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Title: The General Historie of Virginia, New England and The Summer Isles (Vol. I)
Author: Smith, John Bernhard
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The General Historie of Virginia, New England and The Summer Isles (Vol. I)" ***
{Transcriber's Note: British, archaic and inconsistent spellings have been
left as in the original, as have capitalizations. A few obvious
typographical errors have been changed. Margin notes, except when they
refer to either the whole paragraph or the beginning of the paragraph, are
indicated where they occur in the text with {MN} and inserted in full at
the beginning of the paragraph to which they refer. Material in square or
round brackets are as in the original; transcriber's notes are in curly
brackets. Several maps and illustrations are mentioned in the text, but
none appear in the original book, nor does the index. Pagination of the
1624 edition, which this edition places in the margins, have been left
interlinear to more nearly indicate their original placement.}
The Travels of
Captaine John Smith
In Two Volumes
Volume I
GLASGOW
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY
ROBERT MACLEHOSE & COMPANY LTD. FOR
JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, PUBLISHERS
TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW
MACMILLAN AND CO. LTD. LONDON
THE MACMILLAN CO. NEW YORK
THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA TORONTO
SIMPKIN, HAMILTON AND CO. LONDON
MACMILLAN AND BOWES CAMBRIDGE
DOUGLAS AND FOULIS EDINBURGH
MCMVII
The Generall Historie
of
Virginia, New England
&
The Summer Isles
Together with
The True Travels, Adventures
and Observations, and
A Sea Grammar
By
CAPTAINE JOHN SMITH
Sometimes Governour in those Countryes
and Admirall of New England
VOLUME I
Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons
Publishers to the University
New York: The Macmillan Company
MCMVII
THE TABLE
Page
Publishers' Note, xvii
The Epistle Dedicatorie to the Duchesse of Richmond and Lenox, xxii
A Preface of foure Poynts, xxv
Panegyrick Verses, xxvii
The Contents of the generall History, divided into six Books:
THE FIRST BOOKE.
A.D. The first voyage to the new World, by Madock Prince of
1170 Wales. The next by Hanno Prince of Carthage, and how
1488 it was offred K. Hen.7. by Chr. Cullumbus, that
1492 undertooke it for the Spanyards. 1492. 1
1497 How John Cabot was imployed by King Hen. the 7. and found
1576 the Continent before Cullumbus. Also Sir Martin
1583 Frobisher, and Sir Humphrey Gilbert ranged towards the
1584 North. And how Captaine Amidas was sent to discover the
coast of Florida by Sir Walter Raleigh and his
associates. And the Country Wingandacoa was called
Virginia by Queene Elizabeth. 2
1585 Sir Richard Greenvill sent thither with 108. he left for
a plantation. The discovery of the Rivers Chawonok
and Moratoc. The trechery of their King, who with eight
more were slaine, and they all returned to England
againe the same yeare with Sir Francis Drake. 10
The Observations of Master Heriot. Of their commodities,
victuall, fruits, beasts, fishes, and foules. Their
Religion, and beliefe of God, of the Creation of the
world, and man; the immortalitie of the soule; the
subtiltie of their Priests; the peoples simplicitie,
and desire of salvation; and other Accidents. 19
1586 Sir Rich. Greenvill sent to supply them. Not finding them,
left fiftie. Their successe. 26
1587 Master White sent to relieve them, found they were all
slaine, yet left 115. more, and departed. 26
1589 Returning the second time, he could not heare of them; his
Observations and Accidents. 30
1602 A discovery by Captaine Gosnoll of Elizabeths Isles; his
Observations, Relations, and returne. 33
The voyage of Captaine Pring to the same Coast. 37
1603 The discovery of Captaine Waymouth; his Observations,
Relations, and returne. 38
1605 A Map of the old Virginia, with the figures of the
Salvages. 40
THE SECOND BOOKE.
Of Virginia now planted, discovered by Captaine Smith.
1606 The Latitude, Temperature, and Capes; a description of
Chisapeack Bay, and seaven navigable Rivers that fall
fall into it, with their severall Inhabitants, and
diversitie of Language. 43
1606 Of things growing Naturally, as woods, fruits, gummes,
berries, herbs, roots; also of beasts, birds, and
fishes; how they divide the yeare, prepare their
ground, plant their corne, and use it, and other
victuall. 52
What commodities may be had by industry. The description
of the people, their numbers, constitutions,
dispositions, attyre, buildings, lodgings and gardens,
their usage of children, striking of fire, making their
Bowes and Arrowes, knives, swords, targets, and boats:
how they spinne, make fish-hooks, and ginnes, and their
order of hunting. Consultations and order in Warres. 60
Their musicke, entertainment, trade, Physicke, Chirurgery
and Charmes. Their Religion, God, burials ordinary and
extraordinary, Temples, Priests, Ornaments, solemnities,
Conjurations, Altars, sacrifices, black boyes, and
resurrection. 70
The manner of their government, their Emperor; his
attendants, watch, treasury, wives, successors &
authority: tenure of their lands, and manner of
punishment, with some words of their Language
Englished. 77
And a Mappe of the Countrey of Virginia now planted.
THE THIRD BOOKE.
Of the Accidents and Proceedings of the English.
1606 Their orders of government, Accidents in going, first
landing and government setled. 85
1607 The Salvages assault the Fort, the ships returne, their
names were left, occasion of sicknes, plenty
unexpected, the building of James Towne, the beginning
of Trade, two projects to abandon the Country. 88
1607 Their first attempts upon the Salvages. Captaine Smith
taken prisoner; their order of Triumph, and how he
should have beene executed, was preserved, saved
James towne from being surprised, how they Conjured
him. Powhatan entertained him, would have slaine him;
how Pocahontas his daughter saved him, and sent him to
James Towne. The third plot to abandon the Countrey
suppressed. 96
Their first Supply and Accidents. The Salvages opinion of
our God. Captaine Smith revisits Powhatan; James Towne
burnt; A conceited gold mine; A needlesse charge;
Captaine Newports returne for England. 104
1608 James Towne rebuilt, with a Church and Store-house; The
Salvages plot to murther all the English; their
insolencies suppressed. Different opinions among the
Councell. 110
Their names landed in this Supply. 113
The discovery of the Bay of Chisapeack. Their fight and
conference with the Kuskarawaoks; Ambuscadoes
prevented in the river Patawomek; A mine like
Antimony. How to deale with the Salvages. Smith neare
killed with a Stingray. With many other Accidents in
the discovery. A needlesse misery at James towne
redressed. 115
The second Voyage to discover the Bay. Their incounter
with the Massawomekes and Tockwhoghs; the
Sasquesahanoughs offer subjection to the English.
The exceeding love of the Salvage Mosco. Their
fight with the Rapahanocks; their fight with the
Manahokes. The King of Hassaninga's brother taken
prisoner; his relation of those mountainers; peace
concluded with all those Nations. The discovery of the
river Payankatank their fight with the Nandsamunds, &
Chisapeacks; their returne to James town. 124
1608 The Presidency surrendred to Cap. Smith. The second Supply
by Captaine Newport, many Presents sent from England
to Powhatan, his scorne, Consultations; factions
suppressed; Cap. Smith visiteth Powhatan; Pocahontas
entertaines him with a Maske; the Coronation of
Powhatan, and Conditions. The discovery of the
Monacans; a punishment for swearing; the
Chickahamanians forced to Contribution; the abuses of
the Mariners; Master Scriveners voyage to
Werowocomoco. 138
Captaine Smiths Relation to England of the estate of the
Colony: the names of them arrived in this Supply.
Nandsamund forced to Contribution. The first Marriage
in Virginia. Apamatuck discovered. 147
Captaine Smiths journey to Pamaunkee. The discovery of
the Chawwonocks. Smiths discourse to Powhatan; His
reply and flattery; and his discourse of Peace and
Warre. Powhatans plot to murther Smith, discovered by
his daughter Pocahontas. 154
Their escape at Pamaunkee. The Dutchmen deceive Captaine
Winne, and arme the Salvages; sixteene English beset by
seven hundred Salvages, Smith takes their King
Opechankanough prisoner; the Salvages excuse &
reconcilement. Master Scrivener and others drowned;
Master Wiffins desperate journey to Pamaunkee;
Powhatan constraines his men again to be trecherous;
he is forced to fraught their Ship; Smith poysoned;
the Dutch mens trechery. 163
The Dutch-mens plot to murther Smith. He taketh the King
of Paspahegh prisoner, and others; they become all
subject to the English. A Salvage smoothered, yet
recovered; three or foure Salvages slaine in drying
stolne powder. 174
1608 Great extremity occasioned by ratts; Bread made of dryed
Sturgeon; the punishment for loyterers; the discovery
of the Mangoags. Captaine Argals first arrivall; the
inconveniences in a Plantation. 179
1609 The government altered; the arrivall of the third Supply;
mutinies; Nandsamund planted; breach of peace with
the Salvages; Powhatans chiefe seat bought for Copper;
Mutinies. Captaine Smith blowne up with Gun-powder; a
bloudy intent; the causes why he left the Country and
his Commission; his returne for England; the ends of
the Dutch-men. 187
Certaine Verses of seaven Gentlemen. 199
THE FOURTH BOOKE.
With their Proceedings after the alteration of the Government.
How the mutiners proceeded; the Salvages revolt; the
planting point Comfort. Them at Nandsamund, and
the Fals, defeated by the Salvages. Captaine
Ratliff, with thirtie slaine by Powhatan. The fruits
of improvidence. The arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates.
1610 James Towne abandoned. The arrivall of the Lord
La Warre; their actions, and both their returnes. 203
1611 The government left to Captaine Percie; & his Proceedings.
The arrivall of Sir Thomas Dale, and his actions. 211
The second arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates; the building
1612 Henerico; and the Bermudas; how Captaine Argall tooke
Pocahontas prisoner, Dales voyage to Pamaunkee.
1613 The marriage of Pocahontas to Master Rolfe. Articles
of Peace with the Salvages. 215
1614 The government left to Sir Thomas Dale. Captaine Argals
voyage to port Royall. Master Hamers to Powhatan; and
their Accidents. 223
1615 The manner of the Lottery. A Spanish Shippe in Virginia.
1616 Dale with Pocahontas comes for England. Capt. Yerley
left Deputy Governour; his warres and peace with the
Chickahamanians, and proceedings. 228
A relation to Queene Anne of the quality & condition of
1617 Pocahontas; how the Queen entertained her; Capt. Argall
sent governour; the death of Powhatan; ten English
slaine; Argals accidents and proceedings. The Lord de
la Warre sent againe governour; his death. A relation
of their present estates. Haile-stones 8. inches
about. 236
1619 Sir George Yerley sent governor; Waraskoyack planted. A
parliament in Virginia; foure Corporations appointed;
the adventures of Cap. Ward; the number of ships and
men sent this yeare; gifts given; Patents granted. 245
1620 A desperate Sea fight by Captaine Chester with two Spanish
men of warre; the names of the Adventurers. 250
1621 Notes and observations. A relation of their estates by
Master Stockam. The arrivall of Sir Francis Wyat with
nine ships. Master Gockings plantation; and their
accidents; the number of ships and men sent this yeare;
gifts given, Patents granted. 268
Master Pories journeyes to Pawtuxunt, and other places,
with his accidents. 274
1622 Capt. Each sent to build Forts and Barks. The cause and
manner of the Massacre; the numbers slaine; the
providence of Cap. Nuse; Cap. Chroshaw his voyage to
Patowomek. 277
Capt. Smiths offer to the Company to suppresse the
Salvages. Their answer; the manner of the Sallery;
Chroshaw stayes at Patawomek; the escape of Waters
and his wife. Cap. Hamar goes to Patawomek; Chroshaws
1622 plot for all their preservations. Capt. Madison sent
to Patawomek. Cap. Powell kils three Salvages. Sir
George Yerleys journey to Acomack. The misery of
Captaine Nuse. The kindness of the King of Patawomek;
a vile policy of a Salvage; Madisons mischiefe unto the
Patawomeks. It was not well don to make Opechankanough
drinke healths. 300. surpriseth Nandsamund and
1623 Pamaunkee. The opinion of Cap. Smith how to subject
the Salvages. The arrivall of Cap. Butler in Virginia,
and other Accidents. 295
The losse of Cap. Spilman and 26. men. A particular of
such necessaries as are fit for private persons or
families. 313
A briefe relation by Cap. Smith to his Majesties
Commissioners, for the reformation of Virginia. The
7 questions the right Worthie Commissioners demanded,
1624 and his answers; how the King hath pleased to take it
into his consideration. 318
At this present two ships are going; more a preparing; new
Commissions sent. A Proclamation, no Tobacco be used
in England, but what shall come from Virginia, or the
Somer Isles; quere the Proclamation.
THE FIFT BOOKE.
A Mappe of the Somer Isles and Fortresses. The
description of the Isles, the fruits, fishes, soyle,
ayre, beasts, birds, with the relation of the
1593 shipwrack of Henry May. 331
1609 The shipwrack of Sir Tho. Gates, and Sir George Somers;
1610 their accidents, deliverance and arrivall in Virginia.
Somers returne to the Isles; his death, and Epitaph,
1611 the accidents hapned; three men lived there alone
two yeares. 341
1612 Master More sent to make a plantation. A peece of Amber
Greece found of 80. pound weight; much dissension;
Mores Industrie in fortifying and waighing Ordnance out
1613 of the wracks. Their first Supply; a strange increase of
Potatoes. The attempt of 2 Spanish ships; a great
mortality; a strange being of Ravens; a new Supply,
1614 with their Accidents, and Moores returne. 348
1615 The rent of the six governours; a wonderfull accident of
Milliard, not much lesse then a miracle. 355
1616 The government of Ca. Tuckar; Assises; the strange
adventure of 5 men in a boat; plants from the West
1617 Indies; the endevours of Cap. Powell; Assises. The
Country neer devoured with ratts; their strange
1618 confusion. The divisions of the Isles into Tribes, and
Tribes into shares, by Mr. Norwood; the names of the
adventurers, and their shares. 359
The first Magazin; two exployts of desperate fugitives.
The returne of Cap. Tuckar. Cap. Kendall left
deputy-governor, and their Accidents. 372
1619 The government of Cap. Butler; A platforme burnt, and much
hurt by a Hericano. The refortifying the Kings Castle.
The arrivall of two Dutch Frigots. The rebuilding the
Mount, and a Tombe for Sir George Somers. The
reformation of their lawes and officers. Their Assises.
A Parliament. Their acts; their opinion of the Magazin.
The building three Bridges. The generall Assises; A
1620 strange deliverance of a Spanish wracke. A strange
Sodomy; many Ordnances got from wracks. Their estates
1621 present. 376
1622 Master Barnard sent to be governour; his arrivall, death,
1623 and funerall, with the proceedings of Mr. Harrison
1624 his successor, & Cap. Woodhouse their governor. 394
ILLUSTRATIONS
Page
Facsimile of the Engraved Title Page of "The Generall
Historie," 1624, xx
Portrait of Frances, Duchess of Richmond and Lenox, xxviii
Portrait of Pocahontas, 104
A description of part of the Adventures of Captain
Smith in Virginia, with Map of Ould Virginia, 208
Map of The Summer Isles, 368
Map of Virginia, 396
PUBLISHERS' NOTE
John Smith "was borne in Willoughby in Lincolneshire, and a Scholler in
the two Free-schooles of Alford and Louth." His father, George Smith,
"anciently descended from the ancient Smiths of Crudley in Lancashire,"
was a farmer-tenant of Lord Willoughby, to whom he bequeathed as a token
of his "dewtifull good will the best of my two yeares old colts." John,
the eldest son, was baptised in the Parish Church of Willoughby, on the
6th January, 1579. "His parents dying when he was about thirteene yeeres
of age, left him a competent meanes, which hee not being capable to
manage, little regarded; his minde being even then set upon brave
adventures, sould his Satchell, bookes, and all he had intending secretly
to get to Sea, but that his fathers death stayed him." About the age of
fifteen he was bound apprentice to "Master Thomas Sendell of Linne the
greatest Merchant of all those parts; but because hee would not presently
send him to Sea, he never saw his master in eight yeeres after." At length
he succeeded in attending Peregrine Bertie, second son of Lord Willoughby,
to France, but in a few weeks he was sent back to England "his service
being needlesse." Unwelcome at home, his friends "liberally gave him (but
out of his owne estate) ten shillings to be rid of him." With this he made
his way to Paris and made friends with "one Master David Hume, who making
some use of his purse, gave him Letters to his friends in Scotland to
preferre him to King James." Smith, however, having spent nearly all his
money in Rouen, went to Havre where "he first began to learne the life
of a souldier." He next served two or three years in the Low Countries.
Thence proceeding to Scotland (being shipwrecked on the Holy Island on the
way) he delivered his letters, but "After much kinde usage amongst those
honest Scots," finding he had "neither money nor means to make him a
Courtier" he returned to Willoughby. Here he retired to the woods, built
himself a "Pavillion of boughs" and lived chiefly on venison, "his
exercise a good horse, with his lance and Ring," his books Macchiavelli's
"Art of War" and Marcus Aurelius. Tiring of this life after a short time
he returned to the Low Countries and began the adventurous career of which
he gives such an enthralling description in his "True Travels, Adventures
and Observations."
In 1605 he returned to England, and the next year prepared to join an
expedition to Guiana but the scheme was frustrated by the death of the
intended leader, Charles Lee. On 19th December 1606 he sailed from
Blackwall with the Colonists for Virginia. For the next three years he was
busily employed, as his "Generall Historie of Virginia" witnesses, in
founding the Colony; in September 1609 he narrowly escaped death by the
accidental explosion of a bag of gun-powder, and left for England to
recruit his health. He did not return to Virginia, but for the next few
{Transcriber's Note: Two pages (xix and xx) are missing from the original
at this point.}
most learned Treasurer of Antiquitie. The question as to the truth of the
adventures recorded in this book has given rise to heated and prolonged
controversy.
Smith was a prolific writer of tracts and pamphlets on the colonisation of
Virginia and New England, but the substance of them is contained in "The
Generall Historie" and "The True Travels."
In accordance with the scheme of this series, the edition here presented
is an exact reprint of the Original Editions except that the letters i, j,
u and v have been altered to conform to modern usage, and obvious
printers' errors, both of spelling and punctuation, have been corrected.
References to the pages of the original editions are given in the margin,
and a full index has been added.
Glasgow,
February, 1907.
TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST NOBLE
PRINCESSE,
THE LADY FRANCIS,
Duchesse of Richmond and Lenox.
May it please your Grace,
This History, as for the raritie and varietie of the subject, so much more
for the judicious Eyes it is like to undergoe, and most of all for that
great Name, whereof it dareth implore Protection, might and ought to have
beene clad in better robes then my rude military hand can cut out in Paper
Ornaments. But because, of the most things therein, I am no Compiler by
hearsay, but have beene a reall Actor; I take my selfe to have a propertie
in them: and therefore have beene bold to challenge them to come under the
reach of my owne rough Pen. That, which hath beene indured and passed
through with hardship and danger, is thereby sweetned to the Actor, when he
becometh the Relator. I have deeply hazarded my selfe in doing and
suffering, and why should I sticke to hazard my reputation in Recording?
He that acteth two parts is the more borne withall if he come short, or
fayle in one of them. Where shall we looke to finde a Julius Caesar, whose
achievments shine as cleare in his owne Commentaries, as they did in the
field? I confesse, my hand, though able to weild a weapon among the
Barbarous, yet well may tremble in handling a Pen among so many Judicious:
especially when I am so bold as to call so piercing, and so glorious an
Eye, as your Grace, to view these poore ragged lines.
Yet my comfort is, that heretofore honorable and vertuous Ladies, and
comparable but amongst themselves, have offred me rescue and protection in
my greatest dangers: even in forraine parts, I have felt reliefe from that
sex. The beauteous Lady Tragabigzanda, when I was a slave to the Turkes,
did all she could to secure me. When I overcame the Bashaw of Nalbrits in
Tartaria, the charitable Lady Callamata supplyed my necessities. In the
utmost of many extremities, that blessed Pokahontas, the great Kings
daughter of Virginia, oft saved my life. When I escaped the crueltie of
Pirats and most furious stormes, a long time alone in a small Boat at Sea,
and driven ashore in France, the good Lady Madam Chanoyes, bountifully
assisted me.
And so verily these my adventures have tasted the same influence from your
Gratious hand, which hath given birth to the publication of this
Narration. If therefore your Grace shall daigne to cast your eye on this
poore Booke, view I pray you rather your owne Bountie (without which it
had dyed in the wombe) then my imperfections, which have no helpe but the
shrine of your glorious Name to be sheltered from censorious condemnation.
Vouchsafe some glimpse of your honorable aspect, to accept these my
labours; to protect them under the shadow of your excellent Name: which
will inable them to be presented to the Kings royall Majestie, the most
admired Prince Charles, and the Queene of Bohemia: your sweet
Recommendations will make it the worthier of their good countenances. And
as all my endevours are their due tribute: so this Page shall record to
posteritie, that my service shall be to pray to God, that you may still
continue the renowned of your sexe, the most honored of men, and the
highly blessed of God.
Your Graces faithfull
and devoted servant,
JOHN SMITH.
A Preface of foure Poynts.
I. This plaine History humbly sheweth the truth: that our most royall
King James hath place and opportunitie to inlarge his ancient
Dominions without wronging any; (which is a condition most agreeable
to his most just and pious resolutions:) and the Prince his Highness
may see where to plant new Colonies. The gaining Provinces addeth to
the Kings Crown: but the reducing Heathen people to civilitie and
true Religion, bringeth honour to the King of Heaven. If his Princely
wisedome and powerfull hand, renowned through the world for admirable
government, please but to set these new Estates into order; their
composure will be singular: the counsell of divers is confused; the
generall Stocke is consumed; nothing but the touch of the Kings
sacred hand can erect a Monarchy.
II. Most noble Lords and worthy Gentlemen, it is your Honors that have
imployed great paines and large expence in laying the foundation of
this State, wherein much hath beene buried under ground, yet some
thing hath sprung up, and given you a taste of your adventures. Let
no difficulties alter your noble intentions. The action is an honour
to your Country: and the issue may well reimburse you your summes
expended. Our practices have hitherto beene but assayes, and are
still to be amended. Let your bountie supply the necessities of weake
beginnings, and your excellent judgements rectifie the proceedings;
the returne cannot choose in the end but bring you good Commodities,
and good contentments, by your advancing shipping and fishing so
usefull unto our Nation.
III. Yee valiant and generous spirits, personall possessors of these
new-found Territories, banish from among you Cowardise, covetousnes,
jealousies, and idlenes, enemies to the raising your honours and
fortunes; vertue, industry, and amitie, will make you good and
great, and your merits live to ensuing Ages. You that in contempt of
necessities, hazard your lives and estates, imploying your studies
and labours in these faire endevours, live and prosper as I desire my
soule should prosper.
