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Title: Captain Cuellar's adventures in Connaught & Ulster A.D. 1588. - To which is added An Introduction and Complete Translation - of Captain Cuellar's Narrative of the Spanish Armada and - his adventu
Author: Allingham, Hugh
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Captain Cuellar's adventures in Connaught & Ulster A.D. 1588. - To which is added An Introduction and Complete Translation - of Captain Cuellar's Narrative of the Spanish Armada and - his adventu" ***
CAPTAIN CUELLAR'S
_ADVENTURES_
IN
_CONNACHT & ULSTER_
A.D. 1588.
A PICTURE OF THE TIMES, DRAWN FROM CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.
BY HUGH ALLINGHAM, M.R.I.A.,
_Member of the Royal Society of Antiquaries (Ireland);
Author of "Ballyshannon: its History and Antiquities," &c._
_TO WHICH IS ADDED_
_An Introduction and Complete Translation_
OF
_CAPTAIN CUELLAR'S_
_Narrative of the Spanish Armada_
AND HIS ADVENTURES IN IRELAND.
BY ROBERT CRAWFORD, M.A., M.R.I.A., &C.
_With Map and Illustrations._
LONDON: ELLIOT STOCK, 62, PATERNOSTER ROW.
1897.
[_All Rights Reserved._]
PRINTED BY
M'CAW, STEVENSON & ORR, LIMITED,
LINENHALL WORKS,
BELFAST.
PART I.
_Note._
The favourable reception which was accorded to the paper entitled "The
Spanish Armada in Ulster and Connacht," which appeared in Vol. I., Part
III., April, 1895, of _The Ulster Journal of Archæology_, and the
continued interest in the subject, which seems rather to increase as the
literature becomes more extensive, has induced me to re-write the paper,
and add much information I was not possessed of when the first paper was
printed. Mr. Crawford's most valuable contribution, which forms the
second part of this book, should at least justify the present
publication. To Francis Joseph Bigger, M.R.I.A., my best thanks are due
for the use of copious notes and references, which have been of material
assistance.
HUGH ALLINGHAM.
BALLYSHANNON, _May_, 1897.
CAPTAIN CUELLAR'S
_Adventures in Connacht and Ulster_,
A.D. 1588.
[Illustration:
FIGUREHEAD OF A SPANISH GALLEON
WRECKED AT STREEDAGH, 1588.
(_Now in possession of Simon Cullen, J.P., Sligo._)
]
The publication of a work entitled "_La Armada Invincible_" [Madrid,
1885], by Captain Cesareo Fernandez Duro, a Spanish naval officer, has
been the means of bringing to light many fresh and interesting
particulars relating to this ill-fated venture; and, though the
incidents narrated are, as might be expected, viewed from the Spanish
standpoint, yet the history is written in a spirit of moderation, and
gives evidence of great research.
Amongst the valuable documents which have been collected and printed by
Captain Duro, that having for its title "Letter of One who was with the
Armada for England, and an Account of the Expedition," is of most lively
interest to us, seeing that it presents a graphic picture of the North
and North-West of Ireland in 1588, drawn by one who was an actual
eye-witness of what he describes.
Before proceeding, it may be well to observe that these adventures have
already been dealt with by several writers. The _Nineteenth Century_,
September, 1885, contained a valuable and interesting paper, entitled
"An Episode of the Armada," by the Earl of Ducie. In _Longman's
Magazine_ [September, October, and November, 1891] appeared "The Spanish
Story of the Armada," by J. A. Froude; and in the Proceedings, Royal
Irish Academy, 1893, Professor J. P. O'Reilly contributed a paper,
entitled "Remarks on Certain Passages in Captain Cuellar's Narrative."
The present paper has been written with the desire to identify some of
the places visited by Cuellar while in Connaught and Ulster. His
references to these places are, as might have been expected from a
foreigner, in many instances obscure; and in order to correctly trace
his wanderings, and identify the spots he visited, an intimate
acquaintance with the local topography of the district is essential.
Sometimes the clue afforded by his narrative is so slender, that anyone
unfamiliar with the localities intended might easily miss the meaning,
and be led to an entirely wrong conclusion. The present writer has had
the valuable assistance of R. Crawford, C.E., late Professor of
Engineering, T.C.D., an accomplished Spanish scholar--not merely a
translator--who possesses a practical acquaintance with the idioms of the
language. By this knowledge, Mr. Crawford has been able to elucidate
many obscure passages in the Spanish book, which would otherwise have
proved stumbling-blocks in the way of a proper understanding of the
author's meaning. Mr. Crawford has made a literal translation of the
whole of Cuellar's letter, which forms the second part of this book. A
careful perusal of Mr. Crawford's introductory remarks, and of his
translation, will well repay the reader, and is, in fact, needful for
the proper understanding of the subject-matter of these pages.
Before entering on Cuellar's adventures on Irish soil, it may be as well
to refer to an evident error into which Mr. Froude has fallen in his
description of the wreck of the three vessels in Sligo Bay, in one of
which Cuellar was. In the article before referred to, the following
passage occurs: "Don Martin, after an ineffectual struggle to double
Achill Island, had fallen back into the bay, and had anchored off
Ballyshannon in a heavy sea with two other galleons. There they lay for
four days, from the first to the fifth of September, when, the gale
rising, their cables parted, and all three drove on shore on a sandy
beach among the rocks. Nowhere in the world does the sea break more
violently than on that cruel, shelterless strand," etc. Now, the facts
disclosed by Cuellar's narrative, and by other contemporary writers,
show that these Spanish ships were not at all near to Ballyshannon; but
having been caught in the violent gales which were then raging round the
coast, they were disabled, and being at the best of times unwieldy and
difficult to steer, they drifted down from the north, and, failing to
double Erris Head, were drawn into Sligo Bay, where they anchored about
a mile and a half off shore, in the hope of being able to repair
damages, and, when the gales subsided, proceed on their homeward voyage.
Don Francisco Cuellar was captain of the _San Pedro_, a galleon of
twenty-four guns, which belonged to the squadron of Castile. The account
of Cuellar's adventures, as detailed by himself, are related in the
letter to which reference has been made. This document was discovered in
the archives of the _Academia de la Historia_, in Madrid, where it had
lain in oblivion for three centuries. Passing over the first part of the
letter, which relates his adventures in the _San Pedro_, which sustained
great damage in an engagement with English vessels off the coast of
France, being in a leaky and unseaworthy condition, owing to the number
of "shot holes," the _San Pedro_, by order of the mate (Cuellar having
retired to take some rest after the fight), moved a short distance away
from the Admiral's ship, for the purpose of carrying out some repairs to
the damaged hull. This action on the part of the _San Pedro_ raised the
anger of the Admiral, who ordered Cuellar and another officer to be
hanged at the yard's arm. Fortunately for Cuellar this unjust sentence
was not carried out in his case, chiefly through the friendly offices of
the Judge Advocate--Martin de Aranda.
But Cuellar was no longer left in command of the _San Pedro_: he
henceforward sailed in the vessel of the Judge Advocate, who was also
styled Provost Marshal. Having passed round the north coast of Scotland,
the vessel in which Cuellar was, in company with two other ships--all of
large tonnage--encountered head winds and rough weather. Passing Tory
Island, they were endeavouring to clear Erris Head on the Mayo coast;
but the storms increasing, and the sea running high, they were unable to
make that point. With shattered spars and torn canvas, and a weight of
water in their holds, which the constant working of the pumps could
hardly keep under, these vessels in a rough sea were unmanageable, and,
drifting downwards, found themselves enbayed off the Sligo coast, where
they hoped to find temporary anchorage. In the sailing instructions
given by the Duke of Medina to the Spanish vessels on their return home,
the following occurs: "The course that is first to be held is to the
north-north-east, until you be found under 61 degrees and a half, and
then to take great heed lest you fall upon the Island of Ireland, for
fear of the harm that may happen unto you upon that coast. Then parting
from those islands, and doubling the Cape in 61½ degrees, you shall
run west-south-west, until you be found under 58 degrees, and from
thence to the south-west," etc. These particulars are valuable in
showing the direction in which the Spaniards endeavoured to navigate
their unwieldy craft. Captain Duro in his book refers to the frequency
of the opening of the seams in the old Spanish ships, which defect he
attributes to the excessive weight and height of the masts, whose
leverage in heavy weather caused a strain on the hulls which
necessitated the constant employment of caulkers.
[Illustration:
_A Map of the West and North West Coasts of Ireland,
Drawn in 1609. From the original in the British Museum
showing the places connected with the Spanish Armada._
]
Cuellar says they anchored half a league from the shore, where they
remained "four days without being able to make any provision or do
anything. On the fifth day there sprang up such a great storm," he
says, "on our beam, with a sea up to the heavens, so that the cables
could not hold, nor the sails serve us, and we were driven ashore upon
a beach covered with very fine sand, shut in on one side and the other
by great rocks. Such a thing was never seen; for within the space of
an hour all three ships were broken in pieces, so that there did not
escape 300 men, and more than 1,000 were drowned, and amongst them
many persons of importance--captains, gentlemen, and other officials."
Of the three vessels which were wrecked on the Streedagh Strand--(in a
map of the coast, made in 1609, the rock, which is still called
_Carrig-na-Spaniagh_, is thus marked: "Three Spanish shipps here cast
ashore in Anno Domi, 1588")--the name of one was the _San Juan de
Sicilia_. She was commanded by Don Diego Enriquez, "the Hunchback."
This officer, as Cuellar relates, came to his death in a sad way.
Fearing the very heavy sea that was washing over the deck of his vessel,
which was going to pieces on the strand, he ordered out his large boat,
a decked one, and, accompanied by the Count of Villa Franca, and two
other Portuguese gentlemen, they closed themselves into the hold of the
boat, hoping to be washed ashore. Having gone below, and bringing with
them sixteen thousand ducats in jewels and crown pieces, they ordered
the hatchway to be tightly fastened down, in order to prevent the
ingress of water; but just as the boat was leaving the disabled ship,
more than seventy men, terror-stricken with the fate that awaited them,
wildly jumped on the deck of the boat, hoping thereby to reach the land;
but the small craft, unable to bear the great weight above water-line,
and having been struck by a wave, toppled over and sank, all on deck
being swept away. She afterwards rose to the surface, and was drifted
about in different directions, ultimately reaching the shore upside
down. Those unfortunates who were below were all killed, with the
exception of Don Diego Enriquez, who, after being in such a sad
condition for more than twenty-four hours, was found still living when
the hold was broken into by the "savages" who were searching for
plunder. They took out the dead men, and Don Diego, who only survived a
few minutes; and, having secured the plunder--jewels and money--left the
dead stripped and naked on the strand, denying them even the rights of
Christian burial! Cuellar, though in great extremities, was not
unmindful of the kindness he had received from the Judge Advocate,
Martin de Aranda. "One touch of nature makes the whole world kin."
Cuellar, the deposed captain, and the Judge Advocate, were standing on
the same deck, with the horrors of death facing them on all sides.
Martin de Aranda, seeing the destruction of all that was dear to him,
had little energy left to make any effort to escape; but Cuellar
endeavoured to rally his drooping spirits, and made every effort he
could to help him, and bring him to shore. Taking a hatchway from the
deck of the vessel they were in, Cuellar got it afloat, and succeeded in
getting the Judge Advocate on also; but in the act of casting off from
the ship, a huge wave engulphed them, and the Judge Advocate, being
unable to hold on, was drowned. Cuellar, grievously wounded by being
struck by pieces of floating timber, succeeded in keeping his footing on
the hatchway, and at length reached the shore, "unable to stand, all
covered with blood, and very much injured."[1]
Fenton, writing to Burleigh (_State Papers_, 1588-9), says: "At my late
being in Sligo, I found both by view of eye and credible report that the
number of ships and men perished at these coasts was more than was
advertised thither by the Lord Deputy and Council, for I numbered in one
strand [Streedagh], of less than five miles in length, eleven hundred
dead corpses of men which the sea had driven on the shore. Since the
time of the advertisement, the country people told me the like was in
other places, though not of like numbers; and the Lord Deputy, writing
to the Council, says: 'After leaving Sligo, I journeyed towards Bundroys
[Bundrowse] and so to Ballyshannon, the uttermost part of Connaught that
way, and riding still along the sea-shore, I went to see the bay where
some of these ships were wrecked, and where, as I heard not long before,
lay twelve or thirteen hundred of the dead bodies. I rode along that
strand near two miles (but left behind me a long mile and more), and
then turned off that shore; in both which places, they said that had
seen it, there lay as great store of timber of wrecked ships as was in
that place which myself had viewed, being in my opinion (having small
skill or judgment therein) more than would have built _four_ of the
greatest ships I ever saw, beside mighty great boats, cables, and other
cordage answerable thereto, and such masts, for bigness and length, as
in my knowledge I never saw any two that could make the like.'"
The account given by the Lord Deputy of his journey from Sligo to
Ballyshannon, though rather obscurely worded, points to the probability
of there having been more than one spot on that coast which was a scene
of disaster. It is evident that the entire shore from Streedagh to
Bundrowse was littered with the wreckage of the Spanish vessels, and it
could hardly be expected that all the "flotsam and jetsam" referred to
in the report we have quoted would have come from the three vessels
described by Cuellar.
To return to the narrative. Cuellar now found himself in a desperate
plight; wounded, half-naked, and starving with hunger, he managed to
creep into a place of concealment during the remainder of the day; and
he says: "At the dawn of day I began to walk little by little, searching
for a monastery of monks that I might repair to it as best I could, the
which I arrived at with much trouble and toil, and I found it deserted,
and the church and images of the Saints burned and completely ruined,
and twelve Spaniards hanging within the church by the act of the English
Lutherans, who went about searching for us to make an end of all of us
who had escaped from the perils of the sea." Some writers on this
shipwreck have been unable to explain this reference to a monastery in
the vicinity of the sea-shore at Streedagh. No such difficulty, however,
exists in identifying the place indicated; for within sight of the
strand stood the _Abbey of Staad_, which tradition says was founded by
St. Molaise, the patron saint of the neighbouring island of Inismurray.
It was then to this monastery that Cuellar repaired, in the expectation
of finding there a safe asylum in his dire necessity. He was, however,
disappointed; for he found the place deserted, and several of his
fellow-countrymen hanging from the iron bars of the windows. The ruins
of Staad Abbey, which still remain, are inconsiderable, consisting of
portions of the church, which was oblong in form, and measured,
internally, 34 feet in length by 14 feet 5 inches in width. There are
indications that a much older building once occupied the site of the
existing ruin. Outside the walls of the old church it was customary to
light beacons for the purpose of signalling with the inhabitants of
Inismurray and elsewhere, and this mode of communication by fire-signals
was adopted in Ireland from remote times, and its existence amongst us
to the present day is an interesting survival of primitive life.
Cuellar, sick at heart with the ghastly spectacle in the monastery,
betook himself to a road "which lay through a great wood," and after
wandering about without being able to procure any food, he turned his
face once more to the sea-shore, in the hope of being able to pick up
some provisions that might have been washed in from the wrecks. Here he
found, stretched on the strand in one spot, more than 400 Spaniards, and
amongst them he recognised _Don Enriquez_ and another honoured officer.
He dug a hole in the sand and buried his two friends. After some time he
was joined by two other Spaniards. They met a man who seemed rather
friendly towards them. He directed them to take a road which led from
the coast to a village, which Cuellar describes as "consisting of some
huts of straw." This was probably the village of Grange, a couple of
miles distant; and the huts he refers to were the cabins with thatched
roofs, still a common feature in the country. From descriptions of
these, which are given by writers of the 16th century, there seems to be
but slight difference in the mode of constructing cabins then and now.
At Grange was a castle in which soldiers were stationed. It was an
important outpost at the period, being on the highway between Connacht
and Tirconnell. From this castle, bodies of soldiers used to sally
forth, scouring the neighbourhood for Spanish fugitives and plunder.
Fearing these military scouts, Cuellar turned off from the village, and
entered a wood, in which he had not gone far when a new misfortune befel
him. He was set upon by an "old savage," more than seventy years of age,
and by two young men--one English, the other French. They wounded him in
the leg, and stripped him of what little clothing was left to him. They
took from him a gold chain of the value of a thousand reals; also
forty-five gold crown pieces he had sewed into his clothing, and some
relics that had been given him at Lisbon. But for the interference of a
young girl, whom Cuellar describes as of the age of twenty, "and most
beautiful in the extreme," it would have gone hard with him in the hands
of these men. Having robbed him of all he had, they went on their way in
search of further prey, and the young girl, pitying the sad condition of
the Spaniard, made a salve of herbs for his wounds, and gave him butter
and milk, with oaten bread to eat.
