayonet; or, perhaps, in the marvellous undress invented for the
Battalion by Colonel Cleaveland—a blue jacket and brown trousers. Among
the others is also to be seen an occasional negro, in no particular
uniform at all, one of a company of Virginian blacks enrolled for duty
with the Artillery and in the Ordnance Yard. In the recent American
Civil War many hard things were said of the Northerners for declaring
the slaves of the rebels to be free, at a time when the women and
children of the South were in their homes alone and unprotected. It is
but fair to say that the example followed was our own. During the War of
Independence the same course towards the rebels was taken by the
British, and an influx of runaway slaves in New York was the result.
This, coupled with the decided immigration of Loyalists from other
districts, accounts for the great rise in the population of New York
during the British occupation, which increased from 17,000 to 30,000.
The newspapers of the time teem with advertisements announcing the sale
of slaves, but from the fact above mentioned it is evident that they can
only apply to the slaves of Loyalists. Some of them are so grotesque as
to be worthy of reproduction:
"To be sold, a strong, healthy mulatto girl, about fifteen years of age.
Has been used to household work and the care of children. She has both
had the small-pox and the measles. For further particulars, apply to Mr.
Stevens, _Livery Stable Keeper_, Little Queen-street."
"To be sold, a young negro wench, who has had the small-pox, can cook
very well, nineteen years old, and sold for no fault. Lowest price,
70_l._"
And—"For sale, a fine negro boy and a billiard-table."
Doubtless, if one looked in at the places of auction, the poor girl "who
is accustomed to the care of children" would be found crying her heart
out, while thinking of the charge from which she has been torn, and
dreading the unknown future before her; while poor little Sambo would be
seen showing his white teeth over the table which has been the dusky
marker's little world, and from which he has found that he is not to be
separated.
The newspapers of the time, in which the above advertisements appear,
are an interesting study. From them one gets an admirable picture of the
city during the British occupation—of the business, amusements, and
daily routine. One is soon reminded that New York was under martial law.
The statute price of the loaf always headed the column, by order of the
Major-General commanding, followed by terrible threats against the
farmers on Long Island if they did not bring their hay, without further
delay, to the city for sale. Notices to the refugees from rebel
districts, informing them where they could obtain work, were regularly
inserted, for the Commandant would have no idlers in the place.
Authority for lotteries was occasionally notified, the proceeds to go to
the aged and invalid poor; and theatrical advertisements were frequent.
The Garrison Dramatic Club, whose profits went to assist the soldiers'
wives, was composed of officers of the Garrison, who were assisted in
their performances by young ladies—daughters of New York merchants—whose
parts were played, according to the critics of the time, "with great
propriety, spirit, and accuracy." The receipts of the Club in one year,
amounted to 9,500_l._, all of which, after deducting unavoidable
expenses, was spent in charity.
The rules of the theatre were somewhat arbitrary. Not merely had the
places to be secured and paid for before the day of performance, but the
takers were compelled to send their servants at half-past four in the
afternoon to keep their seats until the curtain rose at seven. It must
have been a ludicrous sight during these two hours and a half—that dusky
audience with nothing to hear, those crowded spectators with nothing to
see.
One of the chief actors in the club was Major Williams, of the
Artillery, who was also Brigade-Major of the Garrison. In the Library of
the Historical Society in New York there is yet to be found frequent and
favourable mention of this officer's rendering of Macbeth and Richard
III.
Possibly an undue value may easily be attached to the opinions of an
audience which was, doubtless, more or less, composed of the actors'
friends; but it has been recorded that nothing was so popular,—no wit,
humour, or buffoonery so welcome, even to the gallery,—as hits at the
rebels during the performance.
The newspapers of the day were the 'Mercury,' published on Monday;
'Robertson's Loyal American Gazette,' on Thursday; and the 'General
Advertiser,' on Friday. But there was one more reliable, and more
generally read, than any of these,—the 'Gazette,' published every
Wednesday and Saturday, by a man called Rivington, famed for his
hospitality and as a _bon vivant_, but who proved eventually to be a
traitor. About 1781 he began to see that, under the influence of the
French Alliance and dissension in England, the rebel cause was
brightening. While, therefore, still continuing to utter the most loyal
sentiments in his journal, he supplied the enemy, in rather an ingenious
way, with all the latest intelligence. Being a bookbinder as well as
publisher, and being wholly unsuspected, he was permitted to send books
to the Jerseys and elsewhere for sale. In the binding of the books were
concealed despatches for Washington, who was thus supplied with the
latest news from New York and England.
From advertisements in the various newspapers, the price of tea during
the British occupation would appear to have averaged 18_s._ per lb.;
corn varied with the punctuality or otherwise of the convoys from
Ireland,—a strange thing to read of in days when America is known as the
grain-producing country of the world; and claret, from some reason or
other, was cheap and plentiful. There are, in the Royal Artillery Record
Office, permit-books of General Pattison's from which the filial
affection of the subalterns in the Garrison can be gauged by the amount
of claret they received permission to send from New York to their
anxious parents.
But, returning to No. 1 Broadway, on the Bowling Green, where the
General lived, let the reader accompany him on his rounds. His chestnut
horse is at the door, and Captain Adye and Captain-Lieutenant Ford, his
Quartermaster, are waiting for him. The house in which he lives was
formerly occupied by Sir Henry Clinton, now the Commander of the Forces,
and afterwards by General Robertson, the immediate predecessor of
General Pattison as Commandant of New York. The next house, No. 3
Broadway, had been occupied by Sir William Howe, on the first occupation
of New York by the English forces in 1776, and was destined to be the
residence of the arch-renegade, Arnold.
The General is a wiry, muscular man, of about fifty-four years of age;—
his staff were mere boys, and yet he outlived them both. The
characteristic which struck every one most was his courtly urbanity:
every hat which was raised by passers-by was courteously acknowledged;
and for every one whom he knew there was a pleasant, kindly word. He
looks even brighter and more cheery this morning than usual, and,
judging from the barely-suppressed merriment of his staff—when he is not
looking—there is evidently some cause for cheerfulness. The joke is
this. If James Pattison excels in one thing more than another, it is in
correspondence. Last night had found him in a good vein, and his staff
are still chuckling over some letters which they had copied this
morning. Let three be selected, with a judicious blending of love and
war, and let preference be given to the first. The General was, in the
strongest and most benevolent sense, a father to his officers; there was
no one in whose affairs he was not ready to take an interest; and his
sympathy with all under his command is visible in every line of his
correspondence. As the student sits among his letter-books, in the
Dryasdust Record Offices looking out on the muddy Thames, there are
times when, out of the yellow pages and faded writing, there seems to
shape itself a figure, which, even at this distance of time, has such a
loveable reality about it, that he seems to have known it as a dear
friend. In return for the interest the General felt in and showed for
his officers, he asked but one thing—their confidence; and the extent of
his private correspondence shows that he did not ask in vain.
But there had been an exception,—unconscious, perhaps, but not
unnoticed. A giddy subaltern had fallen in love. The General hardly
expected to be told of this. In those days, as now, it might be
predicated of subalterns that "'tis their nature to!" But this youth
resolved to marry, and did not tell his resolution. He was away in
Florida; there were no regular posts; perhaps the General might not
approve of it; and, besides, those sweet hours of bliss were too dear to
be interrupted by extraneous correspondence. So he was married. At first
all was happiness. Love was still in every room of the cottage; and the
General, like everything else, was forgotten. But there came a day when,
in that little cottage, there were "Rooms to let," for Love had taken
umbrage at a threadbare ruffian, called Poverty, who had taken up his
abode. So, like the Prodigal Son in the Parable, the mournful subaltern
remembered his General, and, writing a doleful letter as to the expenses
of the married state, suggested a happy arrangement by which his income
might be improved. To which the General had overnight penned the
following reply. The reader will bear in mind that the General, like St.
Peter, was himself also a married man.
"DEAR SIR,
"The letter you favoured me with gives me, at last, an opportunity
of congratulating you upon your marriage. I am very sensible it is a
state which must be attended by extraordinary expenses, and wish it
was in my power to enable you, with perfect ease, to defray them. I
would even adopt the mode you propose, of appointing you
Quartermaster, if I thought the good of the service required; but as
it does not appear to me necessary for every detached company to
have a staff annexed to it, I am sure you will have the goodness to
excuse my incurring any extraordinary charges upon Government which
I could not properly justify.
"I am, with regard, &c., &c."
Another letter which the General had written was to a friend at
Woolwich, who superintended the recruiting for the Battalion, which was
then much below its establishment. In answer to repeated remonstrances,
a few handfuls of men from the other Battalions were sent,—not the best,
it is to be feared, if human nature then were like human nature now;
and, at last, recruits being no longer obtainable in England, the
experiment was tried of recruiting in Ireland, and the first draft was
sent to the 4th Battalion. At this time the Irish Artillery, afterwards
the 7th Battalion of the Royal Artillery, enjoyed a separate existence,
and secured the best recruits in Ireland. The refuse only remained for
the Royal Artillery, and the following is the graphic language used by
the gallant General in describing the new levies as they landed in New
York.
"The drafts have arrived, four having deserted, and one died upon the
passage. I should not have been very much afflicted if many of those who
landed here had saved me, either by death or desertion, the pain of
looking at them, for such warriors of 5 feet 5½ inches I never saw
raised before for the service of Artillery.... I presume the reason why
so few stand of arms accompanied them was the consideration of these
whippers-in and postilions of fellows being unable to bear them: but I
must try how far the strength of these diminutive warriors is equal to
carry _muskets cut down_, for they shall never appear, while I command
them, otherwise than as soldiers.... Hard times, indeed, and great must
be the scarcity of men, when the Royal Artillery is obliged to take such
reptiles. I would they were back in the bogs from which they sprang."
In less than a hundred years, had the General lived, he would have seen
many of even a worse stamp landing here, to swell the army of New York
Rowdies,—men who poison the blood of the American commonwealth, making
the great Republic break out into hideous and pestilent sores, which in
the eyes of the world deface and hide the beauties it so undoubtedly
possesses.
The third and last letter to be quoted is a more serious one; and is
addressed to the Right Honourable the Board of Ordnance, at this time
very wooden-headed, very obstinate, very devoted to every form of
circumlocution. Their officials loved then to snub, and carp, and
disallow; to thrust on the festive board at any joyous time some hideous
skull of pigheaded queries; and to look with suspicion on any one who
dared to think for himself. The officials of the Ordnance have passed
away; but who shall say that the type is extinct?
Ah! this gunner who governed New York! He had his rough hours with the
rebels, and with the citizens, and with his motley army, but the
roughest were when the convoys coming in brought the usual budget of
stupendous idiocy, written by clerks who knew not, probably, whether
America lay to the east or the west of the Tower, but who felt that
their duty was to be to the conscientious officer an eternal nightmare.
The good General, who thought of England's interests before anything
else, had recently given permission for the pay of the men to be drawn
by bills on Messrs. Cox and Mair, the rate of exchange at the time being
such as to leave a handsome surplus to the Government on the sale of the
bills. But no sooner did the members of the worshipful Board hear of
this, than each particular hair stood on end on each individual head,
and a letter was despatched to the General reprimanding him for daring
to think of himself. Fortunately Messrs. Cox and Mair protected the
bills: but no more were drawn, and the General's scheme for saving his
country's money was ruthlessly butchered. As luck would have it, the
same mail brought to the General letters of commendation from the King
and all in authority; and the confirmation of the rank of Major-General,
bestowed on him by Sir Henry Clinton for service in the field. This
enabled him to quote the satisfaction expressed by others with his
conduct, in the commencement of his letter to the Board, thus giving a
point to his next dignified sentences, acknowledging their rebuke.
"These marks, my Lord and gentlemen, of your displeasure, and the never
having received the honour (notwithstanding my unwearied endeavours to
deserve it,) of _your_ declared approbation in any instance since I have
been entrusted with the direction of your affairs in this service,
cannot fail to give me the most sensible mortification. The extensive
and complicated command I have is sufficiently onerous of itself, but
under the present circumstances the weight becomes less supportable. I
should, therefore, be exceedingly glad if I might be permitted to
transfer it over to abler hands, who might probably be more fortunate in
giving fuller satisfaction."
It is unnecessary to say that the brainless scribes in the Tower were a
little quieter after this, and more sparing of their senseless
criticism.
Before doing anything else, the General's custom during his morning's
ride was to look at the batteries near his house, known then as Fort
George and Grand Battery. The former was a regular fortification, and
the latter mounted 94 guns. They were situated where the Castle Garden—
for the reception of emigrants—and the South Ferry House now stand. They
commanded the river between New York and Brooklyn heights, and New York
and Staten Island. The fortifications on Brooklyn heights, especially
Fort Stirling, had been immensely strengthened by General Pattison, and
not a point on New York Island was left unarmed by him. He availed
himself of many breast-works and trenches, and of large works like Fort
Independence, which the Americans had built when they contemplated the
defence, instead of the evacuation of New York: and he strengthened them
in the most laborious and efficient manner. To his efforts more than any
other's, was the fact due that the City remained unmolested during the
whole war. His labours and duties were enormous. His command being co-
extensive with the North American continent, he would one day receive
demands for powder and guns from Halifax, Nova Scotia, and the next day
from Florida, or from Captain Traille in Virginia. Captain Traille was
one of those men to be met with even now in the Artillery, a man with a
grievance. He had been made _local_ Major, and had applied without
success to have the rank made substantive. He took his revenge out of
the Government by demanding stores in the wildest manner. The first
thing he always did on arriving at a new station was to send in
requisitions, as if he were going to fortify Gibraltar.
The soreness on Captain Traille's part appears in other ways in the
records of the time. A young gentleman, named Black, who, according to
the custom in those days, had carried arms in his company with great
distinction, refused a commission in the Artillery offered him by the
Master-General, and accepted one instead in Lord Rawdon's New York
Volunteers. It is easy to imagine the lad going to his Captain for
advice, and finding him brooding over the unfortunate Majority, or
calculating how next to worry the authorities with store-demands. And
having imagined this, it is not difficult to imagine what the Captain's
advice would be.
While talking of stores, it is worthy of mention that at one time so
heavy had been the demands on the General from out-stations,
particularly from Halifax, which was reduced to barely seven rounds a
gun, that there were only 476 barrels of powder left in the whole city
and district of New York, under British rule. There was, as is apparent
from contemporary correspondence, not a little anxiety on the subject in
the Commandant's office.
Although General Pattison was saved much laborious and unpleasant
correspondence by having a very competent staff, he occasionally took
the pen himself in official differences, even with his regimental
subordinates. One, Captain William Johnstone, had entered a remonstrance
showing that two of the officers posted to his company were prisoners in
the hands of the rebels, and the other two were in England. Had he
remained content with a bare statement of facts, he would have done
well, but he went on to make insinuations; and after also disparaging
the men who had been sent to his Company with the last draft, he
concluded by hinting that the climate of Pensacola, where he was
stationed, disagreed with him. To whom the General: "As to the idea
which you think proper to throw out, and which I cannot but think an
extraordinary one, of officers endeavouring to get out of their
commands, no such applications have ever been made to me; consequently,
I cannot have granted the improper indulgences you allude to; but with
respect to indulgences to officers under my command, I must desire to be
considered the best judge how far they may be bestowed, consistent with
the good of the service.... The men whom you think so bad were not
picked out, but impartially drafted; and if any of them carry the marks
of bad behaviour on their backs, I hope the end will be answered by
their correcting it for the future, and that their good conduct under
you will be the means of soon wearing them out.... I am very sorry that
the climate of Pensacola disagrees with you so much, but hope that you
will soon recover your health."
The reader will now be good enough to accompany the General up Broadway,
towards Hester Street, in the Bowery, then one of the extreme streets
yet built in New York, and near the spot where the British landed on
16th September, 1776, to occupy the city. It was close to the place
where St. Mark's Church now stands; and at that date was marked by the
existence of the house of the last Dutch Governor of New York, built of
yellow brick, imported from Holland, now unfortunately destroyed. In
Hester Street lived Mrs. Douglas, the young wife of as brave a subaltern
of Artillery as ever stepped. The General had just received a despatch
from Sir Henry Clinton, then engaged in operations up the Hudson, in
which young Douglas's bravery, coolness, and skill had been mentioned in
the highest terms. Before writing to his subaltern to express the
satisfaction he derived from such a report, the General hastened to tell
the good news to Mrs. Douglas; thus killing two birds with one stone,
for it enabled him to add to his letter a postscript which he knew young
Douglas would value, giving all the latest news from his home. It was
this thoughtfulness which endeared him to his officers; it is from such
little data as this that the student learns how loveable as well as able
this gallant officer was. The day shall come—and not so far distant—when
the General shall stop in the same street at a door not much farther on,
but his face shall be sad, and his step slow, as he mounts the staircase
to tell of a young husband lying under the turf near Charlestown,
wounded to death in the battle, and dying with his wife's name on his
lips, and love for her in his glazing eye. As he enters the room, there
shall be that in his face which a woman's wit shall too quickly read,
and the cry of a broken heart shall echo on the old man's ears for years
to come!
Leaving Hester Street the General rode towards Ranelagh House, then a
species of Tea Gardens, out of the city, but only a little east of the
present intersection of Anthony Street and West Broadway. About twenty-
five years before the British occupation of New York, to which this
chapter refers, this house was the residence of Major James, of the
Royal Artillery, a man of great taste and considerable private means. He
went on one occasion on leave to England; and, during his absence, the
celebrated Riot on the arrival of the Stamps took place. A mob, which
took the name of the "Sons of Liberty," having first burnt the
Lieutenant-Governor in effigy, and broken his Coach of State to pieces,
went off playfully to Major James's unprotected house, burned his
valuable library and large collection of works of art, and ruined his
beautiful garden. A few months later, it became a public-house, kept by
one John Jones, who sent fireworks off in the evening, and by day and
night gratified the thirst of the Sons of Liberty. It was a curious
heaping of coals of fire, that a few years later it should fall to this
very Major James—after a six weeks' passage from Plymouth, to bring the
joyful news of the repeal of the Stamp Act. Ranelagh House had become
during the War a great place for recruiting for the various Regiments
raised for the King's service in New York. During General Pattison's
command, no less than 4000 Loyalist Volunteers were doing duty in the
city, and 3000 more were away on duty in the South. Some statistics
regarding these volunteer corps may be interesting. The New Jersey
Gentlemen Volunteers, embodied—as the recruiting notices said—"during
this wanton rebellion," received each 20 dollars bounty, and "everything
necessary to complete a gentleman soldier;" Lord Rawdon's Ireland
Volunteers received each 30_s._ bounty; and men were tempted to enlist
into Colonel Simcoe's Queen's Ranger Hussars by the promise of "an
elegant horse, cloathing &c., to the amount of 40 guineas: the bringer
to get 2_l._ 2_s._" Men enlisting into the regular army got one guinea
bounty; and on one occasion when men were wanted for regiments in the
West Indies, the married men of New York were tempted by the offer of
5_s._ a week for the husband, 3_s._ 9_d._ a week for his wife, and 2_s._
6_d._ a week for each child, over and above prize-money.
Side by side with these various notices, as well as on every public
place and in every newspaper, an intimation was to be found,
characteristic of the General's method and accuracy, calling upon any
one who had any claim against the Royal Artillery, or the Ordnance, to
submit it without delay. This same method is visible in all his internal
civil arrangements, showing that he possessed admirable qualifications
for the post of Home Secretary as well as General. He ordered every
stranger on arrival in the city to report himself on pain of suspicion;
the citizens had to form a nightly watch in their respective wards,
subject to 24 hours' imprisonment, or 1 dollar fine, if absent, in
addition to making up the duty; each chimney had to be swept once a
month under penalty of a 5_l._ fine; a certain number, only, of public-
houses was licensed, on the recommendation of the principal officers of
the Army and Navy, or of respectable inhabitants; and any one selling
liquor without a licence was fined 5_l._ and the money given to the
poor. All carmen were obliged to have licences; and if any one
overcharged his fare, he was fined 40_s._, one half going to the poor,
and the other half to the informer.
A favourite punishment for misdemeanours and theft was banishment beyond
the lines, accompanied by further severe punishment if the offender
should return. The inhabitants were liable to confinement in the main-
guard, but their cases had to be inquired into by the civil magistrates
before 11 A.M. on the following day. Negro slaves and others deemed
worthy of corporal punishment were sent to a court-martial; and able-
bodied offenders were not unfrequently sent on board the Admiral's
Fleet.
The General's arrangements for the various ferries were excellent, and
all the profits went to the poor. Boatmen had to take out licences, and
in event of overcharge they were punished in the same way as the carmen.
Auctioneers had not merely to provide themselves with licences, but also
to find sureties to the amount of 5000_l._ New York currency. And at any
meeting of the vestry which concerned the disbursement of public money,
the Mayor was compelled to be present, and make a report to the
Commandant, as well as to see that his wishes were complied with.
A good deal of trouble arose from what was called the Neutral Ground,
extending some 30 miles above the Island of New York, and not included
in the lines of either army. It was a fertile and populous country, but
much infested by bands of plunderers, called cow-boys and skinners. The
cow-boys lived within the British lines, and bought, or stole, cattle
for the use of the troops. The rendezvous of the skinners was within the
American lines. They professed to be great patriots, making it their
ostensible business to plunder those who refused to take the oath of
allegiance to the State of New York. But they were ready in fact to
plunder any one, and the cattle they thus obtained were often sold to
the cow-boys in exchange for dry goods from New York. It was when
traversing this neutral ground, that the unfortunate Major André was
captured. By the way, the General in his morning's ride passed the house
where André was to dine the evening before he should start on his ill-
fated journey. It was an old Dutch house which remained standing until
1850, near the present intersection of 2nd Avenue and 34th Street; and
was occupied during the British occupation, as an officer's quarter, by
Colonel Williams of the 80th Regiment.
In continuing his ride, the General went to Greenwich, a village
situated at that time a mile and a half out of the city, but now in the
very heart of it, where the German troops in English pay were stationed.
Of all the mistakes made by England in that war—and they were many—the
hiring of mercenaries to fight the Americans was perhaps the greatest.
It irritated many loyal men into rebellion, and gave a union and
cohesion to the disloyal, such as they never otherwise would have
gained. Nor were the mercenaries very valuable as soldiers; they were
discontented and quarrelsome; and to their want of vigilance was the
irreparable disaster of Trenton wholly due. Even to this day, the
Americans talk most bitterly of their being hired by the English to
shoot down their own flesh and blood; and there can be no doubt that
more soreness was due to this circumstance, than to any other connected
with the war. Apart, however, from the general question, there was no
Commanding officer whose management of the foreign troops displayed so
much tact, as General Pattison. Whether it were on duty, or on such
occasions as the celebrated ball given by him on the King's Birthday in
1780, which he opened with the wife of the German Baron who commanded at
Greenwich, his courtesy and tact were always exerted to cement
differences, or allay grievances.
Returning homewards from Greenwich, the General rode through a great
many burnt streets, burnt by incendiaries the night after the English
occupied New York, and at a fire which took place later;—past not a few
churches which had been converted into prisons, riding-schools, and
hospitals, for at times the sickness in the city was very great;—past
Vauxhall, where Sir Peter Warren lived; past the house in Hanover Square
where Prince William stayed, when sent out by the King in compliment to
his American subjects; and past the dwelling of that most princely of
dinner-givers, honest Admiral Walton. As he rode along, he passed
printed anathemas on the walls against privateering, and notices of 20
guineas reward from the Government, and 10 guineas additional from the
insurance offices, for the discovery of any man who should have seduced
a soldier on board a privateer. There were no less than 5000 New Yorkers
engaged during the war in this lawless occupation. It was certainly
adding insult to injury, after the sleepless nights they sometimes
caused to the General, but the owners of a very fast privateer had
actually the impertinence to name their ship after him.
On his way home he rode into the Ordnance Yard, where a few words of
comfort had to be spoken to the men whose wages were so disproportionate
to those of ordinary civil labourers, that not merely were they
discontented, but they could hardly live at all. Ordinary labourers in
the city got 5_s._ a day, and skilled artisans could earn as much as
12_s._ and 15_s._; but in the Ordnance Yard the average wage was only
3_s._ a day and a ration, and in vain had the General urged on the Board
of Ordnance to sanction some approximation to the wages of the other
labourers in New York. While men could be got with ease near the Tower
of London for 3_s._ a day, the Board of Ordnance might as well have been
expected to pay more in America, as their clerks to learn geography.
The General having now returned to Broadway, let two or three instances
be mentioned, in which he prominently figured during his command at New
York, before closing this chapter.
The first shall be the only instance in which the General ever showed
any symptom of insubordination. He forgot the soldier in the gunner. On
the last day of May, 1779, he accompanied Sir Henry Clinton, the
Commander-in-Chief, to within 3 miles of Stony Point on the Hudson; and
as Artillery became necessary in carrying out the proposed attack,
General Pattison was ordered to take command of the troops. During the
night—a dark, moonless night—the Artillery for the service was got up,
and the batteries completed by five o'clock in the morning,
notwithstanding great difficulties, arising from a bad landing-place and
a very steep precipice. Orders were then given to commence firing on the
enemy's works, and, notwithstanding the great distance, the fire was
soon seen to have been effectual. Sir Henry Clinton therefore sent
instructions to the General to cease firing, but the General's blood was
up. The range had been got to an inch and he hungered to go on; so
instead of ceasing fire, he sent back an earnest request to be allowed a
few more rounds. Very soon, however, a white flag was seen; and in a few
minutes it was known that the whole rebel force had surrendered.