IIII. For my selfe let emulation and envie cease, I ever intended my
actions should be upright: now my care hath beene that my Relations
should give every man they concerne, their due. But had I not
discovered and lived in the most of those parts. I could not
possibly have collected the substantiall truth from such a number of
variable Relations, that would have made a Volume at least of a
thousand sheets. Though the beginning may seeme harsh in regard of
the Antiquities, brevitie, and names; a pleasanter Discourse ensues.
The stile of a Souldier is not eloquent, but honest and justifiable;
so I desire all my friends and well-wishers to excuse and accept it,
and if any be so noble as to respect it, he that brought New England
to light, though long since brought in obscuritie, he is againe to
be found a true servant to all good designes.
So I ever rest yours to command,
JOHN SMITH.
_PANEGYRICK VERSES._
A Gentleman desirous to be unknowne, yet a great Benefactor to Virginia,
his love to the Author, the Company, and History.
Stay, reade, behold, skill, courage, knowledge, Arts;
Wonder of Nature: Mirror of our Clime.
Mars, Vulcan, Neptune strive to have their parts,
Rare Ornaments, rich honours of our time.
From far fetcht Indies, and Virginia's soyle,
Here Smith is come to shew his Art and skill:
He was the Smith that hammered famins foyle,
And on Powhatan's Emperour had his will.
Though first Columbus, Indies true Christofer;
Cabots, brave Florida, much admirer;
Meta Incognita, rare Martin Forbisher;
Gilberts brave Humphery, Neptunes devourer;
Captaine Amadis, Raleighs discoverer;
Sir Richard Grenvill, Zealands brave coaster:
Drake, doomes, drowne, death, Spaines scorner;
Gosnolds Relates, Pring prime observer.
Though these be gone, and left behinde a name,
Yet Smith is here to Anvile out a peece
To after Ages, and eternall Fame,
That we may have the golden Jasons fleece.
He Vulcan like did forge a true Plantation,
And chain'd their Kings, to his immortall glory;
Restoring peace and plentie to the Nation,
Regaining honour to this worthy Story.
By him the Infidels had due correction,
He blew the bellowes still of peace and plentie:
He made the Indians bow unto subjection,
And Planters ne're return'd to Albion empty.
The Colonies pin'd, starv'd, staring, bones so feeble,
By his brave projects, proved strong againe:
The Souldiers' lowance he did seeke to treble,
And made the Salvage in uncouth place remaine.
He left the Countrey in prosperous happie state,
And plenty stood with peace at each mans doore:
Regarding not the Salvage love nor hate:
Themselves grew well, the Indians wondrous poore.
This there he did and now is home return'd,
To shew us all that never thither goe:
That in his heart, he deepely oft hath mourn'd,
Because the Action goeth on so slow.
Wise, Rich,
grave, prize
Brave, Benefactors,
Replant, want, continue still good Actors.
finde,
and bring
kinde, eyes
Be to blind;
By Gods great might, give Indians light.
Bloud,
money, to doe
Spend that good,
That may give Indians heav'nly food.
no lesse,
God You still
And shall blesse;
Both you and yours the Lands possesse.
S. M.
See here behold as in a Glasse,
All that is, or is and was.
T. T. 1624.
Samuel Purchas of his friend Captaine John Smith, and his Virginia.
Lo here Smiths Forge, where Forgery's Roague-branded,
True Pegasus is shoo'd, fetters are forged
For Silke-sotts, Milk-sops, base Sloth, farre hence landed,
(Soile-chang'd, {FN-1} Soule-soil'd still) Englands dregs, discharged,
To plant (supplant!) Virginia, home-disgorged:
Where vertues praise frames good men Stories armour
'Gainst Time, Achilles-like, with best Arts charged;
Pallas, all-arm'd, all-learn'd, can teach Sword-Grammer,
Can Pens of Pikes; Armes t' Arts; to Scholar, Souldier, hammer:
Can Pilgrim make a Maker; all so well
Hath taught Smith scoure my rustic out-worne Muse,
And so conjur'd her in Virginian Cell,
That things unlearned long by want of use,
Shee fresh areeds me read, without abuse
By fabling. Arthurs great Acts little made
By greater lies she saith; scales Faith excuse
{FN-2} T' Island, Groonland, Estotiland to wade
After lie-legends; Malgo, Brandon, are Wares braide.
The Fryer of Linne {FN-3} frights her with his black Art;
Nor Brittish Bards can tell where Madoc {FN-4} planted.
Cabots, Thorns, Elyots truth have wonne her heart,
Eldest discov'rers of New Worlds Cont'nent (granted
So had just Fates.) Colon and Vespuce panted;
This got the name, {FN-5} last, least of Three; the Other
New Worlds Isles found first: Cabot is most chanted
In Three-Mens-song; did more New World discover
Then both, then any; an hundred degrees coasted over.
Haile Sir Sebastian, Englands Northern Pole,
Virginia's finder; Virgin Eliza nam'd it,
Gave 't Raleigh. (Rut, Prat, Hore, I not enrole)
Amadas rites to English right first fram'd it.
Lane planted, return'd, nor had English tam'd it:
Greenviles and Whites men all slaine; New Plantation
James founds, Sloth confounds, feare, pride, faction sham'd it:
Smiths Forge mends all, makes chaines for Savage Nation,
And feeds the rest; the rest reade in his Bookes Relation.
* * * * *
{FN-1} _Caelumnon animum Mutant._
{FN-2} _These are said a thousand years agoe to have been in the North
parts of America._
{FN-3} _He is said to discover the Pole 1360._
{FN-4} _Madoc ap Owen Planted some remote Western parts. 1170._
{FN-5} _America named of Americus Vesputius which discovered less than
Colon or Sir Sebastian Cabot, and the continent later. Colon first found
the Isles 1492. the Continent 1498. Above a year after Cabot had done it.
He was set forth by Henry 7. and after by Hen. 8. Knighted, and made
grand Pilot of England by Ed. 6 Under whom he procured the sending of Sir
Hugh Willoughby, & discovery of Greenland and Russia: having by himself
discovered on America from 67 North lat. to neere 40 South._
Thomas Macarnesse to his worthy friend and
Countryman, Captaine John Smith.
Who loves to live at home, yet looke abroad,
And know both passen and unpassen road,
The prime Plantation of an unknowne shore,
The men, the manners, fruitfulnesse, and store:
Read but this little Booke, and then confesse,
The lesse thou lik'st and lov'st, thou liv'st the lesse.
He writ it with great labour, for thy good,
Twice over, now in paper, 'fore in blood;
It cost him deare, both paines, without an ayme
Of private profit, for thy publicke gaine.
That thou mightst read and know and safely see,
What he by practice, thou by Theoree.
Commend him for his loyall loving heart,
Or else come mend him, and take thou his part.
To his friend Captaine John Smith, and his Worke.
I Know not how Desert more great can rise,
Then out of Danger t'ane for good mens Good;
or who doth better winne th' Olympian prize,
Than he whose Countryes Honor stirres his bloud;
Private respects have private expectation,
Publicke designes, should publish reputation.
This Gentleman whose Volumne heere is stoard
With strange discoverie of Gods strangest Creatures,
Gives us full view, how he hath Sayl'd, and Oar'd,
And Marcht, full many myles, whose rough defeatures,
Hath beene as bold, as puissant, up to binde
Their barbarous strength's, to follow him dog-linde.
But wit, nor valour, now adayes payes scores
For estimation; all goes now by wealth,
Or friends; tush! thrust the beggar out of dores
That is not Purse-lyn'd; those which live by stealth
Shall have their haunts; no matter what's the guest
In many places; monies well come best.
But those who well discerne, esteeme not so:
Nor I of thee brave Smith, that hast beat out
Thy Iron thus; though I but little know
To what t' hast seene; yet I in this am stout:
My thoughts, maps to my minde some accidents,
That makes mee see thy greater presidents.
Jo: Done.
To my worthy friend Captaine John Smith.
How great a part of knowledge had wee lost,
Both of Virginia and the Summer Isles,
Had not thy carefull diligence and cost
Inform'd us thus, with thy industrious stile!
Like Caesar now thou writ'st what thou hast done,
These acts, this Booke will live while ther's a Sunne.
Edw: Worseley.
To his much respected friend Captaine John Smith.
Envie avant. For Smith, whose Anvill was Experience,
Could take his heat, knew how and when to Strike,
Wrought well this Peece; till After-negligence
Mistaking temper, Cold, or Scorch'd; or like
Unskilfull workmen, that can never Fyle
Nor Pollish it, that takes in Forge such toyle:
Heere Noble Smith, thou shewest the Temper true,
Which other Tampring-Tempres never knew.
Ro: Norton.
To his loving friend Captaine John Smith.
Where actions speake the praises of a man,
There, Pennes that use to flatter silent be,
Or if they speake, it is to scorne or scanne;
For such with vertue seldome doe agree.
When I looke backe on all thy labours past,
Thy travels, perils, losses oft sustaind
By Sea and Land; and (which is worst and last)
Neglect or small reward, so dearely gaind,
I doe admire thy still undanted spirit;
unwearied yet to worke thy Countries good.
This be thy praise then, due unto thy merit;
For it th' hast venter'd life; and lost thy blood.
1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3.
Truth, travayle, and Neglect, pure, painefull, most unkinde,
1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3.
Doth prove, consume, dismay, the soule, the corps, the minde.
Edw: Ingham.
To my deare friend by true Vertue ennobled Captaine John Smith.
More then enough I cannot thee commend:
Whose both abilities and Love doe tend
So to advance the good of that Estate,
By English charge, and Planters propagate
Through heapes of painfull hazards; in the first
Of which, that Colony thy Care hath nurst.
And often that effected but with ten
That after thee, and now, three hundred men
Have faild in, 'mong the Salvages; who shake
At bruit of Thee, as Spaine at Name of Drake.
Which well appeares; considering the while
Thou governedst, nor force of theirs, ne guile
Lessend a man of thine; but since (I rue)
In Brittish blood they deeply did imbrue
Their Heathen hands. And (truth to say) we see,
Our selves wee lost, untimely leaving Thee.
Nor yet perceive I any got betweene
Thee and thy merit; which hath better beene
In prayse; or profit much; if counted just;
Free from the Weales abuse, or wronged trust.
Some few particulars perhaps have sped;
But wherein hath the publicke prospered?
Or is there more of those Vast Countries knowne,
Then by thy Labours and Relations showne
First, best? And shall we love Thee now the lesse?
Farre be it! fit condignely to expresse
Thankes, by new Charge, or recompence; by whom,
Such past good hath, such future good may come.
David Wiffin.
Noble Captaine Smith, my worthy Friend.
Not like the Age wherein thou liv'st, to lie
Buried in basenesse, sloth, or Ribaldrie
(For most doe thus) hast thou thy selfe applide;
But, in faire Actions, Merits height descride:
Which (like foure Theaters to set thee forth)
The worlds foure Quarters testifie thy worth.
The last whereof (America) best showes
Thy paines, and prayse; and what to thee shee owes,
(Although thy Sommer shone on th' Elder Three,
In as great Deeds as great varietie)
For opening to Her Selfe Her Selfe, in Two {FN}
Of Her lame Members; Now Ours, to our view.
Thereby endearing us to thy desart,
That doubly dost them to our hands impart;
There by thy Worke, Heere by thy Workes; By each
Maist thou Fames lasting Wreath (for guerdon) reach.
And so become, in after Times t' ensue,
A President for others, So to do.
William Grent.
* * * * *
{FN} _Virginia now inhabited, and New-England._
To his worthily affected Friend, Captaine John Smith.
Amongst so many that by learned skill,
Have given just praise to thee, and to thy Booke,
Deare friend receive this pledge of my good will,
Whereon, if thou with acceptation looke,
And thinke it worthie, ranke amongst the rest:
Use thy discretion, I have done my best.
{word in Greek}
THE FIRST VOLUME
CONTAINING THE
First Five Bookes of the Generall Historie
of Virginia, New England and
The Summer Isles
How Ancient Authors [I.1.]
Report, the New-World, Now called America, was
discovered: and part thereof, first Planted
by the English, called Virginia,
with the Accidents and
Proceedings of
the same.
THE FIRST BOOKE.
For the Stories of Arthur, Malgo, and Brandon, that say a thousand yeares
agoe they were in the North of America; or the Fryer of Linn that by his
blacke Art went to the North pole in the yeare 1360. in that I know them
not, let this suffice.
A.D. 1170.
The Chronicles of Wales report, that Madock, sonne to Owen Quineth, Prince
of Wales seeing his two brethren at debate who should inherit, prepared
certaine Ships, with men and munition, and left his Country to seeke
adventures by Sea: leaving Ireland North he sayled west till he came to a
Land unknowne. Returning home and relating what pleasant and fruitfull
Countries he had seene without Inhabitants, and for what barren ground his
brethren and kindred did murther one another, he provided a number of
Ships, and got with him such men and women as were desirous to live in
quietnesse, that arrived with him in this new Land in the yeare 1170:
Left many of his people there and returned for more. But where this place
was no History can show.
A.D. 1492.
The Spaniards say Hanno a Prince of Carthage was the first: and the next
Christopher Cullumbus, a Genoesiar, whom they sent to discover those
unknowne parts, 1492.
A.D. 1497.
But we finde by Records, Cullumbus offered his service in the yeare 1488.
to King Henry the seaventh; and by accident undertooke it for the
Spanyards. In the Interim King Henry gave a Commission to John Cabot, and
his three sonnes, Sebastian, Lewis, and Sautius. John and Sebastian well
provided, setting sayle, ranged a great part of this unknowne world, in
the yeare 1497. For though Cullumbus had found certaine Iles, it was 1498.
ere he saw the Continent, which was a yeare after Cabot. Now Americus came
a long time after, though the whole Continent to this day is called
America after his name, yet Sebastian Cabot discovered much more then them
all, for he sayled to about forty degrees Southward of the lyne, and to
sixty-seaven towards the North: for which King Henry the eight Knighted
him and made him grand Pilate of England. Being very aged King Edward the
sixt gave him a Pention of 1661. 13s. 4d. yearely. By his directions Sir
Hugh Willowby was sent to finde out the Country of Russia, but the next
yeare he was found frozen to death in his Ship, and all his Company.
A.D. 1576.
Mr. Martin Frobisher was sent in the yeare 1576. by our most gracious
Queene Elizabeth, to search for the Northwest passage, and Meta incognita:
for which he was Knighted, honored, and well rewarded.
A.D. 1583.
Sir Humphrey Gilbert a worthy Knight attempted a Plantation in some of
those parts: and obtained Letters Pattents to his desire: but with this
Proviso, He should [1.2.] maintaine possession in some of those vast
Countries within the tearme of sixe yeares. Yet when he was provided with
a Navy able to incounter a Kings power, even here at home they fell in
divisions, and so into confusion, that they gave over the Designe ere
it was begun, notwithstanding all this losse, his undanted spirit began
againe, but his Fleet fell with New-foundland, and he perished in his
returne, as at large you may read in the third Volume of the English
Voyages, written by Mr. Hackluit.
Upon all those Relations and inducements, Sir Walter Raleigh, a noble
Gentleman, and then in great esteeme, undertooke to send to discover to
the Southward. And though his occasions and other imployments were such he
could not goe himselfe, yet he procured her Majesties Letters Pattents,
and perswaded many worthy Knights and Gentlemen to adventure with him to
finde a place fit for a Plantation. Their Proceedings followeth.
A.D. 1584.
The most famous, renowned, and ever worthy of all memory, for her courage,
learning, judgement, and vertue, Queene Elizabeth, granted her Letters
Patents to Sir Walter Raleigh for the discovering and planting new Lands
& Countries, not actually possessed by any Christians. This Patenty got to
be his assistants Sir Richard Grenvell the valiant, Mr. William Sanderson
a great friend to all such noble and worthy actions, and divers other
Gentlemen and Marchants, who with all speede provided two small Barkes
well furnished with all necessaries, under the command of Captaine Philip
Amidas and Captaine Barlow. The 27. of Aprill they set sayle from the
Thames, the tenth of May passed the Canaries, and the tenth of June the
West Indies: which unneedfull Southerly course, (but then no better was
knowne) occasioned them in that season much sicknesse.
_Their arrival._
_Abundance of Grapes_ {MN}
The second of July they fell with the coast of Florida in shoule water,
where they felt a most dilicate sweete smell, though they saw no land,
which ere long they espied, thinking it the Continent: an hundred and
twenty myles they sayled not finding any harbor. The first that appeared,
with much difficulty they entred, and anchored, and after thankes to God
they went to view the next Land adjoyning to take possession of it for the
Queenes most excellent Majestie: which done, they found their first
landing place very sandy and low, {MN} but so full of grapes that the very
surge of the Sea sometimes over-flowed them: of which they found such
plenty in all places, both on the sand, the greene soyle and hils, as in
the plaines as well on every little shrub, as also climbing towards the
tops of high Cedars, that they did thinke in the world were not the like
abundance.
_The Ile of Wokokon._
_In Lybanus are not many._ {MN-1}
_Conference with a Salvage._ {MN-2}
We passed by the Sea-side towards the tops of the next hills being not
high: from whence we might see the Sea on both sides, and found it an Ile
of twentie myles in length, and six in breadth, the vallyes replenished
with goodly tall Cedars, Discharging our Muskets, such a flocke of Cranes,
the most white, arose by us, with such a cry as if an Army of men had
shouted altogether. This He hath many goodly Woods, and Deere, Conies, and
Foule in incredible abundance, and using the Authors owne phrase, the
Woods are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscovia, or Hercinia, barren
and fruitlesse, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, {MN-1}
bettering them of the Assores, Indies, or Libanus: Pynes, Cypres,
Saxefras, the Lentisk that beareth Mastick, and many other of excellent
smell and qualitie. Till the third day we saw not any of the people, then
in a little Boat three of them appeared, one of them went on shore, to
whom wee rowed, and he attended us without any signe of feare; {MN-2}
after he had spoke much though we understood not a word, of his owne
accord he came boldly aboord us, we gave him a shirt, a hat, wine and
meate, which he liked well, and after he had well viewed the barkes and
us, he went away in his owne Boat, and within a quarter of a myle of us in
halfe an houre, had loaden his Boat with fish, with which he came againe
to the poynt of land, and there devided it in two parts, poynting one part
to the Ship, the other to the Pinnace, and so departed.
A.D. 1584.
[I.3] _The Arrival of the Kings brother._
The next day came divers Boats, and in one of them the Kings Brother, with
forty or fifty men, proper people, and in their behaviour very civill; his
name was Granganameo, the King is called Wingina, the Country Wingandacoa.
Leaving his Boats a little from our Ships, he came with his trayne to the
poynt: where spreading a Matte he sat downe. Though we came to him well
armed, he made signes to us to sit downe without any shew of feare,
stroking his head and brest, and also ours, to expresse his love. After he
had made a long speech unto us, we presented him with divers toyes, which
he kindly accepted. He was greatly regarded by his people, for none of
them did sit, nor speake a word, but foure, on whom we bestowed presents
also, but he tooke all from them, making signes all things did belong to
him.
The King himselfe in a conflict with a King his next neighbour and mortall
enemy, was shot in two places through the body, and the thigh, yet
recovered: whereby he lay at his chiefe towne six dayes journey from
thence.
_Trade with the Salvages._
A day or two after shewing them what we had, Granganameo taking most
liking to a Pewter dish, made a hole in it, hung it about his necke for a
brest-plate: for which he gave us twenty Deere skins, worth twenty
Crownes; and for a Copper Kettell, fiftie skins, worth fiftie Crownes.
Much other trucke we had, and after two dayes he came aboord, and did eate
and drinke with us very merrily. Not long after he brought his wife and
children, they were but of meane stature, but well favoured and very
bashfull; she had a long coat of Leather, and about her privities a peece
of the same, about her forehead a band of white Corrall, and so had her
husband, in her eares were bracelets of pearle, hanging downe to her
middle, of the bignesse of great Pease; the rest of the women had Pendants
of Copper, and the Noblemen five or sixe in an eare; his apparrell as his
wives, onely the women weare their haire long on both sides, and the men
but on one; they are of colour yellow, but their hayre is blacke, yet we
saw children that had very fayre Chesnut coloured hayre.
_Note_ {MN}
After that these women had beene here with us, there came downe from all
parts great store of people, with Leather, Corrall, and divers kinde of
dyes, but when Granganameo was present, none durst trade but himselfe, and
them that wore red Copper on their heads, as he did. When ever he came, he
would signifie by so many fires he came with so many boats, that we might
know his strength. Their Boats are but one great tree, which is but burnt
in the forme of a trough with gins and fire, till it be as they would have
it. For an armour he would have ingaged us a bagge of pearle, but we
refused, as not regarding it, that wee might the better learn where it
grew. He was very just of his promise, for oft we trusted him, and he
would come within his day to keepe his word. He sent us commonly every day
a brace of Bucks, Conies, Hares, and fish, sometimes Mellons, Walnuts,
Cucumbers, Pease, and divers rootes. {MN} This the Author sayth, their
corne groweth three times in five moneths; in May they sow, in July reape;
in June they sow, in August reape; in July sow, in August reape. We put
some of our Pease in the ground, which in ten dayes were 14. ynches high.
_The Ile Roanoak._ {MN-1}
_The Great courtesie of a Woman._ {MN-2}
The soyle is most plentifull, sweete, wholesome, and fruitfull of all
other, there are about 14. severall sorts of sweete smelling tymber trees:
the most parts of the underwood, Bayes and such like: such Okes as we,
but far greater and better. After this acquaintance, my selfe with seaven
more went twenty myle into the River Occam, that runneth toward the Cittie
Skicoack, {MN-1} and the evening following we came to an Ile called
Roanoak, from the harbour where we entred 7. leagues; at the North end was
9. houses, builded with Cedar, fortified round with sharpe trees, and the
entrance like a Turnpik. When we came towards it, {MN-2} the wife of
Granganameo came running out to meete us, (her husband was absent)
commanding her people to draw our Boat ashore for beating on the billowes,
other she appoynted to carry us on their backes aland, others to bring our
Ores into the [I.4.] house for stealing. When we came into the other roome,
(for there was five in the house) she caused us to sit downe by a great
fire; after tooke off our clothes and washed them, of some our stockings,
and some our feete in warme water, and she her selfe tooke much paines to
see all things well ordered, and to provide us victuall.
_A Banquet._
_Skicoak a great towne._ {MN}
After we had thus dryed our selves, she brought us into an Inner roome,
where she set on the bord standing a long the house somewhat like
frumentie, sodden venison, and rosted fish; in like manner mellons raw,
boyled rootes and fruites of divers kindes. There drinke is commonly water
boyled with Ginger, sometimes with Saxefras, and wholsome herbes, but
whilest the Grape lasteth they drinke wine. More love she could not
expresse to entertaine us; they care but onely to defend themselves from
the short winter, and feede on what they finde naturall in sommer. In this
feasting house was their Idoll of whom they tould us uncredible things.