Cuellar was directed to travel in the direction of some mountains, which
appeared to be about six leagues distant, behind which there were good
lands belonging to an "important savage," a very great friend of the
King of Spain. The distances in leagues and miles given in the narrative
are in most cases considerably over-estimated, and cannot be relied on.
Cuellar, it should be remembered, is describing events which happened to
him in a strange country, wherein the names of the places, and the
distances from place to place, were alike unknown to him; and the
journeys he was forced to make, in his lame and wretched condition, must
have seemed to him very much longer than they were in reality. A right
understanding of this part of the narrative is important, as some
writers have fallen into the error of supposing that Cuellar's course
was in the direction of the _Donegal_ Mountains, on the other side of
the bay, visible, no doubt, from the locality of the wreck, but on the
distant northern horizon. A careful reading of the text will show that
this was not the direction he took. He says: "I began to walk as best I
could, making for the north[2] of the mountains, as the boy had told
me." This means that he kept on the _north_, or sea-side of the _Dartry_
Mountains; and behind them (_i.e._, on the _south_ side) were good lands
belonging to a friendly chief. The word "north" does not here refer to
the cardinal point, but is used merely as a relative term, just as
"right and left," "back and front," are used in familiar conversation.
Besides, Cuellar plainly states the name of the chief he was seeking to
reach: he speaks of him as "Senior de Ruerque" (Spanish for
_O'Rourque_), whose territory lay in the direction of the mountain range
he was travelling towards. He calls him an "important savage"--a term
which he applies to the Irish natives he met with, whether friendly or
the reverse: it does not refer to their treatment of him personally; but
he intends it to define what he considers their position in the scale of
civilization as compared with his own country. Journeying on in the
direction pointed out to him, he came to a lake, in the vicinity of
which were about thirty huts--all forsaken and untenanted. Going into one
of these for shelter, he discovered three other naked men--Spaniards--who
had met the same hard treatment as himself. The only food they could
obtain here was blackberries and water-cresses. Covering themselves up
with some straw, they passed the night in a hut by the lake-side,
resolving at daybreak to push forward towards O'Rourke's village.
The lake to which reference is here made is evidently Glenade Lough,
from which it was an easy journey to O'Rourke's settlement at Glencar.
O'Rourke had another "town" at _Newtown_, on the borders of the County
of Sligo. It seems probable, however, that at this time he had removed
his people to Glencar. In the Lough here were several crannogs, remains
of which are still visible. Such lacustrine habitations were usually
resorted to by the Irish chiefs in times of disturbance; for within
their stockaded lake-dwellings they and their possessions were safest
from the attack of the enemy. Having arrived at "the village," Cuellar
found the chief absent, being at war with the English, who were at the
time in occupation of Sligo. Here he found a number of Spaniards. Before
many days passed, tidings came that a Spanish ship, probably one of De
Leyva's vessels, was standing off the coast, and on the look-out for any
Spaniards who had escaped with their lives. Hearing this, Cuellar and
nineteen others resolved to make an effort to reach the vessel. They,
therefore, set off at once towards the coast. They met with many
hindrances on the way; and Cuellar, probably owing to the wounded state
of his leg, was unable to keep pace with the others, and was
consequently left behind, while the others got on board the vessel. He
regards this circumstance of his being left behind as a special
interference of Providence on his behalf, for the ship, after setting
sail, was, he says, "wrecked off the same coast, and more than 200
persons were drowned."
Resuming the course of Cuellar's fortunes, we find him pursuing his way
by the most secluded routes for fear of the "Sassana horsemen," as he
styles the English soldiers. He soon fell in with a clergyman, who
entered into friendly converse with him in the Latin tongue--a language,
it may be observed, that did not at that period in Ireland rank as a
"dead" one--men and women of various degrees, both high and low, spoke it
freely; of this there is abundant evidence from contemporary writers.
The clergyman gave Cuellar some of the food he had with him, and
directed him to take a road which would bring him to a castle which
belonged to a "savage" gentleman, "a very brave soldier, and a great
enemy of the Queen of England--a man who had never cared to obey her or
pay tribute, attending only to his castle and mountains, which [latter]
made it strong." Following the course pointed out to him, Cuellar met
with an untoward circumstance which caused him much anxiety; he was met
by a blacksmith who pursued his calling in a "deserted valley." Here he
was forced to abide, and work in the forge. For more than a week he (the
Spanish officer) had to blow the forge bellows, and, what was worse,
submit to the rough words of the blacksmith's wife, whom he calls "an
accursed old woman." At length, his friend the clergyman happened again
to pass that way, and seeing Cuellar labouring in the forge, he was
displeased. He comforted him, assuring him he would speak to the chief
of the castle to which he had directed him, and ask that an escort
should be sent for him. The following day this promise was fulfilled,
and four men from the castle, and a Spanish soldier who had already
found his way thither, arrived, and safely conducted him on his way.
Here he seems at last to have found kind and humane treatment. He
specially mentions the extreme kindness shown him by the chief's wife,
whom he describes as "beautiful in the extreme."
Cuellar, in taking the course pointed out to him by the clergyman, was
travelling in an eastward direction, having his back turned on
O'Rourke's village, whither he had first gone for succour. The "deserted
valley," in which he fell in with the blacksmith, was doubtless the
beautiful valley of Glenade, from which place to the island castle of
Rossclogher was an easy journey. As this castle is a prominent feature
in our narrative, some particulars regarding it and its chiefs may be
here noted.
The castle of Rossclogher, the picturesque ruins of which are still
prominent in the beautiful scenery of Lough Melvin, was built by one of
the clan, at a period--precise date not known--anterior to the reign of
Henry VIII. In the _Irish Annals_ the name of MacClancy, chief of
Dartraigh, appears at A.D. 1241. The territory was held by the family
for three hundred years, their property having been finally confiscated
after the wars of 1641. The castle lies close to the southern shore of
Lough Melvin, considerably to the westward of the island of Inisheher
(see Ordnance Map). It is a peculiar structure, being built on an
artificial foundation, somewhat similar to the "Hag's Castle" in Lough
Mask, and to Cloughoughter Castle in the neighbouring county of Cavan.
Here may be noted a striking instance of the accuracy and
appropriateness of Irish names of places. When the island of Inisheher
(Inis Siar), _i.e._, western island, got its name, the site of
Rossclogher Castle had not been laid, for where the castle stands is
considerably further west than the last natural island, which, from its
name, marks it as the most westerly island of the lough.
The Irish name of this family was _MacFhlnncdaha_, the name being
variously written in the _State Papers_ as McGlannogh, McGlanthie, etc.,
while in the Spanish narrative it is _Manglana_. In a map drawn in 1609,
the territory is marked "Dartrie MacGlannagh" (which see). The
MacClancys were chiefs, subject to O'Rourke, and their territory--a
formidable one, by reason of its mountains and fastnesses--comprised the
entire of the present barony of Rossclogher. According to local
tradition, which survived when O'Donovan visited the district in the
summer of 1836[3], the extent of "Dartree MacClancy" was from _Glack_
townland on the east to _Bunduff_ on the west--a distance of about six
miles; and from _Mullinaleck_ townland on the north to _Aghanlish_ on
the south--a distance of about three miles. The townlands of Rossfriar
(Ross-na-mbraher, _i.e._, the Peninsula of the Friars), and that now
called Aghanlish, were ancient _termon lands_ appertaining to the church
of Rossclogher, the ruins of which stand on the mainland, close to the
island castle of our narrative. The romantic and beautiful district over
which the MacClancys held sway included _Lough Melvin_, with its islands
and the mountain range behind. Within its bounds were two castles--that
of Rossclogher and _Dun Carbery_. On the island of _Iniskeen_ was
MacClancy's crannog; and here it may be pointed out a frequent error has
been made in supposing that the Castle of Rossclogher stood on Iniskeen.
The crannog was on that large island which is far to the east of the
Castle of Rossclogher. This was merely used in troublous times as a
place of security--a sort of treasure-house; but not an ordinary
dwelling-place. Besides the buildings already mentioned within the
territory, were at least three monasteries--that of Doire-Melle,
Cacair-Sinchill, and Beallach-in-Mithidheim--as well as numerous
churches, the ruins of some being still in existence. The MacClancy clan
appear to have sprung from a stock totally distinct from the
neighbouring clans of Brefney. Their chief residence was at Rossclogher,
but they had another castle--that of Dun Carbery--some ruins of which are
still standing close to the village of Tullaghan. This was built in the
sixteenth century, and a more commanding site for a fortified house it
would have been difficult to select. It was built on the summit of an
extensive _Dun_, or fort, which belonged to a period long anterior to
the MacClancy rule; and it is a noticeable fact that the name of the
original owner of the _Dun Carbery_, son of Niall of the Nine Hostages
(fifth century), has continued to the present day as the name by which
the castle is known.
The Castle of Rossclogher is built on a foundation of heavy stones laid
in the bed of the lake, and filled in with smaller stones and earth to
above water-level. The sub-structure was circular in form, and the
entire was encompassed by a thick wall, probably never more than five
feet in height. The walls of the castle are very thick, and composed of
freestone, obtained from an adjacent quarry on the mainland. They are
cemented together with the usual grouting of lime and coarse gravel, so
generally used by the builders of old; the outside walls were coated
with thick rough-cast, a feature not generally seen in old structures in
the locality. Facing the south shore, which is about one hundred yards
distant, are the remains of a bastion pierced for musketry. The water
between the castle and the shore is deep, and goes down sheer from the
foundation.
On the shore, close to the castle, are the remains of military
earthworks, evidently constructed by some enemy seeking possession of
the castle. On the summit of a hill immediately over this, is a circular
enclosure about 220 feet in circumference; it is composed of earth,
faced with stone-work. Here the MacClancy-clan folded their flocks and
herds, and from this ancient "cattle-booley" a bridle-path led to the
mountains above. Portions of this pathway have recently been discovered;
it was only two feet in width, and regularly paved with stones enclosed
by a kerb.
On the mainland, close to the southern shore, and within speaking
distance of the castle, stand the ruins of the old church which was
built by MacClancy, and which is of about the same date as the castle to
which it was an appendage. In the immediate neighbourhood of the shore,
guarded on one side by the lofty mountain range of Dartraigh, on the
other by the waters of Lough Melvin, was MacClancy's "town"--an
assemblage of primitive huts, probably circular in shape, and of the
simplest construction, where dwelt the followers and dependents of the
chief, ready, by night or by day, to obey the call to arms, or, as
Cuellar expresses it, "Go Santiago," a slang expression in Spain,
meaning to attack.[4]
Of the manners and customs of the natives, Cuellar makes sundry
observations. Having described at length how he occupied his leisure in
the castle by telling the fortunes of the ladies by palmistry, he
mentions incidentally that their conversation was carried on in Latin.
He goes on to speak of the natives, or "savages," as he calls them. He
says: "Their custom is to live as the brute beasts among the mountains,
which are very rugged in that part of Ireland where we lost ourselves.
They live in huts made of straw; the men are all large bodied and of
handsome features and limbs, active as the roe-deer. They do not eat
oftener than once a day, and this is at night; and that which they
usually eat is butter with oaten bread. They drink sour milk, for they
have no other drink; they don't drink water, although it is the best in
the world. On feast days they eat some flesh, half-cooked, without bread
or salt, for that is their custom. They clothe themselves, according to
their habit, with tight trousers and short loose coats of very coarse
goat's hair. They cover themselves with blankets, and wear their hair
down to their eyes. They are great walkers, and inured to toil. They
carry on perpetual war with the English, who here keep garrison for the
Queen, from whom they defend themselves, and do not let them enter their
territory, which is subject to inundation and marshy."
The reference Cuellar makes to the food of the Irish with whom he
sojourned is interesting. He says: "They do not eat oftener than once a
day, and this is at night, and that which they usually eat is butter
with _oaten bread_." The partiality for oaten bread here spoken of still
survives; but its use has within the last half century greatly declined,
owing to the extensive introduction of "white bread," the term applied
to ordinary bakers' loaves. When the tide of emigration to America--in
the early part of this century--was in full flow from Ballyshannon, the
emigrants had to provide their own food on the voyage from this port to
the Western Continent, and that universally taken with them was an ample
supply of oaten cakes. It may not be out of place here to refer to the
curious belief which still lives in the minds of the peasantry of this
district, though, like most of the survivals of folklore, it is fading
from the memories of the people.
The _Feàr-Gortha_, or Hungry Grass, is believed to grow in certain
spots, and whoever has the bad luck to tread on this baneful fairy herb
is liable to be stricken down with the mysterious complaint. The
symptoms, which come on suddenly, are complete prostration, preceded by
a general feeling of weakness; the sufferer sinks down, and, if
assistance is not at hand, he perishes. It is believed that if food be
partaken of in the open air, and the fragments remaining be not thrown
as an offering to the "good folk," that they will mark their displeasure
by causing a crop of "hungry grass" to arise on the spot and produce the
effects described. Fortunately, the cure is as simple as the malady is
mysterious. _Oatcake_ is the specific, or, in its absence, a few grains
of oatmeal. The wary traveller who knows the dangers of the road,
carries in his pocket a small piece of oatcake, not intended as food,
but as a charm against the _Feàr-Gortha_.
Cuellar also observes that the chief inclination of these people is to
plunder their neighbours, capturing cattle and any other property
obtainable, the raids being chiefly carried out at night. He also
remarks that the English garrison were in the habit of making plundering
expeditions into the territory of these natives, and the only refuge
they had was, on the approach of the soldiers, to withdraw to the
mountains with their families and cattle till the danger would be past.
Speaking of the women, he says: "Most of them are very beautiful, but
badly-dressed. The head-dress of the women is a linen cloth, doubled
over the head and tied in front." He remarks "the women are great
workers and housekeepers, after their fashion." Speaking of the
churches, etc., he says most of them have been demolished by the hands
of the English, and by those natives who have joined them, who are as
bad as they. He concludes his by-no-means flattering description in
these words: "In this kingdom there is neither justice nor right, and
everyone does what he pleases."
The "sour milk" Cuellar speaks of is buttermilk, as great a favourite
here in the nineteenth century as in the sixteenth. The cloth which he
calls "very coarse goats' hair" was probably the familiar homespun
woollen frieze, which from the earliest times was made by the Irish. The
head-dress of the women--a linen cloth--is still adopted by elderly women
here.
After enjoying a short period of rest in MacClancy's, or, as Cuellar
styles it, Manglana's castle, rumours of an alarming nature reached
them. The Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam, or, as he is called in the narrative,
"the great governor of the Queen," was marching from Dublin, with a
force of 1,700 soldiers, in search of the lost ships and the people who
had escaped the fury of the waves, and no quarter could be expected for
either the Irish chiefs or the shipwrecked Spaniards; all that came
within Fitzwilliam's grasp would certainly be hanged. Cuellar says the
Lord Deputy marched along the whole coast till he arrived at the place
where the shipwreck happened (at Streedagh), and from thence he came
towards the castle of "Manglana." It is at this point of his narrative
that he first mentions the name of the chief who had given him refuge.
MacClancy seeing the force that had come against him, felt himself
unable to stand a siege, and decided to escape to the friendly shelter
of his mountains. He called Cuellar aside and made known his
determination, and advised that he and the other Spaniards should
consider what they would do for their own safety. Cuellar consulted with
his fellows, and they finally agreed that their only chance of life was
to hold out in the castle as long as possible, trusting to its strength
and isolated situation; and, leaving the result to the fortunes of war,
they determined to stand or fall together.
Having communicated their decision to MacClancy, he willingly provided
them with all the arms within his reach, and a sufficient store of
provisions to last for six months. He made them take an oath to hold the
castle "till death," and not to open the gates for "Irishman, Spaniard,
or anyone else till his return." Having made these preparations, and
removed the furniture and relics out of the church on the shore, and
deposited them within the castle, MacClancy, after embracing Cuellar,
withdrew to the mountains, taking with him his family and followers,
with their flocks and herds. Cuellar now provided himself with several
boat-loads of stones, six muskets, and six crowbars, as well as a supply
of ammunition. He gives a minute description of the place he was going
to defend. He says: "The castle is very strong and very difficult to
take, if they do not attack it with artillery, for it is founded in a
lake of very deep water, which is more than a league wide at some parts,
and three or four leagues long, and has an outlet to the sea; and
besides, with the rise of spring tides, it is not possible to enter it;
for which reason the castle could not be taken by water, nor by the
shore of land which is nearest it, neither could injury be done it,
because a league around the 'town,' which is established on the
mainland, it is marshy, breast deep, so that even the inhabitants
[natives] could not get to it except by paths." These paths, through
bogs and shallow lakes, were made of large stones in a hidden, irregular
way, unknown to any except those who had the key to their position.