The next sketch may be said to show the culminating point of the
General's career as Commandant of New York. The winter of 1779 was the
hardest, it is believed, ever recorded in that city. The water was
frozen between New York and Staten Island, and guns were carried over on
sleighs. It was an anxious time. The insular advantages of New York
disappeared before this unexpected high-road of ice; the Jerseys were
swarming with Washington's troops; and as nearly the whole of the
regular forces had gone from New York to Charlestown on special service,
the General dreaded an attack which he might be unable to resist.
Notwithstanding the croaking of many advisers, he called out, and
resolved to arm, the inhabitants, to test the sincerity of their
professions of loyalty, and to ascertain whether his rule in the city
had been a successful one. To those who assured him that it was a rash
measure, he answered that he felt confident that the number of doubtful
characters was but trifling, and as those few would be blended in the
ranks with the many who could be relied on, they would be less capable
of doing mischief under arms, than if "left to lurk in their dwellings."
And the event proved that he was right. In a few hours he had 4300 loyal
volunteers between 17 and 60 years of age, armed at their own expense,
until arms could no longer be bought, when they received them from the
King's stores; he had merchants of the city standing sentry on his own
house; and so fired were the naval officers by his energy, that they
landed all the sailors they could spare, and put them under his orders.
In return, the General courteously named a new battery which he was
building, the Royal Naval Battery, and gave it to the sailors to man.
And the result was that the city remained unmolested.
The anxiety the General suffered during the winter of 1779 aggravated a
complaint from which he had been suffering for some time, which he
describes in his diary as "a stubborn disease which no medicine can
allay," and he began to feel that rest and change were necessary. So he
applied for, and obtained, leave of absence to go home for the benefit
of the Bath waters; but so reluctant was he to leave his post that it
was late in the autumn of 1780, before he actually sailed. During the
few months immediately preceding his departure his correspondence is a
mixture of explanations to the authorities at home of the reasons for
his return, and entreaties to his officers to write to him at Bath, and
keep him posted in all the news of the war. During the three years of
his command he had got everything into such admirable order, that its
transfer to his successor was simpler than could have been expected from
its complicated and extensive nature. He received a perfect ovation on
his departure, both from the civil and military part of the population;
and the dear old man had hardly sat down in Bath, before he wrote off to
all his old friends of the 4th Battalion.
In all that General Pattison did—whether on duty or not—he was
essentially conscientious and hard-working. And these are the two
qualities which rule the world. George Macdonald—in his lecture on
Milton—said that on rising from a study of the poet's works, he felt
that he had been gazing on one who was, in every noble sense of the
word, _a man_. And the student of General Pattison's letters and orders
feels also, in quitting the dusty tomes and faded letters, that he has
been conversing with a true, a noble man.
A brief notice of his death will suitably close this chapter. He lived
to be a very old man. Twice he was appointed Commandant of Woolwich, a
command less onerous than that which he held in America, but still a
prize to which every Artillery officer looks forward. At last on a March
morning in the year 1805, that stubborn disease which indeed no medicine
can allay, that old, old disease, death, stole into Hill Street,
Berkeley Square, and touched on the shoulder, in his 82nd year, the
gallant old soldier, a chapter in whose life has just been alluded to.
It was a year of note for England. War was going on in the East and in
the West, and success had attended the English arms in both. Europe was
bristling with armed men, whom the genius and the dread of Napoleon had
produced; and in England alone, besides a gigantic regular army, 325,000
volunteers had rallied to protect the soil against a not improbable
invasion. The cost of the army that year was over fourteen millions, in
addition to which over four millions were voted for the Ordnance; and no
less than four and a half millions more for the support of the militia
and volunteers fell upon the groaning taxpayers. Nearly everything in
England was taxed, and this year saw the taxes increased. A man's
pension, office, personal estate, and everything that could be called a
luxury was heavily mulct; if a legacy were left him, it shrank wofully
in the process of reaching him; his profession or trade was made but
another excuse for picking his pocket; if he smoked, the tax-gatherer
waited round the corner; if he took snuff, the same relentless visitor
called upon him; and yet, after all, the revenue of the country fell far
short of its expenditure. The horrified fund-holder saw Consols quoted
at 58, and yet Parliament borrowing right and left to make the two ends
meet. Twenty-four millions were borrowed by annuities, and twelve
millions by Exchequer bills; and driven to his wits' end by want of
funds, the Chancellor of the Exchequer started lotteries to raise the
wind.
A year of note in England. It was the year when Trafalgar was fought,
and a country wept in the hour of victory for a life that could not be
spared. A year when men were Titans; a fit year for a soldier to live;
no unfit one in which he could die who had done to the very last his
duty.
In March, 1805, the old General passed to his rest. Perhaps, as he lay
dying, his mind wandered to the Far West, where so important a part of
his career had been passed; to the Hudson, bound then in the grip of
winter; to the trees at West Point waving their naked arms in the wind,
as if praying for summer; to New York spreading in peace as it never
could have spread in war; to that great country, destined to be greater
yet, but ah! never to be so pure as in those days of its infancy as a
Republic, whose people were listening—even as he died—to the words
addressed to them by their new President, words of soberness and peace,
such as Washington himself would have loved.
And so the old man went to sleep.
CHAPTER XXIX.
CONCLUSION OF THE WAR.
BEFORE summing up the Artillery share in the American War of
Independence, a glance may be taken at the domestic life of the Regiment
at this time. From the date when the Regimental feeling first developed
itself, there has always been a body of officers whom taste,
opportunity, or ability has singled out to express the hopes, schemes,
or resolutions, which may have existed among the officers at large for
the welfare of the Corps. The centre of the Regimental life which has
found its expression in such men has always been Woolwich. In the
earlier days of the Regiment this was natural, as its head-quarters and
its commanding officer were at that station: in later times, when the
Regiment became too large for the supervision of one man, the head-
quarters of the Battalions were concentrated there; and after the
appointment of a Deputy-Adjutant-General of the Royal Artillery, his
office remained at Woolwich for many years, the centre of administration
of the whole corps. The large force of Artillery always at Woolwich, the
manufacturing departments, and the numerous Regimental establishments,
such, for example, as the Royal Artillery Institution, and the
Department of Artillery studies, conspire at the present day to render
Woolwich more than ever the centre of the Regiment's intellectual and
domestic life.
In the correspondence between officers at out-stations and at head-
quarters, at various times in the Regiment's history, may be read much
that is interesting of Regimental schemes and wishes. The great domestic
event during the American war was undoubtedly the formation of the
Invalid Battalion, thus ridding the four service Battalions of their
invalid companies, and giving them effective men instead. The promotion
given by the augmentation gave also great satisfaction to the officers,
and in no place was it hailed with more delight than in America.
Although the Invalid Battalion was not formed until 1779, its formation
had been part of a scheme which had entered into the consideration of
the thoughtful officers of the Regiment for some years. In a letter from
General Pattison, at New York, to Captain Blomefield, at Woolwich, the
scheme is thus alluded to. "I have just time, and that is all, to
acknowledge and thank you for your obliging communication of the new
arrangement for the Corps of Artillery. I began to despair of that plan,
after lying dormant so long, ever taking place. You will, I am sure, do
me the justice to believe that its being brought to light again, and
carried into execution, affords me the truest satisfaction, and I very
sincerely congratulate you upon the event. I hope, too, it is a prelude
to something still better, _and that the next step will be to form the
four Battalions into as many Regiments, to consist of two Battalions
each_; and then I think the young officers need not be very solicitous
to get into the Line." This is a very interesting quotation; and shows
that the idea which has frequently been entertained, although happily
never carried out, of dividing the Regiment into small Regiments with
independent promotion, is at least a century old. Division of a
different description may soon be necessary; a more thorough separation
of the Garrison Artillery from the Horse and Field Artillery; but a
division into several Regiments would have few good results, and many
evil. That the division, which it is said above may become necessary,
has never been effected, is demonstrative of the strength of the
Regimental feeling, which could tolerate so many anomalies, rather than
admit the small end of the wedge of separation. As science progresses,
Siege and Garrison Artillery wander farther away every day from the
Field branch of the Arm; and the difficulty of ensuring the necessary
proficiency in officers who are changed repeatedly from one service to
another wholly distinct, as well as the natural tendencies of young
officers towards the mounted branches, may some day compel the issue of
the long deferred edict of divorce. That such divorce is practicable
without infringing on the Regimental system is as firmly believed by
those who have given the subject their consideration, as that the duties
of the various branches would be better performed, were the officers to
realize that they would be retained in their performance during the
whole of their professional lives. Embarrassing details, and individual
hardships, might terrify a military reformer from undertaking the task;
but such hardships are inevitable in every reform, and it is the duty of
a conscientious and statesmanlike reformer to master details, instead of
being mastered by them.
A century ago, the anxiety for a division of the Regiment which animated
not a few thoughtful officers was inspired by the longing to create a
promotion in the junior ranks, which would stimulate zeal, and remove
the despair which was creeping over them. Not a few subalterns during
the American War, who distinguished themselves, asked and obtained as
their reward commissions in the Line. The elder officers might well
become anxious, and look hungrily for any scheme which would deter their
younger comrades from abandoning a service to which they did honour. And
in this anxiety we may read an explanation of the almost undue delight
which the creation of the Invalid Battalion, and eight additional
service companies, with the consequent promotion, produced.
Not that in the Fourth Battalion there was not another minor reason for
rejoicing. Its head-quarter staff had accompanied the Battalion almost
from the commencement of the War; and there was no one at home to give
the same attention to the recruiting, as would have been paid by the
Battalion's own staff. The creation of two new service companies, to
remain at Woolwich as a Depôt for the companies abroad, would, it was
hoped, ensure more care in recruiting, and, as General Pattison wrote
ironically, "my friends will not be put to the trouble of sending me any
more drafts of _picked_ men." The recruiting accounts for the various
companies would also be expedited, for under the existing arrangement it
too often happened, as the General wrote, that "the Agents have been
prevented by more important affairs from bringing to any settlement the
concerns of those, who are at 3000 miles' distance."
But there were more pleasing subjects of correspondence between Woolwich
and the out-stations than recruiting or promotion. There was a genuine
desire springing up in the hearts of the more thoughtful officers for a
more scientific training, a desire which was daily acquiring strength,
and whose mere existence ensured success; for those who sought it for
others, endeavoured by their own exertions to secure it for themselves.
At this time in the Regiment's history the feeling attained strength and
certainty that to be a scientific corps was as high an aim as to win
battles. Armed science was felt to be the aim of study. Something higher
than mere gallantry, something more durable than brilliancy or _dash_,
was felt to be necessary in officers of Artillery. Inventive genius was
encouraged in the professional field; individual talent was coaxed and
rewarded; and to the ordinary Regimental _esprit_, without which a
military life would be a mere Valley of Dry Bones, was added scientific
enthusiasm. There was, doubtless, much haziness as to ways and means;
much uncertainty as to the details of the closer alliance which it was
felt should exist between the corps and the scientific world; but there
was enthusiasm, and a readiness to employ any aids already existing,
which would certainly ensure success. The foundation of the Royal
Military Repository; the establishment of such Government works as those
at Waltham Abbey; the closer connection between the Royal Laboratory and
the Regiment by the appointment of Captain Congreve as the Controller of
the former,—all combined to give increased life and strength to the
scientific tendencies which might otherwise have languished. The feeling
which was to find strong and eloquent expression from distinguished,
although unprofessional lips, nearly a century later, in the same
Woolwich where it had been born, was certainly, albeit dimly, in
existence then. With what a ring did the words now to be quoted echo in
the old birthplace of the Regiment! How grandly did they give shape and
consistency to the dreams which for a hundred years had been haunting
those to whom their profession was dear!
"The two classes," said the eloquent speaker,[38] "which will have an
increasing—it may be a preponderating—influence on the fate of the human
race for some time, will be the pupils of Aristotle and those of
Alexander,—the men of science and the soldiers. In spite of all
appearances and all declamations to the contrary, that is my firm
conviction. They, and they alone, will be left to rule, because they
alone—each in his own sphere—have learnt to obey. It is, therefore, most
needful for the welfare of society that they should pull with, and not
against, each other,—that they should understand each other, respect
each other, take counsel with each other, supplement each other's
defects, bring out each other's higher tendencies, counteract each
other's lower ones. The scientific man has something to learn of you,
which I doubt not that he will learn in good time. You, again, have
something to learn of him, which you, I doubt not, will learn in good
time likewise. Repeat—each of you according to his powers—the old
friendship between Aristotle and Alexander; and so, from the sympathy
and co-operation of you two, a class of thinkers and actors may yet
arise, which can save this nation, and the other civilized nations of
the world, from that of which I had rather not speak, and wish that I
did not think, too often and too earnestly.
"I may be a dreamer; and I may consider, in my turn, as wilder dreamers
than myself, certain persons who fancy that their only business in life
is to make money;—the scientific man's only business to show them how to
make money;—and the soldier's only business to guard their money for
them. Be that as it may, the finest type of civilized man which we are
likely to see for some generations to come will be produced by a
combination of the truly military with the truly scientific man. I say,
I may be a dreamer; but you at least, as well as my scientific friends,
will bear with me, for my dream is to your honour."
But to return to the operations of the Army in America. In the last
chapter allusion was made to the successful attack made on Stony Point,
on the Hudson, by the British troops from New York, in which General
Pattison took a prominent part. Very shortly afterwards a dashing
attempt was made by the Americans to retake it. The post was considered
to be safe against any sudden surprise; but at midnight, on the 15th
July, 1779, a bold and daring attempt was made to retake it, and it was
carried by storm in less than twenty minutes. The number of the
assailants was stated by themselves not to exceed six hundred, under
Brigadier Wayne. The garrison was nearly equal in strength, and
commanded by Colonel Johnson, of the 17th Regiment, an officer of
considerable experience and reputation; yet the enemy, advancing in two
or three columns from different points, was in a few minutes master of
the place. The Commandant of New York, in his report of the occurrence
to Lord Townshend, said: "It must, in justice, be allowed to General
Wayne's credit, as well as to all acting under his orders, that no
instance of inhumanity was shown to any of the unhappy captives. No one
was unnecessarily put to the sword or wantonly wounded. Our loss in
killed is not yet ascertained, but it is thought to be trifling, and the
number of wounded amounts only to one Captain, four subalterns, and
about eight-and-thirty men, of whom is one corporal of the Artillery.
The rebels assert that they had only four men killed. Our loss in
prisoners is a very serious one—almost the whole of the 17th Regiment,
two companies of the 71st (Grenadiers), about sixty of the Loyal
American Corps, and, I am particularly grieved to say, one Captain, one
subaltern, four non-commissioned officers, thirty-nine privates, and one
drummer of the Artillery. One subaltern (Lieutenant Roberts) made his
escape by getting to the shore, and swimming near a mile to the
'Vulture' Sloop of War."[39]
As soon as they obtained possession of the work, the Americans turned
the guns of the fort against the opposite post of Verplank's Point,
occupied by the 33rd Regiment, Ferguson's Corps, and part of the Loyal
American Battalion. Part of the rebel force, under General Macdougal,
threatened an attack upon the east side, and repeatedly attempted to
force the piquets, but without success, for Colonel Webster and the
troops under his command behaved with great spirit. Reinforcements from
the camp and from Philipsburg soon arrived; and the enemy, somewhat
hastily, evacuated Stony Point, demolishing the works as much as
possible, and carrying off all the brass guns and stores in a large
armed galley, mounting one 32-pounder and eight 4-pounders, which they
sent down the river for the purpose. Fortunately, the wind was against
the vessel on her return; and Lieutenant Douglas, of the Artillery, who
was in command of a detachment at Verplank's Point, opened fire on her
with such success from an 18-pounder gun, that, after being hulled
several times, she was run on shore to prevent her sinking, and then set
on fire. Lieutenant Douglas, as was mentioned in the last chapter, and
his detachment, were honoured by the thanks of the Commander-in-Chief
for their good behaviour. "Endeavours were afterwards used to recover
the cannon, but as they did not succeed it was presumed that the rebels
with their usual industry found some means, under favour of the night,
to convey them up the river. Upon the enemy evacuating Stony Point, we
once more took possession of it, with the 42nd, 63rd, and 64th
Regiments. Captain Ferguson is made Governor, and it is now fortifying
with a close work, which it had not before. The Army is since fallen
back again from Dobbs's Ferry to its former camp at Philipsburg."[40]
The next event worthy of mention is that described by the Commandant of
New York as "a most extraordinary attempt to take by assault the post of
Paulis Hook, that has been occupied by the King's troops ever since they
took possession of New York." This story has been told by American
writers, but it will be equally interesting to English and American
readers to have placed before them the official report of the
occurrence, made by General Pattison to Lord Townshend. "Paulis Hook,"
wrote the gallant General, "is on the Jersey shore, opposite to this
town, and considered as an appendage to it. I am sorry to say the
enterprise, bold as it was, succeeded but too well, and little to the
honour of the defendants. That your Lordship may judge of the strength
of this post from its natural situation and from the works raised for
its protection, I send the enclosed plan, which will show how far it
ought to have been out of the reach of insult. The troops allotted to
garrison it were the 4th Battalion of Skinner's Provincial Brigade,
under the command of Colonel Buskirk, and a part of the Invalid
Battalion. Major Sutherland, of the Invalid Battalion, was the
Commandant. On the preceding day it was determined that Colonel Buskirk
should march out a detachment that evening, with the design of
surprising a party of 100 rebels near the English neighbourhood. As the
garrison would thereby be much weakened, the Major applied to me for a
reinforcement for that night of a Captain and forty men, which I
complied with, and sent them from the Hessian Regiment of Knyphausen. At
half-past three o'clock the next morning advice was brought to me that,—
firing of musketry being heard at Paulis Hook,—it was probably attacked,
but having (soon after the command was given me of this garrison)
established with Major Sutherland the signal he was to make in case he
should be attacked in such force as to require succour from hence,—
namely, to fire two pieces of cannon and to hang out three lights,—and
being informed that no cannon had been heard or lights seen, I concluded
that Buskirk was on his return, and that some small party had been
harassing his rear, the firing at that time having nearly ceased.
However, I immediately sent over to know what was the real state of the
post. Upon the return of the messenger, I was filled with astonishment
at receiving a letter from Major Sutherland, saying that the enemy,
having got through the abattis, had taken the right-hand and centre
block-houses and the principal fort, but that the round redoubt, in
which was himself, with a Captain and twenty-five Hessians, had been
defended; that the left block-house was likewise safe; and that the
enemy had retreated, carrying off with them the guards of the two block-
houses, which (though almost impregnable, except by cannon) were
shamefully abandoned, the detachment of Artillery from the fort, and
such officers and soldiers as were in their barracks. He further added
that he was under great apprehensions of Colonel Buskirk's corps being
cut off. I, thereupon, without loss of time, sent over the flank
companies of the Guards, with 100 men from the Brigade, and nearly the
same number of Hessians, with a party of Artillery, under the command of
the Field Officer of the day, Lieutenant-Colonel Cosmo Gordon. The light
infantry were pushed forward about ten miles; and Colonel Buskirk, after
the _coup manqué_, made his retreat good to Paulis Hook, without any
loss, bringing four prisoners,—and the Guards likewise took a Captain
and six prisoners on their march. What is nearly as extraordinary as the
enterprise itself and the success of it is, that the enemy, though in
full possession of the fort, did not spike a gun, destroy the
ammunition, or do the least injury to any of the buildings. The strength
of the garrison at the time it was assaulted was about 200; and, by the
returns I have received, there were, _killed_, four sergeants, two
corporals, and three privates; _wounded_, two sergeants; and, _taken or
missing_, four subalterns, seven sergeants, five corporals, and ninety-
seven privates. Lieutenant Cockburne, who was the Artillery officer on
duty there, says that a soldier came to the hut where he slept, within
thirty yards of the fort, to give him the alarm; that he instantly flew
towards the fort, but found the enemy masters of it, whereupon he ran to
the block-house, and thereby saved himself from being taken prisoner.
The Commander-in-Chief was pleased to order a Board of two Brigadier-
Generals and three Field Officers to assemble the day following, to
inquire into the cause of the affront suffered at Paulis Hook on the
morning of the 19th August, 1779, and to report to him thereupon; and
yesterday, having received the opinion of the Board, he gave orders for
putting Major Sutherland in arrest, and for him to prepare to take his
trial before a Court-martial, upon a charge of 'general misconduct as
Commandant of Paulis Hook on the morning of the 19th inst.'" Major
Sutherland was ultimately acquitted.
The demand for Artillery officers became so great that the Cadets who
were attached to the companies in America were commissioned as Second
Lieutenants in the autumn of 1779, by Sir Henry Clinton, as Commander-
in-Chief, "to entitle them to sit at Courts-martial and to command as
officers." This step, combined with the removal of many officers, who
were absent on sick leave, to the new invalid companies, their places
being filled with effective officers, rendered the force in America more
efficient than it had been at any previous period of the war.
With the year 1780 commenced what may be called the Southern epoch of
the War of Independence, whose opening scene was successful for the
British arms, being the capture by Sir Henry Clinton of Charlestown,
South Carolina. Previous to removing so large a portion of the New York
garrison to assist in his offensive operations, Sir Henry determined to
evacuate Rhode Island, bringing the troops—British and Hessians—with
Artillery and stores, to New York. Private intimation was given to
Lieut.-Colonel Innes, who commanded the Artillery on the island, and he
was thus able to make the necessary preparations for the removal of
stores, ammunition, and horses. With such care and assiduity did he
perform the duty, that when the troops reached New York on the 27th
October, 1779, the whole of his guns, stores, and horses—with the
exception of twenty—came with them. The armament of Rhode Island, which
was thus added to the defences of New York, consisted of 20 field-guns,
9 howitzers, 17 mortars, and 72 iron guns of various calibres. From want
of vessels to convey it, over 1300 tons of hay were left on the island,
a commodity which could ill be spared. The enemy made no attempt to
molest the troops, either during their embarkation or their retreat.
Notwithstanding the increase just mentioned to the armament of New York,
the Commandant was unable with the guns at his command to arm the new
fortifications which he had been making. There is a memorandum in the
Record Office of the purchase by him of ten 12-pounder iron Swedish guns
for the new fortified lines near Fort Knyphausen, from the North to the
East River. These guns were exposed to a careful proof, and were bought
at the rate of 16_l._ per ton.
It was immediately after the departure of Sir Henry Clinton's force for
Charlestown that the intense frost occurred, mentioned in the last
chapter as having closed the navigation of New York, and deprived it of
its insular advantages. It had the effect of satisfactorily testing the
loyalty of the inhabitants, and of adding another proof of General
Pattison's ability and energy. In a report made by him to Sir Henry
Clinton, dated the 21st February, 1780, he sketches the plan he had
resolved on in case of attack; and as it is an interesting contribution
to the History of the War, part of it is now given:—"As General
Knyphausen and General Tryon were pleased to approve of my disposition
of part of the garrison and militia troops for the internal defence and
security of the city and its vicinity, I take the liberty of enclosing a
copy of it. If the enemy had crossed over at Harlem, or on the North
River anywhere to the south of the line of McGowan's Pass, the 42nd
Regiment, the Brigade of Losberg, and the two Anspach Battalions, were
to have advanced to positions which General Knyphausen had fixed upon,
from Colonel Clerke's house to the circular Redoubt on the East River,
and several light field-pieces were fixed upon sleighs, ready to march
to wherever they might be wanted. In the Foundry Redoubt I placed a 24-
pounder and two 6-pounders, with a 13-inch mortar, as commanding a long
reach of the North River; and in the new Star Fort near it were added
three small mortars.
"The cannon upon the Fort and batteries were kept loaded; the guard at
your Excellency's quarters, as well as all the others along the North
River, from the time of the ice being passable, were doubled every
evening; and a night piquet of a Captain and fifty men put on board the
'Earl Cornwallis,' Ordnance transport, which was so placed at the Hay
Magazine Wharf that her guns bore up and down the river. An armed galley
which lay near had also every evening an officer and twenty-five seamen
on board.... I had almost forgot to mention a little Corps formed from
the Baggage and Store Guards left in town, which might be useful, if
collected together. I therefore put them under the orders of Major
Small, and they made—with those he had of the 84th Regiment—upwards of
200 men. I am sorry to have trespassed so much upon your Excellency's
time by giving this long detail, but think it my duty, Sir, to inform
you of the several steps and precautions which have been taken for
discharging the important trust your Excellency was pleased to honour me
with.... I persuade myself that the recent proofs of loyalty among so
numerous a body of His Majesty's subjects in this town cannot fail to be
acceptable to your Excellency, and I shall be happy if the endeavours I
have used to give vigour and exertion to it are so fortunate as to be
honoured with your approbation. All the Captains of the City Militia, in
order to render it as useful as possible, have agreed to and subscribed
certain regulations (of which I enclose a copy), for punishing
delinquents and for keeping in repair and in good condition all their
arms, &c.; and in order to their being instructed in the use of them,
they are to be out every Saturday in the afternoon, and the Associated
Volunteer Companies every Sunday. I would therefore presume to hope,
Sir, if your Excellency shall please to approve of their continuing
embodied, that in a short time so respectable a force as 4000 men in
arms, with some knowledge in the use of them, may be capable of giving
such protection to this city, as may make a garrison of less strength
sufficient in general for the defence of it."[41]
In a subsequent letter to Lord George Germaine, General Pattison writes
as follows:—"I will entreat your Lordship's permission to recite further
proof, since the Militia were embodied, of their readiness and goodwill
to aid and assist the public service—a piece of justice I owe them.