When we were at meate two or three of her men came amongst us with their
Bowes and Arrowes, which caused us to take our armes in hand. She
perceiving our distrust, caused their Bowes and Arrowes to be broken, and
they beaten out of the gate: but the evening approaching we returned to
our boate, where at she much grieving brought our supper halfe boyled,
pots and all, but when she saw us, but put our boat a little off from the
shoar and lye at Anchor, perceiving our Jelousie, she sent divers men
& 30. women to sit al night on the shoare side against us, and sent us
five Mats to cover us from the raine, doing all she could to perswade us
to her house. Though there was no cause of doubt, we would not adventure:
for on our safety depended the voyage: but a more kinde loving people
cannot be. Beyond this Ile is the maine land and the great river Occam, on
which standeth a Towne called Pomeiock, {MN} and six dayes higher, their
City Skicoak: those people never saw it, but say there fathers affirme it
to be above two houres journey about. Into this river falleth an other
called Cipo, where is found many Mustells wherein are Pearles: likewise
another River called Nomapona, on the one side whereof standeth a great
towne called Chawanock, the Lord of the Country is not subject to
Wingandacoa. Beyond him an other king they cal Menatonon. These 3. are in
league each with other. Towards the south, 4. dayes journey is Sequotan,
the southermost part of Wingandacoa.
_Pamovik._
_How the Country was called Virginia._ {MN}
Adjoyning to Secotan beginneth the country Pomovik, belonging to the King
called Piamacum, in the Country Nusiok upon the great river Neus. These
have mortall warres with Wingina, King of Wingandacoa. Betwixt Piamacum
and the Lord of Secotan, a peace was concluded: notwithstanding there is a
mortall malice in the Secotans, because this Piamacum invited divers men,
and 30. women to a feast, and when they were altogether merry before their
Idoll, which is but a meere illusion of the Devill, they sudainly slew all
the men of Secotan, and kept the women for their use. Beyond Roanoak are
many Isles full of fruits and other Naturall increases, with many Townes a
long the side of the Continent. Those Iles lye 200. myles in length, and
betweene them and the mayne, a great long sea, in some places, 20. 40. or
50. myles broad, in other more, somewhere lesse. And in this sea are 100.
Iles of divers bignesses, but to get into it, you have but 3. passages and
they very dangerous. Though this you see for most part be but the
relations of Salvages, because it is the first, I thought it not a misse
to remember them as they are written by them that returned & arived in
England about the middest of September the same yeare. This discovery was
so welcome into England that it pleased her Majestie to call this Country
of Wingandacoa, Virginia, by which name now you are to understand how it
was planted, disolved, reuned, and enlarged.
The Performers of this voyage were these following.
Philip Amadas. }
Arthur Barlow. } Captaines
William Grenvill. Benjamin Wood. }
John Wood. Simon Ferdinando. } Of the
James Browewich. Nicholas Peryman. } Companie.
Henry Greene. John Hewes. }
[I.5] Sir Richard Grenvills voyage to Virginia, for Sir Walter
Raleigh. 1585.
_Sir Richard Grenvills, Voyage 1585._
The 9. of Aprill he departed from Plimouth with 7. sayle: the chiefe men
with him in command, were Master Ralph Layne, Master Thomas Candish,
Master John Arundel, Master Stukley, Master Bremige, Master Vincent,
Master Heryot and Master John Clarke. The 14. day we fell with the
Canaries, and the 7. of May with Dominico in the West Indies: we landed at
Portorico, after with much a doe at Izabella on the north of Hispaniola,
passing by many Iles. Upon the 20. we fell with the mayne of Florida, and
were put in great danger upon Cape Fear. The 26. we Anchored at Wocokon,
where the admiral had like to beene cast away, presently we sent to
Wingina to Roanoak, and Master Arundel went to the mayne, with Manteo a
salvage, and that day to Crooton. The 11. The Generall victualled for 8.
dayes, with a selected company went to the maine, and discovered the
Townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secotan, and the great Lake called Paquipe.
At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a silver Cup, wherefore we burnt the Towne
and spoyled their corne, so returned to our fleete at Tocokon. Whence we
wayed for Hatorask, where we rested, and Granganameo, King Wingina's
brother with Manteo came abord our Admirall, the Admirall went for
Weapomeiok, & Master John Arundel for England. Our Generall in his way
home tooke a rich loaden ship of 300. tunns, with which he arived at
Plimouth the 18. of September, 1585.
These were left under the command of Master Ralph Layne to inhabite the
Country, but they returned within a yeare.
Philip Amidas Admirall. Master Acton.
Master Thomas Heryot. Master Stafford.
Master Thomas Luddington. Master Snelling.
Master Marvyn. Master Antony Russe.
Cap. Vaghan. Master Allen.
Master Kendall. Master Michael Pollison.
Master Gardiner. Master Thomas Bockner.
Master Predeox. Master James Mason.
Master Rogers. Master David Salter.
Master Harvy. Master James Skinner.
With divers others to the number of 108.
A.D. 1585-86.
_Their first Plantation._
Touching the most remarkeable things of the Country and our proceeding
from the 17. of August 1585. till the 18. of June 1586. we made Roanoack
our habitation. The utmost of our discovery Southward was Secotan as we
esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoack. The passage from thence was thought a
broad sound within the maine, being without kenning of land, yet full of
flats and shoules that our Pinnasse could not passe, & we had but one boat
with 4. ores, that would carry but 15. men with their provisions for 7.
dayes: so that because the winter approached we left those discoveries
till a stronger supply. To the Northward our farthest was to a Towne of
the Chesapeacks, from Roanoack 130. myles. The passage is very shallow and
dangerous by reason of the breadth of the sound and the little succour
for a storme, but this teritory being 15. myle from the shoare, for
pleasantnest of seate, for temperature of climate, fertility of soyle and
comoditie of the Sea, besides beares, good woods, Saxefras, Walnuts &c. is
not to be excelled by any other whatsoever.
There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances as the Mangoacks,
Trypaniks, and Opposians, which came to visit us.
_Chawonoack._ [I.6]
To the northwest our farthest was Chawonock from Roanoack 130. myles our
passage lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the channell
Navigable for a Ship, but out of it full of shoules.
_Chawonock._ {MN-1}
700. _men._ {MN-2}
The townes by the way by the water, are Passaquenock the womens towne,
Chepanoc, Weapomeiok; from Muscamunge wee enter the river and jurisdiction
of Chawonock, there it beginneth to straiten, and at Chawonock it is as
Thames at Lambeth: betwixt them as we passed is goodly high land on the
left hand, and there is a towne called Ohanock, where is a great corne
field, {MN-1} it is subject to Chawonock, which is the greatest Province
upon the river, {MN-2} and the Towne it selfe can put seven hundred men
into the field, besides the forces of the rest. The King is lame, but hath
more understanding then all the rest.
_Menatonon his relations of the Ile of Pearle, and a rich mine, &
the Sea by it._ {MN}
The river of Moratoc is more famous then all the rest, and openeth into
the sound of Weapomeiok, and where there is but a very small currant in
Chawonock, it hath so strong a currant from the Southwest, as we doubted
how to row against it. Strange things they report of the head of this
river, and of Moratoc it selfe, a principall towne on it, & is thirtie or
fortie dayes Journey to the head. This lame King is called Menatonon. {MN}
When I had him prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. dayes Journey in a
Canow up the river Chawonock, then landing & going foure dayes Journey
Northeast, there is a King whose Country lyeth on the Sea, but his best
place of strength is an Iland in a Bay invironed with deepe water, where
he taketh that abundance of Pearle, that not onely his skins, and his
nobles, but also his beds and houses are garnished therewith. This king
was at Chawonock two yeares agoe to trade with blacke pearle, his worst
sort whereof I had a rope, but they were naught; but that King he sayth
hath store of white, and had trafficke with white men, for whom he
reserved them; he promised me guides to him, but advised me to goe strong,
for he was unwilling strangers should come in his Country, for his Country
is populous and valiant men. If a supply had come in Aprill, I resolved to
have sent a small Barke to the Northward to have found it, whilest I with
small Boates and 200. men would have gone to the head of the river
Chawonock, with sufficient guides by land, inskonsing my selfe every two
dayes, where I would leave Garrisons for my retreat till I came to this
Bay.
Very neare unto it is the river of Moratoc, directly from the West, the
head of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke, which standeth so neare the
Sea, that in stormes the Sea beats over it into this fresh spring, that of
it selfe at the surse is a violent streame. I intended with two Wherries
and fortie persons to have Menatonons sonne for guide, to try this
presently, till I could meete with some of the Moratocks, or Mangoaks, but
hoping of getting more victuall from the Salvages, we as narrowly escaped
starving in that Discovery as ever men did.
_Pemissapan his trechery._
_The discovery of the river Moratoc._ {MN-1}
_A noble resolution._ {MN-2}
For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina upon the death of his
brother Granganameo, had given both the Chawonests, and Mangoaks word of
my purpose: also he told me the Chawonocks had assembled two or three
thousand to assault me at Roanok, urging me daily to goe against them, and
them against us; {MN-1} a great assembly I found at my comming thether,
which suddaine approach did so dismay them, that we had the better of
them: & this confederacy against us was procured by Pemissapan himselfe
our chiefe friend we trusted; he sent word also to the Moratoks and the
Mangoaks, I came to invade them, that they all fled up into the high
Country, so that where I assured my selfe both of succour and provision, I
found all abandoned. But being thus farre on my journey 160. myles from
home, and but victuals for two dayes, besides the casualties of crosse
winds, stormes, and the Salvages trechery, though we intended no hurt to
any: I gave my Company to understand we were onely drawne forth upon these
vaine hopes by the Salvages to bring us to confusion: {MN-2} a Councell we
held, to goe forward or returne, but they all were absolutely resolved but
three, that whilst there was but one pynt of Corne for a man, they would
not leave the search of that river; for they had two Mastive Dogs, which
boyled with Saxefras leaves [I.7.] (if the worst fell out) upon them and
the pottage they would live two dayes, which would bring them to the
sound, where they should finde fish for two dayes more to passe it to
Roanock, which two dayes they had rather fast then goe backe a foote, till
they had seene the Mangoaks either as friends or foes.
_The strange Mine of Chaunis Temoatan._
Though I did forsee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had to see the
Mangoaks was, for that there is a province called Chaunis Temoatan,
frequented by them and well knowne to all those Countries, where is a mine
of Copper they call Wassador; they say they take it out of a river that
falleth swiftly from high rocks in shallow water, in great Bowles, covered
with leather, leaving a part open to receive the mettall, which by the
change of the colour of the water where the spout falleth, they suddainly
chop downe, and have the Bowie full, which they cast into the fire, it
presently melteth, and doth yeeld in five parts at the first melting two
parts mettall for three of Ore. The Mangoaks have such plenty of it, they
beautifie their houses with great plates thereof: this the Salvages
report; and young Skiko the King of Chawonnocks sonne my prisoner, that
had beene prisoner among the Mangoaks, but never at Chaunis Temoatan, for
he sayd that was twentie dayes journey overland from the Mangoaks.
_The great current of the river Moratoc._ {MN}
Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guides to this mettall
Country; by Land to the Mangoaks is but one dayes journey, but seaven by
water, which made me so willing to have met them for some assay of this
metall: but when we came there we found no creature, onely we might see
where had beene their fires. After our two dayes journey, and our victuals
spent, in the evening we heard some call as we thought Manteo, who was
with me in the boat; this made us glad, he made them a friendly answer,
which they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he told us
they came to fight. Presently they did let flie their Arrowes about the
boat, but did no hurt, the other boat scouring the shore we landed: but
they all were fled, and how to finde them wee knew not. So the next
morning we returned to the mouth of the river, {MN} that cost us foure
dayes rowing up, and here our dogs pottage stood us in good stead, for we
had nothing els: the next day we fasted being windbound, and could not
passe the sound, but the day following we came to Chippanum, where the
people were fled, but their wires afforded us fish: thus being neare
spent, the next day God brought us to Roanocke. I conclude a good Mine, or
the South sea will make this Country quickly inhabited, and so for
pleasure and profit comparable with any in the world: otherwise there will
be nothing worth the fetching. Provided there be found a better harbour
then yet there is, which must be Northward if there be any. Master
Vaughan, no lesse hoped of the goodnesse of the Mine, then Master Heriot
that the river Moratocks head, either riseth by the Bay of Mexico, or very
neare the South Sea, or some part that openeth neare the same, which
cannot with that facilitie be done as from the Bay of Pearles, by
insconsing foure dayes journey to the Chawonoks, Mangoaks, and Moratocks,
&c.
The conspiracy of Pemissapan; the Discovery of it; and our returne for
England with Sir Francis Drake.
_The Conspiricy of Pemissapan._ {MN-1}
_The death of a most rare Salvage._ {MN-2}
Ensenore a Salvage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had after the
death of Granganimeo, when I was in those Discoveries, could not prevaile
any thing with the King from destroying us, that all this time God had
preserved, by his good counsell to the King to be friendly unto us. {MN-1}
Pemissapan thinking as the brute was in this last journey we were slaine
and starved, began to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not
defend us, so that old Ensenore, had no more credit for us: for he began
by all the devises he could to invade us. But in the beginning of this
brute, when [I.8.] they saw us all returne, the report false, and had
Manteo, and three Salvages more with us, how little we esteemed all the
people we met, and feared neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had
brought their greatest Kings sonne prisoner with us to Roanock: it a
little asswaged all his devises, and brought Ensenore in respect againe,
that our God was good, and wee their friends, and our foes should perish,
for we could doe them more hurt being dead, then living, and that being an
hundred myles from them, shot, and strucke them sicke to death, and that
when we die it is but for a time, then we returne againe. But that which
wrought the most feare among them was the handy-worke of Almightie God.
For certaine dayes after my returne, Menatonon sent messengers to me with
Pearle, and Okisco King of Weopomeoke, to yeeld himselfe servant to the
Queene of England. Okisco with twenty-foure of his principall men came to
Pemissapan to acknowledge this dutie and subjection, and would performe
it. All which so changed the heart of Pemissapan, that upon the advise of
Ensenore, when we were ready to famish they came and made us wires, and
planted their fields they intended to abandon (we not having one corne
till the next harvest to sustaine us). {MN-2} This being done our old
friend Ensenore dyed the twenty of Aprill, then all our enemies wrought
with Pemissapan to put in practise his devises, which he easily imbraced,
though they had planted corne by us, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from
us. Yet they got Okisco our tributary to get seven or eight hundred (and
the Mandoages with the Chisapeans should doe the like) to meete (as their
custome is) to solemnize the Funerall of Ensenore. Halfe of whom should
lye hid, to cut off the straglers, seeking crabs and provision: the rest
come out of the mayne upon the Signall by fire. Twenty of the principall
of Pemissapans men had charge in the night to beset my house, put fire in
the Reeds that covered it, which might cause me run out so naked and
amazed, they might without danger knocke out my braines. The same order
for Mr. Heriots, and the rest: for all should have beene fired at an
instant. In the meane time they should sell us nothing, and in the night
spoyle our wires, to make necessitie disperse us. For if we were but ten
together, a hundred of them would not meddle with us. So our famine
increased, I was forced to send Captaine Stafford to Croatan, with twentie
to feed himselfe, and see if he could espie any sayle passe the coast; Mr.
Predeox with ten to Hatarask upon the same occasion: and other small
parties to the Mayne to live upon rootes and Oysters.
_A slaughter of two Salvages._ {MN-1}
_Pemissipan slaine and 8. others._ {MN-2}
Pemissapan sequestring himselfe, I should not importune him for victuall,
and to draw his troupes, found not the Chawonests so forward as he
expected, being a people more faithfull and powerfull, and desired our
friendships, and was offended with him for raising such tales, and all his
projects were revealed to me by Skico my prisoner; who finding himselfe as
well used by me, as Pemissapan tould me all. These troubles caused me send
to Pemissapan, to put suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to
Croatan to meete a Fleete came to me, though I knew no such matter: and
that he would lend me men to fish and hunt. He sent me word he would come
himselfe to Roanock; but delaying time eight dayes that all his men were
there to be assembled, not liking so much company, I resolved the next day
to goe visit him, but first to give them in the Ile a Canvisado, and at an
instant to seaze on all their Canows about the Ile. But the towne tooke
the Alarum before I ment it. {MN-1} For when I sent to take the Canows, he
met one going from the shore, overthrew her and cut off two Salvages
heads; whereupon the cry arose, being by their spyes perceived: for they
kept as good watch over us, as we of them. Upon this they to their Bowes,
and we to our Armes: three or foure of them at the first were slaine, the
rest fled into the woods. The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack, and
sent Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and tooke him in my way to
complaine Osocon would have stole my prisoner Skico. Hereupon he did abide
my comming, & being among eight of the principallest, I gave the watchword
to my men, and immediately they had that they purposed for us. {MN-2}
Himselfe being shot through with a Pistoll fell downe as dead, but
presently start up and ran away from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him
over the buttocks, where they tooke him and cut off his head.
_A most generous courtesie of Sir Francis Drake._ {MN}
Seaven dayes after Captaine Stafforton sent to me he descryed
twentie-three Sayle. The next day came to me himselfe (of whom I must say
this, from the first to the last, he neither spared labour, or perill by
land or sea, fayre weather, or foule, to performe any serious service
committed to him.) {MN} He brought me a letter from Sir Francis Drake,
whose generous mind offered to supply all my defects, of shipping, boats,
munition, victuall, clothes, and men to further this action: and upon good
consultation and deliberation, he appointed me a ship of 70. tuns, with an
hundred men, and foure moneths victuals, two Pinnaces, foure small Boats,
with two sufficient Masters, with sufficient Gangs. All this being made
ready for me, suddenly arose such a storme for foure dayes, that had like
to have driven the whole Fleete on shore: many of them were forced to the
Sea, whereof my ship so lately given me was one, with all my provision and
Company appoynted.
Notwithstanding, the storme ceasing, the Generall appointed me a ship of
170. tuns, with all provisions as before, to carry me into England the
next August, or when I had performed such Discoveries as I thought fit.
Yet they durst not undertake to bring her into, the harbour, but she must
ride in the road, leaving the care of the rest to my selfe, advising me to
consider with my Company what was fittest, and with my best speed returne
him answer.
_Virginia abandoned._ {MN}
Hereupon calling my Company together, who were all as privy of the
Generals offer as my selfe; their whole request was, (in regard of all
those former miseries, and no hope of the returne of Sir Richard
Grenvill,) and with a generall consent, they desired me to urge him, we
might all goe with him for England in his Fleete; for whose reliefe in
that storme he had sustained more perill of wrack, then in all his
honorable actions against his enemies. {MN} So with prayses to God we set
sayle in June 1586. and arrived in Portsmouth the 27. of July the same
yeare: Leaving this remembrance to posteritie.
To reason lend me thine attentive eares, Exempt thy
selfe from mind-distracting cares:
Least that's here thus projected for thy good; By thee
rejected be, ere understood.
Written by Mr. Ralph Layne, Governour.
The Observations of Mr. Thomas Heriot in this Voyage.
For Merchandize and Victualls.
_Commodities_
What before is writ, is also confirmed by that learned Mathematician Mr.
Thomas Heriot, with them in the Country, whose particular Relation of all
the Beasts, Birds, Fishes, Foules, Fruites, and Rootes, and how they may
be usefull; because I have writ it before for the most part in the
Discourse of Captaine Amidas, and Captaine Layne, except Silk grasse,
Worme silke, Flax like Hempe, Allum, Wapeith, or Terra sigillata, Tar,
Rosen, & Turpentine, Civet-cats, Iron ore, Copper that held Silver,
Coprose and Pearle: Let those briefes suffice, because I would not trouble
you with one thing twice.
_Dyes._
For Dyes, Showmack, the herbe Wasebur, little rootes called Chapacor, and
the barke of a tree called by the Inhabitants Tangomockonominge, which are
for divers sorts of Reds.
_A strange Salt._
What more then is related is an herbe in Dutch called Melden, described
like an Orange, growing foure foote [I.10.] high; the seede will make good
broth, and the stalke burnt to ashes makes a kinde of Salt: other Salt
they know not, and we used of it for Pot-herbs. Of their Tobacco we found
plenty, which they esteeme their chiefe Physicke.
_Rootes._
Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China roots; they grow in clusters, and bring
forth a bryer stalke, but the leafe is far unlike, which will climbe up to
the top of the highest tree: the use knowne is to cut it in small peeces,
then stampe & straine it with water, and boyled makes a gelly good to
eate. Cassavia growes in Marishes, which the Indians oft use for bread and
broth. Habascon is like a Parsnip, naught of it selfe, except compounded:
and their Leekes like those in England.
_Fruits thats strange._
Sequenummener, a kinde of Berry like Capers, and three kinde of Berries
like Acornes, called Sagatamenor, Osamenor, and Pummuckoner.
_Beasts extraordinary._
Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinde of beasts, greater then Conies, and
very good meate; in some places such plenty of gray Conies, like hayres,
that all the people make them mantels of their skins. I have the names
of 28. severall sorts that are dispersed in the Country: of which 12.
kindes we have discovered and good to eate; but the Salvages sometimes
kill a Lyon and eate him.
_Fish._
There is plentie of Sturgeon in February, March, Aprill, and May; all
Herings in abundance; some such as ours, but the most part of 18. 20. or
24. ynches long, and more. Trouts, Porpisses, Rayes, Mullets, Old-wives,
Plaice, Tortoises both by Sea and Land: Crabs, Oysters, Mussels, Scalops,
Periwinckles, Crevises, Secanank: we have the Pictures of 12. sorts more,
but their names we know not.
_Foules._
Turkyes, Stockdoves, Partridges, Cranes, Hernes, Swans, Geese, Parrots,
Faulcons, Merlins. I have the names in their language of 86. severall
sorts. Their woods are such as ours in England for the most part, except
Rakeock, a great sweet tree, whereof they make their Canowes: and Ascopo,
a kinde of tree like Lowrell, and Saxefras.
Their Natures and Manners.
Their Clothing, Townes, Houses, Warres, Arts, Tooles, handy crafts, and
educations, are much like them in that part of Virginia we now inhabite:
which at large you may reade in the Description thereof. But the relation
of their Religion is strange, as this Author reporteth.
_Their Religion._
_How the world was made._ {MN}
Some Religion they have, which although it be farre from the truth, yet
being as it is there is hope it may be the easier reformed. They beleeve
there are many gods which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts and
degrees. Also that there is one chiefe God that hath beene from all
eternitie, who as they say when he purposed first to make the world, {MN}
made first other gods of a principall order, to be as instruments to be
used in the Creation and government to follow: And after the Sunne, Moone,
and Starres, as pettie gods; and the instruments of the other order more
principall. First (they say) were made waters, out of which by the gods
were made all diversitie of creatures that are visible or invisible.
_How man was made._
For mankinde they say a Woman was made first, which by the working of one
of the gods conceived and brought forth children; and so they had their
beginning, but how many yeares or ages since they know not; having no
Records but onely Tradition from Father to sonne.
_How they use their gods._
They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and therefore represent
them by Images in the formes of men; which they call Kewasowok: one alone
is called Kewasa; them they place in their Temples, where they worship,
pray, sing, and make many offerings. The common sort thinke them also
gods.