Three centuries ago, the aspect of the country was very different from
what it now is: the land was in a swampy, undrained condition, and,
beyond small patches here and there, which had been cleared for growing
corn, dense thickets of brushwood covered the surface everywhere; and,
as there were no roads or bridges, but merely narrow paths, where two
horsemen could not pass each other, the difficulty--not to say
impossibility--of bringing troops, heavy baggage, and artillery across
country is apparent. That such a state of things existed in MacClancy's
territory there is abundant evidence. The stones with which Cuellar
provided himself were a favourite item in the war materials of that
period: these were used with deadly effect from the towers of castles,
and were also thrown from cannon instead of iron balls. Cuellar says:
"Our courage seemed good to the whole country, and the enemy was very
indignant at it, and came upon the castle with his forces--about 1,800
men--and observed us from a distance of a mile and a half from it,
without being able to approach closer on account of the water [or marshy
ground] which intervened." From this description, it is evident the Lord
Deputy's forces had taken up their position on the shore of the opposite
promontory of Rossfriar--a tongue of land which projects itself into the
lough at the north-west end. From this point he says they exhibited
"menaces and warnings," and hanged two Spanish fugitives they had laid
hold of, "to put the defenders in fear." The troops demanded by trumpet
a surrender of the castle, but the Spaniards declined all proposals. For
seventeen days, Cuellar says, the besiegers lay against them, but were
unable to get a favourable position for attack. "At length, a severe
storm and a great fall of snow compelled them to withdraw without having
accomplished anything." In the _State Papers_, under date 12th October,
1588, the Lord Deputy asks the Privy Council of England to send at once
two thousand "sufficient and thoroughly appointed men" to join the
service directed against the main body of 3,000 Spaniards in O'Donnell's
country and the North. In the same month, Fenton writes to the Lord
Deputy "that the Spaniards are marching towards Sligo, and are very near
Lough Erne." There were, no doubt, a large number of Spaniards who had
escaped the dangers of the sea, and had fled for refuge to O'Donnell,
O'Neill, and O'Rourke, all of whom were very favourable to them; but the
Lord Deputy, for his own ends, greatly exaggerated both their numbers
and strength. They were merely fugitives acting on the defensive, and
not then inclined to be aggressive. They well knew the fate of hundreds
of their countrymen, and what they might expect if they fell into the
hands of the Lord Deputy.
[Illustration:
THE SPANIARDS HOLDING ROSSCLOGHER
CASTLE AGAINST THE LORD DEPUTY.
]
In the County of Clare, at this time, was another MacClancy--Boethius. He
was Elizabeth's High Sheriff there, and, unlike his namesake of
Rossclogher, he cruelly treated and killed a number of Spaniards of the
Armada, who had been shipwrecked off that coast. In memory of his
conduct then, he is cursed every seventh year in a church in Spain. In
the _State Papers_ no reference is made to this expedition against
MacClancy's castle; all that is said is that troops arrived at Athlone
on 10th November, 1588, and returned to Dublin on 23rd December
following, "without loss of any one of her Majesty's army; neither
brought I home, as the captains inform me, scarce twenty sick persons or
thereabouts; neither found I the water, nor other great impediments
which were objected before my going out, to have been dangerous,
otherwise than very reasonable to pass." In these vague terms
Fitzwilliam disposes of a disagreeable subject which he knew was more
for his own credit not to enlarge upon. It seems probable that Cuellar
has over-estimated the number of soldiers sent to storm the castle which
he was defending; there is, however, no ground for doubting the general
truth of his account of the transaction. MacClancy, we know, was the
subject of peculiar hatred by the authorities; Bingham describes him as
"an arch-rebel, and the most barbarous creature in Ireland," and the
fact of his having given shelter to Spanish fugitives made him ten times
worse in their eyes.
_Fitzwilliam_, the Lord Deputy, whom Cuellar styles the "Great
Governor," was a covetous and merciless man. Not long after his arrival
in Ireland, the Spanish shipwrecks took place, and the rumours of the
great amount of treasure and valuables which the Spaniards were reported
to have with them called into prominence the most marked feature in the
Lord Deputy's character--cupidity. His commission shows this: "To make by
all good means, both of oaths and _otherwise_ [this means _by torture_],
to take all hulls of ships, treasures, etc., into your hands, and to
apprehend and execute all Spaniards of what quality soever ... torture
may be used in prosecuting this enquiry."
In the _State Papers_, at December 3, 1588--Sir R. Bingham to the
Queen--the following reference to the Lord Deputy's expedition to the
North of Ireland is made: "But the Lord Deputy, having further
advertisements from the North of the state of things in those parts,
took occasion to make a journey thither, and made his way through this
province [Connaught], and in passing along caused both these two
Spaniards, which my brother [George Bingham] had, to be executed." One
of these was Don Graveillo de Swasso. At December 31st, the Lord Deputy
thus refers to his movements: "At my coming to the Castles of
Ballyshannon and Beleek, which stand upon the river Earne, and are in
possession of one Sir Owen O'Toole, _alias_ O'Gallagher[5], a principal
man of that country, I found all the country [people] and cattle fled
into the strong mountains and fastnesses of the woods in their own
countrie and neighbours adjoining, as O'Rourke, O'Hara, the
O'Glannaghies [MacClancy], Maguires, and others." In the _State Papers_,
15th October, 1588, we learn some curious particulars concerning the
wreck of one of the Spanish ships, named _La Trinidad Valencera_, at
Inisowen (O'Doherty's country). This vessel, which was a very large one
(1,100 tons), carried 42 guns and 360 men, including soldiers and
mariners, many of whom were drowned. They had only one boat left, and
this a broken one, in which they succeeded in landing a part of the
crew. Some swam to shore, and the rest were landed in a boat they bought
from the Inisowen men for 200 ducats. Some curious details are given of
how the Spaniards fared on land. When first they came ashore, with only
their rapiers in their hands, they found four or five "savages," who
bade them welcome, and well-used them: afterwards, some twenty more
"wild men" came to them, and robbed them of a money-bag containing 1,000
reals of plate and some rich apparel. The only food they could obtain
was horse-flesh, which they bought from the country people, as well as a
small quantity of butter. When they had been about a week living here,
Fitzwilliam's men came on the scene, as also O'Donnell and his wife. The
Spaniards surrendered to the captains that carried "the Queen's
ensigns," the conditions being that their lives should be spared till
they appeared before the Lord Deputy, and be allowed to take with them a
change of apparel from the stores of their own ship. These conditions
were not adhered to, and the soldiers and natives were allowed to spoil
and plunder the shipwrecked Spaniards. The O'Donnell above referred to
was the father of the celebrated Red Hugh, who was at this period within
the walls of Dublin Castle, a close prisoner. "O'Donnell's wife" was the
celebrated Ineen Dubh, the mother of Red Hugh. O'Donnell felt himself
weak and unable to cope with the English power, which was surrounding
him on all sides. While not taking an active part in maltreating the
Spaniards, who had been thrown on his territory by the violence of the
storms, he was guilty in a passive way of permitting them to be
ill-used; and when, a short time after these events, he resigned the
government of Tirconnell to the more capable hands of his son, Red Hugh,
and retired to the solitude of the cloister, the greatest sin which
weighed on his conscience was his cruel conduct in slaying a number of
Spanish seamen in Inisowen, which act was instigated by the Lord Deputy.
MacClancy at length paid dearly for his part in the Spanish affair. This
we learn from a letter in the _State Papers_, under date 23rd April,
1590: "The acceptable service performed by Sir George Bingham in cutting
off M'Glanaghie, an arch-rebel ... M'Glanaghie's head brought in.
M'Glanaghie ran for a lough, and tried to save himself by swimming, but
a shot broke his arm, and a gallowglass brought him ashore. He was the
most barbarous creature in Ireland; his countrie extended from Grange
till you come to Ballishannon; he was O'Rourke's right hand; he had
fourteen Spaniards with him, some of whom were taken alive." The lough
above referred to is Lough Melvin. MacClancy was endeavouring to reach
his fortress when he met his end. O'Rourke, shortly after these events,
fled to Scotland, where he was arrested, brought to London, arraigned on
a charge of high treason, found guilty, and hanged. At the place of
execution he was met by the notorious _Myler M'Grath_, that many-sided
ecclesiastic, whose castle walls, near Pettigo, still keep his name in
remembrance. M'Grath endeavoured to make him abjure his faith, but
O'Rourke could not be shaken; he knew the sordid character of the man,
and bitterly reproached him for his own mercenary conduct.
When the siege was raised, MacClancy and his followers returned from the
mountains, and made much of Cuellar and his comrades, asking them to
remain and throw in their lot with them. To Cuellar he offered his
sister in marriage. This, however, the latter declined, saying he was
anxious to turn his face homewards. MacClancy would not hear of the
Spaniards leaving; and Cuellar, fearing he might be detained against his
will, determined to leave unobserved, which he did two days after
Christmas, when he and four Spanish soldiers left the castle before
dawn, and went "travelling by the mountains and desolate places," and at
the end of twenty days they came to _Dunluce_, where Alonzo de Leyva,
and the Count de Paredes, and many other Spanish nobles had been lost;
and there, he says, "they went to the huts of some 'savages,' who told
us of the great misfortunes of our people who were drowned."
Cuellar does not indicate the course he took in travelling on foot from
the castle in Lough Melvin to Dunluce; but it is evident, from the time
spent on the journey, that it was the circuitous route round the coast
of Donegal to Derry, and from thence to Dunluce. Their journey was one
of danger, as military scouts were searching the country everywhere for
Spaniards, and more than once he had narrow escapes. After some delay
and considerable difficulty, Cuellar, through the friendly assistance of
Sir James MacDonnell, of Dunluce, succeeded in crossing over to
Scotland, in company with seventeen Spanish sailors who had been rescued
by MacDonnell. He hoped to enjoy the protection of King James VI., who
was then reported to favour the Spaniards.
Cuellar did not find things much better there, and, after some delay, he
eventually took ship and arrived at Antwerp. His narrative is dated
October 4, 1589, and was evidently not written till his arrival on the
Continent. In forming an estimate of its value, it should be remembered
that the greater part, if not all, was written by him from memory. It is
highly improbable he would have made notes, or kept a diary in Ireland,
as the writing of his adventures never occurred to him (as his narrative
shows) till afterwards. This most probable supposition will account for
any inaccuracies in his statements as to places, distances, etc.; and
allowing for a natural tendency to exaggeration, Cuellar's narrative,
corroborated as it is in all essential points by contemporary history,
bears on its face the stamp of truth and authenticity.
The _State Papers_ (Ireland) at this year (1588) contain several
references to these wrecks on the Connaught coast.[6] Amongst them the
following occur: "After the Spanish fleet had doubled Scotland, and were
in their course homewards, they were by contrary weather driven upon the
several parts of this province [Connaught] and wrecked, as it were, by
even portions--three ships in every of the four several counties
bordering on the sea coasts, viz., in Sligo, Mayo, Galway, and
Thomond:--so that twelve ships perished on the rocks and sands of the
shore-side, and some three or four besides to seaboard of the out-isles,
which presently sunk, both men and ships, in the night-time. And so can
I say by good estimation that six or seven thousand men have been cast
away on these coasts, save some 1,000 of them which escaped to land in
several places where their ships fell, which sithence _were all put to
the sword_." Of all the ships which composed the Armada, none was a
greater object of interest than the _Rata_, a great galleon commanded by
Don Alonzo de Leyva. This officer was Knight of Santiago and Commendador
of Alcuesca: a remarkable man, of invincible courage and perseverance,
who was destined to meet a watery grave on this expedition. It is said
that King Philip felt more grief for his death than for the loss of the
whole fleet.
In the _Rata_ were hundreds of youths of the noblest families of
Castile, who had been committed to De Leyva's care. Having cleared the
northern coast of Scotland and gained the Atlantic, he kept well out to
sea, and in the early part of the month of September doubled Erris Head,
on the western coast of Mayo, after which he and another galleon came to
anchor in Blacksod Bay. Here he sent in a boat, with fourteen men, to
ascertain the disposition of the natives, whether friendly or the
reverse. Having landed, they soon encountered one of the petty
chiefs--Richard Burke by name, familiarly known as the "Devil's Son."
This man, true to his character, robbed and maltreated them. Immediately
after this a violent storm sprang up, which proved fatal to many of the
Spanish ships then off the Irish coast: the _Rata_ broke loose from her
anchors, and ran ashore; De Leyva and his men were only able to escape
with their lives, carrying with them their arms and any valuables they
could lay hold of. They set fire to the _Rata_; and perceiving hard by
an old castle, within it they took up their quarters. The "Devil's Son"
and his followers made their way to the wreck, plundering any of the
rich garments and stores which they could snatch from the flames. At
this juncture, _Bryan-na-Murtha O'Rourke_, Prince of Breffney, hearing
of the abject condition of the Spaniards, sent them immediate
assistance, and an invitation to their commander, De Leyva, to come to
his castle at Dromahair. There they were well entertained, comfortably
clothed, and provided with arms. This is referred to in the Irish _State
Papers_ thus: "Certain Spaniards being stript were relieved by Sir Brian
O'Rourke, apparelled, and new furnished with weapons."
O'Rourke, whose power and popularity were very great, was a dangerous
foe to the Governor of Connaught, who was unable to make him pay the
"Queen's Rent." His action in harbouring and succouring the Spaniards,
and for a short space enlisting them in his service, had, as shall be
seen further on, important results in his approaching downfall. De Leyva
resolved, after some time, to quit the country, and to embark his men in
the other galleon, the _San Martin_, which had been able to hold out in
the offing. Having made sail, and on their way fallen in with the
_Girona_ and another ship--a galliass--they endeavoured to clear _Rossan_
Point; but the sea being still very rough and the wind unpropitious,
they were obliged to make for Killybegs. Having reached the entrance to
that port, the two larger vessels went on the rocks, and became wrecks;
the galliass continued to float, though badly injured; the crews and
soldiers, numbering two thousand, were got ashore with their arms, but
no provisions were saved.
The _State Papers_ [September, 1588] say that "John Festigan, who came
out of the barony of Carbrie [of which Streedagh strand forms a part],
saw _three great ships_ coming from the south-west, and bearing towards
O'Donnell's country, and took their course right to the harbour of
Killybegs, the next haven to Donegal." And in the examination of a
Spanish sailor named Macharg,[7] the following reference appears: "After
the fight in the narrow sea, she fell upon the coast of Ireland in a
haven called 'Erris St. Donnell,' where, at their coming in, they found
a great ship called the _Rata_, of 1,000 tons or more, in which was Don
Alonzo de Leyva. After she perished, Don Alonzo and all his company were
received into the hulk of _St. Anna_, with all the goods they had in the
ships of any value; as plate, apparel, money, jewels, and armour,
leaving behind them victual, ordnance, and much other stuff, which the
hulk was not able to carry away." It will be seen from the above that it
is stated that it was in the _St. Anna_ De Leyva embarked, after the
loss of his own vessel; but it would appear from "_La Felicissima
Armada_" that it was in the _San Martin_ they took ship, and afterward
removed to the _Duquesa Santa Anna_.
The number of wrecks of the Spanish vessels on the Irish coast was
largely due to the insufficiency of their anchor-gear; and in
explanation of this, it may be observed that it was chiefly _hempen_
cables which were then in use; and even in the largest vessels
substantial chain cables had not been adopted.
It would seem that when De Leyva had reached "O'Donnell's country," he
found the _San Martin_ so much injured and in such a leaky condition,
that he abandoned her and placed his men and valuables in the _Duquesa
Santa Anna_, which, through the friendly aid of O'Neill and McSwine, he
was enabled to repair. After obtaining fresh stores of provisions from
the people of Tirconnell, De Leyva once more put to sea; but misfortune
still followed in his track, and the _Santa Anna_ ran on the rocks in
Glennageveny Bay, a few miles west of Inisowen Head. Still undaunted, De
Leyva, though now sorely wounded in escaping from the wreck, made
another effort. The _Girona_, which had also been patched up while at
Killybegs, lay at anchor in a creek in McSwine's territory, about twenty
miles distant from where he now was. In the _Girona_ he determined to
sail, and being unable to walk or ride had himself carried across
country, the remnant of his men following him--for many had been drowned.
Close to the shore, in sight of that relentless sea from which they had
already suffered so keenly, these belated men encamped for the space of
a week, using every effort to make the _Girona_--their last means of
escape--as tight and seaworthy as possible. They once more embarked,
hoping to be able at least to reach the coast of Scotland; but their
course was nearly run; and after a few days, while passing near to the
Giant's Causeway, they ran on a rock, and in a few minutes were dashed
to pieces. It is said every soul on board except five sailors--nobles,
mariners, soldiers, and slaves (who were kept as rowers)--were lost. The
actual spot of the wreck pointed to by tradition still bears the name of
"_Spaniard Rock_" the western head of Port-na-Spaniagh.