About ten weeks ago the commanding Engineer applied for a daily working
party from this garrison of 500 men for completing the _hither_ line of
defence, agreeable to the orders that were left with him by Sir Henry
Clinton, from the North to the East River. As that number could not be
given without making the duty of the troops too severe, I sent a
requisition to the Associated and Militia Companies to furnish a daily
quota of 300 men for the purpose of raising one of the new projected
Redoubts. They most readily acquiesced, and after thirty days' labour
finished the work in a very complete manner, and with as much
cheerfulness as they began it—_taking neither pay nor provisions_;—and
having thus raised a monument to their own credit, I called it the
Citizens' Redoubt, which the Commander-in-Chief has been pleased to
confirm. A more recent instance of their good disposition to answer one
of the useful ends of their being put into military array was shown upon
the late move which General Knyphausen made into the Jerseys. It was
then thought necessary to take over such a force as reduced my garrison
to 700 men. The ordinary guards could not with any safety or propriety
be lessened below 400. I was therefore under the necessity of calling
upon the Militia to act upon that occasion. They most willingly
complied, and furnished 150 men with officers in proportion for many
days together, which, though attended with loss by quitting their
several avocations, was productive of no murmur or discontented
expressions, and I had often the pleasure to see citizens of large
property standing sentinels over public stores and magazines."
These extracts are interesting to the ordinary reader, as descriptive of
New York during the British occupation; and especially interesting to
the Artilleryman as evincing the great tact with which General Pattison
must have governed the city. The services of the inhabitants were not
merely acknowledged warmly by Sir Henry Clinton, but also by the King.
Let the reader now turn for a moment to the military operation which had
been the main cause of the reduction of the New York garrison—the Siege
of Charlestown, in South Carolina.
The Artillery on this expedition was commanded by Major Traille, or
Traile, an officer who has already been mentioned, and who died, as a
Major-General, in 1795. The fleet, with the transports, reached Tybee on
the 1st February, 1780, after a succession of storms;—on the 9th they
sailed for North Ediste; and having reached it on the following day, the
Grenadiers and Light Infantry landed on John's Island, and on the 27th
the whole army crossed without opposition to James's Island. One of the
transports, conveying guns and stores, with a detachment of Artillery
under Captain Collins, foundered at sea during a gale, but fortunately
the crew and the troops were picked up by a privateer. The stores, which
were considerable, including 1000 barrels of powder, had to be replaced
from New York without delay.
As far as can be ascertained from the records, the guns used in the
siege were 24-pounders and 18-pounders; but a number of 6-pounders and
3-pounders accompanied the force, to be employed in the subsequent field
operations. It was the 1st April before Sir Henry Clinton commenced to
erect his battery, which he did at a distance of 800 yards from the
town: and by the 19th April the second parallel "had been carried to 150
yards from the main works, and the (English) batteries had acquired a
manifest superiority over those of the besieged."[42]
The services of the fleet under Admiral Arbuthnot had been eminently
useful. On the 9th April he had availed himself of a fair wind and
flowing tide, and had passed Fort Moultrie—a strong fortification on
Sullivan's Island—which was intended to defend the entrance to the bar.
This step took the Americans by surprise. As Lee writes, the uniformly
credited opinion that the American naval force could successfully stop
the enemy from passing the bar—inasmuch as their ships would have to be
lightened, taking out their guns and other incumbrances—was at the
moment of trial found fallacious. "It was discovered that the American
frigates could not approach near enough to oppose the passage of the bar
with any kind of success; and we necessarily abandoned without a
struggle this point of defence so much relied on."[43] The summons to
surrender immediately followed; and the answer was that "duty and
inclination point to the propriety of supporting it to the last
extremity." General Lincoln was in command of the garrison—an able and
courageous officer, and one who possesses additional interest in the
eyes of Royal Artillerymen from the fact that he was subsequently
exchanged for their brave brother officer, General Phillips, of whom
more will have to be said in this chapter.
The siege was conducted sternly and without intermission. In the words
of the American historian "the answer was no sooner received than the
British batteries commenced the dire assault, which continued without
intermission." The investiture of Charlestown, by extending his
operations to the north of Cooper's River, was Sir Henry Clinton's next
object. By detaching 1500 men under an excellent officer Lieut.-Colonel
Webster, and another whose reputation as a dashing officer has lived
longer among his enemies than his friends, Lieut.-Colonel Tarleton, he
completely succeeded in his purpose. Further reinforcements from New
York enabled Clinton to strengthen this belt—which prevented the retreat
of the Charlestown garrison—and Lord Cornwallis assumed the command of
the forces on the land side. Then followed in rapid succession the
surrender of Mount Pleasant, Lempriere, and Wando posts, and Fort
Moultrie itself. "Soon followed the completion of the third parallel,
which placed the garrison at the mercy of the besiegers. Unwilling, from
motives of humanity, to increase the hardships of the unfortunate, the
British Admiral and General a second time demanded surrender. Lincoln,
now, from necessity, yielded up his army; but still, anxious to save the
militia and inhabitants from captivity, he excepted them in his
assenting answer, which exception being declared inadmissible, the
negotiation ceased. Reluctantly Sir Henry Clinton renewed the contest by
opening the batteries of the third parallel, and pushed his works under
their fire to the brink of the canal, which by a sap to the dam was
drained.... The inhabitants became assured that the concluding scene
could not long be deferred, and though heretofore devoted to the defence
of the town, now with one accord supplicated General Lincoln to
relinquish the exception made in their favour, and to accept the terms
proffered. The amiable Lincoln could no longer hesitate in stopping the
effusion of blood. He communicated to Sir Henry Clinton his readiness to
lay down his arms upon the conditions before offered. Highly honourable
was the conduct of the British commanders. They did not press the
unfortunate, but agreed that the terms before rejected should form the
basis of capitulation, which being soon prepared, signed, and ratified,
Charlestown was surrendered on the 12th May, 1780, six days after the
parallel was finished."[44]
Daring, or rather immediately after, the siege, a painful occurrence
took place, which is thus alluded to in a report from the officer
commanding the Royal Artillery:—"Although your Lordship is doubtless in
possession of all the essential particulars relative to the reduction of
Charlestown, I nevertheless beg leave to enclose the copy of the return
I received from Major Traille of the killed and wounded during the siege
of that town. I most sincerely regret the loss of that valuable officer,
Captain Collins, as well as the rest who shared his unhappy fate. The
misfortune was owing to the incautious proceedings in collecting and
assorting the arms of the rebel prisoners in a house where a quantity of
powder happened to be lodged. Besides the officers and soldiers, there
was a conductor of stores and several artificers who perished by this
accident."[45]
The rejoicings in New York on receipt of the intelligence of the fall of
Charlestown are thus described in the Commandant's official report:—"We
were made happy in the fullest degree by the glad tidings of the
surrender of Charlestown and its garrison. So universal a joy was spread
on the occasion in this city as was never known before; and if there be
any who do not really feel it, they at least affect to express it.
Permit me, Sir, with the most heartfelt satisfaction to offer my
congratulations upon this glorious event."[45]
In writing to Major Traille, General Pattison said:—"The encomium you
give of the good behaviour of the officers and men of the Artillery
during the siege of Charlestown cannot fail to be very agreeable to me.
I sincerely regret the loss of poor Collins, and all who shared his
unhappy fate. The escape young Macleod had upon that occasion was very
fortunate."[45]
In a very short time after the fall of Charlestown, South Carolina was
cleared of rebels by the English troops, and Sir Henry Clinton returned
to New York, leaving Lord Cornwallis in command.
The state of affairs in America at this time cannot but awaken comment
and speculation in the student's mind. The speculation may be idle, but
it is instinctive. What was the state of the rebel army at this time? of
the rebel Government? of the rebel fleet? Let their own historian—so
often quoted here—reply. The army was demoralized, neglected, almost
mutinous. The Government was imbecile, interfering, and incapable. As to
naval operations, Lee's own words were as follows:—"Every attempt made
by the naval force of the enemy during the war succeeded: ... and many
such operations took place." And yet we lost our colonies.
New York was ours,—thoroughly, loyally ours, in spite of all that
American writers may say. Canada was ours; then, as now, loyal and true.
The great Middle and Western States did not exist, which now so swell
the strength of the great Republic in riches and in muscle. And yet we
lost our colonies.
Our fleets more than matched their foes; our soldiers fought then as
well as they have ever fought since. The Peninsula, the Crimea, India
itself, cannot show in their annals more determined courage than was
shown in the English ranks between 1775 and 1781. And yet we lost our
colonies.
Where was the weak place in our harness? God help us! it was where it
will be again if Englishmen do not take care; if Englishmen do not sink
class and party differences when the word is given to fight; if
Englishmen do not remember that a nation is weak when disunited, and its
army at such a time is weaker still.
There was another weak point, and to it we must now come in our
narrative. Our Generals during this great war were brave; they were even
in their way able; and, as we have seen, they were frequently
successful. But they were in presence of a Master. Pettiness, obstinacy,
blundering, on the part of his Government might vex and weary
Washington; reluctance and timidity on the part of his allies might at
times nearly ruin his plans; but his courage, his skill, his confident
hope, survived and surmounted all obstacles. If one reckons up the
qualities which make a General, we shall find he possessed them all.
Patriotism—it was his almost to an exaggerated extent; for, having once
adopted a view which he considered patriotic, he did not care to reason.
Enthusiasm—would God that every man who draws a sword for England had
but one-half of that which swelled Washington's bosom! Purity of
motives—who can think of the scenes which are now historical, when he
would have resigned the power he had so justly earned, without feeling
(even after all these years) that he is in the antechamber of a man who
was pure and above reproach? And skill—if any man doubts it, let him
think of that scene at Yorktown to which this chapter slowly leads. To
see one's schemes mature so surely and so happily is the highest reward
for his exertions for which a General can hope; and as in this case it
implied that independence for his country which had been his sole and
unselfish aim, one can conceive Washington ready, even then, to resign
his command and sheath his sword.
He was to America what Wallace was to Scotland, and Garibaldi to Italy;
but he had a larger sphere of action than the former, and a more
statesmanlike mind than the latter.
With dissension at home, and Washington against them in the field, who
can wonder that, in spite of continued courage and spasmodic success,
our armies failed to secure our colonies?
* * * * *
There was an acting-bombardier in the Royal Artillery, named Richard
Atkinson Boddy, who died at Woolwich on the 18th January, 1837. Animated
by the same desire which has filled the breast of many an Artilleryman,
to commemorate in some durable form the services of his corps,
Bombardier Boddy commenced to make extracts from all military histories
which touched on the subject which he had so strongly at heart. A
manuscript volume of such extracts was left by him at his death, and was
thus alluded to in his will:—"To the library of the non-commissioned
officers of the Royal Artillery I bequeath a manuscript book of the
services of many of the officers, written by myself. In the event of the
dissolution of the library, I will that the book do revert to my
father."
Among the extracts contained in this volume are three, referring to the
operations in America subsequent to the capture of Charlestown, and
describing in detail the affairs known as Camden, Ninety-six, and
Guildford.
Before proceeding to other operations, the result of Bombardier Boddy's
industry will be communicated to the reader. And if by means of this
work any tribute can be paid to the memory of a non-commissioned
officer, whose _esprit_, diligence, and unselfish labour are well worthy
of imitation, not merely will justice have been done, but others may be
inspired to follow his example. There is no rank in the service in which
men may not do something,—not merely to add to, but also to commemorate,
the distinction of the corps in which they serve. In the case of the
Royal Artillery this has been emphatically proved, not merely by the
industrious labourer now mentioned, but also by one already quoted, the
author of 'England's Artillerymen.'[46]
The Battle of Camden was fought on the 16th August, 1780. Lord
Cornwallis commanded the English troops, whose total strength did not
exceed 2000. General Gates—who had received General Burgoyne's
submission at Saratoga—commanded the Americans, who were nearly 6000 in
number. The Royal Artillery was represented by two subalterns (one of
whom, Lieutenant William Marquois, died on the 15th October of wounds
received during this action), two sergeants, and fifteen men. In spite
of the disparity of strength, so complete was the victory of the English
that 1000 of the enemy were killed or wounded; the pursuit by Colonel
Tarleton and the English cavalry extended as far as twenty-two miles;
the whole of the enemy's artillery, a large number of waggons, and 2000
stand of arms were captured; and "of the 6000 men who composed Gates's
army, not sixty could have again been collected."[47] The English
regiments which most distinguished themselves were the 23rd, 33rd, and
71st, under Colonel Webster; and the heaviest loss fell upon the 33rd.
Four guns were present with the Royal Artillery; but on account of the
small number of gunners, men from the Line or volunteers must have
assisted in working them. The total number of casualties on the English
side was as follows—_killed_, 70; and _wounded_, 250.
The affair called "Ninety-six" in the MS. volume referred to is
identical with that known as the "Battle of Cowpens." On this occasion
the British were totally defeated, with a loss of their guns, two in
number. Fortunately for the Royal Artillery, almost equal satisfaction
can be obtained from this defeat as from many victories. Lord
Cornwallis, in his despatch to Sir Henry Clinton, wrote as follows:—"In
justice to the detachment of Royal Artillery, I must here observe that
no terror could induce them to quit their guns, and they were all killed
or wounded in defence of them." This engagement took place in January,
1781.
The last of the three actions mentioned in the extracts referred to, is
that known as the "Battle of Guildford." It was a victory for the
English arms, but a most expensive one. Nearly one-third of the Royal
Army was left _hors de combat_. The Royal Artillery lost only Lieutenant
Augustus O'Hara and one gunner killed, and four men wounded. Lord
Cornwallis could not afford to follow up the victory; and although he
captured the enemy's artillery, and the American losses far exceeded
that of the English, there is no doubt that from this day the American
spirits rose, and Lord Cornwallis's position became serious. The Battle
of Guildford was fought in March, 1781. The American force was 5000
strong, but about one-half was composed of militiamen, who were of
little use, and who fled to their homes after the battle. The total
strength of the British force did not exceed 2400 of all ranks. Soon
after the battle, Cornwallis had to commence a retreat.
It was in this battle that Lieutenant Macleod of the Royal Artillery—
afterwards Sir John Macleod—behaved with a skill and gallantry which
Lord Cornwallis never forgot. If the commendation of his own commanding
officer must have been agreeable, how much more that of his enemies! Lee
in describing this battle, of which he says, "On no occasion, in any
part of the world, was British valour more heroically displayed,"
singles out young Macleod more than once for conspicuous notice. On one
occasion he says that one battalion, which at a critical period had been
driven back with slaughter, had "its remains saved by the British
Artillery."
Leaving now these three engagements, the reader is requested to turn to
an operation in the war, in which the _Commander_ of the English forces
was an Artilleryman.
In the beginning of 1781 Major-General Phillips, of the Royal Artillery,
who had been a prisoner since the convention at Saratoga, was exchanged
for the American General Lincoln. He was immediately appointed, by Sir
Henry Clinton, to the command of a force of 2000 men to watch the French
and prevent them from sailing for the south. He was then ordered to
Virginia, to join General Arnold's force, which had been ravaging the
country almost unopposed, but which was now in a somewhat hazardous
position. On effecting the junction with Arnold, General Phillips
assumed the command of the united force, numbering now about 3500 men.
It was a change for the better in every way. Arnold was disliked by all
under his command, for they never could forget that he was a traitor;
and as a soldier he was in every way inferior to Phillips. Among the
regiments forming the force for the service on which Phillips was to be
engaged in Virginia were the 76th, 80th, Simcoe's Queen's Rangers, some
German troops, and Arnold's American Legion. On the 19th April General
Phillips proceeded up James River to Barwell's Ferry, and on the 20th he
landed at Williamsburg, a body of the enemy's militia retiring on his
approach. On the 22nd he marched to Chickahominy; and on the 25th,—early
in the forenoon,—he set his army in motion for Petersburg, reaching it
in the evening. A small encounter with some militia took place when
within a mile of the town, in which the rebels were defeated, with a
loss of 100 killed and wounded. Lee, in his 'Memoirs of the War in the
Southern Departments,' writes very severely of the way in which
untrained militia were exposed by the American Government to the attacks
of regular troops. His strictures, and the lesson he draws from the
experiences of this raid in Virginia, are worthy of quotation at a time
when it is becoming more generally recognized in England that the
profession of arms is one requiring special training as much as any
other. "What ills," he writes, "spring from the timidity and impotence
of rulers! In them attachment to the common cause is vain and illusory,
unless guided, in times of difficulty, by courage, wisdom, and
concert.... Whenever the commitment of our militia in battle with
regulars occurs, the heart of the writer is rent with painful emotions,
knowing, as he does, the waste of life resulting from the stupid, cruel
policy. Can there be any system devised by the wit of man more the
compound of inhumanity, of murder, and of waste? Ought any Government to
be respected which, when peace permits the substitution of a better
system, neglects to avail itself of the opportunity? Were a father to
put his son, with his small sword drawn for the first time, against an
experienced swordsman, would not his neighbours exclaim, 'Murderer! vile
murderer!' Just so acts the Government, and yet our parents are all
satisfied, although whenever war takes place, their sons are to be led
to the altar of blood. Dreadful apathy! shocking coldness to our
progeny!"
In Petersburg, and, indeed, wherever the British troops went in
Virginia, all military stores belonging to the rebels were destroyed,
and the warehouses with their cargoes of tobacco and flour were
systematically burnt. Lee is very severe in his description of this
method of warfare, very bitter in his denunciations of the human
vultures who follow conquering armies, and very ironical in his
allusions to the tobacco war carried on by the English; and yet, in the
same breath, he admits that no human foe went out to meet them and give
them battle; that everywhere there was, on the part of the Americans, "a
fatal want of preparation, of military apparatus, and of system." Wanton
and purposeless devastation is strongly to be deprecated in war; but was
this raid a purposeless one? The garrison of New York had been wofully
weakened, and the English troops in the south were at times dangerously
divided. If the American armies could not be drawn apart to meet the
English by hope of victory, perhaps they might be tempted by the hope of
saving Virginia from this "so dreadful visitation, precursor of famine
and of plague."[48] Doubtless there was this strategic purpose in the
Virginian raid, just as there was later in the raid in Connecticut, by
which Clinton hoped to tempt Washington back from that dreaded march
which culminated so triumphantly for him at Yorktown.
Again, even admitting irregularities and excesses not to be justified by
strategy (although this need only be done for the sake of argument, so
much exaggeration is there in the American accounts of this expedition),
were there not special reasons which might lead one to expect them? Who
filled the ranks of the American Loyalist Regiments which fought under
Phillips and Arnold? They were men who had lost everything for their
King, whose homes had been confiscated, and who had been outlawed and
execrated by their countrymen because, forsooth, they had come to a
different opinion on a political question. Were these the men to walk
through the enemy's country with dainty step and gloved hand? There is
something brutalizing in war under the most favourable conditions; but
when the combatants commence with feelings of hatred and thirst for
revenge, he would indeed be a rare disciplinarian who could prevent an
occasional outbreak in the course of a continued and successful
campaign.
On the 27th April, 1781, General Phillips, with his force, marched for
Chesterfield Court-house, and detached General Arnold to a place called
Osborne's. According to some accounts, the two forces had again met
before the circumstance occurred which is now to be related; but,
according to a manuscript book in the Royal Artillery Record Office, it
was while some guns were attached to General Arnold's detached force. It
is not very material, but as it is to the credit of the regiment whose
services these pages commemorate, one would rather believe that General
Phillips,—an Artilleryman himself,—had been in command, than General
Arnold. Some armed vessels had been collected in James River for a
special purpose by the Americans, and either the whole or part of
Phillips' force marched with a view to secure them. In reply to a
summons to surrender, the Commodore replied that he was determined to
defend himself to the last extremity.
Two 6-pounders and two 3-pounders (the latter called "grasshoppers" in
Lee's account, a favourite nickname for these guns, although sternly
forbidden to be used in any official returns to the Commanding Officer
of Artillery) were then taken to the banks of the river, with a
detachment of the Royal Artillery, under Captain Fage and Lieutenant
Rogers. The King's troops were exposed to the fire of the 'Tempest,'
twenty guns; the 'Renown,' twenty-six; the 'Jefferson,' fourteen; and
several smaller vessels. Some few hundred Militia also kept up a fire
from the other bank of the river. It does not say much, for the American
fire to find it recorded that not a single English soldier was hurt. The
fire of the Royal Artillery seems to have been of a very different
description. According to one account, so effectual was it, that, in a
very short time, the ships were obliged to strike their colours, and the
Militia were driven from the opposite shore. From want of boats the
English were unable to secure their prizes; and the Americans made their
escape, scuttling some of their vessels and setting fire to others. The
loss of the enemy, according to this account, was very great, "owing to
the well-directed fire of the British Artillery." Lee's account is as
follows: "Quickly two sixes and two grasshoppers were brought to bear
upon the Commodore; when he as quickly scuttled and set fire to his
vessels, escaping, with his crew, to the northern banks of the river,—
one way of 'holding out to the last extremity,' but not that commonly
understood by the term." Among the many services in which the Artillery
was engaged during the American War, perhaps none were quainter than
this successful duel between four light field-pieces and an armed
squadron of no inconsiderable strength, supported by troops on shore.
On the 29th April General Phillips marched, with the main body, in the
direction of Manchester, which he reached on the following day, and
where he destroyed a quantity of stores. General Arnold went, with the
remainder of the troops, up the river in boats. Although the Marquis de
la Fayette, with a considerable force, was at Richmond, and saw what was
being done, he made no attempt to stop the damage; and on the following
day General Phillips returned to Osborne's, where the engagement with
the ships had taken place. Here he became seriously unwell, with a bad
form of fever; and although he lingered to the 13th May, he was unable
to perform any active duty, and was carried about in a vehicle until
unable longer to leave his couch. The army had reached Petersburg before
he died. This place is described by Lee as "the great mart of that
section of the State which lies south of the Appomattox, and of the
northern part of North Carolina, standing upon its banks about twelve
miles from City Point, and, after the destruction of Norfolk, ranking
first among the commercial towns of the State." To the Royal
Artilleryman this Virginian town will always have a peculiar interest,
as having been the scene of the death of as brave and honourable a
soldier as ever served in the Regiment. From the glorious day at Minden,
his professional career of more than one-and-twenty years had been one
of credit to his corps, honour to himself, and usefulness to his
country. He had been thirteen years in the Regiment before the Battle of
Minden, so that his total service when he died exceeded thirty-four
years. He was beloved by all who served with him, and was a model for
Artillerymen to imitate, in gallantry, ability, and _progress_. He was
eminently a progressive officer.
With September, 1781, came the commencement of the operations which
virtually terminated the war. Sir Henry Clinton and Lord Cornwallis held
different opinions as to the mode of prosecuting the war in Virginia:
the former devoting his energies to the defence of New York; the latter
anxious for increased numbers with which to carry on offensive
operations. The Home Government was eager to secure some point on the
southern coast, where the Army and Navy could mutually assist one
another, and such a point Cornwallis was ordered by Sir Henry Clinton to
secure. The place ultimately selected by him was a village called
Yorktown, on a peninsula between James and York Rivers, along with the
adjoining village of Gloucester, on the other bank of York River. This
position he fortified to the utmost of his power, and communicated with
Sir Henry Clinton at New York, with a view to reinforcements being sent
to his assistance. Washington had completely deceived Clinton, and had
induced him to believe that New York, not Virginia, was the object of
the proposed operations of himself and his French allies. Taken by
surprise by the sudden movement to the South now made by Washington and
his forces, Clinton endeavoured to recall him by invading Connecticut,
but without success; and having received an urgent letter from
Cornwallis on the 23rd September, he called a Council of War, and on the
24th he wrote, promising to start about the 5th October with 5000 troops
and twenty-three men-of-war to relieve him. Had he fulfilled his
promise, a great disaster would have been spared; but instead of leaving
on the 5th, it was not until the 19th,—the very day that Cornwallis,
after a weary fortnight's expectation, had been obliged to surrender,—
that he left Sandyhook; nor did he arrive off the Capes of Virginia
until the 24th.
Of the gallantry of Cornwallis and his troops there has never been any
question. He did not surrender until his ammunition was expended, his
defences crumbled under the enemy's fire, and hope of succour completely
fled. Of the gallantry of that portion of his troops in which the reader
of these pages is most interested, he himself thus wrote in his official
despatches: "Captain Rochfort, who commanded the Artillery, and, indeed,
every officer and soldier of that distinguished Corps, have merited, in
every respect, my highest approbation."