_Wheter they goe after death._
They beleeve the immortalitie of the Soule, when life departing from the
body, according to the good or bad workes it hath done, it is carried up
to the Tabernacles of the gods, to perpetuall happinesse, or to Popogusso,
a great pit: which they thinke to be at the furthest parts of the world,
where the Sunne sets, and there burne continually.
_Two men risen from the dead._ {MN}
To confirme this they told me of two men that had beene lately dead, and
[I.11.] revived againe; the one hapned but few yeares before our comming
into the country; of a bad man, which being dead and buried, the next day
the earth over him being seene to move, was taken up, who told them his
soule was very neare entering into Popogusso, had not one of the gods
saved him and gave him leave to returne againe, to teach his friends what
they should doe to avoyd such torment. {MN} The other hapned the same
yeare we were there, but sixtie myles from us, which they told me for
news, that one being dead, buried, & taken up as the first, shewed, that
although his body had layne dead in the grave, yet his soule lived, and
had travailed far in a long broad way, on both sides whereof grew more
sweet, fayre, and delicate trees and fruits, then ever he had seene
before; at length he came to most brave and fayre houses, neare which he
met his Father, that was dead long agoe, who gave him charge to goe backe,
to shew his friends what good there was to doe, to injoy the pleasures of
that place; which when hee had done hee should come againe.
_The subtiltie of their Priests._
What subtiltie so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests; this opinion
worketh so much in the common sort, that they have great respect to their
Governours: and as great care to avoyde torment after death, and to enjoy
blisse. Yet they have divers sorts of punishments according to the
offence, according to the greatnesse of the fact. And this is the sum of
their Religion, which I learned by having speciall familiaritie with their
Priests, wherein they were not so sure grounded, nor gave such credit, but
through conversing with us, they were brought into great doubts of their
owne, and no small admiration of ours: of which many desired to learne
more then we had meanes for want of utterance in their Language to
expresse.
_Their simplicitie._
Most things they saw with us as Mathematicall Instruments, Sea-Compasses;
the vertue of the Loadstone, Perspective Glasses, burning Glasses: Clocks
to goe of themselves; Bookes, writing, Guns, and such like; so far
exceeded their capacities, that they thought they were rather the workes
of gods then men; or at least the gods had taught us how to make them,
which loved us so much better then them; & caused many of them give credit
to what we spake concerning our God. In all places where I came, I did my
best to make his immortall glory knowne. And I told them, although the
Bible I shewed them, contained all; yet of it selfe, it was not of any
such vertue as I thought they did conceive. Notwithstanding many would be
glad to touch it, to kisse, and imbrace it, to hold it to their breasts,
and heads, and stroke all their body over with it.
_Their desire of salvation._
The King Wingina where we dwelt, would oft be with us at Prayer. Twice he
was exceeding sicke and like to dye. And doubting of any helpe from his
Priests, thinking he was in such danger for offending us and our God, sent
for some of us to pray, and be a meanes to our God, he might live with him
after death. And so did many other in the like case. One other strange
Accident (leaving others) will I mention before I end, which mooved the
whole Country that either knew or heard of us, to have us in wonderfull
admiration.
_A wonderful Accident._
There was no Towne where they had practised any villany against us (we
leaving it unpunished, because we sought by all possible meanes to winne
them by gentlenes) but within a few dayes after our departure, they began
to dye; in some Townes twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in one an
hundred and twenty, which was very many in respect of their numbers. And
this hapned in no place (we could learn) where we had bin, but where they
had used some practise to betray us. And this disease was so strange, they
neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it; nor had they knowne the like
time out of minde; a thing specially observed by us, as also by
themselves, in so much that some of them who were our friends especially
Wingina, had observed such effects in foure or five Townes, that they were
perswaded it was the worke of God through our meanes: and that we by him
might kill and slay whom we would, without [I.12.] weapons, and not come
neare them. And thereupon, when they had any understanding, that any of
their enemies abused us in our Journeyes, they would intreat us, we would
be a meanes to our God, that they, as the others that had dealt ill with
us, might dye in like sort: although we shewed them their requests were
ungodly; and that our God would not subject himselfe to any such requests
of men, but all things as he pleased came to passe: and that we to shew
our selves his true servants, ought rather to pray for the contrary: yet
because the effect fell out so suddenly after, according to their desires,
they thought it came to passe by our meanes, and would come give us
thankes in their manner, that though we satisfied them not in words, yet
in deeds we had fulfilled their desires.
_Their strange opinions._
This marveilous Accident in all the Country wrought so strange opinions of
us, that they could not tell whether to thinke us gods or men. And the
rather that all the space of their sicknesse, there was no man of ours
knowne to die, or much sicke. They noted also we had no women, nor cared
for any of theirs: some therefore thought we were not borne of women, and
therefore not mortall, but that we were men of an old generation many
yeares past, & risen againe from immortalitie. Some would Prophesie there
were more of our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their
places. Those that were to come after us they imagined to be in the ayre,
yet invisible and without bodies: and that they by our intreaties, for
love of us, did make the people die as they did, by shooting invisible
bullets into them.
To confirme this, their Physicians to excuse their Ignorance in curing the
disease, would make the simple people beleeve, that the strings of bloud
they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the strings wherein the
invisible bullets were tyed, and cast. Some thought we shot them our
selves from the place where we dwelt, and killed the people that had
offended us, as we listed, how farre distant soever. And others said it
was the speciall worke of God for our sakes, as we had cause in some sort
to thinke no lesse, whatsoever some doe, or may imagine to the contrary;
especially some Astrologers by the eclipse of the Sunne we saw that yeare
before our Voyage, and by a Comet which began to appeare but a few dayes
before the sicknesse began: but to exclude them from being the speciall
causes of so speciall an Accident, there are farther reasons then I thinke
fit to present or alledge.
These their opinions I have set downe, that you may see there is hope to
imbrace the truth, and honor, obey, feare and love us, by good dealing and
government: though some of our company towards the latter end, before we
came away with Sir Francis Drake shewed themselves too furious, in slaying
some of the people in some Townes, upon causes that on our part might have
bin borne with more mildnesse; notwithstanding they justly had deserved
it. The best neverthelesse in this, as in all actions besides, is to be
indevoured and hoped; and of the worst that may happen, notice to be
taken with consideration; and as much as may be eschewed; the better to
allure them hereafter to Civilitie and Christianize.
_Palling._
Thus you may see. How
Nature her selfe delights her selfe in sundry Instruments.
That sundry things be done to decke the earth with Ornaments;
Nor suffers she her servants all should runne one race,
But wills the walke of every one frame in a divers pace;
That divers waves and divers workes, the world might better grace.
Written by Thomas Heriot, one of the Voyage.
How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieve them.
A.D. 1586.
In the yeare of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Raleigh and his Associates
prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraughted plentifully of all things
necessary: but before [I.13.] they set sayle from England it was Easter.
And arriving at Hatorask, they after some time spent in seeking the
Collony up in the Country, and not finding them, returned with all the
provision againe to England.
_Sir Richard Grenvill left fiftie men._ {MN}
About 14. or 15. dayes after, Sir Richard Grenvill accompanied with three
ships well appoynted, arrived there. Who not finding the aforesaid ship
according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes of the Collony there
seated, and left by him as is said 1585. travailing up and downe to seeke
them, but when he could heare no newes of them, and found their habitation
abandoned, unwilling to lose the possession of the Country, {MN} after
good deliberation he landed fiftie men in the Ile of Roanoak, plentifully
furnished with all manner of provision for two yeares: and so returned for
England.
Where many began strangely to discant of those crosse beginnings, and him;
which caused me remember an old saying of Euripides.
Who broacheth ought thats new, to fooles untaught,
Himselfe shall judged be unwise, and good for naught.
Three Ships more sent to relieve them by Mr. White.
A.D. 1587.
_Master White his Voyages._
We went the old course by the west Indies, and Simon Ferdinando our
continuall Pilot mistaking Virginia for Cape Fear, we sayled not much to
have beene cast away, upon the conceit of our all-knowing Ferdinando, had
it not beene prevented by the vigilancy of Captaine Stafford. We came to
Hatorask the 22. of July, and with fortie of our best men, intending at
Roanoack to find the 50 men left by Sir Richard Grenvill. But we found
nothing but the bones of a man, and where the Plantation had beene, the
houses unhurt, but overgrowne with weeds, and the Fort defaced, which much
perplexed us.
_One of the Council slaine._ {MN}
By the History it seemes Simon Ferdinando did what he could to bring this
voyage to confusion; but yet they all arrived at Hatorask. They repayred
the old houses at Roanock, {MN} and Master George How, one of the
Councell, stragling abroad, was slaine by the Salvages. Not long after
Master Stafford with 20. men went to Croatan with Manteo, whose friends
dwelled there: of whom we thought to have some newes of our 50 men. They
at first made shew to fight, but when they heard Manteo, they threw away
their Armes, and were friends, and desired there might be a token given to
be knowne by, least we might hurt them by misprision, as the yeare before
one had bin by Master Layne, that was ever their friend, and there present
yet lame.
_How the fiftie men were slaine._
The next day we had conference with them concerning the people of Secotan,
Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatan to see if they would
accept friendship, and renew our old acquaintance: which they willingly
imbraced, and promised to bring their King and Governours to Roanoak, to
confirme it. We also understood that Master Howe was slaine by the men of
Wingina, of Dassamonpeack: and by them of Roanoack, {MN} that the fiftie
men left by Sir Richard Grenvill, were suddainly set upon by three hundred
of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack. First they intruded themselves
among 11 of them by friendship, one they slew, the rest retyring to their
houses, they set them on fire, that our men with what came next to hand
were forced to make their passage among them; where one of them was shot
in the mouth, and presently dyed, and a Salvage slaine by him. On both
sides more were hurt; but our men retyring to the water side, got their
boat, & ere they had rowed a quarter of a myle towards Hatorask, they
tooke up foure of their fellowes, gathering Crabs and Oysters: at last
they landed on a little Ile by Hatorask, where they remained a while,
but after departed they knew not whether. So taking our leaves of the
Croatans, we came to our Fleet at Hatorask.
The Governour having long expected the King and Governours of Pomeiok,
Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack, and the 7. dayes expired, and no
newes of them, being also informed by those of Croatan, that they of
Dassamonpeack slew Master How, and were at the driving our men from
Roanoack he thought no longer to deferre the revenge. Wherefore about
midnight, with Captaine Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof Manteo
was one, for our guide, (that behaved himselfe towards us as a most
faithfull English man) he set forward.
_An ill misprision._
_A child borne in Virginia._ {MN}
The next day by breake of day we landed, and got beyond their houses,
where seeing them sit by the fire we assaulted them. The miserable soules
amazed fled into the Reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to
have beene fully revenged, but we were deceived, for they were our friends
come from Croatan to gather their corne, because they understood our
enemies were fled after the death of Master How, and left all behinde them
for the birds. But they had like to have payd too deare for it, had we not
chanced upon a Weroances wife, with a childe at her backe, and a Salvage
that knew Captaine Stafford, that ran to him calling him by his name.
Being thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit we found
ripe, left the rest unspoyled, and tooke Menatonon his wife with her
childe, and the rest with us to Roanoak. Though this mistake grieved
Manteo, yet he imputed it to their own folly, because they had not kept
promise to come to the governor at the day appointed. The 13. of August
our Salvage Manteo was Christened, and called Lord of Dassamonpeack, in
reward of his faithfulnesse. {MN} And the 18th, Ellinor the Governours
daughter, and wife to Ananias Dare, was delivered of a daughter in
Roanoak; which being the first Christian there borne, was called
Virginia.
_A controversie who to send for Factor to England._ {MN}
Our ships being ready to depart, such a storme arose, as the Admirall was
forced to cut her Cables: and it was six dayes ere she could recover the
shore, that made us doubt she had beene lost, because the most of her best
men were on shore. {MN} At this time Controversies did grow betwixt our
Governour and the Assistants, about choosing one of them 12. to goe as
Factor for them all to England; for all refused save one, whom all men
thought most insufficient: the Conclusion was by a generall consent, they
would have the Governour goe himselfe, for that they thought none would so
truly procure there supplyes as he. Which though he did what he could to
excuse it, yet their importunitie would not cease till he under-tooke it,
and had it under all their hands how unwilling he was, but that necessity
and reason did doubly constraine him. At their setting sayle for England,
waighing Anchor, twelve of the men in the flyboat were throwne from the
Capstern, by the breaking of a barre, and most of them so hurt, that some
never recovered it. The second time they had the like fortune, being but
15. they cut the Cable and kept company with their Admirall to Flowres and
Corvos; the Admirall stayed there looking for purchase: but the flyboats
men grew so weake they were driven to Smerwick in the West of Ireland. The
Governour went for England; and Simon Ferdinando with much adoe at last
arrived at Portsmouth. 1587.
The Names of those were landed in this Plantation were,
John White, Governour. John Samson.
Roger Bayley. Thomas Smith.
Ananias Dare. Dionis Harvie.
Simon Ferdinando. Roger Prat.
Christopher Couper. George How.
Thomas Stevens. Antony Cage.
With divers others to the number of about 115.
[I.15.] The fift Voyage to Virginia; undertaken by Mr. John White.
A.D. 1589.
_Master White his return to Virginia._
_Captaine Spicer and seaven others drowned._ {MN-1}
_They finde where they had buryed their provisions._ {MN-2}
The 20. of March three ships went from Plimouth, and passed betwixt
Barbary and Mogadoro to Dominico in the West Indies. After we had done
some exployts in those parts, the third of August wee fell with the low
sandy Iles westward of Wokokon. But by reason of ill weather it was the
11. ere we could Anchor there; and on the 12. we came to Croatan, where is
a great breach in 35 degrees and a halfe, in the Northeast poynt of the
Ile. The 15. we came to Hatorask in 36. degrees & a terse, at 4. fadom, 3
leagues from shore: where we might perceive a smoake at the place where I
left the Colony, 1587. The next morning Captaine Cooke, Captaine Spicer,
& their companies, with two boats left our ships, and discharged some
Ordnance to give them notice of our comming, but when we came there, we
found no man, nor signe of any that had beene there lately: and so
returned to our Boats. The next morning we prepared againe for Roanoack.
Captaine Spicer had then sent his Boat ashore for water, so it was ten of
the Clocke ere we put from the ships, which rode two myles from the shore.
The Admirals boat, being a myle before the other, as she passed the bar,
a sea broke into the boat and filled her halfe full of water: but by Gods
good will, and the carefull stearage of Captaine Cook, though our
provisions were much wet we safe escaped, the wind blew hard at Northeast,
which caused so great a current and a breach upon the barre; Captaine
Spicer passed halfe over, but by the indiscreet steering of Ralph Skinner,
their boat was overset, the men that could catch hold hung about her, the
next sea cast her on ground, where some let goe their hold to wade to
shore, but the sea beat them downe. {MN-1} The boat thus tossed up and
downe Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung there till they were drowned; but
4. that could swim a little, kept themselves in deeper water, were saved
by the meanes of Captaine Cook, that presently upon the oversetting of
their boat, shipped himselfe to save what he could. Thus of eleven, seven
of the chiefest were drowned. This so discomfited all the Saylers, we had
much to do to get them any more to seeke further for the Planters, but by
their Captaines forwardnes at last they fitted themselves againe for
Hatorask in 2 boats, with 19 persons. It was late ere we arrived, but
seeing a fire through the woods, we sounded a Trumpet, but no answer could
we heare. The next morning we went to it, but could see nothing but the
grasse, and some rotten trees burning. We went up and downe the Ile, and
at last found three faire Romane Letters carved. C.R.O. which presently we
knew to signifie the place where I should find them, according to a secret
note betweene them & me: which was to write the name of the place they
would be in, upon some tree, dore, or post: and if they had beene in any
distresse, to signifie it by making a crosse over it. For at my departure
they intended to goe fiftie myles into the mayne. But we found no signe of
distresse; then we went to a place where they were left in sundry houses,
but we found them all taken downe, and the place strongly inclosed with a
high Palizado, very Fortlike; and in one of the chiefe Posts carved in
fayre capitall Letters CROATAN, without any signe of distresse, and many
barres of Iron, two pigs of Lead, foure Fowlers, Iron shot, and such like
heavie things throwne here and there, overgrowne with grasse and weeds. We
went by the shore to seeke for their boats but could find none, nor any of
the Ordnance I left them. {MN-2} At last some of the Sailers found divers
Chists had beene hidden and digged up againe, and much of the goods
spoyled, and scattered up and downe, which when I saw, I knew three of
them to be my owne; but bookes, pictures, and all things els were spoyled.
Though it much grieved me, yet it did much comfort me that I did know they
were at Croatan; so we returned to our Ships, but had like to have bin
cast away by a great storme that continued all that night.
_The end of the Plantation._ {MN}
[I.16.] The next morning we weighed Anchor for Croatan: having the Anchor
a-pike, the Cable broke, by the meanes whereof we lost another: letting
fall the third, the ship yet went so fast a drift, we fayled not much
there to have split. But God bringing us into deeper water; considering we
had but one Anchor, and our provision neare spent, we resolved to goe
forthwith to S. Johns Ile, Hispaniola, or Trinidado, to refresh our selves
and seeke for purchase that Winter, and the next Spring come againe to
seeke our Country-men. But our Vice Admirall would not, but went directly
for England, and we our course for Trinidado. But within two dayes after,
the wind changing, we were constrained for the Westerne Iles to refresh
our selves, where we met with many of the Queenes ships our owne consort,
and divers others, the 23. of September 1590. And thus we left seeking
this our Colony, that was never any of them found, nor seene to this day
1622. {MN} And this was the conclusion of this Plantation, after so much
time, labour, and charge consumed. Whereby we see;
Not all at once, nor all alike, nor ever hath it beene,
That God doth offer and confer his blessings upon men.
Written by Master John White.
CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLL
A.D. 1602.
A briefe Relation of the Description of Elizabeths Ile, and some others
towards the North part of Virginia; and what els they discovered in the
yeare 1602. by Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, and Captaine Bartholomew
Gilbert; and divers other Gentlemen their Associates.
12. _yeares it lay dead._
All hopes of Virginia thus abandoned, it lay dead and obscured from 1590.
till this yeare 1602. that Captaine Gosnoll, with 32. and himselfe in a
small Barke, set sayle from Dartmouth upon the 26. of March. Though the
wind favoured us not at the first, but force us as far Southward as the
Asores, which was not much out of our way; we ran directly west from
thence, whereby we made our journey shorter then heretofore by 500.
leagues: the weaknesse of our ship, the badnes of our saylers, and our
ignorance of the coast, caused us carry but a low sayle, that made our
passage longer then we expected.
_Their first landing._ {MN}
On fryday the 11. of May we made land, it was somewhat low, where appeared
certaine hummocks or hills in it: the shore white sand, but very rockie,
yet overgrowne with fayre trees. Comming to an Anchor, 8 Indians in a
Baske shallop, with mast and sayle came boldly aboord us. It seemed by
their signes & such things as they had, some Biskiners had fished there:
being about the latitude of 43. But the harbour being naught, & doubting
the weather, we went not ashore, but waighed, and stood to the Southward
into the Sea. {MN} The next morning we found our selves imbayed with a
mightie headland: within a league of the shore we anchored, and Captaine
Gosnoll, my selfe, & three others went to it in our boat, being a white
sand & a bold coast. Though the weather was hot, we marched to the highest
hils we could see, where we perceived this headland part of the mayn,
neare invironed with Ilands. As we were returning to our ship, a good
proper, lusty young man came to us, with whom we had but small conference,
and so we left him. Here in 5. or 6. houres we tooke more Cod then we knew
what to doe with, which made us perswade our selves, there might be found
a good fishing in March, Aprill, and May.
_Martha's Vineyard._ [I.17]
At length we came among these fayre Iles, some a league, 2. 3. 5. or 6.
from the Mayne, by one of them we anchored. We found it foure myles in
compasse, without house or inhabitant. In it is a lake neare a myle in
circuit; the rest overgrowne with trees, which so well as the bushes, were
so overgrowne with Vines, we could scarce passe them. And by the blossomes
we might perceive there would be plenty of Strawberries, Respises,
Gousberries, and divers other fruits: besides, Deere and other Beasts we
saw, and Cranes, Hernes, with divers other sorts of fowle; which made us
call it Martha's Vineyard.
_Elizabeths Island._
The rest of the Iles are replenished with such like; very rocky, and much
tinctured stone like Minerall. Though we met many Indians, yet we could
not see their habitations: they gave us fish, Tobacco, and such things as
they had. But the next Isle we arrived at was but two leagues from the
Maine, & 16. myle about, invironed so with creekes and coves, it seemed
like many Isles linked together by small passages like bridges. In it is
many places of plaine grasse, and such other fruits, and berries as before
were mentioned. In mid-May we did sow Wheat, Barley, Gates, & Pease, which
in 14. dayes sprung up 9. inches. The soyle is fat and lusty: the crust
thereof gray, a foot or lesse in depth. It is full of high timbred Okes,
their leaves thrise so broad as ours: Cedar straight and tall, Beech,
Holly, Walnut, Hazell, Cherry trees like ours, but the stalke beareth the
blossom or fruit thereof like a cluster of Grapes, forty or fiftie in a
bunch. There is a tree of Orange colour, whose barke in the filing is as
smooth as Velvet. There is a lake of fresh water three myles in compasse,
in the midst an Isle containing an acre or thereabout, overgrowne with
wood: here are many Tortoises, and abundance of all sorts of foules, whose
young ones we tooke and eate at our pleasure. Grounds nuts as big as
egges, as good as Potatoes, and 40. on a string, not two ynches under
ground. All sorts of shell-fish, as Schalops, Mussels, Cockles, Crabs,
Lobsters, Welks, Oysters, exceeding good and very great; but not to cloy
you with particulars, what God and nature hath bestowed on those places, I
refer you to the Authors owne writing at large. We called this Isle
Elizabeths Isle, from whence we went right over to the mayne, where we
stood a while as ravished at the beautie and dilicacy of the sweetnesse,
besides divers cleare lakes, whereof we saw no end, & meadows very large
and full of greene grasse, &c.