[Illustration:
WRECK OF A GALLEON AT PORT-NA-SPANIAGH,
NORTH COAST OF ANTRIM, SEPTEMBER, 1588.
]
The _State Papers_ (Ireland, 1588) contain the following reference to
this event: "The Spanish ship [the _Girona_] which arrived in Tirconnell
with the McSweeny, was on Friday, the 18th of this present month [_Oct.,
1588_], descried over against _Dunluce_, and by rough weather was
perished, so that there was driven to the land, being drowned, the
number of 260 persons, with certain butts of wine, which Sorely Boy
[MacDonnell] hath taken up for his use." There was another of the
Spanish ships wrecked near Dunluce, but the name of the vessel is
unknown. From this wreck the MacDonnells recovered three pieces of
cannon, which were subsequently claimed by Sir John Chichester for the
Government. These cannon were mounted on Dunluce Castle, and MacDonnell
refused to give them up. He had also rescued eleven sailors from this
wreck, as well as the five from the _Girona_. These he all took under
his protection, and eventually sent them over in a boat to Scotland,
from whence they made their way home. From the depositions of an Irish
sailor named _McGrath_, who was on board the _Girona_, it appears that
vessel went aground on a long, low reef of rock at the mouth of the
_Bush_ river, which reef was then known as the "Rock of Bunbois."
Of the authentic relics of the Armada, those which have attracted most
attention, and been the subject of most controversy, are the iron
chests. That there are a greater number of these chests still preserved
in Ireland than could reasonably be assumed to have belonged to the
Spanish vessels which perished on the Irish coast, cannot be denied;
nevertheless, it is a mistake which some writers on the subject have
fallen into, in supposing that no such chests were in the Spanish
vessels, and that they are a mere popular fiction, as their introduction
into Ireland must have been at least a century later than the Armada
period. The writer has been at pains to obtain from the most trustworthy
sources, both in this country and in England, all the information
possible, and the result is here summarized. Having examined specimens
of these treasure-chests in South Kensington and elsewhere, belonging to
the 14th, 15th, and 16th centuries, from the earliest chest downwards,
the same features are apparent in their construction and ornamentation.
They were by no means peculiar to Spain, but were the typical and
recognised receptacles for valuables all over the Continent of Europe
for many centuries.[8] In Ireland these chests were in use in the time
of the O'Donnells, and were doubtless brought over in the vessels which
were frequently trading between the ports of Tirconnell and the Brabant
Marts. Within the past half-century, while some clay was being turned up
and removed from the precincts of _O'Clery's Castle_, at Kilbarron, near
Ballyshannon, the lid of one was discovered with the intricate system of
bolts and levers attached. This is now in the custody of the writer,
having been kindly lent to him by the owner, General Tredennick,
Woodhill, Ardara. When brought to light, it was supposed to have been
the lock of the chief entrance to O'Clery's stronghold, and continued to
be so regarded till identified by the writer as a portion of a
fifteenth-century coffer. This discovery proves beyond question that
these chests _were_ in use in Ireland, whether brought over in Spanish
or other vessels, at a much earlier date than some have supposed. The
lid found at O'Clery's Castle, it is reasonable to infer, belonged to a
chest which was used by the historians of Tirconnell for the safe
keeping of their valuable manuscripts and other articles; and, looking
to the fact that their house and property were confiscated within a
period of twenty years or so after the Spanish wrecks, and that
Kilbarron was then plundered and dismantled, there can be no doubt that
the chest in question belonged to the period when the O'Clerys
flourished in their rock-bound fortress. The lid itself offers a curious
bit of evidence of its past history: a portion of one of the hinges
remains attached, showing that it had been wrenched off with violence,
and that the chest to which it belonged had been forced by some
plundering enemy who had not possession of the master-key, which
actuated all the bolts of the lock. A similar lid was found in the ruins
of O'Donnell's Castle at Donegal, and is still in existence in this
neighbourhood.
[Illustration: A SPANISH TREASURE-CHEST.]
There is in the possession of W. E. Kelly, Esq., St. Helen's, Westport,
Co. Mayo (to whom the writer is indebted for the information), a very
interesting treasure-chest, which bears satisfactory evidence of having
been recovered from one of the Armada ships wrecked on that coast in
1588. After "the flight of the Earls," a branch of the O'Donnells
migrated from Tirconnell to _Newport_, Co. Mayo, and one of the
family--Conel O'Donnell, brother of Sir Neal O'Donnell--obtained from a
peasant, who lived on the sea-shore at Clew Bay, the chest in question.
No particulars are forthcoming as to the exact spot where the peasant
found it; but it bears evidence, from its corrosion, of having been
subjected to the prolonged action of sea water, and it is not unlikely
that this relic was on board the _Rata_, which De Leyva set fire to in
Blacksod Bay. The size of the chest is 2 ft. 10½ ins. long, 1 ft. 9
ins. wide, and 1 ft. 7½ ins. high.
In the Armada Exhibition, at Drury Lane, held October, 1888, the
following amongst other relics were shown:
"No. 240.--Spanish treasure-chest, with two keys; the larger key is
emblematical, the bow being the ecclesiastical A.N., the wards being
'chevron' and 'cross.' Inside of chest has engraved face-plate to lock,
perforated with _Spanish eagles_ for design.
"No. 241.--Spanish treasure-chest, believed to have come out of the
_Santa Anna_, etc.
"No. 242.--Iron chest from Armada. This chest is of most remarkable
construction: there is an apparent keyhole, but the real one is
concealed in the lid, which is one large lock, the lock-plate of which
is of very fine workmanship of polished iron.
"No. 243.--Iron treasure-chest, taken from the Spanish war-ship during
the fight with the Armada.
"Spanish matchlock, taken from a Spaniard on the coast of Ireland.
"Spear head, from one of the Armada ships, wrecked off the coast of
Donegal.
"A spoon of curious floral design, found on the shore close to Dunluce
Castle, about 90 years ago [supposed to be from the wreck of the
_Girona_.]"[9]
Turning to Cuellar's narrative, in speaking of the wrecks at Streedagh,
Co. Sligo, of which he was an eye-witness, the following occurs:[10]
"And then [the Irish] betook themselves to the shore to plunder and
break open _money chests_." These are called in Spanish _Arcas_, _i.e._,
iron chests with flat lids to hold money, etc.
In the _State Papers_ (Ireland, 1588) several references to money chests
in the Spanish ships appear. "Plate and ducats" are spoken of as being
"rifled out of their chests." At 2nd Aug., 1588 [examination of Spanish
prisoners], from the "_Nuestra Señora del Rosario_," "a _chest of the
King's_ was taken wherein was 52,000 ducats, of which chest Don Pedro de
Valdez had one key and the King's treasurer or the Duke another. Besides
[it is added], many of the gentlemen had good store of money aboard the
said ship; also, there was wrought plate and a great store of precious
jewels and rich apparel."
In _State Papers_ [4th and 5th August, 1588], in describing the capture
of a Spanish "_Carrack_"--the _San Salvador_--it is said: "This very night
some inkling came unto us that _a chest_ of great weight should be found
in the fore-peak of the ship," etc. These and many other references to
both treasure and treasure-chests, taken from contemporary sources, show
that the Spanish treasure-chests _are not_ mythical, but formed a
necessary part of the outfit of an expedition, on which those who had
entered had staked all their riches and had brought their valuables with
them. A fine specimen of the treasure-chest is in the possession of
Major Hamilton, Brownhall. It has been in his family for such a period
that its history is lost. The ornamental open-work of polished steel,
which covers the inside of lid, is a very fine specimen of mediæval iron
work.
In Western Tirconnell is a cluster of islands which, collectively, are
called _The Rosses_. About four and a half miles north-west of
Mullaghderg are the "Spanish Stags" or "Enchanted Ships." On this wild
and rocky coast, abounding in shoals and sunken rocks, one of the
Spanish ships was cast away. Here lies buried in the sand the remains of
one of them. A little more than a century ago, an expedition of young
men, whose imagination was heated by the traditional accounts of buried
treasure, set out in a boat to the Spanish rock, and being good divers
and expert swimmers, they succeeded in reaching the wreck. They got on
the upper deck, and were able by great effort and perseverance to
recover a quantity of lead: they raised a number of brass guns, some of
which were 10 feet long. These were broken up and sold as scrap metal at
4½d. per lb. The iron guns, of which they found a number, were left
in the water. This vessel, tradition says, was a treasure ship; at all
events, a number of Spanish gold coins were found, and were in existence
some years ago. The brass cannon which were found bore the Spanish arms.
It is said some of the Spaniards from this vessel escaped to land, and
spent the rest of their lives amongst the Irish in The Rosses.
[Illustration: Anchor recovered from the wreck of one of the
SHIPS of the SPANISH.ARMADA off the coast of DONEGAL.
Presented by Cap'n Omma.]
In the spring of 1895, an attempt was made to search for the remains of
this ship. A small steamer, called the _Harbour Lights_, visited the
spot, and remained for a fortnight, but without being able to accomplish
anything. Owing to the accumulation of sand, which now covers the wreck,
there are great obstacles in the way of reaching it. At about a distance
of two miles to the south of the "Spanish Rock" another vessel was
wrecked, in the Bay of Castlefort, inside of the North Island of Aran.
In 1853, the coastguards at Rutland, under the superintendence of their
chief officer, Mr. Richard Heard, and at the instance of Admiral Sir
Erasmus Ommanney, C.B., who was on a tour of inspection in that year,
had their attention directed to the wreck. The search was rewarded by
the recovery of a fine anchor, which was forthwith transmitted to
London, and presented by the Admiral to the United Service Institution,
Whitehall Place. Through the kindness of Sir Erasmus Ommanney, an
engraving[11] of this interesting relic is presented, and the writer is
also indebted to him for the particulars of the discovery of the anchor.
A portion of one of the brass cannon recovered from the _Girona_ was in
Castlecaldwell Museum, till the collection was disposed of. The fine
figurehead of one of the ships wrecked off Streedagh, which is shown on
the first page, is the only existing specimen in Ireland. In the Parish
Church of Carndonagh is a bell, which tradition says was recovered from
an Armada vessel wrecked at Inishowen. It bears the following legend:
"Sancta: Maria: Ora: Pro: Nobis Ricardus Pottar [his sign or trade mark]
De Vruain Me Fecit Alla [Allelujah]."
The following are the names of the Spanish vessels lost on the coasts of
Ulster and Connacht, so far as they are known (several nameless vessels
were also cast away):
_Duquesa Santa Anna_ 900 tons.
_The Rata_ 820 "
_The San Martin_ --
_El Gran Grifon, Capitana_ 650 "
_The Girona_ --
_The San Juan_ 530 "
_La Trinidad Valencera_ 1,100 "
In the valuable work, entitled "State Papers relating to the Defeat of
the Spanish Armada, Anno 1588," by Professor Laughton (Navy Records
Society)--a work which throws much light on the history of the period,
and should be studied in connection with Captain Duro's book--the
following remarks are made as to the cause of the loss of so many
Spanish vessels: "The Spanish ships were lost partly from bad pilotage,
partly from bad seamanship, but chiefly because they were leaking like
sieves, had no anchors, their masts and rigging shattered, their water
casks smashed."
The actual numbers when the fleet sailed from the Tagus on the 20th May
were: 130 ships, 57,868 tons, 2,431 guns, 8,050 seamen, 18,973 soldiers,
1,382 volunteers, 2,088 slaves (as rowers).
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Amongst those drowned at the wrecks on Streedagh were the following
Irishmen: Brian Mac-in-Persium, Andrew Mac-in-Persium, and Cormac
O'Larit, all of whom had shipped as sailors in the Spanish vessels.
[2] See Translator's Preface for the sense in which the word "north" is
used in Spanish.
[3] See O'Donovan's Letters (Sligo, R.I.A.)
[4] _Santiago_, the Patron Saint of Spain; hence it became the war-cry
or watchword when going to battle.
[5] Sir Owen O'Gallagher was O'Donnell's Marshal, and lived in the
Castle of Ballyshannon at this period.
[6] Sir R. Bingham to Walsyngham, Oct. 1st, 1588.
[7] Duro, p. 98; 25, i.
[8] Chests of the same type, called _Arca_, were discovered in the
excavations at Pompeii, where they were used for keeping the public
money.
[9] From the Official Catalogue of Tercentenary Exhibition of Spanish
Armada.
[10] See Mr. Crawford's translation and relative note, Part II.
[11] From a photograph kindly taken by T. B. M'Dowell, Esq., London.
PART II.
CAPTAIN CUELLAR'S
_NARRATIVE_
OF
_THE SPANISH ARMADA_
AND OF
_His Wanderings and Adventures in Ireland_.
(_Dated October 4th, 1589_).
TRANSLATED BY
ROBERT CRAWFORD, M.A., M.R.I.A., &c.,
_From the Spanish Text_,
AS GIVEN IN
"_LA ARMADA INVENCIBLE_,"
BY CAPTAIN CESAREO FERNANDEZ DURO,
_Published in Madrid, 1884-5_.
_Translator's Preface._
Shortly after the publication in Madrid of the second volume of Captain
Duro's book--"_La Armada Invencible_"--the Earl of Ducie drew special
attention to it in an article which appeared in the number of the
_Nineteenth Century_ for September, 1885.
Subsequently Mr. Froude took up the subject, and discoursed upon it in
_Longman's Magazine_ for September, October, and November, 1891, giving
a general sketch of the salient features of the ill-fated expedition
from the Spanish point of view, as disclosed in the pages of the book in
question.
These glowing pictures aroused much public interest at the time; but
they were especially attractive to those persons who happened to combine
the conditions of possessing antiquarian tastes, and living near the
localities brought into prominence by the recital of the great disasters
which befel the "Invincible Armada."
Of all the exciting scenes in that eventful episode in our history, none
was more tragic than the wreck of three of the largest of the Spanish
ships, which took place, simultaneously, in the bay of Donegal, on the
north-west coast of Ireland, in September, 1588.
The fact that in Captain Duro's book there appeared a hitherto
unpublished narrative of the event, written at the time by Don Francisco
Cuellar, one of the survivors of the catastrophe, and giving a minute
account of his wanderings and adventures in the country where he was
cast away, contributed to increase the local interest in the matter.
Mr. Hugh Allingham at once began a series of exhaustive investigations
in relation to Cuellar's descriptions, the results of which he
subsequently placed before the public in the pages of the _Ulster
Journal of Archæology_, April, 1895.
It was solely with the object of assisting him in the researches he then
undertook that this translation was prepared, and there was no intention
at the time of any future publication of it.
It was a matter of importance to facilitate the process of
identification as regards the various localities referred to, as well as
to avoid the danger of misinterpreting the writer's meaning when dealing
with obscure passages; conditions requiring the translation to be as
literal as possible, and leaving the translator with but little freedom
in treating a language that at best does not lend itself easily to
reproduction in the English idiom.
These facts are mentioned to account for the style in which it has been
prepared, as it has no pretensions to merit, except in so far as care
has been taken to follow closely the wording of the original Spanish.
As Mr. Allingham is now about to publish a new edition of his "Spanish
Armada in Ulster and Connacht," it has been considered desirable that
this translation should be added to it _in extenso_ for the convenience
of reference. I have, therefore, gone carefully over it again, comparing
it with the Spanish text, and have made some slight alterations of an
occasional word or phrase in it to make the matter more explicit.
This will explain why in some of Mr. Allingham's quotations from the
original translation, as given in the first edition of his paper on this
subject, a word here and there may be found to differ from those
contained in the present version; but the change does not affect the
sense or meaning of any passage, with, I think, a couple of exceptions.
The first of these relates to where Cuellar describes the English as
going about searching "for us who had escaped [from the perils of the
sea. All the monks had fled] to the woods," etc. The part within the
brackets was left out in the original translation by the accidental
omission of a line in copying the rough draft; and, as the mutilated
sentence still made sense, the omission was not detected at the time.
The other is the only really important change, and I will now proceed to
deal with it.
The Spanish words are: "_Hacienda Norte de las montañas_," which I
originally translated as "making for the north of the mountains"; but
now prefer to render by the alternative reading: "_Making for the
direction of the mountains_."
I will first show that this latter translation is also perfectly
correct, and that I am justified in adopting it, and then explain my
reason for doing so.
In Spanish dictionaries generally the meaning of _Norte_ is given,
primarily, as North, signifying either the Arctic pole, the northern
part of the sphere, the polar star, the north wind, etc.; but it is also
used in another and metaphorical sense.