The force of Royal Artillery present at the capitulation of Yorktown
amounted to 167 of all ranks. The largest number whom Lord Cornwallis
had commanded during his Virginian campaign did not exceed 233, with
fifty additional German Artillerymen. But, in addition to casualties
before the investment of Yorktown, the loss to the Royal Artillery
during the time between the 27th September and the 19th October,—the
date of the capitulation,—was as follows:—
Killed 24
Wounded 21
Missing 2
There were also nineteen sick, in addition to the wounded, on the day
the garrison surrendered.
In this crowning point of the American War the defenders were as much
outnumbered as Sir Henry Clinton was out-manœuvred by Washington. It is
impossible to praise too highly the tactics of the latter General on
this occasion. The difficulties with which he had to contend were
numerous. A spirit of discontent and insubordination had been manifested
during the past year among his troops; there was a Loyalist party of no
mean dimensions in the South; in Pennsylvania he could reckon on few
active supporters; and New York,—stronger now than ever, after six years
of British occupation,—seemed hopelessly unattainable. Worse than all,
however, the French Admiral was nervous, and reluctant to remain in so
cramped a situation with so large a fleet. Had he carried out his threat
of going to sea, instead of yielding to Washington's earnest entreaties
and remonstrances, the capitulation would never have taken place. Lee's
description of the scene on the day the garrison marched out is doubly
interesting, as being that of a spectator: "At two o'clock in the
evening the British Army, led by General O'Hara, marched out of its
lines with colours cased and drums beating a British march. The author
was present at the ceremony; and certainly no spectacle could be more
impressive than the one now exhibited. Valiant troops yielding up their
arms after fighting in defence of a cause dear to them (because the
cause of their country), under a leader who, throughout the war, in
every grade and in every situation to which he had been called, appeared
the Hector of his host. Battle after battle had he fought; climate after
climate had he endured; towns had yielded to his mandate; posts were
abandoned at his approach; armies were conquered by his prowess—one
nearly exterminated, another chased from the confines of South Carolina
beyond the Dan into Virginia, and a third severely chastised in that
State, on the shores of James River. But here even he, in the midst of
his splendid career, found his conqueror.
"The road through which they marched was lined with spectators, French
and American. On one side the Commander-in-chief, surrounded by his
suite and the American staff, took his station; on the other side,
opposite to him, was the Count de Rochambeau in like manner attended.
The captive army approached, moving slowly in column with grace and
precision. Universal silence was observed amidst the vast concourse, and
the utmost decency prevailed; exhibiting in demeanour an awful sense of
the vicissitudes of human fortune, mingled with commiseration for the
unhappy.... Every eye was turned, searching for the British Commander-
in-chief, anxious to look at that man, heretofore so much the object of
their dread. All were disappointed. Cornwallis held himself back from
the humiliating scene, obeying emotions which his great character ought
to have stifled. He had been unfortunate, not from any false step or
deficiency of exertion on his part, but from the infatuated policy of
his superior, and the united power of his enemy, brought to bear upon
him alone. There was nothing with which he could reproach himself: there
was nothing with which he could reproach his brave and faithful army:
why not then appear at its head in the day of misfortune, as he had
always done in the day of triumph? The British General in this instance
deviated from his usual line of conduct, dimming the splendour of his
long and brilliant career.... By the official returns it appears that
the besieging army, at the termination of the siege, amounted to 16,000
men, viz. 5500 Continentals, 3500 militia, and 7000 French. The British
force _in toto_ is put down at 7107; of whom only 4017 rank and file are
stated to have been fit for duty."
With this misfortune virtually ends the History of the American War,—
certainly as far as the Royal Artillery's services are concerned.
Another year, and more, was to pass ere even the preliminaries of the
Treaty of Independence should be signed; and not until 1783 was Peace
officially proclaimed: but a new Government came into power in England
in the beginning of 1782, one of whose political cries was "Peace with
the American Colonies!"; and Rodney's glorious victory over the French
fleet on the 12th April in that year made the Americans eager to meet
the advances of the parent country.
Sir Henry Clinton resigned in favour of Sir Guy Carleton, and Washington
remained in Philadelphia. The companies of Artillery were detailed to
proceed to Canada, Nova Scotia, the West Indies, and a proportion to
England, on the evacuation of New York, which took place in 1783; the
Treaty of Peace having been signed on the 3rd September in that year at
Versailles. The same Treaty brought peace between England and her other
enemies, France and Spain, who had availed themselves of her American
troubles to avenge, as they hoped, former injuries.
As far as comfort and satisfaction can be obtained from the study of an
unsuccessful war, they can be got by the Royal Artilleryman in tracing
the services of his Corps during the great war in America. Bravery,
zeal, and readiness to endure hardship, adorn even a defeated army; and
these qualities were in a high, and even eminent degree, manifested by
the Royal Artillery. In the blaze of triumph which is annually renewed
in America on the anniversary of their Declaration of Independence,
Americans do not, it is hoped, forget that, whether England's cause was
just or not, her soldiers were as brave as themselves.
A few words may here be introduced with reference to such of the
officers of the Regiment as were engaged in this war, and afterwards
obtained high professional reputation. A summary of their services may
be taken from the valuable Appendix to Kane's List. In addition to
General Pattison, whose career has already been sketched, the following
officers may be mentioned:—
1. Major-General THOMAS JAMES, an officer who held a command during the
early part of the War of Independence; who wrote a valuable work on
Gibraltar, entitled "The Herculean Straits;" and who died in 1780, as a
Colonel-Commandant.
2. Lieut.-General S. CLEAVELAND, an officer who has already been
mentioned as having commanded the Royal Artillery during the American
War, prior to the arrival of General Pattison; who had previously served
in the West Indies and at the capture of the Havannah; and who died in
1794, also in the rank of Colonel-Commandant.
3. Lieut.-General F. MACBEAN, an officer frequently mentioned in this
volume, as having been present at Fontenoy, Rocour, Laffeldt, Minden,
Warberg, Fritzlar, and in Portugal. He was appointed to the command of
the Royal Artillery in Canada, in 1778; was elected a Fellow of the
Royal Society in 1786; and died in 1800, as Colonel-Commandant of the
Invalid Battalion.
4. Major-General W. PHILLIPS has already been repeatedly noticed in this
volume, and his death during the war already recorded.
5. General Sir A. FARRINGTON, Bart., served in America from 1764 to
1768, and from 1773 to 1783, having been engaged in most of the
engagements during the war, up to the Capture of Philadelphia, after
which he commanded the Artillery in Halifax, Nova Scotia. "He commanded
the Royal Artillery at Plymouth in 1788-9, at Gibraltar in 1790-1, at
Woolwich 1794-7 and in Holland in 1799. He was D.C.L. of Oxford, and in
consideration of his long and valued services he was created a Baronet,
on the 3rd October, 1818. He served in three reigns, for the long period
of sixty-eight years, being at the time of his death the oldest officer
in the British service, retaining the use of his faculties, and
performing the functions of his office to the last."[49]
6. Lieutenant-General THOMAS DAVIES is thus mentioned in Kane's List:
"He saw much service in North America during the operations connected
with the conquest of Canada. At one time (while a Lieutenant) he
commanded a naval force on Lake Champlain, and took a French frigate of
eighteen guns after a close action of nearly three hours. Lieutenant
Davies hoisted the first British flag in Montreal. He served as Captain
of a Company in the most important actions of the American Revolutionary
War. During his long service he had command of the Royal Artillery at
Coxheath Camp; also at Gibraltar, in Canada, and at Plymouth. He was
also two years Commandant of Quebec." This officer joined as a cadet in
1755, and died as a Colonel-Commandant in 1799.
7. General Sir THOMAS BLOMEFIELD will receive more detailed notice when
the story of the Copenhagen expedition, in 1807, comes to be written in
these pages. His services during the American War are thus summarised by
Kane's List: "In 1776, Captain Blomefield proceeded to America as
Brigade-Major to Brigadier Phillips. Among his services at this period
was the construction of floating batteries upon the Canadian Lakes; and
he was actively engaged with the army under General Burgoyne until the
action which preceded the unfortunate convention of Saratoga, when he
was severely wounded by a musket-shot in the head. In 1780 Captain
Blomefield was appointed Inspector of Artillery, and of the Brass
Foundry.... From this period (1783) dates the high character of British
cast-iron and brass ordnance. Major-General Blomefield was selected, in
1807, to command the Artillery in the expedition to Copenhagen, and
received for his services on this occasion the thanks of both Houses of
Parliament and a baronetcy." He died as a Colonel-Commandant on 24th
August, 1822.
8. Major-General ROBERT DOUGLAS has already been mentioned for his
gallantry as a subaltern during the American War. In 1795 he was
appointed Commandant of the Driver Corps, an office which he held until
1817. He died at Woolwich, in 1827, as a Colonel-Commandant of a
Battalion.
9. Lieutenant-General Sir JOHN MACLEOD has already been mentioned in
connection with the Battle of Guildford, and will receive more detailed
notice in the next volume, his own history and that of his Regiment
being indissolubly woven together. It may here be mentioned, however,
that, "on his return from America, he was placed on the Staff of the
Master-General; and from this time till his death he was employed in the
important duties of the organization of the Regiment, and of the
arrangement and equipment of the Artillery for all the expeditions (of
which there were no fewer than eleven) during this period. He held
successively the appointments of Chief of the Ordnance Staff, Deputy-
Adjutant-General, and Director-General of Artillery. He commanded the
Royal Artillery during the expedition to Walcheren in 1809. In 1820
George IV., desirous of marking his sense of his long and important
services, conferred on him the honour of knighthood, and invested him
with the Grand Cross of the Royal Guelphic Order."[50] The whole of his
official letter-books, during the time he was Deputy-Adjutant-General of
Artillery, are deposited in the Royal Artillery Record Office, and
afford a priceless historical mine to the student. His letters are
distinguished by rare ability and punctilious courtesy.
10. General Sir JOHN SMITH, who had been in Canada since 1773, was taken
prisoner by the rebels, at St. John's, in November, 1775. In 1777 he was
exchanged, served under Sir William Howe, and was present at Brandywine
Creek, Germantown, the Siege of Charlestown, and at Yorktown. He
commanded the Artillery under Sir Ralph Abercromby in the West Indies in
1795; accompanied the Duke of York to Holland in 1799; and served at
Gibraltar from 1804 to 1814, being Governor of the place at the
conclusion of his service. He died as Colonel-Commandant in July, 1837.
Lastly may be mentioned Lieut.-General Sir EDWARD HOWORTH, one of the
officers taken prisoner at Saratoga. He commanded the Royal Artillery in
later years at the battles of Talavera, Busaco, and Fuentes d'Onore. He
died as Colonel-Commandant of a Battalion in 1821.
The reader will now enter upon a region of statistics, which, at the
date of the publication of the present work, possess a peculiar
interest.
Quickened as promotion had been by the extensive active service, and
proportionate number of casualties in the Regiment, between 1775 and
1782, it was still unsatisfactory; and with a future of peace, it was
certain to become more so. It was necessary to introduce some remedy,
and, in doing so, the Board of Ordnance adopted wisely the principle
pursued in later times by the late Secretary of State for War, Mr.
Cardwell, and made an organic change in the proportions of the various
ranks, instead of accelerating promotion in a temporary, spasmodic way,
by encouraging unnecessary, impolitic, and costly retirements. Mr.
Cardwell, in 1872, when shadowing forth his views on this subject to the
House of Commons, was unconsciously maturing the scheme commenced by the
Ordnance in 1782—commenced, but never completed—for the Temple of Janus
was not long shut after 1783; and war postponed for many years the
necessity of accelerating a promotion which had ceased to be stagnant.
The dullness which followed 1815 was relieved periodically by
augmentations to the Regiment in the form of other battalions; but the
relief was only temporary, and a darker shadow than ever loomed on the
Regimental horizon, when Mr. Cardwell took office. His remedy was
complex; but included, in a marked manner, the idea, born in 1782, of
reducing the number of officers in subordinate positions, and increasing
the proportion of field officers.
By a Royal Warrant, dated 31st October, 1782, His Majesty was pleased on
the recommendation of the Board of Ordnance to declare that "the present
establishment of our Royal Regiment of Artillery is in respect to
promotion extremely disadvantageous to the officers belonging thereto,
and that the small number of field officers does not bear a due
proportion to that of officers of inferior rank." With a view to "giving
encouragement suitable to the utility of the said corps, and to the
merits of the officers who compose it," His Majesty decided that on the
30th of the following month the existing establishment should cease, and
another be substituted, of which the two prominent features were—as will
be seen by the annexed tables—a very considerable increase in the number
of field officers, and the reduction of one second lieutenant in each
company. It was also decided that the second lieutenants remaining over
and above the number fixed for the new establishment should be borne as
supernumeraries until absorbed, and that stoppages should be made in the
following manner to meet the expenses of their pay, viz.:—
£ _s._ _d._
From each of the two junior Second Colonels, 4_s._ 0 8 0
From each of the two junior Second Lieutenant-Colonels, 0 4 0
2_s._
From each of the two junior Second Majors, 5_s._ 0 10 0
From each of the six junior Captains, 4_s._ 1 4 0
From each of the six junior Captain-Lieutenants, 1_s._ 0 8 0
4_d._
From each of the six junior First Lieutenants, 8_d._ 0 4 0
—— —— ——
£2 18 0
—— —— ——
The annual total of this stoppage—amounting to 1058_l._ 10_s._—was in
the first instance applied to the payment of the supernumerary second
lieutenants, and any surplus that might remain was ordered to be divided
annually on the 31st December (in proportion to their pay) among the
several officers who were at the time contributing towards it; and it
was directed that as soon as the number of second lieutenants should be
reduced to one per company, the stoppages should cease to be made.
The effect of the alteration in the proportion of officers in the
various ranks is very distinctly shown by Colonel Miller in his
pamphlet. Previous to the change, the proportion of company to field
officers had been as 21 to 1; now it became as 8½ to 1.
The following tables show (1) the establishment and cost of the Regiment
in 1782 prior to the introduction of the new system; and (2) the
proposed establishment, which came into force on the 30th November,
1782. The number of company officers—five per company—then fixed,
remains, to this day, unchanged in the Horse and Field Artillery; but a
subaltern per company or battery in the Garrison Artillery was reduced
by the late Secretary of State for War, thus further improving the
proportions of the field and company officers:—
1782.—PRESENT ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ROYAL REGIMENT
OF ARTILLERY.
FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS.
Pay per diem. Pay per annum.
£ _s._ _d._ £ _s._ _d._
The Master-General of the Ordnance. Colonel.
The Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance.
Lieutenant-Colonel.
4 Colonels- 44_s._ each. 8 16 0 3212 0 0
Commandant
4 Lieutenant- 20_s._ each. 4 0 0 1460 0 0
Colonels
4 Majors 15_s._ each. 3 0 0 1095 0 0
4 Adjutants 5_s._ each. 1 0 0 365 0 0
1 Surgeon-General 0 8 0 146 0 0
4 Surgeons' Mates 3_s._ 6_d._ 0 14 0 255 10 0
each.
4 Quartermasters 6_s._ each. 1 4 0 438 0 0
1 Bridge-master 0 5 0 91 5 0
4 Chaplains 6_s._ 8_d._ 1 6 8 486 13 4
each.
1 Apothecary- 0 0 0 0 0 0
General
31 ——
MASTER-GENERAL'S COMPANY OF GENTLEMEN CADETS.
1 Captain 1 6 0 474 10 0
1 Captain- 0 6 0 109 10 0
Lieutenant
1 First Lieutenant 0 5 0 91 5 0
2 Second 4_s._ each. 0 8 0 146 0 0
Lieutenants
60 Gentlemen Cadets 2_s._ 6_d._ 7 10 0 2737 10 0
each.
1 Drum-Major 0 1 4 24 6 8
1 Fife-Major 0 1 4 24 6 8
67 ——
COMPANY OF ARTILLERY.
1 Captain 0 10 0 182 10 0
1 Captain- 0 6 0 109 10 0
Lieutenant
2 First Lieutenants 5_s._ each. 0 10 0 182 10 0
2 Second Lieutenant 4_s._ each. 0 8 0 146 0 0
4 Sergeants 2_s._ each. 0 8 0 146 0 0
4 Corporals 1_s._ 10_d._ 0 7 4 133 16 0
each.
9 Bombardiers 1_s._ 8_d._ 0 15 0 273 15 0
each.
18 Gunners 1_s._ 4_d._ 1 4 0 438 0 0
each.
73 Matrosses 1_s._ each. 3 13 0 1332 5 0
2 Drummers 1_s._ each. 0 2 0 36 10 0
116 ——
1044 Nine Companies more the same 73 10 0 26827 10 0
_For service in Jamaica._
116 One Company more the same 8 3 4 2980 16 8
SECOND BATTALION.
1160 Ten Companies of Artillery the 81 13 4 29808 6 8
same as the 1st
THIRD BATTALION.
1160 Ten Companies of Artillery as 81 13 4 29808 6 8
above
FOURTH BATTALION.
1160 Ten Companies of Artillery as 81 13 4 29808 6 8
above
A FIFTH BATTALION OF INVALIDS.
FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS.
1 Lieutenant- 1 0 0 365 0 0
Colonel
Commandant
1 Major 0 15 0 273 15 0
1 Adjutant 0 5 0 91 5 0
3 ——
COMPANY OF INVALIDS.
1 Captain 0 10 0 182 10 0
1 First Lieutenant 0 5 0 91 5 0
1 Second Lieutenant 0 4 0 73 0 0
1 Sergeant 0 2 0 36 10 0
1 Corporal 0 1 10 33 9 2
1 Drummer 0 1 0 18 5 0
3 Bombardiers 1_s._ 8_d._ 0 5 0 91 5 0
each.
6 Gunners 1_s._ 4_d._ 0 8 0 146 0 0
each.
36 Matrosses 1_s._ each. 1 16 0 657 0 0
51 ——
459 Nine Companies more the same 32 15 6 11962 17 6
————
5367
1782—PROPOSED ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ROYAL REGIMENT
OF ARTILLERY.
FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS.
Pay per diem. Pay per annum.
£ _s._ _d._ £ _s._ _d._
Master-General of the Ordnance. Colonel.
Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance.
Colonel, second.
4 Colonel- 44_s._ each. 8 16 0 3,212 0 0
Commandants
4 Second Colonels 24_s._ each. 4 16 0 1,752 0 0
4 Lieutenant- 20_s._ each. 4 0 0 1,460 0 0
Colonels
4 Second 17_s._ each. 3 8 0 1,241 0 0
Lieutenant-
Colonels
4 Majors 15_s._ each. 3 0 0 1,095 0 0
4 Second Majors 15_s._ each. 3 0 0 1,095 0 0
4 Adjutants 5_s._ each. 1 0 0 365 0 0
1 Surgeon-General 0 8 0 146 0 0
4 Surgeon's Mates 3_s._ 6_d._ 0 14 0 255 10 0
each.
4 Quartermasters 6_s._ each. 1 4 0 438 0 0
1 Brigade-Major 0 5 0 91 5 0
4 Chaplains 6_s._ 8_d._ 1 6 8 486 13 4
each.
42 ——
MASTER-GENERAL'S COMPANY OF GENTLEMEN CADETS.
1 Captain 1 6 0 474 10 0
1 Captain- 0 6 0 109 10 0
Lieutenant
1 First Lieutenant 0 5 0 91 5 0
2 Second 4_s._ each. 0 8 0 146 0 0
Lieutenants
60 Gentlemen Cadets 2_s._ 6_d._ 7 10 0 2,737 10 0
each.
1 Drum-Major 0 1 4 24 6 8
1 Fife-Major 0 1 4 24 6 8
67 ——
COMPANY OF ARTILLERY.
1 Captain 0 10 0 182 10 0
1 Captain- 0 6 0 109 10 0
Lieutenant
2 First Lieutenants 5_s._ each. 0 10 0 182 10 0
1 Second Lieutenant 0 4 0 73 0 0
4 Sergeants 2_s._ each. 0 8 0 146 0 0
4 Corporals 1_s._ 10_d._ 0 7 4 133 6 8
each.
9 Bombardiers 1_s._ 8_d._ 0 15 0 273 15 0
each.
18 Gunners 1_s._ 4_d._ 1 4 0 438 0 0
each.
73 Matrosses 1_s._ each. 3 13 0 1,332 5 0
2 Drummers 1_s._ each. 0 2 0 36 10 0
115 ——
1035 Nine Companies more the same 71 14 0 26,170 10 0
————
1259
_For service in Jamaica._
115 One Company more the same 7 19 6 2,907 16 8
SECOND BATTALION.
1150 Ten Companies of Artillery the 79 13 4 29,078 6 8
same as the 1st
THIRD BATTALION.
1150 Ten Companies of Artillery as 79 13 4 29,078 6 8
above
FOURTH BATTALION.
1150 Ten Companies of Artillery as 73 13 4 29,078 6 8
above
FIFTH BATTALION—INVALIDS.
FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS.
1 Lieutenant- 1 0 0 365 0 0
Colonel
Commandant
1 Major 0 15 0 273 15 0
1 Adjutant 0 5 0 91 5 0
3 ——
COMPANY OF INVALIDS.
1 Captain 0 10 0 182 10 0
1 First Lieutenant 0 5 0 91 5 0
1 Second Lieutenant 0 4 0 73 0 0
1 Sergeant 0 2 0 36 10 0
1 Corporal 0 1 10 33 9 2
1 Drummer 0 1 0 18 5 0
3 Bombardiers 1_s._ 8_d._ 0 5 0 91 15 0
each.
6 Gunners 1_s._ 4_d._ 0 8 0 146 0 0
each.
36 Matrosses 1_s._ each. 1 16 0 657 0 0
51 ——
459 Nine Companies more the same 32 15 6 11,962 17 6
———— ——— —— —— ——————— —— ——
5337 £406 16 4 148,488 1 8
——— —— —— ——————— —— ——
Proposed Establishment £148,488 1 8
Present Establishment 147,393 1 8
———————— — —
Increase £ 1,095 0 0
With the Peace of 1783 came a reduction in the Regiment from 5337 of all
ranks to 3302, with a saving to the country of the difference between
148,488_l._ 1_s._ 8_d._, the cost of the old establishment, and
110,570_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._, the cost of the new. But the reduction and the
saving were not effected at once. Every allowance was made for existing
claims and interests; and for the first year after the Peace of
Versailles, a charge was allowed of 129,373_l._ 11_s._ Two schemes were
submitted by the Board for carrying out the required reductions: one
left the number of non-commissioned officers untouched; the other
reduced it by one-half and spared the privates, who now were to receive
the title of gunner universally, that of matross being abolished. The
first scheme was approved, but only as a temporary measure, and many of
the details were left optional to the captains of companies. In the
words of the Royal warrant, "If in any company the commanding officer
and captain should choose to keep all the four sergeants, the four
corporals, the nine bombardiers, and the eighteen gunners, he will of
course have but twenty-two matrosses to retain, and must discharge the
remainder, as each company is to consist only of sixty men, whether non-
commissioned officers or privates (including three contingent men),
besides the two drummers, so that a company wishing to preserve its
present sergeants, corporals, bombardiers, and gunners, will be composed
of as follows, viz.:—
Sergeants. 4
Corporals. 4
Bombardiers. 9
Gunners. 18
Matrosses. 22
Contingent men. 3
Drummers. 2
——
Total. 62
"But a company choosing to discharge any of their present sergeants,
corporals, bombardiers, or gunners, will have so many more matrosses to
keep, and all future vacancies of sergeants, corporals, bombardiers, or
gunners will be supplied by matrosses only, until the establishment is
brought to
Sergeants. 2
Corporals. 2
Bombardiers. 3
Matrosses to be called Gunners. 50
Contingent men. 3
Drummers. 2
——
Total. 62
"It is further intended that fifteen men of each company should be
artificers in the following proportion, viz.:—
Carpenters. 4
Smiths. 5
Collar-maker. 1
Wheelers. 4
Tailor. 1
——
Total. 15
"The captains are therefore to endeavour to preserve in each company as
many men of those trades as will make up the number required; and should
there be in any of the companies more of one trade than the complement,
they will be set down as men to be transferred to some other company
that may be in want of them. These fifteen artificers, with ten
labourers from each company, are to be employed as such at Woolwich, and
at the different outposts or garrisons where they may be stationed, and
will receive the following extra pay, viz.:—
Smiths. One at 2_s._ per diem.
Two at 1_s._ 3_d._ per diem.
Two at 1_s._ per diem.
Wheelers. One at 2_s._ per diem.
Two at 1_s._ 3_d._ per diem.
One at 1_s._ per diem.
Carpenters. One at 2_s._ 6_d._ per diem.
Two at 1_s._ 3_d._ per diem.
One at 1_s._ per diem.
Collar-maker. One at 1_s._ 3_d._ per diem.
Tailor. One at 1_s._ 3_d._ per diem.
and the labourers at 9_d._, for so many days as they work, which will be
four in each week, the other two days being reserved for their being
trained as Artillerymen. The other twenty-five men per company are to do
all the duty of the Regiment.