_A Copper Mine._ {MN-1}
_Their return._ {MN-2}
Here we espyed 7. Salvages, at first they expressed some feare, but by our
courteous usage of them, they followed us to the necke of Land, which we
thought had beene severed from the Mayne, but we found it otherwise. Here
we imagined was a river, but because the day was farre spent, we left to
discover it till better leasure. But of good Harbours, there is no doubt,
considering the Land is all rocky and broken lands. The next day we
determined to fortifie our selves in the Isle in the lake. Three weekes we
spent in building us there a house. But the second day after our comming
from the Mayne, 11. Canows with neare 50. Salvages came towards us. Being
unwilling they should see our building, we went to, & exchanged with them
Knives, Hatchets, Beades, Bels, and such trifles, for some Bevers,
Lyzards, Martins, Foxes, wilde Catte skinnes, and such like. {MN-1} We saw
them have much red Copper, whereof they make chaines, collars, and
drinking cups, which they so little esteemed they would give us for small
toyes, & signified unto us they had it out of the earth in the Mayne:
three dayes they stayed with us, but every night retyred two or three myle
from us: after with many signes of love and friendship they departed,
seaven of them staying behind, that did helpe us to dig and carry
Saxafras, and doe any thing they could, being of a comely proportion and
the best condition of any Salvages we had yet incountred. They have no
Beards but counterfeits, as they did thinke ours also was: for which they
would have changed with some of our men that had great beards. Some of the
baser sort would steale; but the better sort, we found very civill and
just. We saw but three of their women, and they were but of meane stature,
[I.18.] attyred in skins like the men, but fat and well favoured. The
wholesomenesse and temperature of this climate, doth not onely argue the
people to be answerable to this Description, but also of a perfect
constitution of body, active, strong, healthfull, and very witty, as the
sundry toyes by them so cunningly wrought may well testifie. For our
selves, we found our selves rather increase in health and strength then
otherwise; for all our toyle, bad dyet and lodging; yet not one of us was
touched with any sicknesse. {MN-2} Twelve intended here a while to have
stayed, but upon better consideration, how meanely we were provided, we
left this Island (with as many true sorrowfull eyes as were before
desirous to see it) the 18. of June, and arrived at Exmouth, the 23 of
July.
But yet mans minde doth such it selfe explay,
As Gods great Will doth frame it every way.
And, Such thoughts men have, on earth that doe but live,
As men may crave, but God doth onely give.
Written by John Brierton one of the Voyage.
CAPTAIN MARTIN PRING
A.D. 1603.
A Voyage of Captaine Martin Pring, with two Barks from Bristow, for the
North part of Virginia. 1603.
By the inducements and perswasions of Mr. Richard Hackluite, Mr. John
Whitson being Maior, with his brethren the Aldermen, & most of the
Merchants of the Citie of Bristow, raised a stocke of 1000 L. to furnish
out two Barkes, the one of 50. tuns, with 30. men and boyes, the other 26.
tuns, with 13. men and boyes, having Martin Pring an understanding
Gentleman, and a sufficient Mariner for Captaine, and Robert Salterne his
Assistant, who had bin with Captaine Gosnoll there the yeare before for
Pilot. Though they were much crossed by contrary windes upon the coast of
England, and the death of that ever most memorable, miracle of the world,
our most deare soveraigne Lady and Queene Elizabeth: yet at last they
passed by the westerne Isles, and about the 7. of June, fell upon the
north part of Virginia, about the degrees of fortie three. Where they
found plentie of most sorts of fish, and saw a high country full of great
woods of sundry sorts. As they ranged the coast at a place they named
Whitson Bay, they were kindly used by the Natives, that came to them, in
troupes, of tens, twenties, & thirties, and sometimes more. But because in
this Voyage for most part they followed the course of Captaine Gosnoll,
and have made no relation but to the same effect he writ before, we will
thus conclude;
Lay hands unto this worke with all thy wit,
But pray that God would speed and perfit it.
Robert Salterne.
A.D. 1605.
A relation of a Discovery towards the Northward of Virginia, by Captaine
George Waymouth 1605. imployed thether by the right Honorable Thomas
Arundell, Baron of Warder, in the Raigne of our most royall King James.
_Dangerous shoules._ {MN-1}
_Cod and Whales._ {MN-2}
_Their first landing._ {MN-3}
Upon tuesday the fift of March we set sayle from Ratcliffe, but by
contrary winds we were forced into Dartmouth till the last of this moneth,
then with 29. as good sea men, & all necessary provisions as could
[I.19.] possibly be gotten, we put to sea; and the 24 of Aprill fell with
Flowres and Corvos. We intended as we were directed towards the Southward
of 39. {MN-1} But the winds so crossed us wee fell more Northwards about
41. and 20. minuits, we sounded at 100. fathom, & by that we had run 6
leagues we had but 5. yet saw no land; from the mayne top we descryed a
whitish sandy clift, West North-west some 6. leagues from us, but ere we
had run two leagues further we found many shoules and breaches, sometimes
in 4. fadom and the next throw 15. or 18. Being thus imbayed among those
shoules, we were constrained to put back againe, which we did with no
small danger, though both the winde and weather were as fayre as we could
desire. Thus we parted from the Land, which we had not before so much
desired, and at the first sight rejoyced, as now we all joyfully praysed
God that he had delivered us from so eminent danger. {MN-2} Here we found
excellent Cod, and saw many Whales as we had done 2. or 3. daies before.
Being thus constrained to put to sea, the want of wood & water caused us
take the best advantage of the winde, to fall with the shore wheresoever:
but we found our Sea-cards most directly false. The 17. of May we made the
Land againe, but it blew so hard, we durst not approach it. The next day
it appeared to us a mayne high land, but we found it an Island of 6. myles
in compasse: {MN-3} within a league of it we came to an anchor, and went on
shore for wood & water, of which we found sufficient. The water gushing
forth downe the rocky clifts, in many places, which are all overgrown with
Firre, Birch, Beech, & Oke, as the Verge is with Gousberries, Strawberries,
wild Pease, and Rose bushes, and much foule of divers sorts that breed
among the rockes: here as in all places els where we came, we found Cod
enough.
_Pentecost harbour._ {MN-1}
_The Captains diligence._ {MN-2}
From hence we might discerne the mayne land and very high mountaines, the
next day because we rode too open to the Sea, we waighed, and came to the
Isles adjoyning to the mayn: among which we found an excellent rode,
defended from all windes, for ships of any burthen, in 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10.
fadom upon a clay oze. {MN-1} This was upon a Whitsonday, wherefore we
called it Pentecost Harbour. Here I cannot omit for foolish feare of
imputation of flattery, the painfull industry of our Captaine, who as at
Sea he was alwayes most carefull & vigilant, so at land he refused no
paines: {MN-2} but his labour was ever as much or rather more then any
mans; which not onely incouraged others with better content, but also
effected much with great expedition. We digged a Garden the 22. of May,
where among our garden-seeds we sowed Pease and Barley, which in 16. dayes
grew up 8. ynches, although this was but the crust of the ground, and much
inferiour to the mould we after found in the mayne.
_Trade with the Salvages._ {MN}
After we had taken order for all our necessary businesses, we marched
through two of these Isles. The biggest was 4. or 5. myles in compasse; we
found here all sorts of ordinary trees, besides, Vines, Currants, Spruce,
Yew, Angelica, and divers gummes: in so much many of our company wished
themselves setled here. Upon the 30. our Captaine with 13. went to
discover the mayne: we in the ship espyed 3. Canowes that came towards the
ship. Which after they had well viewed, one of them came aboord with 3.
men, and by our good usage of them not long after the rest, two dayes we
had their companies, in all respects they are but like them at Elizabeths
Isles, therefore this may suffice for their description. In this time our
Captain had discovered a fayre river, trending into the mayne 40 myles,
and returned backe to bring in the ship. {MN} The Salvages also kept their
words and brought us 40. Bever, Otter, and sable skins, for the value of
5. shillings in knives, glasses, combes, and such toyes, and thus we used
them so kindly as we could, because we intended to inhabit in their
Country, they lying aboord with us and we ashore with them; but it was but
as changing man for man as hostages, and in this manner many times we had
their companies.
_Their trechery._ {MN-1}
_Five Salvages surprised._ {MN-2}
At last they desired our Captaine to goe with them to the mayne to trade
with their Bashabes, which is their chiefe Lord, which we did, our boat
well manned with [I.20.] 14. yet would they row faster with 3. Ores in
their Canowes then we with 8. but when we saw our old acquaintance, would
not stay aboord us as before for hostage, but did what they could to draw
us into a narrow cirke, {MN-1} we exchanged one Owen Griffin with them for
a yong fellow of theirs, that he might see if he could discover any
trechery, as he did, for he found there assembled 283. Salvages with bowes
& arrows, but not any thing at all to trade as they pretended. These things
considered, we conceited them to be but as all Salvages ever had beene,
kinde till they found opportunitie to do mischiefe. {MN-2} Wherefore we
determined to take some of them, before they should suspect we had
discovered their plot, lest they should absent themselves from us, so the
first that ever after came into the ship were three which we kept, and two
we tooke on shore with much adoe, with two Canowes, their bowes and
arrowes.
_A description of the river._ {MN}
Some time we spent in sounding all the Isles, channels, and inlets
thereabouts, and we found 4. severall waies a ship might be brought into
this Bay. In the interim there came 2. Canowes more boldly aboord us,
signifying we should bring our ship to the place where he dwelt to trade.
We excused our selves why we could not, but used them kindly, yet got them
away with all the speed we could, that they should not be perceived by
them in the houle, then we went up the river 26. myles, of which I had
rather not write, then by my relation detract from it, {MN} it is in
breadth a myle, neare 40. myles; and a channell of 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10.
fadom, & on both sides every halfe myle gallant Coves, to containe in many
of them 100 sayle, where they may lye on Oze without Cable or Anchor,
onely mored with a Hauser, and it floweth 18. foot, that you may make,
docke, or carine ships with much facilitie: besides the land is most rich,
trending all along on both sides in an equall plaine, neither rocky nor
mountainous, but verged with a greene border of grasse, doth make tender
to the beholder her pleasant fertilitie, if by cleansing away the woods
she were converted into meadow.
The woods are great, and tall, such as are spoken of in the Islands, and
well watered with many fresh springs. Our men that had seene Oranoque so
famous in the worlds eares, Reogrande, Loyer, & Slion, report, though
they be great & goodly rivers, yet are not comparable to it. Leaving our
ship we went higher, till we were 7. myles higher then the salt water
flowed; we marched towards the mountains we had seene, but the weather was
so hot, & our labour so great, as our Captaine was contented to returne:
after we had erected a crosse we left this faire land and river, in which
the higher we went the better we liked it, and returned to our ship. By
the way we met a Canow that much desired one of our men to go up to their
Basshabes, but we knew their intents, and so turned them off; and though
we had both time and provision to have discovered much more, and might
have found peradventure good trade, yet because our company was but small,
we would not hazzard so hopefull a businesse as this was, either for our
private, or particular ends, being more regardfull of a publicke good, and
promulgating Gods holy Church by planting Christianity, which was the
intent of our adventurers so well as ours; returning by the Isles in the
entry of the Sound we called them St. Georges Isles, & because on Sunday
we set out of England, on Sunday also the 16. of June we departed hence.
When we had run 30. leagues we had 40. fadom, then 70. then 100. After 2.
or 3. watches more we were in 24. fadoms, where we tooke so much Cod as we
did know what to doe with, and the 18. of July came to Dartmouth, and all
our men as well God be thanked as when they went forth.
Thus may you see;
God hath not all his gifts bestowed on all or any one,
Words sweetest, and wits sharpest, courage, strength of bone;
All rarities of minde and parts doe all concurre in none.
Written by James Rosier one of the Voyage.
THE SECOND BOOKE. [II.21.]
The Sixt Voyage. 1606.
To another part of Virginia, where now are Planted our English Colonies,
Whom God increase and preserve: Discovered and Described by Captaine
John Smith, sometimes Governour of the Countrey.
A.D. 1606.
_The latitude._ {MN}
By these former relations you may see what inconveniences still crossed
those good intents, and how great a matter it was all this time to finde
but a Harbour, although there be so many. But this Virginia is a Country
in America {MN} betweene the degrees of 34. and 45. of the North latitude.
The bounds thereof on the East side are the great Ocean: on the South
lyeth Florida: on the North nova Francia: as for the West thereof, the
limits are unknowne. Of all this Country we purpose not to speake, but
onely of that part which was planted by the English men in the yeare of
our Lord, 1606. And this is under the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The
temperature of this Country doth agree well with English constitutions,
being once seasoned to the Country. Which appeared by this, that though by
many occasions our people fell sicke; yet did they recover by very small
meanes, and continued in health, though there were other great causes, not
onely to have made them sicke, but even to end their dayes, &c.
_The temperature._
The Sommer is hot as in Spaine; the Winter cold as in France or England.
The heat of sommer is in June, July, and August, but commonly the coole
Breeses asswage the vehemency of the heat. The chiefe of winter is halfe
December, January, February, and halfe March. The colde is extreame
sharpe, but here the Proverbe is true, that no extreame long continueth.
In the yeare 1607. was an extraordinary frost in most of Europe, and this
frost was found as extreame in Virginia. But the next yeare for 8. or 10.
dayes of ill weather, other 14. dayes would be as Sommer.
_The windes._
The windes here are variable, but the like thunder and lightning to
purifie the ayre, I have seldome either seene or heard in Europe. From the
Southwest came the greatest gusts with thunder and heat. The North-west
winde is commonly coole and bringeth faire weather with it. From the North
is the greatest cold, and from the East and Southeast as from the
Barmudas, fogs and raines.
Some times there are great droughts, other times much raine, yet great
necessitie of neither, by reason we see not but that all the raritie of
needfull fruits in Europe, may be there in great plentie, by the industry
of men, as appeareth by those we there Planted.
_The entrances._
_Cape Henry._ {MN}
There is but one entrance by Sea into this Country, and that is at the
mouth of a very goodly Bay, 18. or 20. myles broad. {MN} The cape on the
South is called Cape Henry, in honour of our most noble Prince. The land
white hilly sands like unto the Downes, and all along the shores great
plentie of Pines and Firres.
_Cape Charles._
_The Countrey._ {MN}
The north Cape is called Cape Charles, in honour of the worthy Duke of
Yorke. The Isles before it, Smith's Isles, by the name of the discoverer.
Within is a country that may have the prerogative over the most pleasant
places knowne, for large and pleasant navigable Rivers, heaven & earth
never agreed better to frame a place for man's habitation; were it fully
manured and inhabited by industrious people. {MN} Here are mountaines,
hils, plaines, valleyes, rivers, and brookes, all running most pleasantly
into a faire Bay, compassed but for the mouth, with fruitfull and
delightsome land. In the Bay and rivers are many Isles both great & small,
some woody, some plaine, most of them low and not inhabited. This Bay
lyeth North and South, in which the water floweth neare 200. myles, and
hath a channell for 140 myles, of depth betwixt 6 and 15 fadome, holding
in breadth for the most part 10 or 14 myles. From the head of the Bay
to the Northwest, the land is mountanous, and so in a manner from thence
by a Southwest line; so that the more Southward, the farther off from the
Bay are those mountaines. From which fall certaine brookes which after
come to five principall navigable rivers. These run from the Northwest
into the South east, and so into the West side of the Bay, where the fall
of every River is within 20 or 15 myles one of another.
_The mountaines._
_The soyle._ {MN}
The mountaines are of divers natures: for at the head of the Bay the
rockes are of a composition like Mill stones. Some of Marble, &c. And many
peeces like Christall we found, as throwne downe by water from those
mountaines. For in Winter they are covered with much snow, and when it
dissolveth the waters fall with such violence, that it causeth great
inundations in some narrow valleyes, which is scarce perceived being once
in the rivers. These waters wash from the rocks such glistering tinctures,
that the ground in some places seemeth as guilded, where both the rocks
and the earth are so splendent to behold, that better judgements then ours
might have beene perswaded, they contained more then probabilities. The
vesture of the earth in most places doth manifestly prove the nature of
the soyle to be lusty and very rich. {MN} The colour of the earth we found
in diverse places, resembleth bole Armoniac, terra sigillata, and Lemnia,
Fullers earth, Marie, and divers other such appearances. But generally for
the most part it is a blacke sandy mould, in some places a fat slimy clay,
in other places a very barren gravell. But the best ground is knowne by
the vesture it beareth, as by the greatnesse of trees, or abundance of
weeds, &c.
_The valleyes._
_Plaines._ {MN}
The Country is not mountanous, nor yet low, but such pleasant plaine hils,
and fertile valleyes, one prettily crossing another, & watered so
conveniently with fresh brookes and springs, no lesse commodious, then
delightsome. {MN} By the rivers are many plaine marishes, containing some
20 some 100. some 200 Acres, some more, some lesse. Other plaines there
are few, but onely where the Salvages inhabit: but all overgrowne with
trees & weeds, being a plaine wildernesse as God first made it.
_The river Powhatan._ {MN-1}
_The branches._ {MN-2}
_James Towne._ {MN-3}
On the west side of the Bay, we sayd were 5. faire and delightfull
navigable rivers. The first of those, and the next to the mouth of the Bay
hath his course from the West Northwest. {MN-1} It is called Powhatan,
according to the name of a principall country that lyeth upon it. The
mouth of this river is neare three myles in breadth, yet doe the shoules
force the Channell so neare the land, that a Sacre will overshoot it at
point blanke. It is navigable 150 myles, the shouldes and soundings are
here needlesse to be expressed. It falleth from Rockes farre west in a
Country inhabited by a nation they call Monacans. But where it commeth
into our discovery it is Powhatan. In the farthest place that was
diligently observed, are falles, rockes, shoules, &c. which makes it past
navigation any higher. Thence in the running downeward, the river is
enriched with many goodly brookes, which are maintained by an infinit
number of small rundles and pleasant springs, that disperse themselves for
best service, as do the veines of a mans body. {MN-2} From the South there
fals into it: First, the pleasant river of Apamatuck. Next more to the
East are two small rivers of Quiyoughcohanocke. A little farther is a Bay
wherein falleth 3 or 4 prettie brookes & creekes that halfe intrench the
Inhabitants of Warraskoyac, then the river of Nandsamund, and lastly the
brooke of Chisapeack. From the North side is the river of Chickahamania,
the backe river of James Towne; another by the Cedar Isle, where we lived
ten weekes upon Oysters, then a convenient harbour for Fisher boats at
Kecoughtan, that so turneth it selfe into Bayes and Creekes, it makes that
[II.23] place very pleasant to inhabit; their cornefields being girded
therein in a manner as Peninsulaes. The most of these rivers are inhabited
by severall nations, or rather families, of the name of the rivers. They
have also over those some Governour, as their King, which they call
Werowances. {MN-3} In a Peninsula on the North side of this river are the
English Planted in a place by them called James Towne, in honour of the
Kings most excellent Majestie.
_The severall Inhabitants._
The first and next the rivers mouth are the Kecoughtans, who besides their
women & children, have not past 20. fighting men. The Paspaheghes (on
whose land is seated James Towne, some 40 myles from the Bay) have not
past 40. The river called Chickahamania neare 250. The Weanocks 100. The
Arrowhatocks 30. The place called Powhatan, some 40. On the South side
this river the Appamatucks have sixtie fighting men. The Quiyougcohanocks
25. The Nandsamunds 200. The Chesapeacks 100. Of this last place the Bay
beareth the name. In all these places is a severall commander, which they
call Werowance, except the Chickahamanians, who are governed by the
Priests and their Assistants, or their Elders called Caw-cawwassoughes. In
sommer no place affordeth more plentie of Sturgeon, nor in winter more
abundance of foule, especially in the time of frost. I tooke once 52.
Sturgeons at a draught, at another 68. From the later end of May till the
end of June are taken few, but yong Sturgeons of two foot, or a yard long.
From thence till the midst of September, them of two or three yards long
and few others. And in 4 or 5, houres with one Net were ordinarily taken
7 or 8: often more, seldome lesse. In the small rivers all the yeare there
is good plentie of small fish, so that with hookes those that would take
paines had sufficient.
_R. Pamaunkee._
_The inhabitants._ {MN}
Foureteene myles Northward from the river Powhatan, is the river
Pamaunkee, which is navigable 60 or 70 myles, but with Catches and small
Barkes 30 or 40 myles farther. At the ordinary flowing of the salt water,
it divideth it selfe into two gallant branches. {MN} On the South side
inhabit the people of Youghtanund, who have about 60 men for warres. On
the North branch Mattapament, who have 30 men. Where this river is divided
the Country is called Pamaunkee, and nourisheth neare 300 able men. About
25. myles lower on the North side of this river is Werawocomoco, where
their great King inhabited when I was delivered him prisoner; yet there
are not past 40 able men. Ten or twelve myles lower, on the South side of
this river, is Chiskiack, which hath some 40 or 50 men. These, as also
Apamatuck, Irrohatock, and Powhatan, are their great Kings chiefe
alliance, and inhabitants. The rest his Conquests.
_Payankatank, R._
Before we come to the third river that falleth from the mountaines, there
is another river (some 30 myles navigable) that commeth from the Inland,
called Payankatanke, the Inhabitants are about 50 or 60 serviceable men.
_Topahanock, R._
_The Inhabitants._ {MN}
The third navigable river is called Toppahanock. (This is navigable some
130 myles) {MN} At the top of it inhabit the people called Mannahoacks
amongst the mountaines, but they are above the place we described. Upon
this river on the North side are the people Cuttatawomen, with 30 fighting
men. Higher are the Moraughtacunds, with 80. Beyond them Rapahanock with
100. Far above is another Cuttatawomen with 20. On the South is the
pleasant seat of Nantaughtacund having 150 men. The river also as the two
former, is replenished with fish and foule.
_Patawomeck, R._
_The Inhabitants._ {MN}
The fourth river is called Patawomeke, 6 or 7 myles in breadth. It is
navigable 140 myles, and fed as the rest with many sweet rivers and
springs, which fall from the bordering hils. These hils many of them are
planted, and yeeld no lesse plentie and varietie of fruit, then the river
exceedeth with abundance of fish. {MN} It is inhabited on both sides.
First on the South side at the very entrance is Wighcocomoco & hath some
130 men, beyond them Sekacawone with 30. The Onawmanient with 100. And the
Patawomekes more then 200. Here doth the river divide it selfe into 3 or 4
convenient branches. The greatest of the least is called Quiyough,
trending North-west, but the river it selfe turneth Northeast, and is
still a navigable streame. On the Westerne side of this bought is
Tauxenent with 40 men. On the North of this river is Secowocomoco with 40.
Somewhat further Potapaco with 20. In the East part is Pamacaeack with 60.
[II.24.] After Moyowance with 100. And lastly, Nacotchtanke with 80. The
river above this place maketh his passage downe a low pleasant valley
overshaddowed in many places with high rocky mountaines; from whence
distill innumerable sweet and pleasant springs.
_Pawtuxunt, R._
The fift river is called Pawtuxunt, of a lesse proportion then the rest;
but the channell is 16 fadome deepe in some places. Here are infinit skuls
of divers kindes of fish more then elswhere. Upon this river dwell the
people called Acquintanacksuak, Pawtuxunt, and Mattapanient. Two hundred
men was the greatest strength that could be there perceived. But they
inhabit together, and not so dispersed as the rest. These of all other we
found most civill to give intertainement.
_Bolus, R. The head of the Bay._
_Sasquesahanock._ {MN}
Thirtie leagues Northward is a river not inhabited, yet navigable; for the
red clay resembling bole Armoniack we called it Bolus. At the end of the
Bay where it is 6 or 7 myles in breadth, it divides it selfe into 4.
branches, the best commeth Northwest from among the mountaines, but though
Canows may goe a dayes journey or two up it, we could not get two myles up
it with our boat for rockes. {MN} Upon it is seated the Sasquesahanocks,
neare it North and by West runneth a creeke a myle and a halfe: at the
head whereof the Ebbe left us on shore, where we found many trees cut with
hatchets. The next tyde keeping the shore to seeke for some Salvages; (for
within thirtie leagues sayling, we saw not any, being a barren Country,)
we went up another small river like a creeke 6 or 7 myle. From thence
returning we met 7 Canowes of the Massowomeks, with whom we had conference
by signes, for we understood one another scarce a word: the next day we
discovered the small river & people of Tockwhogh trending Eastward.