In the best authority we have on such matters--the Dictionary of the
Spanish Academy--we find that _Norte_ also means _direction_, guide, "the
allusion being taken from the North Star, by which navigators guide
themselves with the direction of the nautical needle" [or mariner's
compass]. With such an authority to support me, I think it can scarcely
be disputed that the alternative translation, which I recommend, is a
fair one.
I will now explain why I prefer it to my first reading of the passage.
Cuellar's statement leaves no room for doubt that it was to O'Rourke's
country, lying along and to the south of the Leitrim range of mountains,
he was bound; while Mr. Allingham's investigations make it equally
certain, in my opinion, that Glenade was the particular place Cuellar
came to, as described in his account of his wanderings.
Now, as Glenade is among the Leitrim mountains, not on their northern
side--along which, in the first instance, I had supposed Cuellar's route
to lie--it became necessary for me to re-examine my position and make
sure whether the Spanish text required a rigid adherence to my first
translation, or might admit of some alternative reading that would
account for the apparent discrepancy.
The result was, as already explained, that the pages of the dictionary
disclosed a perfectly easy and admissible treatment of the passage in
question, that solved the difficulty without the necessity of resorting
to any postulates, or putting a forced or novel interpretation upon the
words.
Here, perhaps, I should refer to the fact that two other translators of
Cuellar's narrative--Professor O'Reilly in the _Proceedings of the Royal
Irish Academy_, December, 1893, and Mr. Sedgwick in a small volume
recently published by Mr. Elkin Mathews, of Vigo Street, London--give
this passage a very different meaning to that which I attach to it,
while they agree tolerably closely with each other.
Professor O'Reilly omits all mention of the mountains, and translates
only the rest of the sentence, as: "_Taking the northerly direction
pointed out by the boy_"; while Mr. Sedgwick puts it in this form:
"_Striking north for the mountains_ the boy had pointed out."
This latter reading gives the preposition (_de_) exactly the opposite
signification to that which it usually bears.
But, apart from this, there is another and, I think, a fatal objection
to the two foregoing translations of the phrase.
Both agree that the boy told Cuellar to go _straight on_ to mountains,
_pointed out_ by him, as the place behind which O'Rourke lived. If so,
these mountains could not have been situated to the north of where he
was at the time, as to go from thence in anything like a northerly
direction would have brought him at once into the sea, which lay to the
north of him, and extended for several miles farther eastwards.
That this fact must have been apparent to both Cuellar and his guide as
they went along will be recognised by those who are acquainted with the
locality, which everywhere looks down upon the ocean.
There is another rather important point upon which I differ from the two
gentlemen already named, who here again agree closely with each other.
It relates to the position of the village in which MacClancy's retainers
lived. Cuellar says it was established upon "_tierra firme_," which one
translates as _firm_, the other as _solid_, ground. To me the context
appears to indicate clearly that the expression was intended to bear its
ordinary idiomatic interpretation of _mainland_ in contradistinction to
the position of the castle itself, which we are told was built in the
lake.
There are several other expressions about the meaning of which we
differ; but I will only refer to some of them, that are of sufficient
importance, either directly or indirectly, to make it desirable that
Cuellar's statement concerning them should be correctly given. I do not
refer to them in any spirit of adverse criticism, but in the interests
of accuracy, as regards details, in the description of an important
historical event.
Both parties translate _montes_ as _mountains_. This, I think, is a
mistake: it should be _woods_. Cuellar repeatedly uses the correct word,
_montañas_, to express mountains; so that when we find him writing
_montes_, the natural inference is that he was referring to something of
a different nature; besides, _montes_ is frequently made use of in
Spanish to denote woods.
Professor O'Reilly translates _manta_ as _cloak_ throughout; while Mr.
Sedgwick also does so the first time he meets with it, but calls it
_blanket_ always afterwards. _Manta_ means a blanket, but _manto_ is a
mantle, veil, or cloak; and the error alluded to is due, no doubt, to
the similarity of the two words.
Again, both gentlemen translate _un trompeta_ as a _trumpet_: it should
be a _trumpeter_. The cause of the mistake here lies in overlooking the
nature of the article made use of. _Trompeta_ is both a masculine and
feminine noun. The former signifies the man who blows a trumpet, and the
latter is the instrument itself. In the present instance, the article
(_un_) being masculine, shows that the word is used in its masculine
sense, and therefore means a _trumpeter_.
I will now briefly refer to a few cases of the two translators
separately, taking Professor O'Reilly first.
_Galleon_ and _galley_ do not translate each other, but refer to very
different classes of ships.
Cuellar did not remain on board _his own ship_ after he had been
sentenced to death and reprieved, but was detained on the ship of the
Judge Advocate, in which he was subsequently wrecked. The number of dead
bodies lying on the shore where he was cast away is given by Cuellar as
more than 600, not as more than 800.
"_Casiñas de paja_" means, I think, that the huts were not merely
thatched with straw, but composed of it altogether. This appears to be
clear from the fact that Cuellar uses another expression--"_Casas
pajizas_"--when he wished to describe the thatched houses in Ocan's
village.
Referring to the ship that Cuellar's companions--who outstripped
him--embarked upon, and in the wreck of which they were subsequently
lost, Professor O'Reilly says she "_drifted there by good luck_" (_con
gran fortuna_). I think this is not the true meaning of the passage, but
that the ship was driven in "_by a great tempest_" or storm; for he goes
on to say that her main-mast and rigging were much injured. It should be
borne in mind that _fortuna_ means a storm or tempest, as well as
fortune or luck.
Turning now to Mr. Sedgwick's translation, he gives _Ancients_ as the
English equivalent for _Alférez_, which is probably some curious
misprint; for the ordinary meaning of the word is _ensign_.
Again, _Sierra_ does not mean a "peak," but a mountain ridge or range.
_Pelotes_ is given as _goat-skin_: it should be goat's _hair_.
"_Y pues el salvaje sentia tanto desmamparar su castillo_" is
translated: "And since the savage had _resolved_ to abandon his castle."
This should be: "Besides [or since] the savage _regretted so much_ to
abandon his castle."
Here it may be remarked that Cuellar always calls the natives of Ireland
savages, which seems very ungrateful on his part, as many of them showed
him great kindness. It would have been pleasanter for a translator at
the present day to have softened the harsher expression by substituting
_native_ for it, as Professor O'Reilly has done; but it appears to me
that this does not convey the correct meaning of what Cuellar had in
view when he used the word _salvaje_.
Referring to MacClancy's Castle, Cuellar says: "_Por lo qual no se puede
ganar este castillo por agua, ni por la banda de tierra que esta mas
cerca de el._" Mr. Sedgwick translates it thus: "For this reason the
castle is safe from attack, and is inaccessible both by water and by the
strip of _land that runs up to it_." This would look as if the castle
stood upon a promontory of the mainland, instead of being built in the
lake, as Cuellar, at the beginning of the same paragraph, tells us it
was.
I think the true meaning of the passage is this: "For which reason the
castle could not be taken by water nor by the shore of the land that is
nearest to it."
To conclude: there appears to be an important error in Mr. Sedgwick's
translation, beginning with the title, and repeated in the first and
last sentences of this book, besides occurring several times throughout
its pages. I refer to the statement that Cuellar's letter was written to
King Philip II., and to the constant use of the expression "Your
Majesty" to the person he was addressing.
I cannot find the slightest evidence in support of this assumption: on
the contrary, everything in the letter would seem to contradict it. It
is written in a familiar, chatty style, as to a person with whom the
writer was on fairly familiar terms, and was certainly not such as a
captain in the Spanish navy would address to his Sovereign.
The error must, I think, have arisen from some misconception as to the
meaning of the abbreviations made use of in Spanish epistolary
correspondence.
In twelve instances I find that Mr. Sedgwick has apparently mistaken the
initials V.m. (a capital V followed by a small m), which stand for
_Vuestra merced_--the usual form in which untitled persons addressed each
other--for V.M. (where both letters are capitals), meaning _Vuestra
Majestad_ (Your Majesty). Once (on page 12) he gives a similar rendering
of the letters S.M., which stand for _Su Majestad_ (His Majesty),
although on page 104 he translates the same initials correctly. On page
98 he uses the same formula (Your Majesty) to represent the expression
_La Majestad_ (The Majesty), and on page 102 he makes it do duty for the
whole expression "_La Majestad del rey nuestro Señor_" (the majesty of
the King, our Lord).
ROBERT CRAWFORD.
STONEWOLD, BALLYSHANNON,
_March_ 29_th_, 1897.
_Translation of_
CAPTAIN CUELLAR'S
_Narrative of the Spanish Armada_.
_Letter of One who was with the Armada of [for] England,
and an Account of the Expedition._
I believe that you[12](1) will be astonished at seeing this letter on
account of the slight certainty that could have existed as as to my
being alive. That you(12)(2) may be quite sure of this I write it [the
letter], and at some length, for which there is sufficient reason in the
great hardships and misfortunes I have passed through since the Armada
sailed from Lisbon for England, from which our Lord, in His infinite
good pleasure, delivered me.
As I have not had an opportunity to write to you(12)(3) for more than a
year, I have not done so until now that God has brought me to these
States of Flanders, where I arrived twelve days ago with the Spaniards
who escaped from the ships that were lost in Ireland, Scotland, and
Shetland, which were more than twenty of the largest in the Armada.
In them came a great force of picked infantry, many captains,
ensigns,[13] camp-masters,[14] and other war officials, besides several
gentlemen and scions[15] of nobility, out of all of whom, being more
than two hundred, not five survived; because some of them were drowned,
and those who reached the shore by swimming were cut in pieces by the
English, whom the Queen keeps quartered in the Kingdom of Ireland.
I escaped from the sea and from these enemies by having commended myself
very earnestly to our Lord, and to the Most Holy Virgin, His Mother; and
with me three hundred and odd soldiers, who also knew how to save
themselves and to swim to shore. With them I experienced great
misfortunes: naked and shoe-less all the winter: passing more than seven
months among mountains and woods with savages, which they all are in
those parts of Ireland where we were shipwrecked.
I think it is not right for me to omit to narrate to you, or to keep
back, the injuries and the great insults[16] that it was sought to
inflict upon me, so wrongfully, and without my having committed the
fault of neglecting to do my duty, from which our Lord delivered me.
Having been condemned to death, as you will have known, and so
ignominiously, and seeing the severity with which the order for
execution was given, I demanded, with much spirit and anger, why they
inflicted upon me so great an insult and dishonour, I having served the
King as a good soldier and loyal subject of his on all occasions and in
the encounters which we had with the fleet of the enemy, from which the
galleon I commanded always came out of action very badly injured, and
with many people killed and wounded.
In it (my demand) I requested that a copy of the order should be given
me, and that a judicial inquiry should be made of the three hundred and
fifty men who were on board the galleon, and if any one of them
considered me to blame they might quarter me.
They did not wish to listen to me, nor to many gentlemen who interceded
on my behalf, replying that the Duke was then in retirement, and very
morose, and unwilling that any one should speak with him; because, in
addition to the miserable success which he always had with the enemy, on
the day of my trouble he was informed that the two galleons--_San Mateo_
and _San Felipe_--of those from Portugal, in which were the two
camp-masters,[17] Don Francisco de Toledo, brother of the Count of
Orgaz, and Don Diego Pimentel, brother of the Marquis de Távara, were
lost in the sea, and most of those they carried were cut to pieces and
dead.
On this account the Duke kept to his cabin, and the councillors, to make
up for his perversity,[18] did wrongs, right and left, on the lives and
reputations of blameless persons; and this is so public that every one
knows it.
The galleon _San Pedro_, in which I sailed, received much injury from
many heavy cannon balls, which the enemy lodged in her in various parts;
and although they were repaired as well as was possible at the time,
there were still some hidden shot-holes through which much water
entered.
After the fierce engagement we had off Calais on the 8th of August,
continuing from the morning till seven o'clock in the evening--which was
the last of all--our Armada being in the act of retiring--oh! I don't know
how I can say it--the fleet of our enemy followed behind to drive us from
their country; and when it was accomplished, and everything was safe,
which was on the 10th of the same [month], seeing that the enemy had
stopped [ceased to follow], some of the ships of our Armada trimmed up
and repaired their damages.
On this day, for my great sins, I was resting for a little, as for ten
days I had not slept nor ceased to assist at whatever was necessary for
me,--a pilot [mate], a bad man whom I had, without saying anything to me,
made sail and passed out in advance of the admiral's ship for about two
miles, as other ships had done, in order to effect repairs.
When about to lower sails, to see where the galleon was leaking, a
tender came alongside and summoned me, on the part of the Duke, to go on
board the admiral's ship. I proceeded thither; but before I reached her,
orders were given in another ship that I and another gentleman, who was
named Don Cristobal de Avila, who went as captain of a store-ship--which
was far ahead of my galleon--should be put to death in a most ignominious
manner.
When I heard of this severity, I thought I should have burst with
passion, saying that all should bear me witness of the great wrong done
to me, I having served so well, as could be seen by written document.
The Duke heard nothing of all this, because, as I say, he was in
retirement. Señor Don Francisco Bovadilla alone was he who ordered and
countermanded in the Armada; and by him, and others, whose evil deeds
are well known, all was managed.
He ordered me to be taken to the ship of the Judge[19] Advocate General,
that his advice should be carried out on me. I went there; and although
he was severe, the Judge Advocate--Martin de Aranda, for so they called
him--heard me, and obtained confidential information concerning me. He
discovered that I had served His Majesty as a good soldier, for which
reason he did not venture to carry out on me the order that had been
given him. He wrote to the Duke about it, that if he did not order him
in writing, and signed by his own hand, he would not execute that order,
because he saw that I was not in fault, nor was there cause for it.
Accompanying it, I wrote a letter to the Duke of such a nature that it
made him consider the affair carefully, and he replied to the Judge
Advocate that he should not execute the order upon me, but on Don
Cristobal, whom they hanged with great cruelty and ignominy, being a
gentleman and well known.
God was pleased to deliver me because I was not in fault, which you will
be able to know well, or will have known from many persons who saw it
[eye-witnesses].
The said Judge Advocate was always very courteous to me, because of the
great respect he had for those who were in the right.
I remained in his ship, in which we were in imminent danger of death,
because she opened so much with a storm which sprang up that she
continually filled with water, and we could not dry her out with the
pumps. We had neither remedy nor succour, except it was from God; for
the Duke still did not appear, and all the Armada proceeded, scattered
in such manner by the storm that some ships went to Germany, others
drove on the islands of Holland and Zealand into the enemies' hands,
others went to Shetland, others to Scotland, where they were lost and
burned. More than twenty were lost in the Kingdom of Ireland, with all
the chivalry and flower of the Armada.
As I have said, the ship I sailed in was from the Levant, to which were
attached two others, very large, to afford us aid if they could.
In these came Don Diego Enriquez, "the hunchback," as camp-master; and
not being able to weather [round or double] Cape Clear (?), in Ireland,
on account of the severe storm which arose upon the bow, he was forced
to make for the land with these three ships, which, as I say, were of
the largest size, and to anchor more than half a league from the shore,
where we remained for four days without being able to make any
provision, nor could it even be made.
On the fifth [day] there sprang up so great a storm on our beam, with a
sea up to the heavens, so that the cables could not hold nor the sails
serve us, and we were driven ashore with all three ships upon a beach,
covered with very fine sand, shut in on one side and the other by great
rocks.
Such a thing was never seen: for within the space of an hour all three
ships were broken in pieces, so that there did not escape three hundred
men, and more than one thousand were drowned, among them many persons of
importance--captains, gentlemen, and other officials.
Don Diego Enriquez died there one of the saddest deaths that has ever
been seen in the world.
In consequence of fearing the very heavy sea that was washing over the
highest part of the wrecks, he took his ship's boat that was decked, and
he and the son of the Count of Villa Franca and two other Portuguese
gentlemen, with more than sixteen thousand ducats, in jewels and
crown-pieces, placed themselves under the deck of the said boat, and
gave the order to close and caulk the hatchway by which they had
entered.
Thereupon more than seventy men, who had remained alive, jumped from the
ship to the boat, and while she was making for the land so great a wave
washed over her that she sank, and all on deck were swept away.
Then she drifted along, rolling over in different directions with the
waves, until she went ashore, where she settled wrong side up, and by
these mischances the gentlemen who had placed themselves under the deck
died within.
More than a day and a half after she had grounded, some savages arrived,
who turned her up for the purpose of extracting nails or pieces of iron;
and, breaking through the deck, they drew out the dead men.
Don Diego Enriquez expired in their hands, and they stripped him, and
took away the jewels and money which they (the dead men) had, casting
the bodies aside without burying them.
And because it is a wonderful occurrence, and true without doubt (of a
certainty), I have wished to narrate it to you in order that it may be
known there (on your side) the manner in which this gentleman died.