"Such men as are entitled to go to the Invalids are to receive the
pension, and whom the officers may wish to have discharged will, of
course, receive that provision.
"If any of the sergeants, corporals, bombardiers, or gunners, who from
their services are not entitled to the Invalids or pension, should wish
to be discharged, and can take care of themselves, they should be parted
with in preference to matrosses, as the difference of their pay will be
a saving to Government, and the establishment will approach so much the
nearer to what it is intended to be. It is not, however, meant that men
under this description, whom the officers may wish to keep should be
discharged, but only such as they can spare without prejudice to their
companies....
(Signed) "RICHMOND."
All honour to the Duke of Richmond! No Master-General ever penned a more
considerate and kindly Warrant, and none ever more fully realized the
speciality of the Artillery service. "Without prejudice to their
companies:" here is the true Artillery unit officially recognized. No
word of battalions: these were mere paper organizations, devoid of all
tactical meaning. History in the end always preaches truth; and at the
close of a seven years' season of very earnest war, the uppermost
thought in the mind of his Grace—the Colonel _ex officio_ of the Royal
Artillery—was the welfare of _the companies_.
The pruning-knife had to be used, for the taxpayers of England were yet
staggering and reeling under the burden of wide-spread and continuous
hostilities; but it was to be used with all tenderness for the
susceptibilities of the true Artillery unit, and of the captains through
whom the needs of that unit found expression.
The reductions having been decided upon, the following was the first
distribution of the Regiment after the Peace of Versailles:—
FIRST BATTALION.—Six companies were ordered to Gibraltar to relieve the
five belonging to the Second Battalion, which had been stationed there
during the Siege. Four companies went to the West Indies, and one was
reduced.
SECOND BATTALION.—The whole ten companies of this battalion were ordered
to Woolwich.
THIRD BATTALION.—The companies were directed to be stationed as follows:
five at Woolwich; one at the Tower; two at Portsmouth; one at Plymouth;
and one at Chatham.
FOURTH BATTALION.—Three companies of this battalion were stationed in
Jamaica, four in Canada, two at Halifax, Nova Scotia, and one in
Newfoundland.
Besides various small detachments in Great Britain, the Invalid
Battalion had to find the Artillery part of the garrisons of Jersey,
Guernsey, Newcastle, and Scotland. It will be observed that Ireland is
not mentioned, that country being garrisoned by the Royal Irish
Artillery, which still enjoyed a separate existence.
* * * * *
On a November night in 1783, a large gathering of Artillery officers
took place at the 'Bull' Inn, on Shooter's Hill, to welcome Colonel
Williams and the officers who had served during the Great Siege of
Gibraltar, on their return to England. Among those present were officers
who had served in the Regiment during the Seven Years' War, in the
American War of Independence, in the East and West Indies, and in
Minorca, besides those guests whose deeds had attracted such universal
admiration. This convivial meeting seems a fit standpoint from which to
look back on the years of the Regiment's life and growth between 1716
and 1783. From the two companies with which it commenced, it had now
attained forty _service_, and ten _invalid_ companies; and instead of
pleading—as was done in its infancy—inability to find men for the
foreign establishments, it was able now to furnish Artillery for Canada,
Gibraltar, and the West Indies, to the extent of twenty companies,
besides finding drafts for the service of the East India Company, one of
which had left only a few nights before this gathering to welcome the
Gibraltar heroes.
Already the motto—not to be given until 1832—had been earned; already
_Ubique_ represented the services of the corps; already _Quo fas et
gloria ducunt_ represented the aspirations of its members.
Much jealousy had been displayed by the other arms of the service; but
it merely served to consolidate the scattered Regiment, and to awaken as
decided a Regimental _esprit_, as existed in smaller and less
distributed corps. The decisions on points of difference had almost
invariably been in favour of the Royal Artillery: in 1756 the Artillery
were directed to take the right of other troops on parade; and every
argument as to the status of the officers was answered in their favour
up to 1751, when all doubt on the subject was removed, and all
discussion ceased, by the King instead of the Master-General signing
their commissions.
On every occasion when the services of the corps were required, the zeal
and ability of officers and men were readily acknowledged; and their
conscientiousness in duty was as conspicuous as their knowledge of their
profession. And with this sense of duty and professional skill, came
that loveable feeling so well described in the words quoted in the
introductory chapter of this volume. "It has ever been our pride, as a
corps, to be regarded as one family; and if one member of it, in any
remote part of the world, in any way distinguished himself, it was felt
universally that he had reflected credit and honour on the whole corps."
In this gathering among the woods on Shooter's Hill, on that November
night, this Regimental feeling found expression.[51]
* * * * *
Many of the readers of this volume are doubtless familiar with the
beautiful interior of the new Garrison Church at Woolwich, the Walhalla
of the Royal Artillery. Over the communion table, memorial windows have
been placed by the officers of the Regiment, "To the glory of God, and
in commemoration of the services of their Corps during the great wars
with France and Russia." As autumn deepens into winter, and the twilight
comes down during the evening service, many must have noticed how with
the dying light all the figures in the painted windows sink away in
shadow and darkness, with the exception of the centre figure, whose pale
form—ghastly pale as Rubens' Dead Christ in Antwerp Cathedral—seems to
start out from the darkness, and become more distinct as the others fade
away.
Is the simile far-fetched—it certainly is not irreverent—to say that, as
out of the gathering chancel-gloom He, the great emblem of affection and
duty, seems to come and linger among his worshippers, so out of the
twilight of the receding years there seems to stand amid all the dimness
and uncertainty of details—the confusion of figures—the forgetfulness of
even great facts, a grand eloquent figure of Duty, learnt in stern
warfare, impressed in no idle peace, and loved in exact proportion as
the heart became inspired by increasing _esprit_, and enlarged by
unselfish pride?
Duty needs not love, nor encouragement, to make it noble; but a warm
blush comes into the marble cheek, and a quickened pulse to the strong
heart, when affection and duty go hand in hand, and the two great
lessons of the God-man—love and obedience—blend unconsciously into one.
During the sixty-seven years of the Regiment's existence, at the date
when this chapter concludes, this blending had gradually and surely been
effected; the fierce and selfish spirit of the pre-regimental trains had
disappeared, and an unselfish ambition had taken its place.
Who shall say that in the sympathy of numbers there is not a power
incalculable? And who can say that in its highest sense this sympathy
can be attained without either a common object, a common charge, or a
common danger? If the Regimental system failed in all else in military
life, it succeeds in answering these three requisites. A common object—
the attainment of a glory which can be common and yet personal; a common
charge—the great legacy of former glory, which a man would be a craven
if he let the breath of scorn approach; and a common danger, which on
service shall knit every man to his neighbour, and in after times shall
bind them together again by sympathies and memory.
At times, indeed, the gloom may be great; the twilight may deepen with
unnatural and unexpected rapidity; but even among beaten, and dying, and
darkening figures, _one_ must ever stand out in a Corps which has learnt
true discipline—a figure which twilight cannot shroud, and which even
disaster itself at times may illumine, which not even monotonous
routine, nor seemingly valueless tasks can dim—the eternal and divine
figure of Duty.
-----
Footnote 38:
Canon Kingsley, at the R.A. Institution, on October 3rd, 1871.
Footnote 39:
MS. Correspondence of General Pattison, R.A.
Footnote 40:
Official MS. Correspondence, Commandant's Office, New York.
Footnote 41:
MSS. in R. A. Regimental Library.
Footnote 42:
Cust.
Footnote 43:
Lee.
Footnote 44:
Lee.
Footnote 45:
MSS. in R. A. Library.
Footnote 46:
Browne, now Bandmaster of the Royal Horse Artillery.
Footnote 47:
Cust.
Footnote 48:
Lee.
Footnote 49:
Kane's List.
Footnote 50:
Kane's List.
Footnote 51:
It may be interesting to state here that on the 5th October, 1783, the
first Committee was chosen to establish a regular Regimental Mess in
the new barracks on the Common. The entrance subscription was fixed at
1_l._ 1_s._ Hitherto the officers had messed in two public-houses in
Woolwich, known jocularly as the "Bastion," and "Redan." The new mess-
room—afterwards a chapel—was where the Recreation Rooms now are.
CHAPTER XXX.
HISTORY, SUCCESSION OF CAPTAINS, AND PRESENT DESIGNATION
OF THE TROOPS AND COMPANIES BELONGING TO THE ROYAL
HORSE ARTILLERY, THE FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH BATTALIONS.
ALTHOUGH the Royal Horse Artillery, and the Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh
Battalions were formed subsequently to the Peace of 1783, it has been
considered desirable to insert a summary of the services of the troops
and companies in this volume, without prejudice to a more detailed
statement which will be given in the succeeding volume, when their
formation will be notified in due chronological order. The Seventh
Battalion brings the reader to the commencement of the present century,
later than which time it has not been deemed necessary, in this volume,
to go.
Commencing with the Royal Horse Artillery, it may be mentioned, shortly,
that it was formed on the 1st January, 1793, and at first consisted of
two Troops, A and B. On the 1st November in the same year C and D Troops
were added, followed, on the 1st November, 1794, by E and F Troops. In
September 1801, G Troop was formed, in Ireland, out of some detachments
serving in that country; and in June, 1804, H Troop was raised at
Woolwich. On 1st February, 1805, I Troop was formed at Colchester, and K
Troop at Ballinasloe; L Troop at Woolwich in July of the same year, and
M Troop also in 1805, although there is a little uncertainty as to the
month. There were also two Rocket Troops, but there is considerable
difficulty in tracing their exact history. According to the records of
the Royal Horse Artillery, the Second Rocket Troop was formed before the
First; but in this particular, as in another presently to be mentioned,
these records are inaccurate. The following would appear to be the true
statement of the case. In June 1813, some Rocket detachments, under
Captain R. Bogue, were ordered to Germany, and were present at the
Battle of Leipsic. In 1814 a Rocket Troop was formed at Woolwich, under
the command of Captain W. G. Elliot; and _on the same day_ Captain E. C.
Whinyates was appointed to the command of the Second Rocket Troop _vice_
Bogue, _killed at Leipsic_. Now, the Battle of Leipsic was fought in
October—1813, and Captain Whinyates' appointment was dated the 2nd March
1814. It would appear, therefore, that the two Rocket Troops were formed
_together_, out of _existing detachments_, and that the one formed at
Woolwich was named the First, while that formed out of the detachments
on the Continent was called the Second. Although the detachments present
at Leipsic became the Second Rocket Troop, they were present at that
battle not as a troop, but as detachments; and as the troop was reduced
on 31st July 1816, their Leipsic services, by some mistake, were
afterwards credited to the First Rocket Troop, which would actually
appear to have received permission to wear "Leipsic" on its appointments
in commemoration of the services, not of itself, but of the defunct
troop.
In 1847 rocket carriages were given to all the troops, and the remaining
Rocket Troop became I Troop of the Royal Horse Artillery.
In addition to the Second Rocket Troop, D Troop also was reduced in
1816; and, in spite of strong remonstrances,—among others, from the late
Sir Robert Gardiner, then Captain of E Troop,—the titles of all the
troops below D were changed, E, F, G, H, and I becoming respectively D,
E, F, G, and H. The injury and inconvenience caused by this alteration
of nomenclature have proved very great. K, L and M Troops were reduced
at the same time, but being the juniors, their reduction did not affect
the lettering of the others.
In January, 1819, B and G Troops were reduced; but on this occasion no
alteration was made in the designations of the other troops. B Troop was
reformed on the 1st 1855, as a reserve half-troop, under a Second
Captain, and was augmented to a full troop in the following year. G
Troop was reformed at Woolwich on the 1st December, 1857, and also K
Troop on the same day.
On the 1st July, 1859, with the introduction of the Brigade System, came
an alteration in the titles of the troops, which were now designated as
Batteries of the Horse Brigade. In 1862, on account of the amalgamation
with the East India Company's Artillery, the old Royal Horse Artillery
became the First Horse Brigade of the Royal Artillery; and in 1864, to
enable the Indian reliefs to be carried on without sending the whole of
the old Horse Artillery abroad at one time, the First Horse Brigade was
divided into A and B Brigades of the Royal Horse Artillery.
At the date of this work (1872) the following list shows the present
designations of the old troops, as they stood in 1859:—
A Troop is now called A Battery A Brigade
B Troop is now called B Battery A Brigade
C Troop is now called C Battery A Brigade
D Troop is now called A Battery B Brigade
E Troop is now called B Battery B Brigade
F Troop is now called C Battery B Brigade
G Troop is now called D Battery A Brigade
H Troop is now called D Battery B Brigade
I Troop is now called E Battery B Brigade
K Troop is now called E Battery A Brigade
The military operations in which these batteries have been severally
engaged, and their succession of Captains, will now be given. The more
detailed history given of A Troop—"The Chestnut Troop"—is attributable
to the labour taken by its Captain, the late Sir Hew Ross, who completed
the records of its active service with his own hand.
A TROOP, R.H.A.,
Now "A" BATTERY, A BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1798 The affairs of Ross, Wexford, and Vinegar Hill, June.
1799 Egmont-op-Zee on 19th September.
1799 Near Alkmaar on 6th October.
1809 Retreat from Talavera on 3rd August.
1810 Action in front of Almeida in the Duas Casas on 20th July.
1810 Action on the Coa on 24th July.
1810 Battle of Busaco on 27th September.
1811 Action at Pombal on 11th March.
1811 Action on the Plain in front of Redinha on 12th March.
1811 Action in front of Cazal Nova on 13th March.
1811 Action at Foz d'Arouce on the Ceira on 15th March.
1811 Action at Sabugal on the Coa on 3rd April.
1811 Battle of Fuentes d'Onore on 5th May.
1811 Action in front of Mortagoa on the right bank of the Agueda
on 10th July.
1812 Siege of Ciudad Rodrigo, January.
1812 Siege of Badajoz, April.
1812 Affair in front of Salamanca on 16th June.
1812 Action at Castrejou on the Guavena on 18th July.
1812 Battle of Salamanca on 21st July.
1812 Action on the Huebra on 15th November.
1813 Affair in front of Salamanca in the advance on Vittoria on
22nd May.
1813 Affair near Burgos in the advance on Vittoria on 12th June.
1813 Affair at St. Millan and Osmo on 18th June.
1813 Battle of Vittoria on 21st June.
1813 Daily affairs with the French between 22nd and 27th June.
1813 Action before Pampeluna at daybreak when the French lost the
only two guns they brought from Vittoria, on 25th June.
1813 Actions in the Pyrenees on 26th, 27th and 28th July.
1813 Heights of San Marcial near Yrun on 31st August.
1813 Attack on La Rhune Mountain and its chain of heights in the
Pyrenees on 10th November.
1813 Passage of the Nivelle on 10th November.
1813 Passage of the Nive on 9th December.
1813 Battle of St. Pierre de Grube, near Bayonne.
1814 Passage of the Gave d'Oléron.
1814 Battle of Orthes on 27th February.
1814 Action in front of La Reole on the right of the Gavonne on
14th March.
1814 Affairs in front of La Reole, almost daily, between 14th
March and 14th April.[52]
1815 Battle of Waterloo, June 17th and 18th, and capture of
Paris.
1855 Siege of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1793 Captain R. Lawson.
1794 Captain T. Judgson.
1801 Captain G. A. Wood.
1806 Captain H. D. Ross.
1825 Captain W. Cator.
1837 Captain M. Louis.
1837 Captain W. Dunn.
1841 Captain W. Bell.
1842 Captain T. G. Higgins.
1846 Captain H. G. Teesdale.
1852 Captain A. J. Taylor.
1854 Captain A. T. Phillpotts.
1855 Captain C. S. Henry.
1857 Captain F. B. Ward.
1858 Captain G. le M. Tupper.
B TROOP, R.H.A.,
Now "B" BATTERY, A BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1798 Affairs of Ross, Wexford, and Vinegar Hill.
1808 Affair of Sahagun.
1809 Affair of Benavente.
1809 Battle of Corunna.
1855 Siege of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1793 Captain J. Macleod.
1795 Captain W. H. Horndon.
1800 Captain B. Bloomfield.
1806 Captain T. Downman.
1810 Captain N. W. Oliver.
1819 _Reduced 28th February._
1855 _Reformed 1st May._
1855 2nd Captain, W. B. Saunders.
1856 Captain G. V. Johnson.
1859 Captain L. G. Paget.
C TROOP, R.H.A.,
Now "C" BATTERY, A BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1798 Affairs of Ross, Wexford, and Vinegar Hill.
1808 Affair of Sahagun.
1809 Affair of Benavente.
1809 Battle of Corunna.
1854 Affair on the height of Bulganak and battle of the Alma.
1854 Battle of Balaclava.
1854 Battle of Inkerman.
1855 Affair of Eupatoria on 23rd and 27th October. (Specially
thanked by Officer commanding French cavalry.)
1855 Siege of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1793 Captain E. Howorth.
1799 Captain E. Trelawney.
1801 Captain G. A. Wood.
1801 Captain F. Griffiths.
1806 Captain H. Evelegh.
1811 Captain E. Wilmot.
1819 Captain J. May.
1825 Captain J. Chester.
1831 Captain C. Blachley.
1833 Captain T. Dyneley.
1835 Captain E. T. Michell.
1838 Captain H. Blachley.
1841 Captain W. B. Ingilby.
1847 Captain E. C. Warde.
1854 Captain G. C. R. Levinge.
1854 Captain H. J. Thomas.
1856 Captain H. F. Strange.
D TROOP, R.H.A.,
_Reduced 31st July, 1816._
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1810 Battle of Busaco.
1811 Affair at Almeida.
1811 Battle of Albuera.
1811 Affair at Usagre.
1811 Affair at Aldea de Ponte.
1812 Affair at San Munoz.
1812 Action of Ribera.
1812 Ford of the Yeltes.
1813 Battle of Vittoria.
1813 Battle of the Pyrenees.
1814 Battle of Orthes.
1814 Battle of Toulouse.
1815 Battle of Waterloo.
1815 Capture of Paris.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1793 Captain J. M. Hadden.
1800 Captain G. W. Dixon.
1804 Captain T. Downman.
1806 Captain G. Lefebure.
1813 Captain G. Beane.
1815 Captain A. C. Mercer.
E TROOP, R.H.A.,
_Became D on that Troop being reduced in 1816_,
Now "A" BATTERY, B BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1812 Siege of Ciudad Rodrigo.
1812 Siege of Forts of Salamanca.
1812 Action on Heights of St. Christoval.
1812 Battle of Salamanca.
1813 Affair of Morales de Toro.
1813 Battle of Vittoria.
1813 Battle of the Pyrenees.
1814 Battle of Orthes.
1814 Battle of Toulouse.
1815 Battle of Waterloo.
1815 Capture of Paris.
1858 Indian Mutiny, including affair at Waskully.
1858 Action at Terapoor.
1859 Action at Burode.
1859 Affair of Beora.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1794 Captain W. Cuppage.
1796 Captain G. Scott.
1803 Captain G. B. Fisher.
1806 Captain R. Macdonald.
1813 Captain R. W. Gardiner.
1816 Captain R. Macdonald.
1823 Captain R. Jones.
1825 Captain T. Dyneley.
1833 Captain C. Blachley.
1840 Captain H. Pester.
1846 Captain J. E. Dupuis.
1853 Captain Hon. R. C. H. Spencer.
1855 Captain J. J. Brandling.
1855 Captain H. L. Gardiner.
1858 Captain L. G. Paget.
1859 Captain G. V. Johnson.
F TROOP, R.H.A. (afterwards E),
Now "B" BATTERY, B BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1813 Battle of Vittoria.
1813 Siege of St. Sebastian.
1813 Passage of the Bidasoa.
1813 Passage of the Nive.
1814 Affair at Bayonne.
1815 Battle of Waterloo.
1815 Capture of Paris.
1858 Indian Mutiny, including affair at Secundra Gunge.
1858 Affair at Futteypore Chersey.
1858 Siege of Lucknow.
1858 Affair at Arrah.
1858 Jugdeespore.
1858 Rampore Kussea.
1858 Sundry affairs in Oudh against the rebels.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1794 Captain J. Butler.
1801 Captain E. Trelawney.
1802 Captain G. Cookson.
1803 Captain A. Duncan.
1809 Captain J. W. Smith.
1825 Captain G. Turner.
1828 Captain T. A. Brandreth.
1828 Captain G. Cobbe.
1834 Captain W. Saunders.
1839 Captain P. Sandilands.
1842 Captain J. Bloomfield.
1848 Captain D. E. Wood.
1854 Captain E. Price.
1855 Captain J. R. Anderson.
1858 Captain W. A. Middleton.
G TROOP, R.H.A. (became F in 1816),
Now "C" BATTERY, B BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1807 Battles of Village of Reduccion, and Buenos Ayres.
1815 Battle of Waterloo.
1815 Capture of Paris.
1858 Action of Secundra, East Indies.
1858 Siege of Lucknow.
1858 Affairs (various) against rebels in Oudh.
1858 Sultanpore.
1858 Fyzabad.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1801 Captain G. B. Fisher.
1802 Captain W. Borthwick.
1803 Captain A. S. Frazer.
1815 Captain A. Dickson.
1823 Captain A. Munro.
1825 Captain E. Y. Walcott.
1837 Captain W. Dunn.
1837 Captain M. Louis.
1842 Captain A. Macbean.
1848 Captain W. R. Gilbert.
1855 Captain C. C. Young.
1855 Captain C. L. D'Aguilar.
1858 Captain Hon. D. McD. Fraser.
H TROOP, R.H.A. (became G),
Now "D" BATTERY, A BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1809 Siege of Flushing.
1815 Battle of Waterloo.
1815 Capture of Paris.
_N.B._—Captain W. Norman Ramsay, who commanded this Troop at Waterloo,
was killed there in action.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1804 Captain A. Macdonald.
1815 Captain Wm. Norman Ramsay.
1815 Captain J. May.
1819 _Reduced 31st January._
1857 _Reformed 1st December._
1857 Captain H. P. Newton.
I TROOP, R.H.A. (became H in 1816),
Now "D" BATTERY, B BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1810 Affair of Maacal de Chao.
1810 Affairs of Granga and Cerejos.
1810 Affair of Bassacona.
1810 Action of Celerico.
1810 Affairs of Moita and Mortiago.
1810 Battle of Busaco.
1810 Actions of Plain and Ford of Mondego.
1810 Action at Leyria.
1810 Action at Rio Mandarillo.
1810 Action at Alcoentre.
1810 Action at Guinta de Formes.
1810 Affair at Canigada.
1811 Action at Pombal.
1811 Action at Redinha.
1811 Action at Cayal Nova.
1811 Action at Foz d'Arouce.
1811 Action at Miranda de Corvo.
1811 Affair of Maceira.
1811 Affair of Sampayo.
1811 Affair of Bassacova.
1811 Affair of Celerica.
1811 Affair of Pega.
1811 Action of Sabugal. Drove the rear-guard of the French across
the frontier.
1811 Affair at Almeida.
1811 Battle of Fuentes d'Onor.
1811 Affair of Nave d'Avere.
1811 Affair of Fuentes de Guinaldo.
1811 Action of Aldea Ponte.
1812 Siege of Ciudad Rodrigo.
1812 Affairs of Llerena.
1812 Siege of Badajoz.
1812 Affairs at the front of Salamanca and at the Tormes.
1812 Affairs at Villares de la Reina.
1812 Affair on the Heights of St. Christoval.
1812 Siege of the Forts of Salamanca.
1812 Affairs of Rueda and Villa Nova.
1812 Action of Castrejou.
1812 Action above Carnizal.
1812 Affair of Castellanas.
1812 Battle of Salamanca,
1812 Affair at Aldea Mayor.
1812 Action at Tudella.
1812 Affairs at Duennas, Torquemada, and Villaverde.
1812 Siege of Burgos.
1812 Affairs of San Munoz and Osma.
1813 Battle of Vittoria.
1813 Siege of St. Sebastian.
1813 Capture of St. Sebastian.
1813 Action at passage of Bidassoa.
1813 Battle of Nivelle and passage of the Nive.
1813 Affair at front of Bayonne.
1813 Passage of the Adour.
1814 Investment of Bayonne.
1815 Battle of Waterloo, 16th, 17th and 18th June.
_N.B._—This Troop received in Cavalry Division Orders, October 6th,
1810, the best thanks of Lieutenant-General Sir Stapleton Cotton, for
the zeal and activity displayed on the 5th October, 1810, and at all
times during the retreat from the frontier. In the Duke of
Wellington's Despatches of the 16th March and 2nd April, 1811, its
good services were acknowledged at Pombal, Redinha, and Sabugal. In
the Duke of Wellington's Despatches of the 7th April, 1811, to the
Minister of War at Lisbon, its services at Pega were mentioned, and
crossing the frontier on the retreat of the French at Val de Mula.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1805 Captain W. Millar.
1805 Captain R. Bull.
1823 Captain E. C. Whinyates.
1830 Captain Hon. W. Arbuthnott.
1841 Captain F. Warde.
1847 Captain E. F. Grant.
1854 Captain P. H. Mundy.
1855 Captain J. Turner.
K TROOP, R.H.A.,
Now "E" BATTERY, A BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1805 Captain C. Godfrey.