_The description of Sasquesahanough._ {MN}
Having lost our Grapnell among the rocks of Sasquesahanocks, we were then
neare 200 myles from home, and our Barge about two tuns, and had in it but
12 men to performe this Discovery, wherein we lay above 12 weekes upon
those great waters in those unknowne Countries, having nothing but a
little meale, oatemeale and water to feed us, and scarce halfe sufficient
of that for halfe that time, but what provision we got among the Salvages,
and such rootes and fish as we caught by accident, and Gods direction; nor
had we a Mariner nor any had skill to trim the sayles but two saylers and
my selfe, the rest being Gentlemen, or them were as ignorant in such toyle
and labour. Yet necessitie in a short time by good words and examples made
them doe that that caused them ever after to feare no colours. What I did
with this small meanes I leave to the Reader to judge, and the Mappe I
made of the Country, which is but a small matter in regard of the
magnitude thereof. But to proceed, 60 of those Sasquesahanocks came to us
with skins, Bowes, Arrows, Targets, Beads, Swords, and Tobacco pipes for
presents. {MN} Such great and well proportioned men are seldome seene, for
they seemed like Giants to the English, yea and to the neighbours, yet
seemed of an honest and simple disposition, with much adoe restrained from
adoring us as Gods. Those are the strangest people of all those Countries,
both in language & attire; for their language it may well beseeme their
proportions, sounding from them, as a voyce in a vault. Their attire is the
skinnes of Beares, and Woolves, some have Cassacks made of Beares heads &
skinnes, that a mans head goes through the skinnes neck, and the eares
of the Beare fastned to his shoulders, the nose and teeth hanging downe
his breast, another Beares face split behind him, and at the end of the
nose hung a Pawe, the halfe sleeves comming to the elbowes were the neckes
of Beares, and the armes through the mouth with pawes hanging at their
noses. One had the head of a Woolfe hanging in a chaine for a Jewell, his
Tobacco pipe three quarters of a yard long, prettily carved with a Bird, a
Deere, or some such devise at the great end, sufficient to beat out ones
braines: with Bowes, Arrowes, and clubs, sutable to their greatnesse.
These are scarse knowne to Powhatan. They can make neare 600 able men, and
are pallisadoed in their Townes to defend them from the Massawomekes their
mortall enemies. Five of their chiefe Werowances came aboord us, and
crossed the Bay in their Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is
signified in the Mappe. The calfe of whose leg was three quarters of a
yard about, and [II.5] all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that
proportion, that he seemed the goodliest man we ever beheld. His hayre, the
one side was long, the other shore close with a ridge over his crowne like
a cocks combe. His arrowes were five quarters long, headed with the
splinters of a white christall-like stone, in forme of a heart, an inch
broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long. These he wore in a Woolves
skinne at his backe for his Quiver, his bow in the one hand and his clubbe
in the other, as is described.
_Tockwogh, R._
_Rapahanock, R._ {MN-1}
_Kuskarawaock, R._ {MN-2}
_Wighcocomoco, R._ {MN-3}
_Accomack, R._ {MN-4}
On the East side the Bay, is the river Tockwhogh, and upon it a people
that can make 100 men, seated some seaven myles within the river: where
they have a Fort very well pallisadoed and mantelled with barkes of trees.
Next them is Ozinies with sixty men. {MN-1} More to the South of that East
side of the Bay, the river Rapahanock, neere unto which is the {MN-2}
river Kuskarawaock, Upon which is seated a people with 200 men. After
that, is the river {MN-3} Tants Wighcocomoco, & on it a people with 100
men. The people of those rivers are of little stature, of another language
from the rest, & very rude. But they on the {MN-4} river Acohanock with 40
men, & they of Accomack 80 men doth equalize any of the Territories of
Powhatan, and speake his language, who over all those doth rule as King.
_Chawonock._
_The severall languages._ {MN}
Southward we went to some parts of Chawonock and the Mangoags to search
for them left by Mr. White. {MN} Amongst those people are thus many
severall Nations of sundry Languages, that environ Powhatans Territories.
The Chawonockes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, the Mannahokes, the
Masawomekes, the Powhatans, the Sasquesahanocks, the Atquanachukes, the
Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes. All those not any one understandeth
another but by Interpreters. Their severall habitations are more plainly
described by this annexed Mappe, which will present to the eye, the way of
the mountaines, and current of the rivers, with their severall turnings,
bayes, shoules, Isles, Inlets, and creekes, the breadth of the waters, the
distances of places, and such like. In which Mappe observe this, that as
far as you see the little Crosses on rivers, mountaines, or other places
have beene discovered; the rest was had by information of the Savages, and
are set downe according to their instructions.
Thus have I walkt a wayless way, with uncouth pace,
Which yet no Christian man did ever trace:
But yet I know this not affects the minde,
Which eares doth heare, as that which eyes doe finde.
Of such things which are naturally in Virginia,
and how they use them.
_Why there is little grasse._
_Woods with their fruits._ {MN-1}
_Elme._ {MN-2}
_Walnuts._ {MN-3}
_Supposed Cypres._ {MN-4}
_Mulberries._ {MN-5}
Virginia doth afford many excellent vegetables, and living Creatures, yet
grasse there is little or none, but what groweth in low Marishes: for all
the Countrey is overgrowne with trees, whose droppings continually turneth
their grasse to weeds, by reason of the rancknes of the ground, which
would soone be amended by good husbandry. {MN-1} The wood that is most
common is Oke and Walnut, many of their Okes are so tall & straight, that
they will beare two foote and a halfe square of good timber for 20 yards
long; Of this wood there is two or three severall kinds. The Acornes of
one kinde, whose barke is more white then the other, & somewhat sweetish,
which being boyled, at last affords a sweet oyle, that they keepe in
gourds to annoint their heads and joynts. The fruit they eate made in
bread or otherwise. {MN-2} There is also some Elme, some blacke Walnut
tree, and some Ash: of Ash and Elme they make sope Ashes. If the trees
be very great, the Ashes will be good, and melt to hard lumps, but if they
be small, it will be but powder, and not so good as the other. {MN-3} Of
walnuts there is 2 or 3 kindes; there is {MN-4} a kinde of wood we called
Cypres, because both the wood, the fruit, and leafe did most resemble it,
of those trees there are some neare three fadome about at the foot, very
straight, and 50, 60, or 80 foot without [II.26.] a branch. {MN-5} By the
dwelling of the Salvages are some great Mulberry trees, and in some parts
of the Countrey, they are found growing naturally in prettie groves. There
was an assay made to make silke, and surely the wormes prospered excellent
well, till the master workeman fell sicke. During which time they were
eaten with Rats.
_Chesnuts._
In some parts were found some Chesnuts, whose wild fruit equalize the best
in France, Spaine, Germany, or Italy. Plums there are of three sorts. The
red and white are like our hedge plums, but the other which they call
Putchamins, grow as high as a Palmeta: the fruit is like a Medler; it is
first greene, then yellow, and red when it is ripe; if it be not ripe, it
will draw a mans mouth awry, with much torment, but when it is ripe, it is
as delicious as an Apricot.
_Cherries._
_Vines._ {MN-1}
_Chechinquamins._ {MN-2}
_Rawcomens._ {MN-3}
_How they use their fruits._ {MN-4}
_Walnut milke._ {MN-5}
_Gummes._ {MN-6}
_Cedars._ {MN-7}
_Saxafras trees._ {MN-8}
They have Cherries, and those are much like a Damson, but for their tastes
and colour we called them Cherries. We saw some few Crabs, but very small
and bitter. {MN-1} Of vines great abundance in many parts that climbe the
toppes of the highest trees in some places, but these beare but few
grapes. Except by the rivers & savage habitations, where they are not
overshadowed from the sunne, they are covered with fruit, though never
pruined nor manured. Of those hedge grapes we made neere twentie gallons
of wine, which was like our French Brittish wine, but certainely they
would prove good were they well manured. There is another sort of grape
neere as great as a Cherry, this they call Messamins, they be fatte, and
the juyce thicke. Neither doth the taste so well please when they are made
in wine. They have a small fruit growing on little trees, husked like a
Chesnut, but the fruit most like a very small Acorne. {MN-2} This they
call Chechinquamins, which they esteeme a great daintie. They have a berry
much like our Gooseberry, in greatnesse, colour, and tast; {MN-3} those
they call Rawcomens, and doe eat them raw or boyled. Of these naturall
fruits they live a great part of the yeare, which they use in this manner;
{MN-4} The Walnuts, Chesnuts, Acornes, and Chechinquamins are dryed to
keepe. When they need walnuts they breake them betweene two stones, yet
some part of the shels will cleave to the fruit. Then doe they dry them
againe upon a Mat over a hurdle. After they put it into a morter of wood,
and beat it very small: {MN-5} that done they mix it with water, that the
shels may sinke to the bottome. This water will be coloured as milke,
which they call Pawcohiccora, and keepe it for their use. The fruit like
Medlers they call Putchamins, they cast upon hurdles on a Mat, and
preserve them as Pruines. Of their Chesnuts and Chechinquamins boyled,
they make both broath and bread for their chiefe men, or at their greatest
feasts. Besides those fruit trees, there is a {MN-6} white Popular, and
another tree like unto it, that yeeldeth a very cleare and an odoriferous
Gumme like Turpentine, which some called Balsom. There are also {MN-7}
Cedars and {MN-8} Saxafras trees. They also yeeld gummes in a small
proportion of themselves. Wee tryed conclusions to extract it out of the
wood, but nature afforded more then our arts.
_Berries._
_Matoun._ {MN}
In the watry valleyes groweth a Berry which they call Ocoughtanamnis very
much like unto Capers. These they dry in sommer. When they eat them they
boile them neare halfe a day; for otherwise they differ not much from
poyson. {MN} Mattoum groweth as our Bents. The seed is not much unlike to
Rie, though much smaller. This they use for a daintie bread buttered with
deare suet.
_Strawberries._
_Hearbes._ {MN}
During Sommer there are either Strawberries, which ripen in Aprill, or
Mulberries which ripen in May and June. Raspises, hurts; or a fruit that
the inhabitants call Maracocks, which is a pleasant wholsome fruit much
like a Lemond. {MN} Many herbes in the spring are commonly dispersed
throughout the woods, good for brothes and sallets, as Violets, Purslain,
Sorrell, &c. Besides many we used whose names we know not.
_Rootes._
The chiefe root they have for food is called Tockawhoughe. It groweth like
a flagge in Marishes. In one day a Salvage will gather sufficient for a
weeke. These roots are much of the greatnesse and taste of Potatoes. They
use to cover a great many of them with Oke leaves and Ferne, and then
cover all with earth in the manner of a Colepit; over it, on each side,
they continue a great fire 24 houres before they dare eat it. Raw it is no
[II.27.] better then poyson, and being rosted, except it be tender and the
heat abated, or sliced and dryed in the Sunne, mixed with sorrell and
meale or such like, it will prickle and torment the throat extreamely, and
yet in sommer they use this ordinarily for bread.
_Wighsacan a roote._
_Pocones a small roote._ {MN-1}
_Musquaspen a roote._ {MN-2}
They have another roote which they call Wighsacan: as th'other feedeth the
body, so this cureth their hurts and diseases. It is a small root which
they bruise and apply to the wound. {MN-1} Pocones is a small root that
groweth in the mountaines, which being dryed and beate in powder turneth
red. And this they use for swellings, aches, annointing their joynts,
painting their heads and garments. They account it very precious, and of
much worth. {MN-2} Musquaspen is a roote of the bignesse of a finger, and
as red as bloud. In drying, it will wither almost to nothing. This they
use to paint their Mattes, Targets, and such like.
_Pellitory. Sasafrage._
There is also Pellitory of Spaine, Sasafrage, and divers other simples,
which the Apothecaries gathered, and commended to be good, and
medicinable.
_Onyons._
In the low Marishes grow plots of Onyons, containing an Acre of ground or
more in many places; but they are small, not past the bignesse of the
toppe of ones Thumbe.
_Their chiefe beasts are Deere._
_Aroughcun._ {MN-1}
_Squirrels._ {MN-2}
Of beasts the chiefe are Deere, nothing differing from ours. In the
deserts towards the heads of the rivers, there are many, but amongst the
rivers few. {MN-1} There is a beast they call Aroughcun, much like a
badger, but useth to live on trees as Squirrels doe. {MN-2} Their
Squirrels some are neare as great as our smallest sort of wilde Rabbets,
some blackish or blacke and white, but the most are gray.
_Assapanick, a squirrel flying._
_Oppasum._ {MN-1}
_Mussacus._ {MN-2}
A small beast they have they call Assapanick, but we call them flying
Squirrels, because spreading their legs, and so stretching the largenesse
of their skins, that they have beene seene to fly 30 or 40 yards. {MN-1}
An Opassom hath a head like a Swine, and a taile like a Rat, and is of the
bignesse of a Cat. Under her belly shee hath a bagge, wherein she lodgeth,
carrieth, and suckleth her young. {MN-2} A Mussascus is a beast of the
forme and nature of our water Rats, but many of them smell exceeding
strongly of Muske. Their Hares no bigger then our Conies, and few of them
to be found.
_Beares._
_The Beaver._ {MN-1}
_Otters._ {MN-2}
_Utchunquoyes._ {MN-3}
_Foxes._ {MN-4}
_Dogges._ {MN-5}
_Martins._ {MN-6}
_Polecats._ {MN-7}
_Weesels, and Minkes._ {MN-8}
Their Beares are very little in comparison of those of Muscovia and
Tartaria. {MN-1} The Beaver is as big as an ordinary water dog, but his
legs exceeding short. His forefeete like a dogs, his hinder feet like a
Swans. His taile somewhat like the forme of a Racket, bare without haire,
which to eat the Salvages esteeme a great delicate. {MN-2} They have many
Otters, which as the Beavers they take with snares, and esteeme the skins
great ornaments, and of all those beasts they use to feed when they catch
them. {MN-3} An Utchunquoyes is like a wilde Cat. {MN-4} Their Foxes are
like our silver haired Conies, of a small proportion, and not smelling
like those in England. {MN-5} Their Dogges of that Country are like their
Woolves; and cannot barke but howle, and the Woolves not much bigger then
our English Foxes. {MN-6} Martins, {MN-7} Polecats, {MN-8} Weesels, and
Minkes we know they have, because we have seene many of their skinnes,
though very seldome any of them alive. But one thing is strange, that we
could never perceive their Vermine destroy our Hennes, Egges, nor Chickens,
nor doe any hurt, nor their flyes nor serpents any way pernicious, where
in the South parts of America they are alwayes dangerous, and often deadly.
_Birds._
Of Birds the Eagle is the greatest devourer. Hawkes there be of divers
sorts, as our Falconers called them: Sparrow-hawkes, Lanarets, Goshawkes,
Falcons and Osperayes, but they all prey most upon fish. Their Partridges
are little bigger then our Quailes. Wilde Turkies are as bigge as our
tame. There are Woosels or Blackbirds with red shoulders, Thrushes and
divers sorts of small Birds, some red, some blew, scarce so bigge as a
Wrenne, but few in Sommer. In Winter there are great plentie of Swans,
Cranes, gray and white with blacke wings, Herons, Geese, Brants, Ducke,
Wigeon, Dotterell, Oxeies, Parrats, and Pigeons. Of all those sorts great
abundance, and some other strange kinds, to us unknowne by name. But in
Sommer not any, or a very few to be seene.
_Fish._
Of fish we were best acquainted with Sturgeon, Grampus, Porpus, Seales,
Stingraies, whose tailes are very [II.28.] dangerous. Bretts, Mullets,
white Salmonds, Trowts, Soles, Plaice, Herrings, Conyfish, Rockfish,
Eeles, Lampreys, Catfish, Shades, Pearch of three sorts, Crabs, Shrimps,
Crevises, Oysters, Cocles, and Muscles. But the most strange fish is a
small one, so like the picture of St. George his Dragon, as possible can
be, except his legs and wings, and the Toadefish, which will swell till it
be like to burst, when it commeth into the ayre.
_The rockes._
Concerning the entrailes of the earth, little can be said for certaintie.
There wanted good Refiners; for those that tooke upon them to have skill
this way, tooke up the washings from the mountaines, and some moskered
shining stones and spangles which the waters brought downe, flattering
themselves in their owne vaine conceits to have beene supposed what they
were not, by the meanes of that ore, if it proved as their arts and
judgements expected. Onely this is certaine, that many regions lying in
the same latitude, afford Mines very rich of divers natures. The crust
also of these rockes would easily perswade a man to beleeve there are
other Mines then yron and steele, if there were but meanes and men of
experience that knew the Mine from Spar.
Of their Planted fruits in Virginia, and how they use them.
_How they divide the year._
They divide the yeare into five seasons. Their winter some call Popanow,
the spring Cattapeuk, the sommer Cohattayough, the earing of their Corne
Nepinough, the harvest and fall of leafe Taquitock. From September untill
the midst of November are the chiefe feasts & sacrifice. Then have they
plentie of fruits as well planted as naturall, as corne, greene and ripe,
fish, fowle, and wilde beasts exceeding fat.
_How they prepare the ground._
The greatest labour they take, is in planting their corne, for the Country
naturally is overgrowne with wood. To prepare the ground they bruise the
barke of the trees neare the root, then doe they scortch the roots with
fire that they grow no more. The next yeare with a crooked peece of wood
they beat up the weeds by the rootes, and in that mould they plant their
Corne. Their manner is this. They make a hole in the earth with a sticke,
and into it they put foure graines of wheate and two of beanes. These
holes they make foure foote one from another; Their women and children do
continually keepe it with weeding, and when it is growne middle high, they
hill it about like a hop-yard.
_How they plant._
In Aprill they begin to plant, but their chiefe plantation is in May, and
so they continue till the midst of June. What they plant in Aprill they
reape in August, for May in September, for June in October; Every stalke
of their corne commonly beareth two eares, some three, seldome any foure,
many but one, and some none. Every eare ordinarily hath betwixt 200 and
500 graines. The stalke being greene hath a sweet juice in it, somewhat
like a sugar Cane, which is the cause that when they gather their corne
greene, they sucke the stalkes: for as we gather greene pease, so doe they
their corne being greene, which excelleth their old. They plant also pease
they call Assentamens, which are the same they call in Italy, Fagioli.
Their Beanes are the same the Turkes call Garnanses, but these they much
esteeme for dainties.
_How they use their corne._
_How they use their fish and flesh._ {MN}
Their corne they rost in the eare greene, and bruising it in a morter of
wood with a Polt, lap it in rowles in the leaves of their corne, and so
boyle it for a daintie. They also reserve that corne late planted that
will not ripe, by roasting it in hot ashes, the heat thereof drying it. In
winter they esteeme it being boyled with beanes for a rare dish, they call
Pausarowmena. Their old wheat they first steepe a night in hot water, in
the morning pounding it in a morter. They use a small basket for their
Temmes, then pound againe the great, and so separating by dashing their
hand in the basket, receive the flower in a platter made of wood, scraped
to that forme with burning and shels. Tempering this flower [II.29] with
water, they make it either in cakes, covering them with ashes till they be
baked, and then washing them in faire water, they drie presently with
their owne heat: or else boyle them in water, eating the broth with the
bread which they call Ponap. The groutes and peeces of the cornes
remaining, by fanning in a Platter or in the wind away the branne, they
boyle 3 or 4 houres with water, which is an ordinary food they call
Ustatahamen. But some more thriftie then cleanly, doe burne the core
of the eare to powder, which they call Pungnough, mingling that in their
meale, but it never tasted well in bread, nor broth. {MN} Their fish &
flesh they boyle either very tenderly, or boyle it so long on hurdles over
the fire, or else after the Spanish fashion, putting it on a spit, they
turne first the one side, then the other, till it be as drie as their
jerkin Beefe in the west Indies, that they may keepe it a moneth or more
without putrifying. The broth of fish or flesh they eat as commonly as the
meat.
_Planted fruits._
In May also amongst their corne they plant Pumpeons, and a fruit like
unto a muske mellon, but lesse and worse, which they call Macocks. These
increase exceedingly, and ripen in the beginning of July, and continue
untill September. They plant also Maracocks a wild fruit like a Lemmon,
which also increase infinitely. They begin to ripe in September, and
continue till the end of October. When all their fruits be gathered,
little els they plant, and this is done by their women and children;
neither doth this long suffice them, for neare three parts of the yeare,
they onely observe times and seasons, and live of what the Country
naturally affordeth from hand to mouth, &c.
The Commodities in Virginia, or that may be had by Industrie.
_A proofe cattell will live well._ {MN}
The mildnesse of the ayre, the fertilitie of the soyle, and situation of
the rivers are so propitious to the nature and use of man, as no place is
more convenient for pleasure, profit, and mans sustenance, under that
latitude or climat. {MN} Here will live any beasts, as horses, goats,
sheepe, asses, hens, &c. as appeared by them that were carried thether.
The waters, Isles, and shoales, are full of safe harbours for ships of
warre or marchandize, for boats of all sorts, for transportation or
fishing, &c. The Bay and rivers have much marchantable fish, and places
fit for Salt coats, building of ships, making of Iron, &c.
_The Commodities._
Muscovia and Polonia doe yearely receive many thousands, for pitch, tarre,
sope-ashes, Rosen, Flax, Cordage, Sturgeon, Masts, Yards, Wainscot,
Firres, Glasse, and such like; also Swethland for Iron and Copper. France
in like manner, for Wine, Canvas, and Salt. Spaine as much for Iron,
Steele, Figges, Reasons, and Sackes. Italy with Silkes and Velvets
consumes our chiefe Commodities. Holland maintaines it selfe by fishing
and trading at our owne doores. All these temporize with other for
necessities, but all as uncertaine as peace or warres. Besides the charge,
travell, and danger in transporting them, by seas, lands, stormes, and
Pyrats. Then how much hath Virginia the prerogative of all those
flourishing Kingdomes, for the benefit of our Land, when as within one
hundred myles all those are to be had, either ready provided by nature, or
else to be prepared, were there but industrious men to labour. Onely of
Copper we may doubt is wanting, but there is good probabilitie that both
Copper and better Minerals are there to be had for their labour. Other
Countries have it. So then here is a place, a nurse for souldiers, a
practise for mariners, a trade for marchants, a reward for the good, and
that which is most of all, a businesse (most acceptable to God) to bring
such poore Infidels to the knowledge of God and His holy Gospell.
Of the naturall Inhabitants of Virginia.