And as it would not be right to omit to mention my own good fortune, and
how I got to land, I say that I placed myself on the top of the poop of
my ship, after having commended myself to God and to Our Lady, and from
thence I gazed at the terrible spectacle. Many were drowning within the
ships; others, casting themselves into the water, sank to the bottom
without returning to the surface; others on rafts and barrels, and
gentlemen on pieces of timber; others cried aloud in the ships, calling
upon God; captains threw their chains and crown-pieces into the sea; the
waves swept others away, washing them out of the ships.
While I was regarding this solemn[20] scene, I did not know what to do,
nor what means to adopt, as I did not know how to swim, and the waves
and storm were very great; and, on the other hand, the land and the
shore were full of enemies, who went about jumping and dancing with
delight at our misfortunes; and when any one of our people reached the
beach, two hundred savages and other enemies fell upon him and stripped
him of what he had on until he was left in his naked skin. Such they
maltreated and wounded without pity, all of which was plainly visible
from the battered ships, and it did not seem to me that there was
anything good happening on any side.
I went to the Judge Advocate--God pardon him!--he was very sorrowful and
depressed, and I said to him that he should make some provision for
saving his life before the ship went to pieces, as she could not last
for half a quarter of an hour longer; nor did she last it.
Most of her complement of men and all the captains and officers were
already drowned and dead when I determined to seek means of safety for
my life, and placed myself upon a piece of the ship that had been broken
off, and the Judge Advocate followed me, loaded with crown-pieces, which
he carried stitched up in his waistcoat and trousers.
There was no way to detach the portion of wreck from the ship's side, as
it was held fast by some heavy iron chains, and the sea and the pieces
of timber floating about loose struck it, nearly killing us.
I managed to find another resource, which was to take the cover of a
hatchway, about as large as a good-sized table, that by chance the mercy
of God brought to my hand. When I tried to place myself upon it, it sank
with me to a depth of six times my height below the surface, and I
swallowed so much water that I was nearly drowned.
When I came up again, I called to the Judge Advocate, and I managed to
get him upon the hatchway cover with myself. In the act of casting-off
from the ship, there came a huge wave, breaking over us in such a manner
that the Judge Advocate was unable to resist it, and the wave bore him
away and drowned him, crying out and calling upon God while drowning.
I could not aid him, as the hatchway cover, being without weight at one
end, began to turn over with me, and at that moment a piece of timber
crushed my legs.
With great exertion, I righted myself upon my supporting timber; and,
supplicating Our Lady of Ontañar, there came four waves, one after the
other, and, without knowing how, or knowing how to swim, they cast me
upon the shore, where I emerged, unable to stand, all covered with
blood, and very much injured.
The enemies and savages, who were on the beach stripping those who had
been able to reach it by swimming, did not touch me nor approach me,
seeing me, as I have said, with my legs and hands and my linen trousers
covered with blood. In this condition I proceeded, little by little, as
I could, meeting many Spaniards stripped to the skin, without any kind
of clothing whatsoever upon them, chattering with the cold, which was
severe, and thus I stopped for the night in a deserted place, and was
forced to lie down upon some rushes on the ground, with the great pain I
suffered in my leg.
Presently a gentleman came up to me, a very nice young fellow, quite
naked, and he was so dazed that he could not speak, not even to tell me
who he was; and at that time, which would be about nine o'clock at
night, the wind was calm and the sea subsiding. I was then wet through
to the skin,[21] dying with pain and hunger, when there came up two
people--one of them armed, and the other with a large iron axe in his
hands--and upon reaching me and the other [man] who was with me, we
remained silent, as if we had not anything amiss [with us]. They were
sorry to see us; and without speaking a word to us, cut a quantity of
rushes and grass, covered us well, and then betook themselves to the
shore to plunder and break open[22] money-chests and whatever they might
find, at which work more than two thousand savages and Englishmen, who
were stationed in garrisons near there, took part.
Managing to rest a little, I began to doze; and when fast asleep, at
about one o'clock in the night, I was disturbed by a great noise of men
on horseback--there were more than two hundred of them--who were going to
plunder and destroy the ships. I turned to call my companion, to see if
he slept, and found he was dead, which occasioned me great affliction
and grief. I got to know afterwards that he was a man of position. There
he lay on the ground with more than six hundred other dead bodies which
the sea cast up, and the crows and wolves[23] devoured them, without
there being any one to bury them: not even poor Don Diego Enriquez.
At the dawn of day I began to walk, little by little, searching for a
monastery of monks, that I might repair[24] to it [or might recover in
it] as best I could, which I arrived at with much trouble and toil. I
found it deserted, and the church and images of the saints burned and
completely ruined, and twelve Spaniards hanging within the church by the
act of the Lutheran English, who went about searching for us to make an
end of all of us who had escaped [from the perils of the sea. All the
monks had fled] to the woods[25] for fear of the enemies, who would have
sacrificed them as well if they had caught them, as they were accustomed
to do, leaving neither place of worship nor hermitage standing; for they
had demolished them all, and made them drinking-places for cows and
swine.
In order that you may occupy yourself somewhat after dinner, by way of
amusement, in reading this letter, which will almost appear as if taken
from some book of chivalry, I write it at such length, so that you may
imagine the risks and hardships that I have experienced.
As I did not meet with any one at the said monastery, except the
Spaniards hanging within from the iron window gratings of the church, I
sallied forth speedily, and betook myself to a road which lay through a
great wood. When I had gone by it for the matter of a mile, I met with a
woman of more than eighty years of age, a rough savage, who was carrying
off five or six cows to hide them in that wood, so that the English who
had come to stop in her village might not take them.
As she saw me, she stopped and recognised me, and said to me: "Thou
Spain." I said yes to her by signs, and that I had been shipwrecked. She
began to lament much and to weep, making me signs that I was near her
house, but not to go there, as there were numerous enemies in it, and
they had cut the heads off many Spaniards. All this was affliction and
hardship for me, as I travelled alone, and badly injured by a stick of
timber, which almost broke my legs in the water.
At last, with the information of the old woman, I decided to go to the
shore, where the ships lay that were wrecked three days before, where
many parties of people went about carting away and removing to their
huts all our effects [spoils].
I did not venture to show myself, nor to approach them, in order that
they might not strip me of the poor linen garment I had on my back or
kill me, until I saw two poor Spanish soldiers approaching, stripped
naked as when they were born, crying out and calling upon God to help
them.
The one bore a bad wound in the head, which they had given him when
stripping him. They came to me, as I called to them from where I was
concealed, and recounted to me the cruel deaths and punishments which
the English had inflicted upon more than one hundred Spaniards they had
taken.
With this intelligence there was no lack of affliction; but God gave me
strength; and after I had commended myself to Him, and to His blessed
Mother, I said to those two soldiers: "Let us proceed to the ships where
these people are going about plundering, perhaps we shall find something
to eat or drink, for it is certain that I shall die of hunger." And
going in that direction, we began to see dead bodies, which was a great
grief and pity to see those whom the sea continued casting up. There
were stretched out upon that strand more than four hundred, among whom
we recognised some, and the poor Don Diego Enriquez, whom, with all my
sad plight, I did not wish to pass by without burying him in a pit,
which we made in the sand, at the water's edge. We laid him there along
with another very honourable captain, a great friend of mine, and we had
not quite finished burying them, when there came up to us two hundred
savages, to see what we were doing. We said to them, by signs, that we
were placing there those men who were our brothers, that the crows might
not eat them.
Then we went off, and searched for something to eat along the shore--of
biscuits, which the sea was casting up--when four savages came up to me
to strip me of the clothing which I wore, and another was grieved and
took them away; seeing that, they began to maltreat me: and he may have
been a chief, for they respected him.
This man, by the grace of God, assisted me and my two companions, and
brought us away from there, and remained a good while in our company,
until he put us on a road which led from the coast to a village where he
lived. There he told us to await him, and that he would return soon and
put us[26] on the way to a good place.
Along with all this misery, that road was very stony, and I was unable
to move or go a step forward, because I went shoe-less, and dying with
pain in one of my legs, which was severely wounded. My poor companions
were naked and freezing with the cold, which was very great; and not
being able to exist nor assist me, they went on in front by the road,
and I remained there supplicating God's favour.
He aided me, and I began to move along, little by little, and reached a
height, from whence I discovered some huts of straw;[27] and going
towards them by a valley, I entered a wood.[28] When I had gone a
distance of two shots of an arquebus in it, an old savage of more than
seventy years came out from behind the rocks, and two young men, with
their arms--one English, the other French--and a girl of the age of twenty
years, most beautiful[29] in the extreme, who were all going to the
shore to plunder.
When they saw me pass among the trees, they changed their course towards
me, and the Englishman came up saying, "Yield, Spanish poltroon,"[30]
and made a slash at me with a knife, desiring to kill me. I warded off
the blow with a stick which I carried in my hand; but, in the end, he
got at me, and cut the sinew of my right leg. He wanted to repeat the
blow immediately, had not the savage come up with his daughter, who may
have been this Englishman's friend,[31] and I replied he might do what
he wished to me, for fortune had subdued me, and deprived me of my arms
in the sea. They took him away from me then, and the savage began to
strip me, to the taking off of my shirt, under which I wore a gold chain
of the value of rather more than a thousand dollars.[32] When they saw
it, they rejoiced greatly, and searched the jacket,[33] thread by
thread, in which I carried forty-five crown-pieces in gold, that the
Duke had ordered to be given to me at Corunna for two months' pay;[34]
and when the Englishman saw that I carried a chain and crown-pieces, he
wanted to take me prisoner, saying that he should be offered a ransom. I
replied that I had nothing to give; that I was a very poor soldier, and
had gained that, what they saw, in the ship. The girl lamented much to
see the bad treatment I received, and asked them to leave me the
clothes, and not to injure me any more. They all returned to the hut of
the savage, and I remained among those trees, bleeding from the wound
which the Englishman had inflicted upon me. I proceeded to put on again
my jacket and sack-coat; moreover, they had taken away my shirt, and
some relics of great value which I wore in a small garment [vestment],
of the Order of the Holy Trinity, that had been given to me at Lisbon.
These the savage damsel took and hung them round her neck, making me a
sign that she wished to keep them, saying to me that she was a
Christian: which she was in like manner as Mahomet.
From her hut they sent me a boy with a poultice made of herbs, to put
upon my wound, and butter and milk and a small piece of oaten bread to
eat.
I applied the dressing and ate the food, and the boy went along the road
with me, showing me the direction I had to go, and advising me to avoid
a village which could be seen from thence, where they had killed many
Spaniards, and not one escaped that they could lay their hands upon.
He [or the person] to do me this service was born a Frenchman, who had
been a soldier at Terceira, upon whom it pressed heavily to see such
injury done me.
When the boy was about to turn back, he told me to continue travelling
_straight towards some mountains_ that appeared to be about six leagues
off, behind which there were good lands belonging to an important savage
very friendly to the King of Spain; and that he gave shelter to, and
treated well, all the Spaniards who went to him; and that he had in his
village more than eighty of those from the ships who reached there
naked.
At this news I took some courage; and with my stick in hand, I began to
walk as best I could, making for the direction of the mountains [or for
the north of the mountains], as the boy had told me.[35]
That night I reached some huts, where they did not do me harm, because
there was in them one who knew Latin; and in the necessity of the
circumstances, our Lord was pleased that we should understand one
another, talking Latin. I narrated to them my hardships.
The Latin-speaking man sheltered me in his hut that night: he dressed my
wound, gave me supper, and a place where I might sleep upon some straw.
In the middle of the night his father arrived and his brothers, loaded
with plunder and our things, and it did not displease the old man that I
had been sheltered in his house and well treated.
In the morning they gave me a horse and a boy to convey me over a mile
of bad road that there was, with mud up to the girths. Having passed it
by the distance of the shot of a cross-bow, we heard a very great noise,
and the boy said to me, by signs, "Save yourself, Spain" (for so they
call us); "many Sassana horsemen are coming this way, and they will make
bits of thee if thou doest not hide thyself: come this way quickly."
They call the English "Sassanas." He took me away to hide in some rugged
places among the rocks, where we were very well concealed. They would be
about one hundred and fifty horsemen going back to the coast to plunder
as many Spaniards as they found.
God delivered me from them; and, proceeding on our way, there fell in
with me more than forty savages on foot, and they wished to make little
pieces of me because they were all Lutherans. They did not do it, as the
boy, who came with me, told them that his master had taken me prisoner,
and he had me in custody, and had sent me on that horse to be cured.
With all this, it did not suffice to obtain permission for me to pass in
peace; for two of those robbers came up to me and gave me six blows of a
stick, which bruised my shoulders and arms, and they stripped me of
everything that I wore, so as to leave me as naked as when I was born. I
speak the truth, by the holy baptism which I received. And seeing myself
in this condition, I gave many thanks to God, beseeching of His Divine
Majesty that He would fulfil His will on me, as that was what I desired.
The boy of the savage wished to return to his hut with his horse,
weeping to see how I was left, stripped naked, so badly treated, and so
cold.
I begged of God, very earnestly, that He would transport me to where I
should die confessed and in His grace. I took some courage, being in the
greatest extremity of misfortune that man ever saw, and with some
bracken leaves and a small piece of old matting which I wrapped around
my body, I protected myself from the cold as best I could.
I continued travelling, little by little, towards the place that had
been pointed out to me, searching for the territory of the chief who had
protected the Spaniards; and, reaching the mountain range that they gave
me for direction, I met with a lake, around which there were about
thirty huts, all forsaken and unoccupied, and there I wished to pass the
night.
Not having where to go, I sought out the best hut, which appeared to me
best to take shelter in for the night; and, as I say, they were
unoccupied and without people. On entering the door, I saw it was full
of sheaves of oats, which is the ordinary bread that those savages eat,
and I gave thanks to God that I was so well off as to have a place to
sleep on them; but just then I saw three men emerge from one side, naked
as when their mothers had brought them forth, and they stood up and
stared at me. They gave me a fright, for I thought they were, without
doubt, devils, and they understood no less that I might be so, swathed
in my ferns and matting. As I entered, they did not speak to me, because
they were quaking, nor, any more, did I to them, not having observed
them, the hut being somewhat dark. Seeing myself in this great
perplexity, I said: "Oh! Mother of God, be with me, and deliver me from
all evil."
When they saw [? heard] me speaking Spanish, and calling upon the Mother
of God, they also said: "Let that great Lady be with us."
Then I felt reassured, and went up to them, asking them if they were
Spaniards.
Yes, we are, for our sins, they replied. Eleven of us were stripped
together at the shore, and in this naked state we came to seek some land
of Christians. On the way, there met us a party of enemies, who killed
eight of us, and the three who are here made our escape through a wood
so thick that they could not discover us. That evening, God provided us
with these huts, where we have rested, though there are no people in
them nor anything to eat.
I said to them, then, to be of good courage, and to commend themselves
always to our Lord; that near to where we were there was a land of
friends and Christians; and that I brought word of a village, which was
three or four leagues distant, that belonged to Señor de Ruerque
[O'Rourke], where they had sheltered many of our lost Spaniards; and,
although I was very badly treated and wounded, on the morrow we should
proceed thither.
The poor fellows rejoiced, and they asked me who I was. I told them I
was Captain Cuellar. They could not believe it, because they had felt
sure I was drowned; and they came up to me, and almost completely killed
me with embraces.
One of them was an ensign, and the other two private soldiers. And as
the narrative is ludicrous, and true, as I am a Christian, I must
proceed to the end with it, in order that you may have something to
laugh at.
I got into the straw, well buried in it, with care, not to injure nor
disturb its position; and, having arranged to rise in the morning for
our journey, we slept without supping, not having eaten anything but
blackberries and water-cresses.
And when, in God's good time, day broke, I was wide awake with the great
pain I felt in my legs, I heard talking and the noise of people; and at
this juncture there came to the door a savage, with a halberd in his
hand, and he began to look at his oats and to talk to himself.
I remained without breathing, and my companions, who had been aroused,
[were] watching the savage very attentively from under the straw, and
what he intended to do.
It was the will of God that he went out and left, with many others who
had come along with him, to reap and work close to the huts in a place
where we could not go out without being seen. We remained quiet, buried
alive, discussing what it would suit us to do, and we decided not to
disinter ourselves, nor to move from that place while those heretic[36]
savages were there, who were from the place where so much evil was done
to the poor fellows of our Spaniards whom they caught; and they would
have done the same to us if they had perceived us there, where we had no
one to protect us but God.
Thus passed the whole day; and then, when night came on, the traitors
departed to shelter themselves at their villages, while we awaited the
rising of the moon.
Then wrapped up with straw and hay, for it was extremely cold, we
sallied forth from that great danger, in which we had been, without
waiting for the day.