1808 Captain F. Walker.
1814 Captain Wm. Norman Ramsay.
1815 Captain G. Jenkinson.
1816 _Reduced 31st July._
1857 _Reformed 1st December._
1857 Captain C. G. Arbuthnot.
L TROOP, R.H.A.,
_Reduced 31st July, 1816._
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1805 Captain N. Foy.
1813 Captain R. Macdonald.[53]
1816 _Reduced 31st July._
M TROOP, R.H.A.,
_Reduced in 1816._
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1805 Captain Hon. W. H. Gardner.
1st ROCKET TROOP (afterwards I TROOP),
Now "E" BATTERY, B BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1854 Affair at the Heights of Bulganak.
1854 Battle of Alma.
1854 Affair at Mackenzie's Farm.
1854 Battle of Balaclava.
1854 Battle of Inkerman.
1855 Siege of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1814 Captain W. G. Elliott.
1828 Captain C. C. Dansey.
1837 Captain T. F. Strangways.
1846 Captain N. T. Lake.
1852 Captain G. A. Maude.
1855 Captain J. J. Brandling.
2nd ROCKET TROOP,
_Reduced 31st July, 1816._
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1813 Battle of Gorde.[54]
1813 Battle of Leipsic.
1815 Battle of Waterloo.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1813 Captain R. Bogue.[55]
1814 Captain E. C. Whinyates.
FIFTH BATTALION.
On the 14th August, 1794, an augmentation of five companies to the Royal
Artillery was sanctioned, to be called, after organization, the Fifth
Battalion. The companies were formed,—two at Plymouth and three at
Woolwich,—by transfers from other battalions. Major-General Duncan
Drummond was appointed Colonel _en seconde_; the first Lieutenant-
Colonel was Edward Williams; and the Major, Robert Douglas. Captains
Rogers and Miller commanded the companies formed at Plymouth, and
Captains Hutton, Harding, and Sproule, those at Woolwich. The following
was the strength of the five companies:—
10 Captains and Captain-Lieutenants.
12 Lieutenants, 15 being the normal number.
2 Staff Sergeants.
20 Sergeants.
45 Corporals and Bombardiers.
5 Drummers.
324 Gunners.
On the 6th March, 1795, five additional companies were added to the
battalion; and the total number of companies remained ten until the year
1819, when Nos. 7 and 8 were reduced; Nos. 9 and 10 becoming
respectively Nos. 7 and 8.
No very great augmentation to the strength of the battalion took place
during the earlier years of its existence, except in the year 1804, when
a second Colonel was added, and also twenty men per company. The
services of the companies were very varied and distinguished, including
the Campaigns in Egypt, Cape of Good Hope, South America, Spain, and
Holland.
Annexed is the history of each Company's active service, and the
succession of Captains up to the introduction of the Brigade System:—
No. 1 COMPANY, 5th BATTALION,
Now "F" BATTERY, 1st BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1814 Castine, North America.
1854 Expedition to the Crimea, and Fall of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1794 Captain Henry Rogers.
1802 Captain Charles Gold.
1803 Captain Henry Phillott.
1814 Captain Hon. H. Gardner.
1822 Captain Edward Walsh.
1825 Captain A. F. Crawford.
1837 Captain W. Lemoine.
1838 Captain Edmund Sheppard.
1840 Captain W. B. Ingilby.
1842 Captain J. Bloomfield.
1842 Captain P. H. Sandilands.
1846 Captain W. F. Williams.
1855 Captain H. A. B. Campbell.
No. 2 COMPANY, 5th BATTALION,
Now "D" BATTERY, 8th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1815 Capture of Guadaloupe.
1855 Detachments embarked for Expedition to the Crimea, and Fall
of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1794 Captain James Miller.
1802 Captain J. H. Carncross.
1809 Captain Robert Douglas.
1811 Captain J. Chamberlayne.
1811 Captain F. Campbell.
1828 Captain J. Gray.
1841 Captain E. Morgan.
1844 Captain R. J. Dacres.
1852 Captain John Travers.
1858 Captain W. B. Saunders.
No. 3 COMPANY, 5th BATTALION
Now "2" BATTERY, 2nd BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1805 Expedition to the Cape of Good Hope.
1806 Capture of the Cape.
1806 First Expedition to the River Plate.
1806 Capture of Buenos Ayres.
1806 Second Expedition to River Plate.
1807 Siege of Monte Video.
1810 Expedition to the Isle of France.
1826 Expedition to Portugal.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1794 Captain Henry Hutton.
1802 Captain Alexander Watson.
1809 Captain Edward Wilgress.
1827 Captain William Dunn.
1837 Captain J. L. Smith.
1846 Captain W. H. Askwith.
1855 Captain G. Colclough.
1855 Captain F. W. C. Ord.
1858 Captain O. B. B. Woolsey.
No. 4 COMPANY, 5th BATTALION,
Now "3" BATTERY, 2nd BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1805 Expedition to Hanover.
1808 Expedition to Portugal and Spain.
1808 Battle of Roleia.[56]
1808 Battle of Vimieiro.
1809 Battle of Corunna.
1812 Expedition to the Adriatic.
1813 Siege of Tarragona.
1851-3 Kaffir War.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1794 Captain John Harding.
1802 Captain Henry Geary.
1808 Captain Robert Carthew.
1809 Captain James St. Clair.
1809 Captain R. J. J. Lacy.
1827 Captain H. Jackson.
1838 Captain F. Macbean.
1841 Captain T. A. Lethbridge.
1861 Captain H. R. Eardley-Wilmot.[57]
1852 Captain Hon. G. T. Devereux.
1858 Captain W. N. Hardy.[58]
1858 Captain R. J. Hay.
No. 5 COMPANY, 5th BATTALION,
Now "1" BATTERY, 5th BRIGADE,
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1801 Expedition to Egypt.
1801 Siege of Alexandria.
1809 Expedition to Walcheren.
1809 Siege of Flushing.
1815 Expedition to Holland and France.
1815 Detachments present at the Battle of Waterloo.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1794 Captain F. M. Sprowle.
1803 Captain S. G. Adye.
1812 Captain C. Ilbert.
1816 Captain Thomas Greatley.
1817 Captain William Roberts.
1825 Captain R. B. Hunt.
1832 Captain F. Wright.
1840 Captain H. Slade.
1841 Captain H. G. Ord.
1841 Captain R. Tomkyns.
1848 Captain C. L. Fitzgerald.
1858 Captain C. R. O. Evans.
No. 6 COMPANY, 5th BATTALION,
Now "3" BATTERY, 3rd BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1800 Expedition to Egypt.
1801 Siege of Fort Aboukir.
1801 Battle of Alexandria.
1801 Siege of Alexandria.
1813 Expedition to Holland and France.
1815 Battle of Waterloo.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1795 Captain John Wood.
1802 Captain A. Y. Spearman.
1803 Captain Richard Buckner.
1803 Captain Jno. S. Williamson.
1808 Captain Richard Buckner.
1811 Captain W. G. Elliott.
1813 Captain Charles Tyler.
1818 Captain B. T. Walsh.
1822 Captain Hon. H. Gardner.
1823 Captain A. C. Mercer.
1835 Captain Jos. Hanwell.
1847 Captain T. A. Shone.
1847 Captain C. Gostling.
1851 Captain M. C. Marston.
1855 Captain P. F. G. Scott.
1858 Captain P. D. Margesson.
No. 7 COMPANY, 5th BATTALION,
_Reduced in 1819._
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1801 Expedition to Egypt.
1801 Siege of Alexandria.
1809 Reduction of Fort Dasaix and Island of Martinique.[59]
1810 Expedition to Guadaloupe.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1795 Captain George Cookson.
1799 Captain I. Wood.
1802 Captain A. Y. Spearman.
1803 Captain Hon. H. Gardner.
1804 Captain Brooke Young.
1808 Captain Samuel Reynell.
1814 Captain Chris. Wilkinson.
No. 8 COMPANY, 5th BATTALION,
_Reduced in 1819._
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1799 Expedition to Holland.
1805 Expedition to Hanover.
1809 Capture of Martinique.
1810 Expedition to Portugal.
1810 Taking of Matagoiad.
1811 Battle of Barosa.
1813 Battle of Vittoria.
1814 Operations against Fort Erie.
1814 Defence of the Log Bridge.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1795 Captain P. Riou.
1803 Captain H. Owen.
1815 Captain S. J. Rawlinson.
No. 9 COMPANY, 5th BATTALION
(Became No. 7 in 1819),| Now "A" BATTERY, 9th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1805 Expedition to Cape of Good Hope.
1806 Capture of Cape of Good Hope.
1806 First Expedition to River Plate.
1806 Siege of Buenos Ayres.
1810 Expedition to Isle of France.
1810 Capture of Isle of France.
1855 Expedition to the Crimea.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1795 Captain J. F. S. Smith.
1803 Captain A. J. Clason.
1815 Captain Henry Bates.
1819 Captain R. Jones.
1823 Captain T. G. Browne.
1836 Captain B. Willis.
1846 Captain J. G. Walker.
1853 Captain R. B. Adair.
1855 Captain G. T. Field.
No. 10 COMPANY, 5th BATTALION
(Became No. 8 Company in 1819),
Now "5" BATTERY, 5th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1799 Expedition to Holland.
1809 Expedition to Portugal.
1812 Siege of Ciudad Rodrigo.
1812 Siege of Badajoz.
1812 Capture of the French Works at Alviarez.
1812 Reduction of French fortified posts at Salamanca.
1812 Siege of Burgos.
1813 Siege of St. Sebastian.
1814 Siege of Bayonne.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1795 Captain B. Stehelin.
1802 Captain Gother Mann.
1804 Captain R. W. Unett.
1808 Captain Edward Wilmot.
1808 Captain Frederic Glubb.
1813 Captain H. Trelawney.
1816 Captain John Briscoe.
1819 Captain Francis Power.
1823 Captain W. G. Power.
1827 Captain S. Kirby.
1834 Captain George Pringle.
1840 Captain A. R. Harrison.
1844 Captain F. Weller.
1845 Captain N. T. Lake.
1847 Captain J. McCoy.
1855 Captain H. Clerk.
1857 Captain W. L. Dumaresq.
SIXTH BATTALION.
By a General Order, dated 22nd July, 1799, four companies of Artillery
were raised, and added to two already existing, which were designated
the East India Detachment, to form half a battalion; and on the 8th
October in the same year a further augmentation was made, consisting of
two companies, and a Colonel-Commandant. The addition of a Colonel _en
seconde_ and two Lieutenant-Colonels completed the organization of what
was now known as the Sixth Battalion of the Royal Artillery. The Staff
of the Battalion on its formation stood as follows:—
Colonel-Commandant Major-General P. Martin.
Colonel _en seconde_ George Feade.
1st Lieut.-Colonel Edward Fage.
2nd Lieut.-Colonels John Barnes,
Bayley Willington.
Captain-Lieutenants Ralph W. Adye, Adjutant.
Andrew Schalch, Quartermaster.
The companies, their stations, and commanding officers were as follows:—
Companies. Captains. Stations.
No. 1. Brevet-Major E. Lemoine Cape of Good Hope.
2. Captain W. Skyring Cape of Good Hope.
3. R. Evans Woolwich.
4. D. Meredith Woolwich.
5. W. Millar Woolwich.
6. B. Bloomfield Plymouth.
7. G. Salmon Woolwich.
8. A. Schalch (promoted by augmentation) Woolwich.
An augmentation of one Major and two companies to the battalion,—Nos. 9
and 10,—took place in December, 1800.
The companies called above "The East India Detachment," which formed the
nucleus of the Sixth Battalion, embarked at Woolwich for India on the
19th April, 1791. They left that country for the Cape of Good Hope in
1798, arriving in October of that year, and remained until incorporated
in the newly-formed battalion, in 1799. They are now C Battery 11th
Brigade, and No. 6 Battery 5th Brigade. Prior to 1799, although part of
the Royal Regiment of Artillery, they belonged to no battalion.
The following was the strength of the battalion in various years:—
Year. Strength of all Ranks.
1800 990
1801 1071
1802 914
1803 1215
1804 1259
1805 1415
1806 1398
1807 1480
1808 1476
1809 1484
1810 1484
1811 1524
1812 1562
1813 1565
1814 1230
1815 1130
1816 870
1817 786
1818 700
1819 604
1820 567
1821 601
From this date until 1847 the average strength of the battalion was 650.
Year. Strength of all Ranks.
1847 956
1848 847
1849 890
1850 883
1851 940
1852 1028
1853 1081
1854 1218
1855 1375
1856 1317
1857 1502
The following was the dress of the battalion at its formation, in 1799,
as also of the whole Regiment, except the Horse Artillery: the officers
wore blue cloth double-breasted coats, with scarlet lappels; the field
officers had two epaulettes, the company officers only one, which they
wore on the right shoulder; white kerseymere breeches; long black
leather boots, fastened to the back part of the knee of the breeches by
a black strap and buckle; and a cocked-hat, with gold-loop and button,
and white feather. The non-commissioned officers and men wore blue cloth
coats, single breasted, laced in front and on the cuffs and flaps; the
staff-sergeants and sergeants with gold lace, and the rank and file with
yellow worsted lace. The staff-sergeants wore two gold bullion
epaulettes; the sergeants two gold-laced straps; the corporals two
fringe epaulettes; the bombardiers one fringe epaulette on the right
shoulder; the gunners two worsted straps.
The changes in dress during the succeeding years will be noted in the
succeeding chapters of this work.
Annexed is the list, as in former cases, of the various companies, their
successive Captains, and the military operations in which they were
engaged. In the Sixth Battalion, as in the Horse Artillery, considerable
confusion was created by the reduction, in 1819, of Nos. 5 and 8
companies, and the consequent altering of the numbers of Nos. 6, 7, 9,
and 10 to Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8 respectively. The reduction of the two
junior companies, instead of Nos. 5 and 8, would have rendered the
student's task a far easier one.
No. 1 COMPANY, 6th BATTALION
(_One of the old East India Detachment Companies_),
Now "C" BATTERY, 11th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1806 Siege of Buenos Ayres.
1807 Expedition to La Plata.
1855 Expedition to the Crimea and Fall of Sebastopol.[60]
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1799 Captain Edmund Lemoine.
1804 Captain Nathaniel Foy.
1806 Captain C. C. Bingham.
1807 Captain P. Durnford.
1826 Captain W. Bentham.
1832 Captain I. Whitty.
1843 Captain G. H. Hyde.
1844 Captain J. H. St John.
1846 Captain R. R. Fisher.
1849 Captain W. J. Smythe.
1855 Captain E. Moubray.
1856 Captain J. Singleton.
No. 2 COMPANY, 6th BATTALION
(_One of the old East India Detachment Companies_),
Now "6" BATTERY, 5th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1814 Expedition under the command of Sir John Sherbrook: present
at the capture in the Penobscot.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1799 Captain W. Skyring.
1806 Captain George Crawford.
1824 Captain E. C. Wilford.
1827 Captain R. Douglas.
1829 Captain E. Sabine.
1841 Captain A. Macbean.
1842 Captain W. J. Stokes.
1845 Captain James Turner.
1851 Captain H. W. Montressor.
1856 Captain H. L. F. Greville.
No. 3 COMPANY, 6th BATTALION,
Now "4" BATTERY, 2nd BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1811 Peninsula.
1812 Siege and capture of Ciudad Rodrigo.
1812 Siege and capture of Badajoz.
1858 Expedition to China and capture of Canton.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1799 Captain Robert Evans.
1806 Captain George Massey.
1808 Captain H. F. Holcombe.
1817 Captain Charles Egan.
1818 Captain F. Gordon.
1819 Captain D. Story.
1831 Captain R. C. Molesworth.
1842 Captain Sir H. Chamberlain, Bart.
1843 Captain R. G. B. Wilson.
1848 Captain P. R. Cocks.
1855 Captain G. Rotton.
No. 4 COMPANY, 6th BATTALION,
Now "B" BATTERY, 8th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1854 Expedition to the Crimea and Fall of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1799 Captain David Meredith.
1806 Captain H. Hickman.
1807 Captain C. Baynes.
1817 Captain W. D. Nicolls.
1819 Captain J. S. Sinclair.
1826 Captain D. Bissett.
1836 Captain Z. C. Bayly.
1841 Captain C. R. Dickens.
1842 Captain H. Williams.
1848 Captain G. D. Warburton.
1853 Captain H. Lempriere.
1854 Captain A. R. Wragge.
1855 Captain C. G. Arbuthnot.
1857 Captain C. W. Elgee.
No. 5 COMPANY, 6th BATTALION,
_Reduced in 1819._
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1806 Expedition to River La Plata.
1807 Siege and capture of Monte Video.[61]
1807 Present at Buenos Ayres but not engaged.
1814 Capture of Genoa.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1799 Captain William Millar.
1805 Captain Charles Godfrey.
1806 Captain A. Dickson.
1809 Captain Richard Dyas.
1818 Captain J. P. Cockburn.
No. 6 COMPANY, 6th BATTALION
(Became No. 5 on that Company being reduced in 1819),
Now "C" BATTERY, 8th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1806 Expedition to Calabria, present at the Battle of Maida.
1806 Siege and Capture of Scylla Castle.
1807 Expedition to Syracuse.
1809 Capture of Ischia and Prociola.
1854 Expedition to the Crimea.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1799 Captain Benjamin Bloomfield.
1801 Captain John Harris.
1807 Captain Thomas Gamble.
1819 Captain H. F. Holcombe.
1819 Captain T. Gamble.
1826 Captain H. C. Russell.
1837 Captain J. H. Freer.
1846 Captain J. W. Ormsby.
1851 Captain P. H. Mundy.
1854 Captain J. J. Brandling.
1854 Captain A. Thompson.
No. 7 COMPANY, 6th BATTALION
(_Afterwards No. 6 Company_),
Now "F" BATTERY, 8th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1799 Captain George Salmon.
1807 Captain Charles Egan.
1817 Captain H. Holcombe.
1826 Captain C. C. Dansey.
1829 Captain A. Cameron.
1838 Captain J. U. Colquhoun.
1846 Captain F. Eardley-Wilmot.
1847 Captain R. B. Burnaby.
1849 Captain G. E. Turner.
1849 Captain G. R. Barker.
1854 Captain N. E. Harison.
1854 Captain J. L. Elgee.
No. 8 COMPANY, 6th BATTALION,
_Reduced in 1819._
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1799 Captain Andrew Schalch.
1802 Captain G. Bowater.
1804 Captain C. C. Bingham.
1805 Captain Francis Power.
No. 9 COMPANY, 6th BATTALION
(_Afterwards No. 7_),
Now "C" BATTERY, 9th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1855-6 Crimea.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1801 Captain George A. Wood.
1802 Captain P. W. Colebrooke.
1807 Captain H. P. Grant.
1812 Captain W. T. Skinner.
1822 Captain Charles Gilmour.
1832 Captain H. L. Sweeting.
1843 Captain T. P. Flude.
1844 Captain H. Stow.
1850 Captain C. J. B. Riddell.
1855 Captain J. G. Boothby.
No. 10 COMPANY, 6th BATTALION
(_Afterwards No. 8 Company_),
Now "5" BATTERY, 3rd BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1811 Capture of Java.
1815 Capture of Kandy.
1855 Expedition to Crimea and Fall of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1801 Captain R. E. H. Rogers.
1805 Captain C. E. Napier.
1813 Captain W. H. C. Benezet.
1816 Captain Jno. W. Kettlewell.
1819 Captain L. Carmichael.
1824 Captain D. Grant.
1836 Captain B. H. Vaughan Arbuckle.
1846 Captain H. J. Morris.
1848 Captain G. M. Glasgow.
1849 Captain W. J. Crawford.
1855 Captain F. W. Hastings.
1858 Captain C. L. D'Aguilar.
SEVENTH BATTALION.
The Seventh Battalion of the Royal Artillery was formed on the 1st
April, 1801. The Act for the Union between England and Ireland received
the Royal assent on the 2nd July, 1800, and came into force on the 1st
January, 1801. From this measure arose, as has been mentioned in a
former chapter, the incorporation of the Royal Irish Artillery with the
older Corps; and it was transferred as the Seventh Battalion of the
Royal Artillery, consisting, at the date of transfer, of ten companies,
with a proportion of Field and Staff officers. The incorporated officers
took rank according to the dates of their respective commissions; but
they were also allowed the option of retiring on full pay, or of taking
commissions in the Line. The non-commissioned officers and gunners who
were approved for transfer received each a bounty of three guineas.
The following table shows the proportion of ranks, total numbers, and
rates of daily pay, in the Battalion when first formed.
Daily pay each.
One Colonel-Commandant 2 4 0
One Colonel 1 4 0
Three Lieutenant-Colonels, each 1 0 0
One Major 0 15 0
Ten Captains, each 0 10 0
Ten Captain-Lieutenants, each 0 7 0
Twenty First Lieutenants, each 0 6 0
Ten Second Lieutenants, each 0 5 0
One Adjutant 0 5 0
One Quartermaster 0 6 0
Forty Sergeants and two Staff Sergeants Pay of various rates.
Forty Corporals, each 0 2 3¼
Seventy Bombardiers, each 0 1 10¼
980 Gunners, each 0 1 3¼
30 Drummers, each 0 1 3¼
Some of the companies were in the West Indies when the transfer was
effected; and on reference to the appended list it will be seen that
much of the active service of the Seventh Battalion was carried on in
these islands. It was in connection with West Indian service that the
Battalion obtained a distinctive mark, as containing among its companies
one known always, until the Brigade system was introduced, as
"THE BATTLE-AXE COMPANY."
The story of the circumstances under which this title was earned is
worthy of reproduction. The company in question was originally No. 8 of
the 7th Battalion, but in the year 1819, No. 7 Company being reduced,
No. 8 became No. 7. Under the altered nomenclature of 1859, it became
and now is
NO. 2 BATTERY, 5TH BRIGADE.
In the year 1808 the company was quartered in Halifax, Nova Scotia. In
December of that year it was ordered on an expedition for the capture of
Martinique; forming part of the force under Sir George Prevost, which
included the 7th Fusiliers, 8th King's, and 23rd Royal Welsh Fusiliers.
The force arrived at Martinique on the 30th January, 1809, and remained
brigaded together during the attack, quite distinct from the West Indian
division under General Maitland, which had arrived in company with
Admiral Cochrane and his fleet. On the 2nd February, 1809, the French
met the Halifax brigade under General Prevost, about half-way between
the bay where they landed and the town, but were driven back with
considerable loss. In one day, this company prepared and armed a battery
of six 24-pounders, and four 10-inch mortars, and opened fire on the day
following. On the 24th February the Garrison capitulated, for "the
British Artillery was so well served, that most of the Fort guns were
quickly dismounted."[62] The officers of the company were assembled by
the General to consult as to what should be bestowed on the company as a
reward of bravery and good conduct. It was first contemplated to give a
one-pounder French gun, beautifully mounted, but the officers, knowing
that the company was about to return to Halifax, and a war with America
likely to take place, when they would be unable to take the gun with
them, chose an axe and a brass drum. A brass eagle was affixed to the
axe, which was always carried by the tallest man in the company, who in
virtue of his office was permitted to wear a moustache.
This version of the story was committed to paper by one who was present
with the company at Martinique, Master-Gunner Henry McElsander, who
joined it three years after the amalgamation, and remained in it until
promoted to be Sergt.-Major at the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich. It
is completely corroborated by the Records of the Seventh Battalion, from
which the further history of the company may be obtained. It returned to
Halifax in April, and remained in that station until May, 1813, when it
sailed for Quebec. It served in the campaigns of 1813 and 1814 in
Canada. In the winter of the former year it was collected in Kingston,
Upper Canada, watching the enemy. Acting-Bombardier James Keating, being
detached with seven gunners to Michilimackinac, distinguished himself in
an affair with the enemy, and his conduct was rewarded by a commission
from the Provincial Government. The company was present at the
operations against Fort Erie in August, 1814, and at the enemy's attack
on the English position before that place on the 17th September. It was
also engaged in the defence of the Log Bridge on the Chippawa. The two
officers present with the company during these hostilities, Captain
Walker and Lieutenant Carter,[63] were specially mentioned in
despatches, and received permission to wear "Niagara" on their
appointments. The company returned to Woolwich in 1823, and in 1831
again proceeded on foreign service to the West Indies, whence it
returned in 1837. Its only additional foreign service prior to the
introduction of the Brigade system was at Gibraltar, where it served
from January, 1845 to January, 1851, and to which station it again
proceeded in May, 1855.
The history, present designation, and succession of Captains, of all the
companies, will now be given.
No. 1 COMPANY, 7th BATTALION,
Now "C" BATTERY, 1st BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1803 Capture of the French, Danish, and Dutch possessions.