_The numbers._
_Seaven hundred men were the most were seene together when they thought
to have surprised Captaine Smith._ {MN-1}
_A description of the people._ {MN-2}
_The Barbers._ {MN-3}
_The constitution._ {MN-4}
_The disposition._ {MN-5}
_The possessions._ {MN-6}
_Their attire._ {MN-7}
_Their ornaments._ {MN-8}
The land is not populous, for the men be few; their far greater number is
of women and children. Within 60 myles of James Towne, there are about
some 5000 people, but of able men fit for their warres scarce [II.30] 1500.
To nourish so many together they have yet no meanes, because they make so
small a benefit of their land, be it never so fertile. {MN-1} Six or seaven
hundred have beene the most hath beene seene together, when they gathered
themselves to have surprised mee at Pamaunkee, having but fifteene to
withstand the worst or their fury. As small as the proportion of ground
that hath yet beene discovered, is in comparison of that yet unknowne:
{MN-2} the people differ very much in stature, especially in language, as
before is expressed. Some being very great as the Sasquesahananocks; others
very little, as the Wighcocomocoes: but generally tall and straight, of a
comely proportion, and of a colour browne when they are of any age, but
they are borne white. Their hayre is generally blacke, but few have any
beards. The men weare halfe their beards shaven, the other halfe long;
{MN-3} for Barbers they use their women, who with two shels will grate away
the hayre, of any fashion they please. The women are cut in many fashions,
agreeable to their yeares, but ever some part remaineth long. {MN-4} They
are very strong, of an able body and full of agilitie, able to endure to
lie in the woods under a tree by the fire, in the worst of winter, or in
the weedes and grasse, in Ambuscado in the Sommer. {MN-5} They are
inconstant in every thing, but what feare constraineth them to keepe.
Craftie, timerous, quicke of apprehension, and very ingenuous. Some are of
disposition fearefull, some bold, most cautelous, all Savage. Generally
covetous of Copper, Beads, and such like trash. They are soone moved to
anger, and so malicious, that they seldome forget an injury: they seldome
steale one from another, least their conjurers should reveale it, and so
they be pursued and punished. That they are thus feared is certaine, but
that any can reveale their offences by conjuration I am doubtfull. Their
women are carefull not to be suspected of dishonestie without the leave of
their husbands. {MN-6} Each houshold knoweth their owne lands, and gardens,
and most live of their owne labours. {MN-7} For their apparell, they are
sometime covered with the skinnes of wilde beasts, which in Winter are
dressed with the hayre, but in Sommer without. The better sort use large
mantels of Deare skins, not much differing in fashion from the Irish
mantels. Some imbrodered with white beads, some with Copper, other painted
after their manner. But the common sort have scarce to cover their
nakednesse, but with grasse, the leaves of trees, or such like. We have
seene some use mantels made of Turky feathers, so prettily wrought & woven
with threads that nothing could be discerned but the feathers. That was
exceeding warme and very handsome. But the women are alwayes covered about
their middles with a skin, and very shame-fast to be seene bare. {MN-8}
They adorne themselves most with Their copper beads and paintings. Their
women, some have ornaments, their legs, hands, breasts and face cunningly
imbrodered with divers workes, as beasts, serpents, artificially wrought
into their flesh with blacke spots. In each eare commonly they have 3 great
holes, whereat they hang chaines, bracelets, or copper. Some of their men
weare in those holes, a small greene and yellow coloured snake, neare halfe
a yard in length, which crawling and lapping her selfe about his necke
oftentimes familiarly would kisse his lips. Others weare a dead Rat tyed
by the taile. Some on their heads weare the wing of a bird, or some large
feather with a Rattell. Those Rattels are somewhat like the chape of a
Rapier, but lesse, which they take from the taile of a snake. Many have
the whole skinne of a Hawke or some strange foule, stuffed with the wings
abroad. Others a broad peece of Copper, and some the hand of their enemy
dryed. Their heads and shoulders are painted red with the roote Pocone
brayed to powder, mixed with oyle, this they hold in sommer to preserve
them from the heate, and in winter from the cold. Many other formes of
paintings they use, but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous
to behold.
_Their buildings._
Their buildings and habitations are for the most part by the rivers, or
not farre distant from some fresh spring. Their houses are built like our
Arbors, of small young springs bowed and tyed, and so close covered with
Mats, or the barkes of trees very handsomely, that notwithstanding either
winde, raine, or weather, they are as warme as stooves, but very smoaky,
yet at the toppe of the house there is a hole made for the smoake to goe
into right over the fire.
_Their lodgings._
_Their gardens._ {MN}
Against the fire they lie on little hurdles of Reeds [II.31.] covered with
a Mat, borne from the ground a foote and more by a hurdle of wood. On
these round about the house they lie heads and points one by th'other
against the fire, some covered with Mats, some with skins, and some
starke naked lie on the ground, from 6 to 20 in a house. {MN} Their houses
are in the midst of their fields or gardens, which are small plots of
ground. Some 20 acres, some 40. some 100. some 200. some more, some lesse.
In some places from 2 to 50 of those houses together, or but a little
separated by groves of trees. Neare their habitations is little small wood
or old trees on the ground by reason of their burning of them for fire. So
that a man may gallop a horse amongst these woods any way, but where the
creekes or Rivers shall hinder.
_How they use their children._
Men, women, and children have their severall names according to the
severall humor of their Parents. Their women (they say) are easily
delivered of childe, yet doe they love children very dearely. To make them
hardie, in the coldest mornings they them wash in the rivers, and by
painting and oyntments so tanne their skinnes, that after a yeare or two,
no weather will hurt them.
_The industrie of their women._
The men bestow their times in fishing, hunting, warres, and such man-like
exercises, scorning to be seene in any woman-like exercise, which is the
cause that the women be very painefull, and the men often idle. The women
and children doe the rest of the worke. They make mats, baskets, pots,
morters, pound their corne, make their bread, prepare their victuals,
plant their corne, gather their corne, beare all kind of burdens, and such
like.
_How they strike fire._
_The order of dyet._ {MN}
Their fire they kindle presently by chafing a dry pointed sticke in a hole
of a little square peece of wood, that firing it selfe, will so fire
mosse, leaves, or any such like dry thing, that will quickly burne. {MN}
In March and Aprill they live much upon their fishing wires; and feed on
fish, Turkies, and Squirrels. In May and June they plant their fields, and
live most of Acornes, Walnuts, and fish. But to amend their dyet, some
disperse themselves in small companies, and live upon fish, beasts, crabs,
oysters, land Tortoises, strawberries, mulberries, and such like. In June,
July, and August, they feed upon the rootes of Tocknough berries, fish,
and greene wheat. It is strange to see how their bodies alter with their
dyet, even as the deere & wilde beasts they seeme fat and leane, strong
and weake. Powhatan their great King, and some others that are provident,
rost their fish and flesh upon hurdles as before is expressed, and keepe
it till scarce times.
_How they make their bowes and arrowes._
_Their knives._ {MN}
For fishing, hunting, and warres they use much their bow and arrowes. They
bring their bowes to the forme of ours by the scraping of a shell. Their
arrowes are made some of straight young sprigs, which they head with bone,
some 2 or 3 ynches long. These they use to shoot at Squirrels on trees.
Another sort of arrowes they use made of Reeds. These are peeced with
wood, headed with splinters of christall, or some sharpe stone, the
spurres of a Turkey, or the bill of some bird. {MN} For his knife he hath
the splinter of a Reed to cut his feathers in forme. With this knife also,
he will joynt a Deere, or any beast, shape his shooes, buskins, mantels,
&c. To make the noch of his arrow he hath the tooth of a Beaver, set in a
sticke, wherewith he grateth it by degrees. His arrow head he quickly
maketh with a little bone, which he ever weareth at his bracert, of any
splint of a stone, or glasse in the forme of a heart, and these they glew
to the end of their arrowes. With the sinewes of Deere, and the tops of
Deeres hornes boyled to a jelly, they make a glew that will not dissolve
in cold water.
_Their Targets and Swords._
For their warres also they use Targets that are round and made of the
barkes of trees, and a sword of wood and at their backes, but oftentimes
they use for swords the horne of a Deere put through a peece of wood in
forme of a Pickaxe. Some a long stone sharpned at both ends, used in the
same manner. This they were wont to use also for hatchets, but now by
trucking they have plentie of the same forme of yron. And those are their
chiefe instruments and armes.
_Their boats_
_How they spin._ {MN-1}
_Their fish hookes._ {MN-2}
Their fishing is much in Boats. These they make of one tree by burning and
scratching away the coales with stones and shels, till they have made it
in forme of a [II.32.] Trough. Some of them are an elne deepe, and fortie
or fiftie foote in length, and some will beare 40 men, but the most
ordinary are smaller, and will beare 10, 20, or 30. according to their
bignesse. In stead of Oares, they use Paddles and stickes, with which they
will row faster then our Barges. {MN-1} Betwixt their hands and thighes,
their women use to spin the barkes of trees, Deere sinewes, or a kind of
grasse they call Pemmenaw, of these they make a thread very even and
readily. This thread serveth for many uses. As about their housing,
apparell, as also they make nets for fishing, for the quantitie as
formally braded as ours. They make also with it lines for angles. {MN-2}
Their hookes are either a bone grated as they noch their arrowes in the
forme of a crooked pinne or fish-hooke, or of the splinter of a bone tyed
to the clift of a little sticke, and with the end of the line, they tie on
the bait. They use also long arrowes tyed in a line, wherewith they
shoote at fish in the rivers. But they of Accawmack use staves like unto
Javelins headed with bone. With these they dart fish swimming in the
water. They have also many artificiall wires, in which they get abundance
of fish.
_How they hunt._
In their hunting and fishing they take extreame paines; yet it being their
ordinary exercise from their infancy, they esteeme it a pleasure and are
very proud to be expert therein. And by their continuall ranging, and
travell, they know all the advantages and places most frequented with
Deere, Beasts, Fish, Foule, Roots, and Berries. At their huntings they
leave their habitations, and reduce themselves into companies, as the
Tartars doe, and goe to the most desert places with their families, where
they spend their time in hunting and fowling up towards the mountaines, by
the heads of their rivers, where there is plentie of game. For betwixt the
rivers the grounds are so narrowe, that little commeth here which they
devoure not. It is a marvell they can so directly passe these deserts,
some 3 or 4 dayes journey without habitation. Their hunting houses are
like unto Arbours covered with Mats. These their women beare after them,
with Corne, Acornes, Morters, and all bag and baggage they use. When they
come to the place of exercise, every man doth his best to shew his
dexteritie, for by their excelling in those qualities, they get their
wives. Fortie yards will they shoot levell, or very neare the marke, and
120 is their best at Random. At their huntings in the deserts they are
commonly two or three hundred together. Having found the Deere, they
environ them with many fires, & betwixt the fires they place themselves.
And some take their stands in the midsts. The Deere being thus feared by
the fires, and their voyces, they chase them so long within that circle,
that many times they kill 6, 8, 10, or 15 at a hunting. They use also to
drive them into some narrow poynt of land, when they find that advantage;
and so force them into the river, where with their boats they have
Ambuscadoes to kill them. When they have shot a Deere by land, they follow
him like blond-hounds by the bloud, and straine, and oftentimes so take
them. Hares, Partridges, Turkies, or Egges, fat or leane, young or old,
they devoure all they can catch in their power. In one of these huntings
they found me in the discovery of the head of the river of Chickahamania,
where they slew my men, and tooke me prisoner in a Bogmire, where I saw
those exercises, and gathered these Observations.
_One Salvage hunting alone._
One Salvage hunting alone, useth the skinne of a Deere slit on the one
side, and so put on his arme, through the neck, so that his hand comes to
the head which is stuffed, and the hornes, head, eyes, eares, and every
part as artificially counterfeited as they, can devise. Thus shrowding
his body in the skinne by stalking, he approacheth the Deere, creeping on
the ground from one tree to another. If the Deere chance to find fault, or
stand at gaze, he turneth the head with his hand to his best advantage to
seeme like a Deere, also gazing and licking himselfe. So watching his best
advantage to approach, having shot him, he chaseth him by his bloud and
straine till he get him.
_Their Consultations._
_Their enemies._ {MN-1}
_Massawomekes._ {MN-2}
_Their offer of subjection._ {MN-3}
When they intend any warres, the Werowances usually have the advice of
their Priests and Conjurers, and their allies, and ancient friends, but
chiefely the Priests determine their resolution. Every Werowance, or some
[II.33.] lustie fellow, they appoint Captaine over every nation. They
seldome make warre for lands or goods, but for women and children, and
principally for revenge. {MN-1} They have many enemies, namely, all their
westernly Countries beyond the mountaines, and the heads of the rivers.
Upon the head of the Powhatans are the Monacans, whose chiefe habitation
is at Rasauweak, unto whom the Mowhemenchughes, the Massinnacacks, the
Monahassanughs, the Monasickapanoughs, and other nations pay tributes.
Upon the head of the river of Toppahanock is a people called Mannahoacks.
To these are contributers the Tauxanias, the Shackaconias, the Ontponeas,
the Tegninateos, the Whonkenteaes, the Stegarakes, the Hassianungaes, and
divers others, all confederates with the Monacans, though many different
in language, and be very barbarous, living for the most part of wild
beasts and fruits. Beyond the mountaines from whence is the head of the
river Patawomeke, the Salvages report inhabit their most mortall enemies,
{MN-2} the Massawomekes, upon a great salt water, which by all likelihood
is either some part of Cannada, some great lake, or some inlet of some
sea that falleth into the South sea. These Massawomekes are a great nation
and very populous. For the heads of all those rivers, especially the
Pattawomekes, the Pautuxuntes, the Sasquesahanocks, the Tockwoughes are
continually tormented by them: of whose crueltie, they generally
complained, and very importunate they were with me, and my company to free
them from these tormentors. {MN-3} To this purpose they offered food,
conduct, assistance, and continuall subjection. Which I concluded to
effect. But the councell then present emulating my successe, would not
thinke it fit to spare me fortie men to be hazzarded in those unknowne
regions, having passed (as before was spoken of) but with 12, and so was
lost that opportunitie. Seaven boats full of these Massawomekes wee
encountred at the head of the Bay; whose Targets, Baskets, Swords, Tobacco
pipes, Platters, Bowes, and Arrowes, and every thing shewed, they much
exceeded them of our parts, and their dexteritie in their small boats,
made of the barkes of trees, sowed with barke and well luted with gumme,
argueth that they are seated upon some great water.
Against all these enemies the Powhatans are constrained sometimes to
fight. Their chiefe attempts are by Stratagems, trecheries, or surprisals.
Yet the Werowances women and children they put not to death, but keepe
them Captives. They have a method in warre, and for our pleasures they
shewed it us, and it was in this manner performed at Mattapanient.
_Their manner of Battell._
Having painted and disguised themselves in the fiercest manner they could
devise, they divided themselves into two Companies, neare a hundred in a
company. The one company called Monacans, the other Powhatans. Either army
had their Captaine. These as enemies tooke their stands a musket shot one
from another; ranked themselves 15 a breast, and each ranke from another
4 or 5 yards, not in fyle, but in the opening betwixt their fyles. So the
Reare could shoot as conveniently as the Front. Having thus pitched the
fields: from either part went a messenger with these conditions, that
whosoever were vanquished, such as escape upon their submission in two
dayes after should live, but their wives and children should be prize for
the Conquerours. The messengers were no sooner returned, but they
approached in their orders; On each flanke a Serjeant, and in the Reare an
Officer for Lieutenant, all duly keeping their orders, yet leaping and
singing after their accustomed tune, which they onely use in Warres. Upon
the first flight of arrowes they gave such horrible shouts and screeches,
as so many infernall hell-hounds could not have made them more terrible.
When they had spent their arrowes, they joyned together prettily, charging
and retyring, every ranke seconding other. As they got advantage they
catched their enemies by the hayre of the head, and downe he came that was
taken. His enemy with his wooden sword seemed to beat out his braines, and
still they crept to the Reare, to maintaine the skirmish. The Monacans
decreasing, the Powhatans charged them in the forme of a halfe Moone; they
unwilling to be inclosed, fled all in a troope to their Ambuscadoes, on
whom they led them very cunningly. The Monacans disperse themselves
[II.34.] among the fresh men, whereupon the Powhatans retired, with all
speed to their seconds; which the Monacans seeing, tooke that advantage to
retire againe to their owne battell, and so each returned to their owne
quarter. All their actions, voyces, and gestures, both in charging and
retiring were so strained to the height of their qualitie and nature, that
the strangenesse thereof made it seeme very delightfull.
_Their Musicke._
_Their entertainment._ {MN}
For their Musicke they use a thicke Cane, on which they pipe as on a
Recorder. For their warres they have a great deepe platter of wood. They
cover the mouth thereof with a skin, at each corner they tie a walnut,
which meeting on the backside neere the bottome, with a small rope they
twitch them together till it be so tought and stiffe, that they may beat
upon it as upon a drumme. But their chiefe instruments are Rattles made of
small gourds, or Pumpeons shels. Of these they have Base, Tenor,
Countertenor, Meane, and Treble. These mingled with their voyces sometimes
twenty or thirtie together, make such a terrible noise as would rather
affright, then delight any man. {MN} If any great commander arrive at the
habitation of Werowance, they spread a Mat as the Turkes doe a Carpet for
him to sit upon. Upon another right opposite they sit themselves. Then doe
all with a tunable voice of shouting bid him welcome. After this doe two
or more of their chiefest men make an Oration, testifying their love.
Which they doe with such vehemency, and so great passions, that they sweat
till they drop, and are so out of breath they can scarce speake. So that a
man would take them to be exceeding angry, or stark mad. Such victuall as
they have, they spend freely, and at night where his lodging is appointed,
they set a woman fresh painted red with Pocones and oyle, to be his
bed-fellow.
_Their trade._
Their manner of trading is for copper, beads, and such like, for which
they give such commodities as they have, as skins, foule, fish, flesh,
and their Country Corne. But their victualls are their chiefest riches.
_Their Physicke._
_Their Chirurgery._ {MN-1}
_Their charms to cure._ {MN-2}
Every spring they make themselves sicke with drinking the juyce of a roote
they call Wighsacan, and water; whereof they powre so great a quantitie,
that it purgeth them in a very violent manner; so that in three or foure
dayes after, they scarce recover their former health. Sometimes they are
troubled with dropsies, swellings, aches, and such like diseases; {MN-1}
for cure whereof they build a Stove in the forme of a Dove-house with
mats, so close that a few coales therein covered with a pot, will make the
patient sweat extreamely. For swellings also they use small peeces of
touchwood, in the forme of cloves, which pricking on the griefe they
burne close to the flesh, and from thence draw the corruption with their
mouth. With this roote Wighsacan they ordinarily heale greene wounds. But
to scarrifie a swelling, or make incision, their best instruments are some
splinted stone. Old ulcers, or putrified hurts are seldome seene cured
amongst them. {MN-2} They have many professed Phisicians, who with their
charmes and Rattles, with an infernall rout of words and actions, will
seeme to sucke their inward griefe from their navels, or their grieved
places; but of our Chirurgians they were so conceited, that they beleeved
any Plaister would heale any hurt.
But 'tis not alwayes in Phisicians skill,
To heale the Patient that is sicke and ill:
For sometimes sicknesse on the Patients part,
Proves stronger farre then all Phisicians art.
Of their Religion.
_Their God._ {MN-1}
_How they bury their Kings._ {MN-2}
There is yet in Virginia no place discovered to be so Savage, in which
they have not a Religion, Deere, and Bow, and Arrowes. All things that are
able to doe them hurt beyond their prevention, they adore with their kinde
of divine worship; as the fire, water, lightning, thunder, our Ordnance,
peeces, horses, &c. {MN-1} But their chiefe God they worship is the
Devill. Him they call [II.35.] Okee, and serve him more of feare then
love. They say they have conference with him, and fashion themselves as
neare to his shape as they can imagine. In their Temples they have his
image evill favouredly carved, and then painted and adorned with chaines
of copper, and beads, and covered with a skin, in such manner as the
deformitie may well suit with such a God. {MN-2} By him is commonly the
sepulcher of their Kings. Their bodies are first bowelled, then dried upon
hurdles till they be very dry, and so about the most of their joynts and
necke they hang bracelets, or chaines of copper, pearle, and such like, as
they use to weare, their inwards they stuffe with copper beads, hatchets,
and such trash. Then lappe they them very carefully in white skins, and so
rowle them in mats for their winding sheets. And in the Tombe which is an
arch made of mats, they lay them orderly. What remaineth of this kinde of
wealth their Kings have, they set at their feet in baskets. These Temples
and bodies are kept by their Priests.
_Their ordinary burials._
For their ordinary burials, they dig a deepe hole in the earth with sharpe
stakes, and the corpse being lapped in skins and mats with their jewels,
they lay them upon stickes in the ground, and so cover them with earth.
The buriall ended, the women being painted all their faces with blacke
cole and oyle, doe sit twenty-foure houres in the houses mourning and
lamenting by turnes, with such yelling and howling, as may expresse their
great passions.
_Their Temples._
In every Territory of a Werowance is a Temple and a Priest, two or
three or more. Their principall Temple or place of superstition is at
Uttamussack at Pamaunkee, neare unto which is a house, Temple, or place of
Powhatans.
Upon the top of certaine red sandy hils in the woods, there are three
great houses filled with images of their Kings, and Devils, and Tombes of
their Predecessors. Those houses are neare sixtie foot in length built
arbour-wise, after their building. This place they count so holy as that
but the Priests & Kings dare come into them; nor the Salvages dare not goe
up the river in boats by it, but they solemnly cast some peece of copper,
white beads, or Pocones into the river, for feare their Okee should be
offended and revenged of them.
Thus, Feare was the first their Gods begot:
Till feare began, their Gods were not.
_Their ornaments for their Priests._
In this place commonly are resident seaven Priests. The chiefe differed
from the rest in his ornaments, but inferior Priests could hardly be
knowne from the common people, but that they had not so many holes in
their eares to hang their jewels at. The ornaments of the chiefe Priest
were certaine attires for his head made thus. They tooke a dosen, or 16,
or more snakes skins and stuffed them with mosse, and of Weesels and other
Vermines skins a good many. All these they tie by their tailes, so as all
their tailes meete in the toppe of their head like a great Tassell. Round
about this Tassell is as it were a crowne of feathers, the skins hang
round about his head, necke, and shoulders, and in a manner cover his
face. The faces of all their Priests are painted as ugly as they can
devise, in their hands they had every one his Rattle, some base, some
smaller. Their devotion was most in songs, which the chiefe Priest
beginneth and the rest followed him, sometimes he maketh invocations with
broken sentences by starts and strange passions, and at every pause, the
rest give a short groane.
Thus seeke they in deepe foolishnesse,
To climbe the height of happinesse.
_The times of solemnities._
It could not be perceived that they keepe any day as more holy then other;
But onely in some great distresse of want, feare of enemies, times of
triumph and gathering together their fruits, the whole Country of men,
women, and children come together to solemnities. The manner of their
devotion is, sometimes to make a great fire, in the house or fields, and
all to sing and dance about it [II.36.] with Rattles and shouts together,
foure or five houres. Sometimes they set a man in the midst, and about him
they dance and sing, he all the while clapping his hands, as if he would
keepe time, and after their songs and dauncings ended they goe to their
Feasts.