We went along, stumbling in the mud, and dying with hunger, thirst, and
pain, until God was pleased to bring us to a land of some safety, where
we found huts of better people, although all savages, but Christians and
charitable. One of them, seeing that I came so badly treated and
wounded, took me to his hut and dressed my wounds, he and his wife and
sons, and he did not permit me to depart till it appeared I should be
well able to reach the village I was bound for. In it I met with more
than seventy Spaniards, who all went about naked and severely
maltreated, because the chief was not there.
He had gone to defend a territory which the English were coming to take;
and although this man is a savage, he is a very good Christian and an
enemy of heretics, always carrying on war with them. He is called Señor
de Ruerque [O'Rourke].
I arrived at his house with great exertion, enveloped in straw and
swathed around the body with a piece of matting, in such a plight that
no one could see me without being moved to great compassion.
Some of the savages gave me a bad old blanket, full of vermin, with
which I covered myself, and somewhat improved matters.
Early next day, about twenty of us Spaniards collected together at the
house of this Señor de Ruerque [O'Rourke], in order that they might give
us something to eat, for the love of God; and while we were there
begging, news was told us that a Spanish ship was at the coast, that she
was very large, and came for those Spaniards who had escaped.
With this news, without waiting longer, the whole twenty of us left for
the direction where they told us the ship was, and we met with many
hindrances on the way; though, for me it was an advantage and a mercy
which God granted me that I did not arrive at the port where she was in
the same manner as the others who were with me reached it. They embarked
on board of her, as she belonged to the Armada, and had arrived there in
a great gale[37] with her main-mast and rigging much injured. Fearing
that the enemy might burn her or do her some other injury, for which
energetic preparations were being made, they set sail from thence in two
days with the crew that came in her and those they had picked up,
returning, to run aground and get wrecked, on the same coast. More than
two hundred persons were drowned, and those who reached the shore by
swimming were taken by the English and all put to death.[38] It pleased
God that I alone remained of the twenty who went in search of her, for I
did not suffer like the others. For ever blessed be His Most Holy Pity
for so great mercies as He has shown to me.
Going along thus, lost with much uncertainty and toil, I met by chance
with a road along which a clergyman in secular clothing was travelling
(for the priests go about thus in that kingdom, so that the English may
not recognise them). He was sorry for me, and spoke to me in Latin,
asking me to what nation I belonged and about the shipwrecks that had
taken place. God gave me grace so that I was able to reply to everything
he asked me in the same Latin tongue; and so satisfied was he with me,
that he gave me to eat of that which he carried with him, and he
directed me by the right road that I should go to reach a castle, which
was six leagues from there. It was very strong, and belonged to a savage
gentleman, a very brave soldier and great enemy of the Queen of England
and of her affairs, a man who had never cared to obey her or pay
tribute, attending only to his castle and mountains, which made it
strong.
I set out for there, experiencing much trouble on the road, and the
greatest, and that which gave me most pain, was that a savage met me on
the way, and, by deceiving me, took me to his hut in a deserted valley,
where he said I must live all my life, and he would teach me his trade,
which was that of a blacksmith.
I did not know what to answer nor did I venture,[39] so that he should
not put me in the forge. Before him I showed a pleasant countenance, and
proceeded to work with my bellows for more than eight days, which
pleased the wicked savage blacksmith, because I did it carefully, so as
not to vex him and an accursed old woman he had for wife.
I was in tribulation and sad with such miserable employment, when our
Lord favoured me by causing the clergyman to return by that way, who was
surprised to see me, because that savage did not wish to let me go away,
as he made use of me. The clergyman scolded him severely, and told me
not to be troubled, as he would speak with the chief of the castle to
which he had directed me, and get him to send for me, which he did the
following day. He sent four men of the savages, who served him, and a
Spanish soldier, of whom he had already ten with him of those who had
escaped by swimming.
When he saw me so stripped [of clothing] and covered with straw, he and
all those who were with him grieved greatly, and their women even wept
to see me so badly treated.
They helped me as best they could with a blanket of the kind they use,
and I remained there three months, acting as a real savage like
themselves.
The wife of my master was very[40] beautiful in the extreme, and showed
[did] me much kindness. One day we were sitting in the sun with some of
her female friends and relatives, and they asked me about Spanish
matters and of other parts, and in the end it came to be suggested that
I should examine their hands and tell them their fortunes. Giving thanks
to God that it had not gone even worse with me than to be gipsy among
the savages, I began to look at the hands of each, and to say to them a
hundred thousand absurdities, which pleased them so much that there was
no other Spaniard better than I, or that was in greater favour with
them.
By night and by day men and women persecuted me to tell them their
fortunes, so that I saw myself (continually) in such a large crowd that
I was forced to beg permission of my master to go from his castle. He
did not wish to give it me: however, he gave orders that no one should
annoy me or give me trouble.
The custom of these savages is to live as the brute beasts among the
mountains, which are very rugged in that part of Ireland where we lost
ourselves. They live in huts made of straw. The men are all large
bodied, and of handsome features and limbs; and as active as the
roe-deer.[41] They do not eat oftener than once a day, and this is at
night; and that which they usually eat is butter with oaten bread. They
drink sour milk, for they have no other drink; they don't drink water,
although it is the best in the world. On feast days they eat some flesh
half-cooked, without bread or salt, as that is their custom. They clothe
themselves, according to their habit, with tight trousers[42] and short
loose coats[43] of very coarse goat's hair.[44] They cover themselves
with blankets,[45] and wear their hair down to their eyes. They are
great walkers, and inured to toil. They carry on perpetual war with the
English, who here keep garrison for the Queen, from whom they defend
themselves, and do not let them enter their territory, which is subject
to inundation, and marshy. That district extends for more than forty
leagues in length and breadth. The chief inclination of these people is
to be robbers, and to plunder each other; so that no day passes without
a call to arms among them. For the people in one village becoming aware
that in another there are cattle, or other effects, they immediately
come armed in the night, and "go[46] Santiago" [attack], and kill one
another; and the English from the garrisons, getting to know who had
taken, and robbed, most cattle, then come down upon them, and carry away
the plunder. They have, therefore, no other remedy but to withdraw
themselves to the mountains, with their women and cattle; for they
possess no other property, nor more moveables nor clothing. They sleep
upon the ground, on rushes, newly cut and full of water and ice.
The most of the women are very beautiful, but badly[47] dressed [got
up]. They do not wear more than a chemise, and a blanket, with which
they cover themselves, and a linen cloth, much doubled, over the head,
and tied in front. They are great workers and housekeepers, after their
fashion. These people call themselves Christains. Mass is said among
them, and regulated according to the orders of the Church of Rome. The
great majority of their churches, monasteries, and hermitages, have been
demolished by the hands of the English, who are in garrison, and of
those natives who have joined them, and are as bad as they. In short, in
this kingdom there is neither justice nor right, and everyone does what
he pleases.
As to ourselves, these savages liked us well because they knew we came
against [to oppose] the heretics, and were such great enemies of theirs;
and if it had not been for those who guarded us as their own persons,
not one of us would have been left alive. We had good-will to them for
this, although they were the first to rob us and strip to the skin those
who came alive to land; from whom, and from the thirteen ships of our
Armada, in which came so many people of importance, all of whom were
drowned, these savages obtained much riches in jewellery and money.
Word of this reached the great Governor of the Queen, who was in the
city of Dililin [Dublin], and he went immediately, with seventeen
hundred soldiers, to search for the lost ships and the people who had
escaped. They were not much fewer than one thousand men, who, without
arms and naked, were wandering about the country in the locality where
each ship had been lost.
The majority of these the Governor caught, and hanged them at once or
inflicted other penalties, and the people who he knew had sheltered them
he put in prison, and did them all the injury he could.
In this manner he took three or four savage chiefs, who had castles, in
which they had sheltered some Spaniards; and, having put both parties
under arrest, marched with them along the whole of the coasts till he
arrived at the place where I was wrecked. From thence he turned off
towards the castle of Manglana [MacClancy], for so they called the
savage with whom I was, who was always a great enemy of the Queen, and
never loved anything of hers, nor cared to obey her, for which reason he
(the Governor) was very anxious to take him prisoner.
This savage, taking into consideration the great force that was coming
against him, and that he could not resist it, decided to fly to the
mountains, which was his only remedy: more he could not do.
We Spaniards, who were with him, had news of the misfortune which was
coming upon us, and we did not know what to do, or where to place
ourselves in safety.
One Sunday, after mass, the chief, with dishevelled hair down to his
eyes, took us apart, and, burning with rage, said that he could not
remain, and he had decided to fly with all his villagers, their cattle,
and their families, and that we should settle what we wished to do to
save our lives. I replied to him to calm himself a little, and that
presently we would give him an answer. I went apart with the eight
Spaniards who were with me--they were good fellows--and I told them they
should well consider all our past misfortunes and that which was coming
upon us; and in order not to see ourselves in more, it was better to
make an end of it at once honourably; and as we had then a good
opportunity, we should not wait any longer, nor wander about flying to
the mountains and woods, naked and barefooted, with such great cold as
there was. Besides, the savage regretted so much to abandon his castle,
we, the nine Spaniards who were there, would cheerfully remain in it and
defend it to the death. This we could do very well, although there
should come two other such forces, more than that which was coming,
because the castle is very strong and very difficult to take if they do
not (even though they should) attack it with artillery; for it is
founded in a lake of very deep water, which is more than a league wide
at some parts, and three or four leagues long, and has an outlet to the
sea; and, besides, with the rise of spring tides it is not possible to
enter it, for which reason the castle could not be taken by water nor by
the shore of the land that is nearest to it. Neither could injury be
done it, because [for] a league round the town, which is established on
the mainland, it is marshy, breast-deep, so that even the inhabitants
[natives] could not get to it except by paths.
Then, considering all this carefully, we decided to say to the savage
that we wished to hold the castle and defend it to the death; that he
should, with much speed, lay in provisions for six months, and some
arms.
The chief was so pleased with this, and to see our courage, that he did
not delay much to make all provision, with the concurrence [good-will]
of the principal men of his town, who were all satisfied. And, to insure
that we should not act falsely, he made us swear that we would not
abandon his castle, nor surrender it to the enemy for any bargain or
agreement, even if we should perish from hunger; and not to open the
gates for Irishman, Spaniard, or any one else till his return, which he
would doubtless accomplish.
Then, all that was necessary being well prepared, we moved into the
castle, with the ornaments and requisites for the Church service, and
some relics which were there, and we placed three or four boat-loads of
stones within, and six muskets, with six cross-bows, and other arms.
Then the chief, embracing us, retired to the mountains, all his people
having already gone there; and the report was spread throughout the
country that Manglana's [MacClancy's] Castle was put in a state of
defence, and would not be surrendered to the enemy, because a Spanish
captain, with other Spaniards who were within, guarded [held] it.
Our courage seemed good to the whole country, and the enemy was very
indignant at it, and came upon the castle with his forces--about eighteen
hundred men--and observed us from a distance of a mile and a half from
it, without being able to approach closer on account of the water
which[48] intervened. From thence he exhibited some warnings, and hanged
two Spaniards, and did other damages [injuries] to put us in fear. He
demanded many times, by a trumpeter[49], that we should surrender the
castle, and he would spare our lives and give us a pass to Spain. We
said to him that he should come closer to the tower, as we did not
understand him, appearing always to make little of his threats and
promises [words].
We had been besieged for seventeen days, when our Lord saw fit to
succour and deliver us from that enemy by severe storms and great falls
of snow, which took place to such an extent that he [the Queen's
Governor] was compelled to depart with his force, and to march back to
Duplin [Dublin], where he had his residence and garrisons. From thence
he sent us warning that we should keep ourselves out of his hands, and
not come within his power; and that he would return in good time to that
country.
We replied to him much to our satisfaction, and to that of our Governor
of the castle, who, when he got the news that the Englishmen had
retired, returned to his town and castle greatly appeased and calmed,
and they _fêted_ us much.
He [the chief] very earnestly confirmed us [admitted us to full
privileges] as most loyal friends: offering whatever was his for our
service, and the chief persons of the land [did the same], neither more
nor less. To me he would give a sister of his, that I should marry her.
I thanked him much for this; but contented myself with a guide to direct
me to a place where I could meet with embarkation for Scotland.
He did not wish to give me permission [to leave], nor to any Spaniard of
those who were with him, saying that the roads were not safe; but his
sole object was to detain us, that we might act as his guard.
So much friendship did not appear good to me; and thus I decided,
secretly, with four of the soldiers who were in my company, to depart
one morning two hours before dawn, so that they should not pursue
[? stop] us on the road: and also because one day previously a boy
of Manglana's [MacClancy's] had told me his father had said that he
would not let me leave his castle until the King of Spain should send
soldiers to that country; and that he wished to put me in prison, so
that I might not go.
Possessed of this information, I dressed myself as best I could, and
took to the road, with the four soldiers, one morning ten days after the
Nativity,[50] in the year 88.
I travelled [went travelling] by the mountains and desolate places,
enduring much hardship, as God knows; and at the end of twenty days'
journey, I got to the place where Alonzo de Leyva, and the Count de
Paredes and Don Tomas de Granvela, were lost, with many other gentlemen,
to give an account of whom would need a quire[51] of paper.
I went to the huts of some savages that were there, who told me of the
great misfortunes of our people who were drowned at that place, and
showed me many jewels and valuables of theirs, which distressed me
greatly.
My chief cause of misery was that I had no means of embarking for the
Kingdom of Scotland; until one day I heard of the territory of a savage,
whom they called Prince Ocan, where there were some vessels that were
going to Scotland. Thither I travelled, crawling along, for I could
[scarcely] move because of a wound in one leg; but, as it led to safety,
I did all I could to walk, and reached it quickly. The vessels had left
two days before, which was no small disappointment for me, as I was in a
very dreadful country and among enemies, there being many English
stationed at the port, and each day they were with Ocan.
At this time I suffered great pain in the leg, so much so that in no
manner could I stand upon it. I was advised, too, that I should be very
cautious, because there were many English there who would do me great
harm if they caught me, as they had done to other Spaniards; especially
if they knew who I was.
I did not know what to do, as the soldiers who came with me had left,
and gone to another port further on to seek for a passage.
Some women, when they saw me alone, and ill, pitied me, and took me away
to their little huts on the mountain, and kept me there for more than a
month and a half in safety, and cured me, so that my wound healed, and I
felt well enough to go to Ocan's village to speak with him.
But he did not wish to hear or see me; for, it was said, he had given
his word to the great Governor of the Queen not to keep any Spaniard in
his territory, nor permit one to go about in it.
The English, who were quartered there, having marched off to invade a
territory and take it, Ocan accompanied them with all his force, so that
one could go openly [boldly] about the village, which was composed of
thatched huts.
In them there were some very beautiful girls, with whom I was very
friendly, and went into their houses occasionally for society and
conversation.
One afternoon, while I was there, two young Englishmen came in, one of
whom was a sergeant, and possessed information of me, by name, but yet
had not seen me before. When they were seated, they asked me if I were a
Spaniard; and what I was doing there. I said yes; that I was one of the
soldiers of Don Alonzo de Luçon, who had lately surrendered to them; but
on account of a bad leg, I had not been able to leave the district; that
I was at their service, to do whatever they wished to command.
They told me to wait a little, and that I should have to go with them to
the city of Dublin, where there were many important Spaniards in prison.
I said that I could not walk or go with them, and they sent to search
for a horse to carry me. I told them I was very willing to do whatever
they wished, and to go with them, with which they were reassured, and
began to make fun with the girls.
Their mother made signs to me to go away (that I should leave by the
door), and I did so in great haste, leaping banks as I went along. I got
among thick brambles, into which I penetrated until I lost sight of
Ocan's Castle, following this course until I wished to lie down for the
night.
I had arrived at a very large laguna [lake or marsh], along the banks of
which I saw a herd of cows walking, and I was approaching to see if
there was any one with them who could tell me where I was, when I
observed two boy savages advancing. They came to collect their cows, and
take them up the mountain to where they and their fathers were hiding
for fear of the English; and there I spent two days with them, being
treated with much kindness.
One of the boys had to go to the village of the Prince of Ocan to
ascertain what news or rumour there was, and he saw the two Englishmen,
who were going about, raging, in search of me.
Information about me had already been given to them, and no one passed
by whom they did not ask if he had seen me.