1809 Reduction of Fort Dasaix.
1809 Reduction of Martinique.
1810 Expedition to Guadaloupe.
1855 Expedition to the Crimea.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1794 Captain George Lindsay.
1804 Captain Edmund Curry.
1804 Captain H. Douglas.
1804 Captain Richard S. Brough.
1812 Captain George Forster.
1816 Captain J. Bettesworth.
1817 Captain Charles Gilmour.
1821 Captain W. T. Skinner.
1829 Captain James Evans.
1831 Captain Francis Haultain.
1843 Captain John Dyson.
1844 Captain J. Sydney Farrell.
1844 Captain Hy. H. D. O'Brien.
1846 Captain H. C. Stace.
1854 Captain E. H. Fisher.
No. 2 COMPANY, 7th BATTALION,
Became 1 Company, 3rd Brigade; was afterwards reduced; the
non-commissioned officers and men being formed into
"I" BATTERY, 1st BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1809 Battle of Corunna.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1795 Captain Robert Thornhill.
* * * * *
1810 Captain Blaney T. Walsh.
1818 Captain Charles Tyler.
1820 Captain Charles G. Alms.
1821 Captain Stephen Kirby.
1827 Captain William G. Power.
1835 Captain R. Andrews.
1845 Captain John Low.
1851 Captain John F. Cator.
1852 Captain J. B. Dennis.
1857 Captain W. E. M. Reilly.
No. 3 COMPANY, 7th BATTALION,
Now "3" BATTERY, 12th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1815 Expedition to Guadaloupe.
1843 Served in the several Campaigns in the Kaffir Wars.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1800 Captain O. Jackson.
1804 Captain C. H. Fitzmayer.
* * * * *
1819 Captain J. P. Cockburn.
1822 Captain J. St. Clair.
1827 Captain J. Longley.
1833 Captain P. V. England.
1843 Captain R. Shepherd.
1845 Captain C. H. Burnaby.
1853 Captain R. C. Romer.
1856 Captain C. N. Lovell.
No. 4 COMPANY, 7th BATTALION,
Now "A" BATTERY, 1st BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1809 Battle of Corunna.
1815 Expedition to the Netherlands: engaged in the reduction of
the French fortresses in the north of France.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1801 Captain Edward Pritchard.
1807 Captain Blaney T. Walsh.
1808 Captain Adam Wall.
1818 Captain James E. Grant.
1819 Captain R. F. Cleaveland.
1828 Captain Hon. W. Arbuthnott.
1830 Captain George B. Fraser.
1842 Captain H. Stow.
1844 Captain T. P. Flude.
1851 Captain H. P. Christie.
1856 Captain H. Bent.
1856 Captain C. H. Morris.
No. 5 COMPANY, 7th BATTALION,
Now "3" BATTERY, 6th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1815 Expedition to Guadaloupe.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1801 Captain L. O'Brien.
1802 Captain A. Duncan.
1803 Captain Frederick Walker.
1808 Captain Thomas Masson.
1811 Captain Alexander Tulloh.
1820 Captain Stephen Kirby.
1821 Captain C. G. Alms.
1822 Captain R. Gardiner.
1829 Captain Henry Blachley.
1838 Captain Mark Evans.
1846 Captain W. E. Heitland.
1847 Captain E. W. Crofton.
1854 Captain J. C. Childs.
1856 Captain R. H. Crofton.
1858 Captain G. R. C. Young.
No. 6 COMPANY, 7th BATTALION,
Now "D" BATTERY, 11th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1809 Engaged at Vouga River.
1809 Engaged at Redouda Egrega.
1809 Engaged at the Passage of the Douro.
1809 Expedition to Spain. Battle of Talavera.
1810 Battle of Busaco.
1810 Battle of Sobral.
1811 Battle of Foz d'Arouce.
1811 Battle of Fuentes d'Onor.
1812 Expedition to Spain.
1813 Battle of Castella.
1813 Siege of Tarragona.
1813 Blockade of Barcelona.
1855 Expedition to Crimea, but did not disembark.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1801 Captain James Gilbert.
1804 Captain C. F. Napier.
1804 Captain C. D. Sillery.
1809 Captain G. Thompson.
1814 Captain J. Briscoe.
1817 Captain H. Trelawney.
1826 Captain C. Cruttendon.
1827 Captain J. Darby.
1837 Captain A. W. Hope.
1846 Captain W. B. Young.
1850 Captain Edward Price.
1854 Captain R. W. Brettingham.
1855 Captain Hon. D. M. Fraser.
1858 Captain F. W. Hastings.
No. 7 COMPANY, 7th BATTALION,
_Reduced 1st March, 1817._
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1809 Reduction of Fort Dasaix.
1809 Reduction of the Island of Martinique.
1810 Expedition to Guadaloupe.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1801 Captain Thomas Dodd.
1801 Captain Charles Neville.
1802 Captain Charles Gold.
1809 Captain J. A. Clement.
"_The Battle-Axe Company._"
No. 8 COMPANY, 7th BATTALION
(Became No. 7 on that Company being reduced),
Now "2" BATTERY, 5th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1809 Capture of the Island of Martinique.
1813-14 Campaigns in Canada, including operations against Fort Erie,
and the engagement on the Chippawa in defence of the Log
Bridge.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1801 Captain James Viney.
1808 Captain Richard Dyas.
1808 Captain William Stewart.
1809 Captain R. J. J. Lacy.
1809 Captain James St. Clair.
1821 Captain H. Light.
1822 Captain J. St. Clair.
1822 Captain J. P. Cockburn.
1825 Captain S. Rudyerd.
1837 Captain J. Eyre.
1846 Captain F. Dunlop.
1854 Captain J. C. W. Fortescue.
1856 Captain H. Heyman.
No. 9 COMPANY, 7th BATTALION
(Became No. 8 on that Company being reduced),
Now "K" BATTERY, 4th BRIGADE.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1803 Engaged in the capture of the enemy's possessions in West
Indies from the recommencement of hostilities.
1810 Expedition to Guadaloupe.
1855 Expedition to the Crimea and Fall of Sebastopol.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1801 Captain R. W. Unett.
1802 Captain G. Mann.
1806 Captain James Power.
1823 Captain J. E. Grant.
1832 Captain W. R. E. Jackson.
1837 Captain P. Sandilands.
1839 Captain H. R. Wright.
1846 Captain G. R. H. Kennedy.
1854 Captain A. C. Hawkins.
No. 10 COMPANY, 7th BATTALION,
_Reduced 1st February, 1819._
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Battles, Sieges, and other Military operations in which this Company
has been engaged.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1803 Engaged in the capture of the enemy's possessions from the
recommencement of hostilities.
1810 Expedition against Guadaloupe.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
List of Captains who have successively commanded the Company, as far
back as can be traced, down to introduction of Brigade System, in
1859.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
1801 Captain C. Walker.
1808 Captain G. W. Unett.
1810 Captain W. Cleeve.
* * * * *
_N.B._—In the lists of the Captains who commanded the various companies,
the names and titles borne by them at the date they commanded have alone
been given. Very many of these officers afterwards received
distinguishing titles and orders,—but it would not have been
historically correct to anticipate their receipt of such honours.
-----
Footnote 52:
The Peninsular operations in which this Troop was engaged are copied
from Sir Hew Ross's MSS.
Footnote 53:
This officer was transferred to D Troop on the reduction of L Troop.
Footnote 54:
Lieutenant T. F. Strangways commanded at this action.
Footnote 55:
This officer commanded when it consisted merely of Rocket detachments,
and was not yet organized into a Troop. He was killed at Leipsic.
Footnote 56:
Captain Geary was killed in command of the Company at Roleia.
Footnote 57:
Killed in action during Kaffir War.
Footnote 58:
Captain Hardy was killed at the relief of Lucknow.
Footnote 59:
Detachments of the Company had been previously employed in the several
captures of the enemy's possessions in that quarter since the
recommencement of hostilities in 1803.
Footnote 60:
_N.B._—This was the only battery engaged at the Battle of the
Tchernaya.
Footnote 61:
Thanked in Orders by Sir S. Achmuty.
Footnote 62:
Cust.
Footnote 63:
Lieutenant Carter had been taken prisoner by the enemy's fleet on Lake
Ontario in 1813, and was closely shut up to be hanged in retaliation
for deserters. He succeeded, however, in making his escape, and after
travelling 1500 miles of country, joined his company previously to the
opening of the campaign of 1814.
APPENDICES.
APPENDIX No. 1.
CHAP. IV.—Page 60.
ROYAL WARRANT. Dated 22nd August, 1682.
_CHARLES R._
Whereas our Royal progenitors established the number of 100 gunners with
a yearly fee payable out of the Exchequer and finding that divers of
them were such as were not taught nor trained up in the practice and
knowledge of the Art of Gunnery but men of other Professions and that by
reason of their receiving their fees by virtue of their patents out of
the Exchequer they did not attend according to their duties as well for
performance of Our Service as to be exercised and trained up in that Art
by Our Master Gunner at such time as they were required thereunto and
also that the places of such Gunners and Mattrosses were commonly bought
and sold to such as would give most money though very unfit for the said
Employments whereby great inconveniences and disappointments were
occasioned for prevention whereof We thought fit to Authorize Sir
William Compton sometime Master of Our Ordnance, by Our Warrant under
Our Sign Manual and Privy Signet, dated 2nd January, in the twelfth year
of Our Reign from time to time to grant his Warrant to such person or
persons as he should find fit and able to be Entertained as fee'd
Gunners in Our Service and Order that the future payments of their
respective fees should be placed upon and made good to them out of Our
Ordinary and entered into the quarter books of Our Office and likewise
We did empower Sir Thomas Chicheley late Master of Our Ordnance by Our
like Warrant bearing date 16th January in the 22nd year of Our Reign to
cause Our Master Gunner or such other person as he should think fit to
examine all the Gunners and Mattrosses then employed within Our Kingdom
of England Dominion of Wales or town of Berwick-on-Tweed commanding them
to be subject to him and the Successive Masters of Our Ordnance for the
time being and that if he should find any of the said Gunners or
Mattrosses unfit or unable to execute their several places he or they
should remove or cause them to be removed or dismissed from their said
employment and after such removal or after the death resignation or
voluntary departure of any such Gunner or Mattross to commissionate and
empower such Gunners or Scholars as should be certified by Our Master
Gunner of England to be able to execute the duty of a Gunner or Mattross
in the place or places of such as should by him or them be removed or be
dead or have voluntarily resigned without any fees or reward except
Common Fees:—
And whereas on the 8th day of February last the Lords appointed a
Committee to inspect and examine the present state and condition of the
Tower have represented unto Us that whereas the number of the Gunners
which belong to the Office of the Ordnance is One hundred whose pay is
sixpence per day each and many of them of other trades and not skilled
in the Art of Gunnery and that it was their opinion that if this number
were reduced to sixty effective men whose pay might be twelve pence per
diem and they required to lodge in the Tower and duly exercised that it
would be much more useful for Our Service. Upon due consideration of all
which We have thought fit to dissolve the said number of One hundred
Gunners and do declare they are hereby dissolved and that the said
number from henceforward shall be reduced to the number of sixty
effective men and no more and we do by these empower authorize and
appoint Our right trusty and well-beloved Councillor George Legge Esq.
Master-General of Our Ordnance to elect sixty good able experienced and
sufficient men for Gunners and three Mates to Our Master Gunner of
England to be chosen out of the best Gunners or fittest or ablest men
for Our Service and to allow each Gunner twelve pence per diem and to
each Mate 2_s._ 6_d._ per diem.
And to the end that the said Gunners and Masters may be bound to a more
strict performance of their duty Our Will and Pleasure is and We do
hereby Authorize and empower Our said Master-General of Our Ordnance
from time to time to grant his Warrant to such person or persons as he
shall choose qualified as aforesaid for whose encouragement We hereby
direct and appoint that the said allowance to the said Gunners of twelve
pence per diem and to the said Mates of 2_s._ 6_d._ per diem be placed
and made good to them out of Our Ordinary of Our Said Office of Our
Ordnance and that an order thereunto shall be entered into the quarter
books of the said Office without paying any fees or reward excepting
only the Ordinary fees for drawing and recording the said Warrants or
Commission in Our said Office. And We further require and direct that
the said Gunners to be chosen as aforesaid be constantly exercised by
Our Master Gunner of England once a week in winter and twice a week in
summer and to be kept to their duty either in Our Tower of London or in
whatever other place or places they shall by you Our Master General of
Our Ordnance be thought fit to be disposed hereby requiring and
commanding all the said Gunners and Mates to observe and obey such
Orders and directions as shall be given unto them by Our said Master
General or by any other Master General of Our Ordnance for the time
being or the Lieutenant General of Our Ordnance and the principal
Officers of Our Ordnance in your Absence for the better behaviour of
themselves in Our Service. And We do hereby further Authorize and
empower you the said George Legge M.G.O.R.O. and the Successive Masters
of the said Office for the time being if he or they shall find the said
Gunners or Mates unfit or unable to execute their several and respective
places from time to time to remove or cause them to be removed and
dismissed from their said several and respective places and to place
others fitly qualified for such Employment in their several and
respective places.
And as for all other Gunners of Garrisons Forts Castles Blockhouses or
Bullworks or Traines that are or shall be appointed You are to govern
yourself as by Our Warrant bearing date 6th January 1671 &c. &c.
By His Majesty's Command.
(Signed) CONWAY.
_To Our Right Trusty and Well-beloved Councillor_
GEORGE LEGGE _Esq. M.G.O._
APPENDIX No. 2.
CHAP. IV.—Page 61.
Royal warrant establishing a Regimental Train of Artillery, to be
composed of officers and men who had served on the old and new
Establishments, and chiefly to find employment for Artillerymen
who had served under William III. in his trains in Flanders.
_WILLIAM R._
Whereas Wee have thought fitt to dismiss as well the Trayne of Artillery
that hath Served Us during the late Warre in Flanders as also the
several Traynes that have been employed in Our Service by Sea, Yet that
such persons as have served Us well and faithfully during the Warr might
have some reasonable provision made for their subsistence in time of
peace And for having a Trayne of Artillery in greater readiness to march
upon any occasion for the necessary defence of Our Realme and Dominions
Wee have thought fitt to direct that a Small Trayne of Artillery should
be composed of such persons as had served Us well in y^e said Trayne
durying the Warr. And the Annexed Scheme of such a Trayne of Artillery
having been accordingly prepared and laid before Us for Our approbation.
Wee have perused and considered thereof and do hereby approve of and
establish y^e same to be entertayned in Our Service and kept in Our pay
in time of peace untill such tyme as Wee shall think fitt to signify Our
further pleasure therein. Our Will and Pleasure therefore is And Wee do
hereby authorize and direct y^t out of such money as shall at any time
be paid into the Treasury of Our Ordnance on accompt of Land Service to
cause the severall sums and yearly allowances mentioned in y^e said
Annexed Scheme amounting in y^e whole to Four Thousand Four Hundred
Eighty-Two Pounds and Tenn Shillings to be paid to the respective
Officers Engineers Gunners and others therein mentioned the said
allowances to commence from the fifth day of this instant May and to be
continued durying Our pleasure And Wee do hereby further Authorize and
Empower y^e as often as any Occasion shall happen on this Our
Establishment by the Decease of any person now placed there upon or
otherwise to fill up the same with such persons as have served in any of
the above mentioned Traynes and could not at present be provided for or
with such other persons as shall apply themselves to study the
Mathematicke and duly qualify themselves to serve as Engineers
Fireworkers Bombardiers or Gunners on Our said Establishment. And for so
doing this shall be as well to y^e as the Auditors of Our Imprest and
all other Our Officers therein concerned a sufficient Warrant Given at
Our Court at Kensington this 24th day of May 1698 in y^e tenth year of
Our Reign.
By His Majesty's Command.
JA. VERNON.
_To_ HENRY, _Earle of_ ROMNEY, _M.G.O._
A Regimental Trayne of Artillery to consist of Field Officers and four
Companies of Gunners w^{th} Engineers, Firemasters, Fireworkers, and
Bombardiers as followeth:—
Pay per annum.
£ _s._ _d._
Collonel
Lieutenant-Collonel addition to his pay on y^e old 55 5 0
Estab^t
Major addicôn vt supr' 50 0 0
Comptroler addicôn vt supr' 45 5 0
Adjutant 60 0 0
FIRST COMPANY.
Captaine 100 0 0
First Lieutenant 60 0 0
Second Lieutenant 40 0 0
2 Gents of the Ordnance p^d on the old Estab^t.
2 Sergeants at 1^s 6^d p. diem each 54 15 0
15 Gunners paid on the old Estab^t.
15 Gunners more at 12^d each p. diem 273 15 0
SECOND COMPANY.
Captaine 100 0 0
First Lieutenant 60 0 0
Second Lieutenant 40 0 0
2 Gents of Ordnance at £40 p. annum each 80 0 0
2 Sergeants at 1^s 6^d each p. diem. 54 15 0
15 Gunners p^d on the old Estab^t.
15 Gunners more at 12 p. diem. 273 15 0
THIRD AND FOURTH COMPANIES: Same as Second. 1217 0 0
ENGINEERS.
6 Engineers at 100 p. ann. each 600 0 0
4 Sub Engineers at 50 p. ann. each 200 0 0
2 Firemasters at 100 p. ann. each 200 0 0
12 Fireworkers at 40 p. ann. each 480 0 0
12 Bombardiers at 36^l 10^s p. ann. each 438 0 0
————— —— —
Total £4482 10 0
————— —— —
NAMES OF OFFICERS OF WILLIAM'S PEACE TRAIN. 1698.
Colonel.
Lieutenant-Colonel George Browne.
Major John Sigismond Schlundt. (Succeeded by Major John
Henry Hopeke on 1st Feb. 1699.)
Controller James Pendlebury.
Captain Albrecht Borgard. Adjutant.
Captains Jonas Watson.
Edward Gibbon.
Edmund Williamson.
William Bousfield.
Firemasters John Lewis Schlundt.
Robert Guybon.
1st Lieutenants Ralph Wood.
Thomas Rashell.
Peter Gelmuyden.
George Brittenstein.
2nd Lieutenants Joseph Durdero.
Andrew Bonnell.
Edward Glover.
George Spencer.
Roger Colburne.
Engineer Captains Lewis Petit Des Etans.
Daniel Sherrard.
Albrecht Borgard.
George Conrade.
Isaac Francis Petit.
On 14th Feb. 1699, an addition to the Regt. was made of—
£
6 Engineers at £100 each p. ann. 600
4 Sub at 50 each p. ann. 200
6 Gent. of Ord^{ce} 40 each p. ann. 240
12 Bomb^{rs} at 36 10 438
60 Gunners at 18 5 1095
—————
£2573
(S^d. ROMNEY.)
APPENDIX No. 3.
CHAP. VII.—Page 81.
ROYAL WARRANT for the establishment of two Companies of Artillery,
dated 26th May, 1716. These companies were never reduced, and
represent the infancy of the Royal Regiment of Artillery.
_GEORGE R._
Whereas Our Right Trusty and Right entirely beloved Cousin and
Councillor John Duke of Marlborough Master General of Our Ordnance hath
laid before Us a representation of Our Principal Officers of Our
Ordnance setting forth the inconveniences and defects of the present
Establishment of the Military Branch of Our said Office amounting to
16,829_l._ 11_s._ 3_d._ and therewith a scheme showing that a greater
number of Gunners Engineers and other proper Officers may be maintained
for less than the present expense. And whereas by Our Warrants of the
27th November 1715 two Companies of Gunners and Mattrosses were raised
for the service of Our Artillery sent upon the late Expedition to North
Britain and having been found always necessary that a sufficient number
of Gunners with proper Officers should be maintained and kept ready for
Our Service. And whereas it has been represented unto Us by Our said
Master General of Our Ordnance that there are several salaries now
vacant of the present old Establishment which are not useful and that
other savings may be made by which part of the two said Companies may at
present be maintained. It is our will and pleasure that the said
vacancies and savings be immediately applied for the payment and
maintenance of one Sergeant three Corporals thirty Gunners and thirty-
two Mattrosses being such as have served well abroad during the late
Wars and are not otherwise provided for and as other salaries shall
become vacant in the said military branch that you apply the same to
complete the pay of the rest of the Officers and others according to the
annexed list, which with their respective pays We do hereby approve and
establish and for so doing this shall be as well to you as to the
Auditors of Our Imprest and all other Officers concerned a sufficient
Warrant. Given at Our Court of St. James's this 26th day of May 1716 in
the second year of Our reign.
By His Majesty's Commands
(Signed) JAMES STANHOPE.
_To Our Right Trusty and Right
Entirely beloved Cousin and
Councillor_ JOHN DUKE OF
MARLBOROUGH, _Master-General of
Ordnance._
Establishment for two Companies of Artillery with their respective pays
and employments:—
Per diem. Per annum.
Captain 10_s._ £182 10 0
First Lieutenant 6_s._ 109 10 0
Second Lieutenant 5_s._ 91 5 0
Third Lieutenant and Fireworkers 4_s._ 73 0 0
Fourth do. and Fireworkers 3_s._ 54 15 0
3 Sergeants, each 2_s._ 109 10 0
3 Corporals, each 1_s._ 8_d._ 91 5 0
3 Bombardiers, each 1_s._ 8_d._ 91 5 0
30 Gunners, each 1_s._ 4_d._ 730 0 0
50 Mattrosses 1_s._ 912 10 0
One Company more, same rate 2,445 10 0
—————— —— —
Total £4,891 0 0
APPENDIX No. 4.
An account of the Master Gunners and other Gunners upon the
Establishment of Guards and Garrisons for the year 1720, with a proposal
for some alterations more advantageous to the Service, without exceeding
the sum granted for that purpose:—
─────────────────────────────────┬─────────────────┬─────────────────
│ Establishment │ New Proposal.
│ 1720. │
─────────────────────────────────┼────────┬────────┼────────┬────────
│ Master │Gunners.│ Master │Gunners.
│Gunners.│ │Gunners.│
─────────────────────────────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────
Berwick │ 1│ 6│ 1│ 6
Blackness │ 1│ 1│ 1│ 1
Calshott Castle │ 1│ 3│ 1│ 2
Carlisle │ 1│ 3│ 1│ 3
Chester │ 1│ 3│ 1│ 2
Clifford's Fort │ 1│ 4│ 1│ 4
Dumbarton │ 1│ 1│ 1│ 1
Dartmouth │ 1│ 1│ 1│ 2
Edinburgh Castle │ 1│ 3│ 1│ 3
Gravesend and Tilbury │ 2│ 10│ 2│ 12
Guernsey │ 1│ 4│ 1│ 4
Hull and Blockhouse │ 1│ 6│ 1│ 6
Hurst Castle │ 1│ 3│ 1│ 2
Holy Island │ 0│ 2│ 1│ 1
Jersey │ 1│ 8│ 1│ 8
Landguard Fort │ 1│ 6│ 1│ 3
St. Maw's │ 1│ 1│ 1│ 1
Pendennis │ 1│ 2│ 1│ 2
Plymouth and St. Nicholas' Island│ 2│ 18│ 2│ 18
Portland Castle │ 1│ 3│ 1│ 2
Portsmouth │ 1│ 23│ 3│ 19
Sheerness │ 1│ 13│ 1│ 16
Scilly Island │ 1│ 8│ 1│ 6
Scarboro' Castle │ 1│ 2│ 1│ 1
Stirling │ 1│ 3│ 1│ 3
Tower of London │ 1│ 4│ 1│ 4
Fort William │ 1│ 4│ 1│ 2
Upnor │ 1│ 6│ 1│ 12
Cockham Wood │ 1│ 4│ 1│ 1
Gillingham │ 1│ 4│ 1│ 2
Windsor │ 1│ 2│ 1│ 1
Sandham Fort │ 1│ 2│ 1│ 2
Yarmouth │ 1│ 4│ 1│ 4
Carisbrook │ 1│ 2│ 1│ 3
Cowes │ 1│ 3│ 1│ 3
White Hall │ 1│ ..│ 1│ 8
North Yarmouth │ 1│ 2│ 1│ 2
─────────────────────────────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────
Total │ 38│ 174│ 41│ 172
─────────────────────────────────┴────────┴────────┴────────┴────────
Establishment of the year 1720, compared with that proposed for the year
1721:—
ESTABLISHMENT FOR THE YEAR 1720.
38 Master Gunners at 36_l._ 10_s._ each per annum £1,387 0 0
174 Gunners at 18_l._ 5_s._ ditto 3,175 10 0
More 6_d._ per diem for eight of the 3rd Gunners in N. 73 0 0
Britain
Extra allowance to Gunners at Whitehall. 100 7 6
—————— —— —
£4,735 17 6
ESTABLISHMENT PROPOSED FOR THE YEAR 1721.
41 Master Gunners at 36_l._ 10_s._ each £1,496 10 0
172 Gunners at 18_l._ 5_s._ each 3,139 0 0
Extra allowance to Gunners at Whitehall. 100 7 6
—————— —— —
£4,735 17 6
APPENDIX No. 5
CHAP. XXIII.—Page 251.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ROYAL REGIMENT OF ARTILLERY, MARCH 15TH, 1771.
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS. Per diem. Total per diem.
No. £ _s._ _d._ £ _s._ _d._
1 Master-General of Ordnance.
Colonel.
1 Lieutenant-General of the
Ordnance. Colonel _en
seconde_.
4 Colonels-Commandant, each 8 16 0
44_s._ per diem.
4 Lieutenant-Colonels each 4 0 0
20_s._ per diem.
4 Majors each 15_s._ per diem. 3 0 0
4 Adjutants each 5_s._ per diem. 1 0 0
1 Surgeon-General 0 8 0
4 Surgeons' Mates each 3_s._ 0 14 0
6_d._ per diem.
4 Quartermasters each 6_s._ per 1 4 0
diem.
1 Bridge-master each 5_s._ per 0 5 0
diem.
4 Chaplains each 6_s._ 8_d._ per 1 6 8
diem.
1 Apothecary-General 0 6 0
—— —— —— 20 19 8
MASTER-GENERAL'S COMPANY OF
GENTLEMEN CADETS.
1 Captain each 26_s._ per diem. 1 6 0
1 Captain-Lieutenant each 6_s._ 0 6 0
per diem.
1 First Lieutenant each 5_s._ 0 5 0
per diem.
2 Second Lieutenants each 4_s._ 0 8 0
per diem.
48 Gentlemen Cadets each 2_s._ 6 0 0
6_d._ per diem.
1 Drum-Major 0 1 4
1 Fife-Major 0 1 4
—— —— —— 8 7 8
FIRST BATTALION COMPANY OF
ARTILLERY.
1 Captain each 10_s._ per diem. 0 10 0
1 Captain-Lieutenant 0 6 0
1 First Lieutenant 0 5 0
2 Second Lieutenants each 4_s._ 0 8 0
per diem.
2 Sergeants each 2_s._ per diem. 0 4 0
2 Corporals each 1_s._ 10_d._ 0 3 8
per diem.
4 Bombardiers each 1_s._ 8_d._ 0 6 8
per diem.
8 Gunners each 1_s._ 4_d._ per 0 10 8
diem.
34 Matrosses each 1_s._ per diem. 1 14 0
2 Drummers each 1_s._ per diem. 0 2 0
7 Companies more the same 31 10 0
—— —— —— 36 0 0
COMPANY OF INVALIDS.
1 Captain 0 10 0
1 First Lieutenant 0 5 0
1 Second Lieutenant 0 4 0
1 Sergeant 0 2 0
1 Corporal 0 1 10
2 Bombardiers 0 3 4
4 Gunners 0 5 4
31 Matrosses 1 11 0
1 Drummer 0 1 0
3 3 6
1 Company more the same 3 3 6
—— —— —— 6 7 0
SECOND BATTALION.
8 Companies of Artillery, the same as 36 0 0
the 1st
2 Companies of Invalids the same as the 6 7 0
1st
THIRD BATTALION.
8 Companies of Artillery, the same as 36 0 0
the 1st
2 Companies of Invalids the same as the 6 7 0
1st
FOURTH BATTALION.
8 Companies of Artillery, the same as 36 0 0
the 1st
2 Companies of Invalids the same as the 6 7 0
1st
——— —— ——
Total £198 15 4
——— —— ——
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS. Per annum. Total per annum.
No. £ _s._ _d._ £ _s._ _d._
1 Master-General of Ordnance.
Colonel.
1 Lieutenant-General of the
Ordnance. Colonel _en
seconde_.
4 Colonels-Commandant, each 3,212 0 0
44_s._ per diem.
4 Lieutenant-Colonels each 1,480 0 0
20_s._ per diem.
4 Majors each 15_s._ per diem. 1,095 0 0
4 Adjutants each 5_s._ per diem. 365 0 0
1 Surgeon-General 146 0 0
4 Surgeons' Mates each 3_s._ 255 10 0
6_d._ per diem.
4 Quartermasters each 6_s._ per 435 0 0
diem.
1 Bridge-master each 5_s._ per 91 5 0
diem.
4 Chaplains each 6_s._ 8_d._ per 486 13 4
diem.
1 Apothecary-General 109 10 0
——— —— —— 7,658 18 4
MASTER-GENERAL'S COMPANY OF
GENTLEMEN CADETS.
1 Captain each 26_s._ per diem. 474 10 0
1 Captain-Lieutenant each 6_s._ 109 10 0
per diem.
1 First Lieutenant each 5_s._ 91 5 0
per diem.
2 Second Lieutenants each 4_s._ 145 0 0
per diem.
48 Gentlemen Cadets each 2_s._ 2,190 0 0
6_d._ per diem.
1 Drum-Major 24 6 8
1 Fife-Major 24 6 8
—— —— —— 3,059 18 4
—————— —— ——
10,718 16 8
FIRST BATTALION COMPANY OF
ARTILLERY.
1 Captain each 10_s._ per diem. 132 10 0
1 Captain-Lieutenant 109 10 0
1 First Lieutenant 91 5 0
2 Second Lieutenants each 4_s._ 146 0 0
per diem.
2 Sergeants each 2_s._ per diem. 73 0 0
2 Corporals each 1_s._ 10_d._ 66 18 4
per diem.
4 Bombardiers each 1_s._ 8_d._ 121 13 4
per diem.
8 Gunners each 1_s._ 4_d._ per 194 13 4
diem.
34 Matrosses each 1_s._ per diem. 620 10 0
2 Drummers each 1_s._ per diem. 36 10 0
—— —— ——
1,842 10 0
7 Companies more the same 11,497 10 0
————— —— —— 13,140 0 0
COMPANY OF INVALIDS.
1 Captain 182 10 0
1 First Lieutenant 91 5 0
1 Second Lieutenant 73 0 0
1 Sergeant 36 10 0
1 Corporal 33 9 2
2 Bombardiers 60 16 8
4 Gunners 97 6 8
31 Matrosses 565 15 0
1 Drummer 18 5 0
————— —— ——
1,158 17 6
1 Company more the same 1,158 17 6
————— —— —— 2,317 15 0
SECOND BATTALION.
8 Companies of Artillery, the 13,140 0 0
same as the 1st
2 Companies of Invalids the same 2,317 15 0
as the 1st
THIRD BATTALION.
8 Companies of Artillery, the 13,140 0 0
same as the 1st
2 Companies of Invalids the same 2,317 15 0
as the 1st
FOURTH BATTALION.
8 Companies of Artillery, the 13,140 0 0
same as the 1st
2 Companies of Invalids the same 2,317 15 0
as the 1st
——————— —— ——
Total ——————— —— —— £72,549 16 8
——————— —— ——
_N.B._—The above establishment has been given, as representing the
state of the Regiment a century previous to the publication of this
work.
APPENDIX No. 6.
CHAP. XXIV.—Page 265.
_GEORGE R._
Our Will and Pleasure is that for the future the Captain-Lieutenants in
Our Royal Regiment of Artillery and Corps of Engineers shall take rank
as well in Our Army as in their respective Corps and that the present
Captain-Lieutenants shall take their rank as Captains from the 26th day
of May 1772 and all future Captain-Lieutenants in the said Corps from
the date of their respective Commissions.
Dated St. James's, 22nd of June 1772.
(Signed) SUFFOLK.
ROYAL ARTILLERY.
_Changes in the Designation of the Troops and Companies
on and after the reorganization of 1st July, 1859._
ROYAL HORSE ARTILLERY.
┌──────┬────────────────────────────────────────────────────┐
│Troop.│ BECAME │
├──────┼────────┬────────┬──────┬────────┬──────────┬───────┤
│ │Battery.│Brigade.│Date. │Battery.│ Brigade. │ Date. │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼──────┼────────┼──────────┼───────┤
│ A │ A │ Horse. │1/7/59│ A │1st horse.│19/2/62│
│ B │ B │ Horse. │1/7/59│ B │1st horse.│19/2/62│
│ C │ C │ Horse. │1/7/59│ C │1st horse.│19/2/62│
│ D │ D │ Horse. │1/7/59│ D │1st horse.│19/2/62│
│ E │ E │ Horse. │1/7/59│ E │1st horse.│19/2/62│
│ F │ F │ Horse. │1/7/59│ F │1st horse.│19/2/62│
│ G │ G │ Horse. │1/7/59│ G │1st horse.│19/2/62│
│ H │ H │ Horse. │1/7/59│ H │1st horse.│19/2/62│
│ I │ I │ Horse. │1/7/59│ I │1st horse.│19/2/62│
│ K │ K │ Horse. │1/7/59│ K │1st horse.│19/2/62│
├──────┼────────┼────────┼──────┼────────┼──────────┼───────┤
│ A │ A │ A │1/4/64│ │ │ │
│ B │ B │ A │1/4/64│ │ │ │
│ C │ C │ A │1/4/64│ │ │ │
│ D │ A │ B │1/4/64│ │ │ │
│ E │ B │ B │1/4/64│ │ │ │
│ F │ C │ B │1/4/64│ │ │ │
│ G │ D │ A │1/4/64│ │ │ │
│ H │ D │ B │1/4/64│ │ │ │
│ I │ E │ B │1/4/64│ │ │ │
│ K │ E │ A │1/4/64│ │ │ │
└──────┴────────┴────────┴──────┴────────┴──────────┴───────┘
ROYAL ARTILLERY.
_Changes in the Designation, &c.—continued._
┌──────┬────────┬─────────────────────────────────────────────────────┐
│ Com- │ Bat- │ BECAME │
│pany. │talion. │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┬────────┬────────┬────────┬────────┬────────┤
│ │ │Battery.│Brigade.│ Date. │Battery.│Brigade.│ Date. │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 1 │ 6 │ 9 │ 1/7/59 │ F │ 9 │1/10/61 │
│ 2 │ 1 │ 2 │ 1 │ 1/7/59 │ B │ 1 │ 1/2/71 │
│ 3 │ 1 │ 7 │ 2 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 1 │ 3 │ 5 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 1 │ 7 │ 14 │ 1/7/59 │ 4 │ 13 │ 1/1/60 │
│ 6 │ 1 │ 6 │ 2 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 1 │ 4 │ 5 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 1 │ 4 │ 13 │ 1/7/59 │ 8 │ 11 │ 1/1/60 │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 2 │ 7 │ 6 │ 1/7/59 │ 7 │ 21 │ 1/1/69 │
│ 2 │ 2 │ 2 │ 12 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 2 │ 7 │ 10 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 2 │ 4 │ 1 │ 1/7/59 │ D │ 1 │ 1/2/71 │
│ 5 │ 2 │ 8 │ 3 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 2 │ 7 │ 8 │ 1/7/59 │ G │ 8 │1/10/61 │
│ 7 │ 2 │ 5 │ 2 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 2 │ 1 │ 14 │ 1/7/59 │ A │ 14 │ 1/8/62 │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 3 │ 1 │ 4 │ 1/7/59 │ A │ 4 │1/10/61 │
│ 2 │ 3 │ 7 │ 13 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 3 │ 6 │ 14 │ 1/7/59 │ 2 │ 13 │ 1/1/60 │
│ 4 │ 3 │ 4 │ 3 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 3 │ 3 │ 14 │ 1/7/59 │ 1 │ 11 │ 1/1/60 │
│ 6 │ 3 │ 7 │ 3 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 3 │ 3 │ 7 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 3 │ 4 │ 4 │ 1/7/59 │ D │ 4 │1/10/61 │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 4 │ 4 │ 7 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 4 │ 6 │ 3 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 4 │ 8 │ 2 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 4 │ 8 │ 1 │ 1/7/59 │ Reduced │ 1/4/69 │
│ 5 │ 4 │ 2 │ 9 │ 1/7/59 │ B │ 9 │1/10/61 │
│ 6 │ 4 │ 1 │ 6 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 4 │ 6 │ 10 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 4 │ 5 │ 1 │ 1/7/59 │ E │ 1 │ 1/2/71 │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 5 │ 6 │ 1 │ 1/7/59 │ F │ 1 │ 1/2/71 │
│ 2 │ 5 │ 4 │ 8 │ 1/7/59 │ D │ 8 │1/10/61 │
│ 3 │ 5 │ 2 │ 2 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 5 │ 3 │ 2 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 5 │ 1 │ 5 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 5 │ 3 │ 8 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 5 │ 1 │ 9 │ 1/7/59 │ A │ 9 │1/10/61 │
│ 8 │ 5 │ 5 │ 5 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 6 │ 4 │ 14 │ 1/7/59 │ 4 │ 11 │ 1/1/60 │
│ 2 │ 6 │ 6 │ 5 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 6 │ 4 │ 2 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 6 │ 2 │ 8 │ 1/7/59 │ B │ 8 │1/10/61 │
│ 5 │ 6 │ 3 │ 8 │ 1/7/59 │ C │ 8 │1/10/61 │
│ 6 │ 6 │ 6 │ 8 │ 1/7/59 │ F │ 8 │1/10/61 │
│ 7 │ 6 │ 8 │ 9 │ 1/7/59 │ C │ 9 │1/10/61 │
│ 8 │ 6 │ 5 │ 5 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 7 │ 3 │ 1 │ 1/7/59 │ C │ 1 │ 1/2/71 │
│ 2 │ 7 │ 1 │ 3 │ 1/7/59 │Reduced (non-commissioned │
│ │ │ │ │ │ officers and men │
│ │ │ │ │ │transferred to I Batt. 1st│
│ │ │ │ │ │Brigade, R. A., in 1871). │
│ 3 │ 7 │ 3 │ 12 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 7 │ 1 │ 1 │ 1/7/59 │ A │ 1 │ 1/2/71 │
│ 5 │ 7 │ 3 │ 6 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 7 │ 7 │ 11 │ 1/7/59 │ G │ 11 │ 1/8/62 │
│ 7 │ 7 │ 2 │ 5 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 7 │ 1 │ 8 │ 1/7/59 │ A │ 8 │1/10/61 │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 8 │ 1 │ 2 │ 1/7/59 │ 8 │ 1 │ 1/4/69 │
│ 2 │ 8 │ 3 │ 4 │ 1/7/59 │ C │ 4 │1/10/61 │
│ 3 │ 8 │ 1 │ 11 │ 1/7/59 │ 3 │ 14 │ 1/1/60 │
│ 4 │ 8 │ 7 │ 12 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 8 │ 7 │ 1 │ 1/7/59 │ G │ 1 │ 1/2/71 │
│ 6 │ 8 │ 4 │ 9 │ 1/7/59 │ D │ 9 │1/10/61 │
│ 7 │ 8 │ 8 │ 8 │ 1/7/59 │ H │ 8 │1/10/61 │
│ 8 │ 8 │ 1 │ 7 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 9 │ 7 │ 9 │ 1/7/59 │ G │ 9 │1/10/61 │
│ 2 │ 9 │ 5 │ 8 │ 1/7/59 │ E │ 8 │1/10/61 │
│ 3 │ 9 │ 8 │ 11 │ 1/7/59 │ 7 │ 14 │ 1/1/60 │
│ 4 │ 9 │ 6 │ 12 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 9 │ 2 │ 3 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 9 │ 8 │ 14 │ 1/7/59 │ 8 │ 18 │ 1/1/60 │
│ 7 │ 9 │ 8 │ 10 │ 1/7/59 │ Reduced │ 1/2/71 │
│ 8 │ 9 │ 5 │ 9 │ 1/7/59 │ E │ 9 │1/10/61 │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 10 │ 1 │ 10 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 10 │ 2 │ 10 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 10 │ 3 │ 10 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 10 │ 4 │ 10 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 10 │ 5 │ 10 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 10 │ 4 │ 12 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 10 │ 8 │ 9 │ 1/7/59 │ H │ 9 │1/10/61 │
│ 8 │ 10 │ 1 │ 12 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 11 │ 2 │ 4 │ 1/7/59 │ B │ 4 │1/10/61 │
│ 2 │ 11 │ 5 │ 13 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 11 │ 5 │ 4 │ 1/7/59 │ E │ 4 │1/10/61 │
│ 4 │ 11 │ 8 │ 4 │ 1/7/59 │ H │ 4 │1/10/61 │
│ 5 │ 11 │ 6 │ 4 │ 1/7/59 │ J │ 4 │1/10/61 │
│ 6 │ 11 │ 2 │ 14 │ 1/7/59 │ B │ 14 │ 1/8/62 │
│ 7 │ 11 │ 6 │ 13 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 11 │ 7 │ 5 │ 1/7/59 │ Y │ 17 │1/10/67 │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┴────────┴────────┤
│ 1 │ 12 │ 5 │ 12 │ 1/7/59 │ _N.B._—No. 8 Batt. 12th │
│ │ │ │ │ │Brigade, R.A., became No. │
│ │ │ │ │ │ 5 Batt. 12th Brigade on │
│ │ │ │ │ │ 1/2/71. │
│ 2 │ 12 │ 7 │ 7 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 12 │ 8 │ 5 │ 1/7/59 │ 8 │ 17 │1/10/67 │
│ 4 │ 12 │ 7 │ 4 │ 1/7/59 │ G │ 4 │1/10/61 │
│ 5 │ 12 │ 5 │ 14 │ 1/7/59 │ E │ 14 │ 1/8/62 │
│ 6 │ 12 │ 9 │ 6 │ 1/7/59 │ 8 │ 12 │ 1/4/65 │
│ 7 │ 12 │ 10 │ 6 │ 1/7/59 │ 8 │ 7 │ 1/4/63 │
│ 8 │ 12 │ 2 │ 6 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 13 │ 8 │ 6 │ 1/7/59 │ 8 │ 21 │ 1/1/69 │
│ 2 │ 13 │ 1 │ 13 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 13 │ 4 │ 6 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 13 │ 2 │ 7 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 13 │ 2 │ 11 │ 1/7/59 │ B │ 11 │ 1/8/62 │
│ 6 │ 13 │ 3 │ 11 │ 1/7/59 │ C │ 11 │ 1/8/62 │
│ 7 │ 13 │ 5 │ 6 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 13 │ 6 │ 6 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 14 │ 5 │ 7 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 14 │ 6 │ 7 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 14 │ 4 │ 11 │ 1/7/59 │ 4 │ 14 │1/10/61 │
│ 4 │ 14 │ 5 │ 11 │ 1/7/59 │ 6 │ 14 │1/10/61 │
│ 5 │ 14 │ 2 │ 13 │ 1/7/59 │ 5 │ 11 │1/10/61 │
│ 6 │ 14 │ 9 │ 14 │ 1/7/59 │ 8 │ 14 │1/10/61 │
│ 7 │ 14 │ 6 │ 11 │ 1/7/59 │ F │ 11 │ 1/8/62 │
│ 8 │ 14 │ 3 │ 13 │ 1/7/59 │ │ │ │
├──────┴────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ Augmentation │ 9 │ 4 │1/12/59 │ I │ 4 │ 1/1/62 │
│ │ 10 │ 4 │1/12/59 │ K │ 4 │ 1/1/62 │
├───────────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ Augmentation │ 1 │ 15 │ 1/4/60 │ │ │ │
│ │ 2 │ 15 │ 1/4/60 │ │ │ │
│ │ 3 │ 15 │ 1/4/60 │ │ │ │
│ │ 4 │ 15 │ 1/4/60 │ │ │ │
│ │ 5 │ 15 │ 1/4/60 │ │ │ │
│ │ 6 │ 15 │ 1/4/60 │ │ │ │
│ │ 7 │ 15 │ 1/4/60 │ │ │ │
│ │ 8 │ 15 │ 1/4/60 │ Reduced │ 1/2/71 │
└───────────────┴────────┴────────┴────────┴─────────────────┴────────┘
┌──────┬────────┬─────────────────────────────────────────────────────┐
│ Com- │ Bat- │ BECAME │
│pany. │talion. │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┬────────┬────────┬────────┬────────┬────────┤
│ │ │Battery.│Brigade.│ Date. │Battery.│Brigade.│ Date. │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 1 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 1 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 1 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 1 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 1 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 1 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 1 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 1 │ A │ 11 │ 1/3/63 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 2 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 2 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 2 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 2 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 2 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 2 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 2 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 2 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 3 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 3 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 3 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 3 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 3 │ A │ 11 │ 1/8/62 │ B │ 11 │ 1/3/63 │
│ 6 │ 3 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 3 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 3 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 4 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 4 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 4 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 4 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 4 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 4 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 4 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 4 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 5 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 5 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 5 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 5 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 5 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 5 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 5 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 5 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 6 │ D │ 11 │ 1/8/62 │ C │ 11 │ 1/3/63 │
│ 2 │ 6 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 6 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 6 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 6 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 6 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 6 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 6 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 7 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 7 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 7 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 7 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 7 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 7 │ D │ 11 │ 1/3/63 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 7 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 7 │ K │ 4 │ 1/4/66 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 8 │ H │ 4 │ 1/2/71 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 8 │ H │ 11 │ 1/4/69 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 8 │ C │ 14 │ 1/8/62 │ 8 │ 13 │1/10/62 │
│ 4 │ 8 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 8 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 8 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 8 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 8 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 9 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 9 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 9 │ G │ 14 │ 1/8/62 │ B │ 14 │ 1/3/63 │
│ 4 │ 9 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 9 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 9 │ C │ 14 │1/10/62 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 9 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 9 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 10 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 10 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 10 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 10 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 10 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 10 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 10 │ H │ 14 │1/10/69 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 10 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 11 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 11 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 11 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 11 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 11 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 11 │ D │ 14 │ 1/3/63 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 11 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 11 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 12 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 12 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 12 │ Reduced │ 1/2/71 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 12 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 12 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 12 │ 5 │ 12 │ 1/2/71 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 12 │ Reduced │ 1/2/71 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 12 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┴────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 13 │ Reduced │ 1/2/71 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 13 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 13 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 13 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 13 │ E │ 11 │ 1/3/63 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 13 │ F │ 11 │ 1/3/63 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 13 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 13 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 14 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 14 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 14 │ D │ 14 │ 1/8/62 │ Reduced │ 1/3/63 │
│ 4 │ 14 │ F │ 14 │ 1/8/62 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 14 │ E │ 11 │ 1/8/62 │ G │ 11 │ 1/3/63 │
│ 6 │ 14 │ G │ 14 │ 1/3/63 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 14 │ G │ 19 │ │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 14 │ │ │ │ │ │ │
├──────┴────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ Augmentation │ 9 │ 2 │1/10/67 │ │ │ │
│ │ A │ 8 │ 1/4/66 │ H │ 11 │ 1/8/67 │
├───────────────┼────────┴────────┴────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ Augmentation │ Augmentation │ I │ 1 │ 1/2/71 │
│ │ │ K │ 1 │ 1/2/71 │
│ │ │ C │ 4 │ 1/2/71 │
│ │ │ I │ 4 │ 1/2/71 │
│ │ │ I │ 11 │ 1/2/71 │
│ │ │ K │ 11 │ 1/2/71 │
│ │ │ I │ 14 │ 1/2/71 │
│ │ │ K │ 14 │ 1/2/71 │
└───────────────┴──────────────────────────┴────────┴────────┴────────┘
┌──────┬────────┬──────────────────────────┐
│ Com- │ Bat- │ BECAME │
│pany. │talion. │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┬────────┬────────┤
│ │ │Battery.│Brigade.│ Date. │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 1 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 1 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 1 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 1 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 1 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 1 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 1 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 1 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 2 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 2 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 2 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 2 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 2 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 2 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 2 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 2 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 3 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 3 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 3 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 3 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 3 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 3 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 3 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 3 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 4 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 4 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 4 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 4 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 4 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 4 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 4 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 4 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 5 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 5 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 5 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 5 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 5 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 5 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 5 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 5 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 6 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 6 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 6 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 6 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 6 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 6 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 6 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 6 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 7 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 7 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 7 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 7 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 7 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 7 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 7 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 7 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 8 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 8 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 8 │ Reduced │ 1/2/71 │
│ 4 │ 8 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 8 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 8 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 8 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 8 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 9 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 9 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 9 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 9 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 9 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 9 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 9 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 9 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 10 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 10 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 10 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 10 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 10 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 10 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 10 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 10 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 11 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 11 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 11 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 11 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 11 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 11 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 11 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 11 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 12 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 12 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 12 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 12 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 12 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 12 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 12 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 12 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 12 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 7 │ 12 │ │ │ │
│ 1 │ 13 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 12 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 13 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 13 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 13 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 13 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 13 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 13 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 13 │ │ │ │
├──────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ 1 │ 14 │ │ │ │
│ 2 │ 14 │ │ │ │
│ 3 │ 14 │ │ │ │
│ 4 │ 14 │ │ │ │
│ 5 │ 14 │ │ │ │
│ 6 │ 14 │ │ │ │
│ 7 │ 14 │ │ │ │
│ 8 │ 14 │ │ │ │
├──────┴────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│ Augmentation │ │ │ │
│ │ Reduced │ 1/4/69 │
├───────────────┼────────┬────────┼────────┤
│ Augmentation │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │
└───────────────┴────────┴────────┴────────┘
LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES
1. Replaced asterisk ellipsis (* * *) with modern (...) ellipsis for
consistency. Author used both styles inconsistently.
2. Silently corrected simple spelling, grammar, and typographical
errors.
3. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed.
4. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
5. Superscripts are denoted by a carat before a single superscript
character or a series of superscripted characters enclosed in curly
braces, e.g. M^r. or M^{ister}.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "History of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, Vol. 1 - Compiled from the Original Records" ***
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