The boy was such a good lad that, upon learning this, he returned to his
hut, and informed me of what had occurred, so that I had to leave there
very early in the morning, and to go in search of a bishop, who was
seven leagues off in a castle where the English kept him in banishment
and retirement. This bishop was a very good Christian, and went about in
the garb of a savage for concealment, and I assure you I could not
restrain tears when I approached him to kiss his hand. He had twelve
Spaniards with him for the purpose of passing them over to Scotland, and
he was much delighted at my arrival, all the more so when the soldiers
told him that I was a captain. He treated me with every kindness[52]
that he could for the six days I was with him, and gave orders that a
boat should come to take us over to Scotland, which is usually done in
two days. He gave us provisions for the voyage and said mass to us in
the castle, and spoke with me about some things concerning the loss of
the kingdom, and how His Majesty had assisted them; and that he should
come to Spain as soon as possible after my arrival in Scotland, where he
advised me to live with much patience, as in general they were all
Lutherans and very few Catholics. The bishop was called Don Reimundo
Termi (?) [? Bishop of Times], an honourable and just man. God keep him
in His hands and preserve him from his enemies.
That same day at dawn[53] [when it was growing light], I went to sea in
a wretched boat in which we sailed--18 persons--and the wind becoming
contrary the same day, we were forced to run before it, at the mercy of
God, for Shetland, where we reached the land at daylight; the boat being
nearly swamped, and the main-sail carried away. We went on shore to give
thanks to God for the mercies He had bestowed upon us in bringing us
there alive; and from thence, in two days, with good weather, we left
for Scotland, where we arrived in three days: not without danger, on
account of the great quantity of water the miserable boat took in.
We blessed God who withdrew us from such perils and so great hardships,
and brought us to a land where there might be more succour.
It was said that the King of Scotland protected all the Spaniards who
reached his kingdom, clothed them, and gave them passages to Spain; but
all was the reverse, for he did no good to anyone, nor did he bestow one
dollar in charity. Those of us who reached that kingdom suffered the
greatest privations; inasmuch, as we were [left] for more than six
months as naked as when we arrived from Ireland, and other places, to
seek succour and assistance there, and passages to Spain.
I am inclined to believe that he was much persuaded, on the part of the
Queen of England, to hand us over to her. And had not the Catholic Lords
and Counts of that kingdom helped us--and there were many, and great
gentlemen, to favour us and speak for us to the King, and in the
Councils which were held on the subject--without doubt we should have
been betrayed [sold], and handed over to the English. For the King of
Scotland is nobody: nor does he possess the authority or position of a
king: and he does not move a step, nor eat a mouthful, that is not by
order of the Queen. Thus, there are great dissensions among the
gentlemen, who bear him no good-will, and desire to see his reign ended,
and the Majesty of the King, our Lord, in his place, that he might
establish the Church of God, which has been brought to such ruin there.
This they said to us many times, almost weeping, longing to see that day
which, they hoped in God, might soon arrive.
And, as I say, these gentlemen supported us all the time that we were
there, and gave us much alms, and were kind to us, sorrowing for our
misfortunes, with much pity. They asked us to have patience, and to bear
with a people who called us idolaters and bad Christians, and said a
thousand heresies to us; for, if one made answer, they would fall upon
him and kill him, and it was impossible to live or remain in such a bad
kingdom with so bad a king....[54] A despatch was sent to the Duke of
Parma ... at which his Highness, as a pious prince, grieved, and with
great zeal he sought to succour us ... to the King, that he would permit
us to leave his kingdom, and to the Catholics and friends much gratitude
on the part of his Majesty, with his most friendly letters.
There was a Scotch merchant in Flanders, who offered and agreed with his
Highness that he would come to Scotland for us and ship us in four
vessels, with the provisions which were necessary, and that he would
bring us to Flanders, his Highness giving him five ducats for each
Spaniard of those that he brought to Flanders.
The agreement was made with him, and he went for us and embarked us,
unarmed and naked as he found us, and took us by the ports of the Queen
of England, which secured us permission to pass by all the fleets and
ships of her kingdom.
All was treacherous; for an arrangement had been made with the ships of
Holland and Zealand that they should put to sea and await us at the same
bar [entrance to the harbour] of Dunkirk, and there they should put us
all to death, without sparing one, which the Dutch did as they were
commanded; and were on the look-out for us for a month and a half at the
said port of Dunkirk, and there they should have caught us all had not
God helped us.
God willed that of the four vessels in which we came, two escaped and
grounded, where they went to pieces; and the enemy, seeing the means of
safety which we were taking, gave us a good discharge of artillery, so
that we were forced to cast ourselves afloat[55] [to make a desperate
attempt], and we thought to end it there.
They could not come to our assistance with the boats from the port of
Dunkirk, as the enemy cannonaded them briskly. On the other hand, the
sea and wind were very high; so that we were in the greatest peril of
being all lost.
However, we cast ourselves afloat[56] on timbers, and some soldiers were
drowned, as was also a Scotch captain. I reached the shore in my shirt,
without other description of clothing, and some soldiers of Medina (?)
who were there came to help me.
It was sad to see us enter the town once more, stripped naked; and for
the other part we saw, as before our eyes, the Dutch making a thousand
pieces of two hundred and seventy Spaniards who came in the ship which
brought us to Dunkirk, without leaving more than three alive; for which
they are now being paid out, as more than four hundred Dutchmen who have
been taken since then have been beheaded. This I have wished to write to
you.
From the City of Antwerp, 4th October, 1589.
_Sᵍᵈ._
FRANCISCO DE CUELLAR.
ACADEMY OF HISTORY--COLLECTION SALAZAR,
NO. 7, FOLIO 58.
FOOTNOTES:
[12] (1), (2), (3). V.m., initials representing _Vuestra merced_ = your
worship, your honour, or sir, you.
[13] _Alférez_ = ensign.
[14] _Maesos de Campo_--an obsolete form for _Maestre de Campo_, an
ancient military officer of superior rank, who commanded a certain
number of troops. In the English _State Papers_ of that period the
translation adopted for it is simply camp-master.
[15] _Mayorazgos_--heirs to estates, by right of primogeniture.
[16] _Agravios_ = offences, _insults_.
[17] _Maesos de Campo._ See Note 5.
[18] _Avieso_ = irregular, perverse.
[19] _Auditor_ = a Judge appointed to assist military or naval officers
with his advice in Law proceedings.
[20] _Fiesta_ = feast. This is a curious use of the word.
[21] _Hecho una sopa de agua_--an idiomatic expression, meaning "_wet
through to the skin_."
[22] _Arca_--coffer, _iron chest for money_. The dictionary of the
Spanish Academy gives a definition of _Arca_, of which the following is
a translation: "A large chest, with flat lid attached to it by hinges
or hooks, so that it can be opened and shut, and which is fastened in
front with a lock or padlock. It usually consists of plain wood without
lining in the interior or covering outside."
[23] _Wolves_ did not disappear from Ireland till the early part of the
eighteenth century. There was a presentment for killing them, in the
County of Cork, as late as the year 1710.
[24] This might also be translated "that I might recover in it."
[25] The part within the brackets was accidentally omitted in copying
the rough draft of the original translation. _Montes_ signifies both
mountains and woods. Cuellar uses _montaña_ to signify mountain, and
_montes_ apparently for woods. He also makes use of _bosque_, a wood
with thick underbrush, or a thicket.
[26] _Encaminaria_ = would guide, put in the right road.
[27] _Paja_--coarse grass or straw.
[28] _Bosque_--wood or thicket, with much underbrush.
[29] _Hermosisima por todo extremo._ This implies a very strong
expression, consisting, as it does, of a double superlative.
[30] _Poltron_ = poltroon.
[31] _Amiga_ = female friend.
[32] _Real_--a Spanish coin, value a dollar.
[33] _Jubon_--doublet, jacket.
[34] _Paga_--literally means payment; but when applied to soldiers or
sailors, as in this case, it means monthly pay.
[35] _Hacienda Norte de las montañas._ _Norte_, strictly speaking,
means the _Arctic pole_; but, according to the Dictionary of the
Spanish Academy, it is also used, metaphorically, to mean _direction_,
or guide, in allusion to the _North Star_, by which navigators guide
themselves with the direction of the mariner's compass.
[36] _Aquellos herejes salvajes_--literally, heretics, savages, both
being nouns.
[37] _Fortuna_--generally means _fortune_ or _chance_, but it also
signifies a _storm_ or _tempest_. It is in this latter sense that it
appears to be used here; for Cuellar goes on to describe the injured
state in which the ship was.
[38] _Y los pasaron todos á cuchillo_ = and they passed them all to
the _knife_. An idiomatic expression in Spanish corresponding to the
English one, _were put to the sword_.
[39] Cuellar has not expressed himself clearly here, but he
seems to mean that he did not oppose the blacksmith's wishes.
[40] _Muy hermosa por todo extremo._ This is a slight
modification of a similar expression on a previous occasion. See Note
29.
[41] _Corzos_ = roe-deer. _Cervus capreolus_, or _Capreolus caprea_.
[42] _Calzas_ = trousers, hose.
[43] _Sayos_ = loose coats.
[44] _Pelotes_ = goat's hair.
[45] _Mantas_ = blankets.
[46] _Anda Santiago._ This is a slang expression, meaning to attack. It
is derived from the fact that _Santiago_ was the war-cry or watchword
of the Spaniards when going into action, _Santiago_ being the patron
saint of Spain.
[47] _Compuestas_ = composed, made up.
[48] _Por el agua que habia de for medio._
[49] _Un trompeta_ = a trumpeter. This noun is both _feminine_ and
_masculine_, meaning, respectively, _a trumpet_ and _a trumpeter_.
The masculine article _un_ shows that the noun is used here in its
masculine form.
[50] _Christmas._
[51] _Mano de papel_ = a quire of paper.
[52] Cuellar uses the word _courtesy_ on several occasions where
_kindness_ is what he seems to mean.
[53] Mass appears to have been said in the night-time, and the
preparations may also have been made during the night, so that the boat
might leave at daylight, and not attract too much attention.
[54] Here the manuscript is stated to be torn and illegible.
[55] _Echarnos a nado._ _Echarse a nado_ literally means to cast
oneself afloat; but it has also a metaphorical signification--viz.,
_to make a desperate attempt_. As the same expression is made use of
twice close together, it may be that in the first instance it was meant
metaphorically; but this is by no means certain.
[56] See preceding Note.
INDEX.
PAGE
_Academia de la Historia_, 7
Aghanlish (townland), 16
Allingham, Hugh, 39
Alonzo de Leyva, 65
Anchor, Spanish, 33
"_Armada, La, Invencible_", 5
Armada Exhibition, 31
Aran, North Island of, 33
Ballyshannon Castle, 23
Belleek Castle, 23
Beallach-in-Mithidheim, 16
Bell, Spanish, in Donegal Church, 34
Bingham, Sir R., 22
Blacksod Bay, 26
Bundrowse, 10
Burke, Richard ("The Devil's Son"), 26
Bush River, 29
Carrig-na-Spaniagh, 9
Cacair-Sinchill, 16
Castlefort Bay, Co. Donegal, 33
Castlecaldwell Museum, 34
Carndonagh Church, 34
Cannon, Brass, recovered from Armada Ships, 33
Cattle-booley, An Ancient, 17
_Century, Nineteenth_, 5
Church Relics, MacClancy's, 20
Chests, Money, 29-32, 51
Clew Bay (Money Chest), 31
Connaught, 6, 10, 25
Crannog, MacClancy's, 16
Crawford, Robert, 6
Cuellar, Captain, 7, 42, 44
Cuellar and his Comrades arrive at Dunkirk, 70
Dartree MacClancy (territory), 15
Dartry Mountains, 13
De Leyva, 26, 65
Don Martin, 6
Don Diego Enriquez, 9, 49, 51
Don Graveillo de Swasso, 23
Don Cristobal de Avila, 47
Don Tomas de Granvela, 65
Don Reimundo Termi, Bishop (not identified), 67
Donegal Bay, 39
Donegal Mountains, 13
Doire-Melle, 16
Dromahair Castle, 26
Ducie, Earl of, 5, 39
Duro, Captain, 5, 39
Dun Carbery, 16
Dunluce Castle, 29, 65
_Duquesa Santa Anna_, 34
"Enchanted Ships, The", 32
England, Queen of, 60
_El Gran Griffon, Capitana_, 34
Erris Head, 7, 26
Erne River, 23
Expedition against the Spaniards, 22
_Feàr-Gortha_, 18
Fitzwilliam, Lord Deputy, 22
Figure-head of Spanish Ship, 5
Froude, J. A., 5, 6, 39
_Girona, The_, 27-29, 34
Giant's Causeway, 28
"Governor, Great, of the Queen", 62
Glack (townland), 15
Glenade, 13, 15, 41
Glencar Lough, 13
Glennageveny Bay, 28
Habits of the Irish in 16th Century, 17-19, 61, 62
Hamilton, Major (Money Chest), 32
Head-dress of Irish Women of the Period, 19
"Hungry Grass" (superstition), 18
Inismurray Island, 11
Iniskeen Island, 16
Inisheher Island, 15
Inisowen, 23
Ineen Dubh (O'Donnell's wife), 23
Killybegs, 27
Latin Language, 14, 55
_La Trinidad Valencera_, 34
"_La Armada Invencible_", 39
Laughton, Professor (Navy Records Society), 34
Leitrim Mountains, 41
Lord Deputy, 19, 23
_Longman's Magazine_, 39
Martin de Aranda, 7, 47
Manglana (MacClancy), 19, 42, 43, 62, 65
MacClancy, Boethius, 22
MacDonnell, Sir James, 25
MacSwine's Territory, 27, 29
Medina, Duke of, 7
Melvin Lough, 15-17
Molaise, St., 11
Mullinaleck (townland), 16
Mullaghderg, 32
Myler McGrath, 24
Newtown Village (O'Rourke), 13
Niall of the Nine Hostages, 16
_Nineteenth Century_, 39
North: in what sense used in narrative, 55
Oaten Bread, 17, 18
O'Clery's Castle, 29
Ocan (O'Cahan), 65
O'Donnell's Castle, 23, 31
O'Donnell, 23, 27
O'Doherty's Country, 23
O'Gallagher (_alias_ O'Toole), 23
Ommanney, Sir Erasmus, 33
O'Neill, 21, 27
O'Rourke, 13, 15, 41, 57-59
Palmistry in the 16th Century, 17
Paredes, Count de, 65
Provost Marshal, 7
_Rata, The_, 26, 27, 34
Rossclogher Castle, 16, 17, 19-21
Rossfriar, 20
Rossan Point, 27
Rosses, The, 32
Sassanas, 56
_San Pedro_, 7, 47
_San Juan de Sicilia_, 9, 34
_San Martin, The_, 27, 34
_Santa Anna, The_, 27
Scotland, Cuellar escapes to, 65-68
Scotland, King of: his attitude towards the
Spaniards, 68
Sedgwick, Mr.: his translation referred to, 41
Siege of Rossclogher Castle, 19-21, 63, 64
Spaniard Rock, 28
Spanish Eagles (Decoration on Chest Lid), 31
Spanish Vessels lost on the coast, 34
Spanish Vessels: why so many were lost, 34
Spanish Vessels, Tonnage and Number of Men in, 34
Spanish Arms, 33
Spanish Gold Coins found in Donegal, 34
Spanish Cannon, 33
Straw Huts referred to, 54
Staad Abbey, 11, 52
State Papers quoted, 10, 15, 21-29
Tory Island, 7
Translation of Spanish Narrative. By R. Crawford, 45
Tullaghan, 16
_Ulster Journal of Archæology_, 39
United Service Institution, London, 33
War Materials in use in 16th Century, 20
Wolves in Ireland in 16th Century (Note), 51
Women, Beauty of, 62
_ILLUSTRATIONS._
PAGE
Figure-head of Spanish Galleon, wrecked at Streedagh 5
Map of West and North-West Coast of Ireland, drawn A.D. 1609 8
The Spaniards holding Rossclogher Castle, with Vignette of
the Castle as it now is, from a sketch by Mrs. Allingham,
Ballyshannon 21
Wreck of a Galleon on Antrim Coast 28
A Spanish Treasure Chest 31
Spanish Anchor, drawn by Maude Allingham from a photograph
specially taken in London 33
* * * * *
IN PREPARATION.
Annals of * *
Ballyshannon & Tir-Hedba.
By HUGH ALLINGHAM, M.R.L.A., ----
Author of
Ballyshannon: Its History and Antiquities,
Captain Cuellar's Adventures in Connacht and Ulster, A.D. 1588
&., &., &.
* * * * *
The wide popularity and favourable reception of the HISTORY OF
BALLYSHANNON, published in 1879, and long hout of print, has induced
the author to extend the field of his researches over a much wider
area--a work on which he has been engaged for some years, and which
is now approaching completion.
* * * * *
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| Transcriber's Notes. |
| |
| The original spelling and punctuation has been retained. |
| Variations in hyphenation and compound words have been preserved. |
| Fixed various punctuation. |
| |
| Italicized words and phrases in the text version are presented by |
| surrounding the text with underscores. |
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