Through God begetting feare,
Mans blinded minde did reare
A hell-god to the ghosts;
A heaven-god to the hoasts;
Yea God unto the Seas:
Feare did create all these.
_Their conjurations._
They have also divers conjurations, one they made when I was their
prisoner; of which hereafter you shall reade at large.
_Their altars._
_Sacrifices to the water._ {MN}
They have also certaine Altar stones they call Pawcorances, but these
stand from their Temples, some by their houses, others in the woods and
wildernesses, where they have had any extraordinary accident, or
incounter. And as you travell, at those stones they will tell you the
cause why they were there erected, which from age to age they instruct
their children, as their best records of antiquities. Upon these they
offer bloud, Deere suet, and Tobacco. This they doe when they returne from
the Warres, from hunting, and upon many other occasions. They have also
another superstition that they use in stormes, when the waters are rough
in the Rivers and Sea coasts. {MN} Their Conjurers runne to the water
sides, or passing in their boats, after many hellish outcryes and
invocations, they cast Tobacco, Copper, Pocones, or such trash into the
water, to pacifie that God whom they thinke to be very angry in those
stormes. Before their dinners and suppers the better sort will take the
first bit, and cast it in the fire, which is all the grace they are knowne
to use.
_Their solemn Sacrifices of children, which they
call Black-boyes._
_Those Black-boyes are made so mad with a kind of drinke,
that they will doe any mischiefe, at the command of
their Keepers._ {MN}
In some part of the Country they have yearely a sacrifice of children.
Such a one was at Quiyoughcohanock some ten myles from James Towne, and
thus performed. Fifteene of the properest young boyes, betweene ten and
fifteene yeares of age they painted white. Having brought them forth, the
people spent the forenoone in dancing and singing about them with Rattles.
In the afternoone they put those children to the roote of a tree. By them
all the men stood in a guard, every one having a Bastinado in his hand,
made of reeds bound together. This made a lane betweene them all along,
through which there were appointed five young men to fetch these children:
so every one of the five went through the guard to fetch a childe each
after other by turnes, the guard fiercely beating them with their
Bastinadoes, and they patiently enduring and receiving all, defending the
children with their naked bodies from the unmercifull blowes, that pay
them soundly, though the children escape. All this while the women weepe
and cry out very passionately, providing mats, skins, mosse, and dry wood,
as things fitting their childrens funerals. After the children were thus
passed the guard, the guard tore down the trees, branches & boughs, with
such violence that they rent the body, and made wreaths for their heads,
or bedecked their hayre with the leaves. What els was done with the
children, was not seene, but they were all cast on a heape, in a valley as
dead, where they made a great feast for all the company. {MN} The
Werowance being demanded the meaning of this sacrifice, answered that the
children were not all dead, but that the Okee or Divell did sucke the
bloud from their left breast, who chanced to be his by lot, till they were
dead, but the rest were kept in the wildernesse by the young men till nine
moneths were expired, during which time they must not converse with any,
and of these were made their Priests and Conjurers. This sacrifice they
held to be so necessary, that if they should omit it, their Okee or
Devill, and all their other Quiyoughcosughes, which are their other Gods,
would let them have no Deere, Turkies, Corne, nor fish, and yet besides,
he would make a great slaughter amongst them.
_Their resurrection._ {MN}
They thinke that their Werowances and Priests which they also esteeme
Quiyoughcosughes, {MN} when they are dead, goe beyond the mountaines
towards the setting of the sunne; and ever remaine there in forme of their
Okee, [II.37.] with their heads painted with oyle and Pocones, finely
trimmed with feathers, and shall have beads, hatchets, copper, and Tobacco,
doing nothing but dance and sing, with all their Predecessors. But the
common people they suppose shall not live after death, but rot in their
graves like dead dogs.
To divert them from this blind Idolatry, we did our best endevours,
chiefly with the Werowance of Quiyoughcohanock, whose devotion,
apprehension, and good disposition, much exceeded any in those Countries,
with whom although we could not as yet prevaile, to forsake his false
Gods, yet this he did beleeve that our God as much exceeded theirs, as our
Gunnes did their Bowes & Arrowes, and many times did send to me to James
Towne, intreating me to pray to my God for raine, for their Gods would not
send them any. And in this lamentable ignorance doe these poore soules
sacrifice themselves to the Devill, not knowing their Creator; and we had
not language sufficient, so plainly to expresse it as make them understand
it; which God grant they may.
For, Religion 'tis that doth distinguish us,
From their bruit humor, well we may it know;
That can with understanding argue thus,
Our God is truth, but they cannot doe so.
Of the manner of the Virginians Government.
_A description of Powhatan._ {MN-1}
_His attendance and watch._ {MN-2}
Although the Country people be very barbarous, yet have they amongst them
such government, as that their Magistrates for good commanding, and their
people for due subjection, and obeying, excell many places that would be
counted very civill. The forme of their Common-wealth is a Monarchiall
government, one as Emperour ruleth over many Kings or Governours. Their
chiefe ruler is called Powhatan, and taketh his name of his principall
place of dwelling called Powhatan. But his proper name is Wahunsonacock.
Some Countries he hath which have beene his ancestors, and came unto him
by inheritance, as the Country called Powhatan, Arrohateck, Appamatuck,
Pamaunkee, Youghtanund, and Mattapanient. All the rest of his Territories
expressed in the Mappe, they report have beene his severall Conquests. In
all his ancient inheritances, he hath houses built after their manner like
arbours, some 30. some 40. yards long, and at every house provision for
his entertainement according to the time. At Werowcomoco on the Northside
of the river Pamaunkee, was his residence, when I was delivered him
prisoner, some 14 myles from James Towne, where for the most part, he was
resident, but at last he tooke so little pleasure in our neare
neighbourhood, that he retired himselfe to Orapakes, in the desert betwixt
Chickahamania and Youghtanund. {MN-1} He is of personage a tall well
proportioned man, with a sower looke, his head somwhat gray, his beard so
thinne, that it seemeth none at all, his age neare sixtie; of a very able
and hardy body to endure any labour. {MN-2} About his person ordinarily
attendeth a guard of 40 or 50 of the tallest men his Countrey doth afford.
Every night and watch upon the foure quarters of his house are foure
Sentinels, each from other a flight shoot, and at every halfe houre one
from the Corps du guard doth hollow, shaking his lips with his finger
betweene them; unto whom every Sentinell doth answer round from his stand:
if any faile, they presently send forth an officer that beateth him
extreamely.
_His treasury._
A myle from Orapakes in a thicket of wood, he hath a house in which he
keepeth his kinde of Treasure, as skinnes, copper, pearle, and beads,
which he storeth up aqainst the time of his death and buriall. Here also
is his store of red paint for oyntment, bowes and arrowes, Targets and
clubs. This house is fiftie or sixtie yards in length, frequented onely by
Priests. At the foure corners [II.38.] of this house stand foure Images as
Sentinels, one of a Dragon, another a Beare, the third like a Leopard, and
the fourth like a giantlike man, all made evill favouredly, according to
their best workemanship.
_His wives._
_His successors._ {MN}
He hath as many women as he will, whereof when he lieth on his bed, one
sitteth at his head, and another at his feet, but when he sitteth, one
sitteth on his right hand and another on his left. As he is weary of his
women, he bestoweth them on those that best deserve them at his hands.
When he dineth or suppeth, one of his women before and after meat,
bringeth him water in a wooden platter to wash his hands. Another waiteth
with a bunch of feathers to wipe them in stead of a Towell, and the
feathers when he hath wiped are dryed againe. {MN} His kingdomes descend
not to his sonnes nor children, but first to his brethren, whereof he hath
3. namely, Opitchapan, Opechancanough, and Catataugh, and after their
decease to his sisters. First to the eldest sister, then to the rest, and
after them to the heires male or female of the eldest sister, but never to
the heires of the males.
_Their authoritie._ {MN-1}
_The tenor of their lands._ {MN-2}
_His manner of punishments._ {MN-3}
He nor any of his people understand any letters, whereby to write or
reade, onely the lawes whereby he ruleth is custome. {MN-1} Yet when he
listeth his will is a law and must be obeyed: not onely as a King, but as
halfe a God they esteeme him. His inferiour Kings whom they call
Werowances, are tyed to rule by customes, and have power of life and death
at their command in that nature. But this word Werowance, which we call
and construe for a King, is a common word, whereby they call all
commanders: for they have but few words in their language, and but few
occasions to use any officers more then one commander, which commonly they
call Werowance, or Caucorouse, which is Captaine. {MN-2} They all know
their severall lands, and habitations, and limits, to fish, foule, or hunt
in, but they hold all of their great their lands. Werrowance Powhatan,
unto whom they pay tribute of skinnes, beads, copper, pearle, deere,
turkies, wild beasts, and corne. What he commandeth they dare not disobey
in the least thing. It is strange to see with what great feare and
adoration, all these people doe obey this Powhatan. For at his feet they
present whatsoever he commandeth, and at the least frowne of his brow,
their greatest spirits will tremble with feare: and no marvell, for he is
very terrible & tyrannous in punishing such as offend him. {MN-3} For
example, he caused certaine malefactors to be bound hand and foot, then
having of many fires gathered great store of burning coales, they rake
these coales round in the forme of a cockpit, and in the midst they cast
the offenders to broyle to death. Sometimes he causeth the heads of them
that offend him, to be laid upon the altar or sacrificing stone, and one
with clubbes beats out their braines. When he would punish any notorious
enemy or malefactor, he causeth him to be tyed to a tree, and with Mussell
shels or reeds, the executioner cutteth off his joynts one after another,
ever casting what they cut of into the fire; then doth he proceed with
shels and reeds to case the skinne from his head and face; then doe they
rip his belly and so burne him with the tree and all. Thus themselves
reported they executed George Cassen. Their ordinary correction is to
beate them with cudgels. We have seene a man kneeling on his knees, and at
Powhatans command, two men have beate him on the bare skin, till he hath
fallen senselesse in a sound, and yet never cry nor complained. And he
made a woman for playing the whore, sit upon a great stone, on her bare
breech twenty-foure houres, onely with corne and water, every three dayes,
till nine dayes were past, yet he loved her exceedingly: notwithstanding
there are common whores by profession.
In the yeare 1608, he surprised the people of Payankatank his neare
neighbours and subjects. The occasion was to us unknowne, but the manner
was thus. First he sent divers of his men as to lodge amongst them that
night, then the Ambuscadoes environed all their houses, and at the houre
appointed, they all fell to the spoyle, twenty-foure men they slew, the
long haire of the one side of their heads, with the skinne cased off with
shels or reeds, they brought away. They surprised also the women, and the
children, and the Werowance. All these they presented to Powhatan. The
Werowance, women and children became his prisoners, and doe him service.
[II.39.] The lockes of haire with their skinnes he hanged on a line
betwixt two trees. And thus he made ostentation of his triumph at
Werowocomoco, where he intended to have done as much to mee and my
company.
And this is as much as my memory can call to minde worthy of note; which
I have purposely collected, to satisfie my friends of the true worth and
qualitie of Virginia. Yet some bad natures will not sticke to slander
the Countrey, that will slovenly spit at all things, especially in company
where they can finde none to contradict them. Who though they were scarce
ever ten myles from James Towne, or at the most but at the falles; yet
holding it a great disgrace that amongst so much action, their actions
were nothing, exclaime of all things, though they never adventured to know
any thing; nor ever did any thing but devoure the fruits of other mens
labours. Being for most part of such tender educations, and small
experience in Martiall accidents, because they found not English Cities,
nor such faire houses, nor at their owne wishes any of their accustomed
dainties, with feather beds and downe pillowes, Tavernes and Alehouses in
every breathing place, neither such plentie of gold and silver and
dissolute libertie, as they expected, had little or no care of any thing,
but to pamper their bellies, to fly away with our Pinnaces, or procure
their meanes to returne for England. For the Country was to them a misery,
a ruine, a death, a hell, and their reports here, and their actions there
according.
Some other there were that had yearely stipends to passe to and againe for
transportation: who to keepe the mysterie of the businesse in themselves,
though they had neither time nor meanes to know much of themselves; yet
all mens actions or relations they so formally tuned to the temporizing
times simplicitie, as they could make their ignorances seeme much more,
then all the true actors could by their experience. And those with their
great words deluded the world with such strange promises, as abused the
businesse much worse then the rest. For the businesse being builded upon
the foundation of their fained experience, the planters, the money and
meanes have still miscarried: yet they ever returning, and the planters so
farre absent, who could contradict their excuses? which, still to
maintaine their vaine glory and estimation, from time to time have used
such diligence as made them passe for truths, though nothing more false.
And that the adventurers might be thus abused, let no man wonder; for the
wisest living is soonest abused by him that hath a faire tongue and a
dissembling heart.
There were many in Virginia meerely projecting, verball, and idle
contemplators, and those so devoted to pure idlenesse, that though they
had lived two or three yeares in Virginia, lordly, necessitie it selfe
could not compell them to passe the Peninsula, or Pallisadoes of James
Towne, and those witty spirits, what would they not affirme in the behalfe
of our transporters, to get victuall from their ships, or obtaine their
good words in England, to get their passes. Thus from the clamors, and the
ignorance of false informers, are sprung those disasters that sprung in
Virginia: and our ingenious verbalists were no lesse plague to us in
Virginia, then the Locusts to the Egyptians. For the labour of twentie
or thirtie of the best onely preserved in Christianitie by their industry
the idle livers of neare two hundred of the rest: who living neere ten
moneths of such naturall meanes, as the Country naturally of it selfe
afforded, notwithstanding all this, and the worst fury of the Salvages,
the extremitie of sicknesse, mutinies, faction, ignorances, and want of
victuall; in all that time I lost but seaven or eight men, yet subjected
the salvages to our desired obedience, and received contribution from
thirtie five of their Kings, to protect and assist them against any that
should assault them, in which order they continued true and faithfull, and
as subjects to his Majestie, so long after as I did governe there, untill
I left the Countrey: since, how they have revolted, the Countrie lost, and
againe replanted, and the businesses hath succeded from time to time, I
referre you to the relations of them returned from Virginia, that have
beene more diligent in such Observations.
John Smith writ this with his owne hand.
[II.40.] Because many doe desire to know the manner of their
Language, I have inserted these few words.
Ka katorawinos yowo, What call you this.
Nemarough, a man.
Grenepo, a woman.
Marowanchesso, a boy.
Yehawkans, Houses.
Matchcores, Skins, or garments.
Mockasins, Shooes.
Tussan, Beds.
Pokatawer, Fire.
Attawp, A bow.
Attonce, Arrowes.
Monacookes, Swords.
Aumouhhowgh, A Target.
Pawcussacks, Gunnes.
Tomahacks, Axes.
Tockahacks, Pickaxes.
Pamesacks, Knives.
Accowprets, Sheares.
Pawpecones, Pipes.
Mattassin, Copper.
Ussawassin, Iron, Brass,
Silver, or any white mettall.
Musses, Woods.
Attasskuss, Leaves, weeds,
or grasse.
Chepsin, Land.
Shacquohocan, A stone.
Wepenter, A cookold.
Suckahanna, Water.
Noughmass, Fish.
Copotone, Sturgeon.
Weghshaughes, Flesh.
Sawwehone, Bloud.
Netoppew, Friends.
Marrapough, Enemies.
Maskapow, the worst of the enemies.
Mawchick chammay, The best of friends.
Casacunnakack, peya quagh acquintan
uttasantasough, In how many daies
will there come hither any more
English Ships.
Their Numbers.
Necut, 1. Ningh, 2. Nuff, 3.
Yowgh, 4. Paranske, 5.
Comotinch, 6. Toppawoss, 7.
Nusswash, 8, Kekatawgh, 9.
Kaskeke, 10.
They count no more but by
tennes as followeth.
Case, how many.
Ninghsapooeksku, 20.
Nussapooeksku, 30.
Yowghapooeksku, 40.
Parankestassapooeksku, 50.
Comatinchtassapooeksku, 60.
Nussswashtassapooeksku, 70.
Kekataughtassapooeksku, 90.
Necuttoughtysinough, 100.
Necuttweunquaough, 1000.
Rawcosowghs, Dayes.
Keskowghes, Sunnes.
Toppquough, Nights.
Nepawweshowghs, Moones.
Pawpaxsoughes, Yeares.
Pummahumps, Starres.
Osies, Heavens.
Okees, Gods.
Quiyoughcosoughs, Pettie
Gods, and their affinities.
Righcomoughes, Deaths.
Kekughes, Lives.
Mowchick woyawgh tawgh noeragh
kaqueremecher, I am very hungry?
what shall I eate?
Tawnor nehiegh Powhatan,
Where dwels Powhatan.
Mache, nehiegh yourowgh, Orapaks,
Now he dwels a great way hence at
Orapaks.
Vittapitchewayne anpechitchs nehawper
Werowacomoco, You lie, he staid
ever at Werowacomoco.
Kator nehiegh mattagh neer
uttapitchewayne, Truely he is there
I doe not lie.
Spaughtynere keragh werowance mawmarinough
kekaten wawgh peyaquaugh, Run you then
to the King Mawmarynough and bid him come
hither.
Utteke, e peya weyack wighwhip, Get you
gone, & come againe quickly.
Kekaten Pokahontas patiaquagh niugh
tanks manotyens neer mowchick
rawrenock audowgh, Bid Pokahontas
bring hither two little Baskets, and
I will give her white Beads to make
her a Chaine.
FINIS.
THE THIRD BOOKE. [III.41.]
The Proceedings
And Accidents of The English Colony in
Virginia, Extracted from the Authors
following, by William Simons,
Doctour of Divinitie.
Chapter I.
A.D. 1606.
_Sir Thomas Smith, Treasurer._
It might well be thought, a Countrie so faire (as Virginia is) and a
people so tractable, would long ere this have beene quietly possessed, to
the satisfaction of the adventurers, & the eternizing of the memory of
those that effected it. But because all the world doe see a defailement;
this following Treatise shall give satisfaction to all indifferent
Readers, how the businesse hath bin carried: where no doubt they will
easily understand and answer to their question, how it came to passe there
was no better speed and successe in those proceedings.
_The first mover of the action._
_Orders for government._ {MN}
Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, one of the first movers of this plantation,
having many yeares solicited many of his friends, but found small
assistants; at last prevailed with some Gentlemen, as Captaine John Smith,
Mr. Edward-maria Wingfield, Mr. Robert Hunt, and divers others, who
depended a yeare upon his projects, but nothing could be effected, till by
their great charge and industrie, it came to be apprehended by certaine of
the Nobilitie, Gentry, and Marchants, so that his Majestie by his letters
patents, gave commission for establishing Councels, to direct here; and to
governe, and to execute there. To effect this, was spent another yeare,
and by that, three ships were provided, one of 100 Tuns, another of 40.
and a Pinnace of 20. The transportation of the company was committed to
Captaine Christopher Newport, a Marriner well practised for the Westerne
parts of America. {MN} But their orders for government were put in a box,
not to be opened, nor the governours knowne untill they arrived in
Virginia.
On the 19 of December, 1606. we set sayle from Blackwall, but by
unprosperous winds, were kept six weekes in the sight of England; all
which time, Mr. Hunt our Preacher, was so weake and sicke, that few
expected his recovery. Yet although he were but twentie myles from his
habitation (the time we were in the Downes) and notwithstanding the stormy
weather, nor the scandalous imputations (of some few, little better then
Atheists, of the greatest ranke amongst us) suggested against him, all
this could never force from him so much as a seeming desire to leave the
busines, but preferred the service of God, in so good a voyage, before any
affection to contest with his godlesse foes, whose disasterous [III.42.]
designes (could they have prevailed) had even then overthrowne the
businesse, so many discontents did then arise, had he not with the water
of patience, and his godly exhortations (but chiefly by his true devoted
examples) quenched those flames of envie, and dissention.
A.D. 1607.
_Monica an unfrequented Isle full of Birds._ {MN-1}
_Their first landing._ {MN-2}
_Matters of government._ {MN-3}
We watered at the Canaries, we traded with the Salvages at Dominica; three
weekes we spent in refreshing our selves amongst these west-India Isles;
in Gwardalupa we found a bath so hot, as in it we boyled Porck as well
as over the fire. {MN-1} And at a little Isle called Monica, we tooke from
the bushes with our hands, neare two hogs-heads full of Birds in three or
foure houres. In Mevis, Mona, and the Virgin Isles, we spent some time,
where, with a lothsome beast like a Crocodil, called a Gwayn, Tortoises,
Pellicans, Parrots, and fishes, we daily feasted. Gone from thence in
search of Virginia, the company was not a little discomforted, seeing the
Marriners had 3 dayes passed their reckoning and found no land, so that
Captaine Ratliffe (Captaine of the Pinnace) rather desired to beare up the
helme to returne for England, then make further search. But God the guider
of all good actions, forcing them by an extreame storme to hull all night,
did drive them by his providence to their desired Port, beyond all their
expectations, for never any of them had seene that coast. {MN-2} The first
land they made they called Cape Henry; where thirtie of them recreating
themselves on shore, were assaulted by five Salvages, who hurt two of the
English very dangerously. That night was the box opened, and the orders
read, in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, John Smith, Edward Wingfield,
Christopher Newport, John Ratliffe, John Martin, and George Kendall, were
named to be the Councell, and to choose a President amongst them for a
yeare, who with the Councell should governe. {MN-3} Matters of moment were
to be examined by a Jury, but determined by the major part of the
Councell, in which the President had two voyces. Untill the 13 of May they
sought a place to plant in, then the Councell was sworne, Mr. Wingfield
was chosen President, and an Oration made, why Captaine Smith was not
admitted of the Councell as the rest.
_The discovery of the Falles & Powhatan._ {MN-1}
_The Fort assaulted by Salvages._ {MN-2}
Now falleth every man to worke, the Councell contrive the Fort, the rest
cut downe trees to make place to pitch their Tents; some provide clapbord
to relade the ships, some make gardens, some nets, &c. The Salvages often
visited us kindly. The Presidents overweening jealousie would admit no
exercise at armes, or fortification, but the boughs of trees cast together
in the forme of a halfe moone by the extraordinary paines and diligence of
Captaine Kendall, Newport, Smith, and twentie others, were sent to
discover the head of the river: {MN-1} by divers small habitations they
passed, in six dayes they arrived at a Towne called Powhatan, consisting
of some twelve houses, pleasantly seated on a hill; before it three
fertile Isles, about it many of their cornefields, the place is very
pleasant, and strong by nature, of this place the Prince is called
Powhatan, and his people Powhatans, to this place the river is navigable:
but higher within a myle, by reason of the Rockes and Isles, there is not
passage for a small Boat, this they call the Falles, the people in all
parts kindly intreated them, till being returned within twentie myles of
James towne, they gave just cause of jealousie, but had God not blessed
the discoverers otherwise then those at the Fort, there had then beene an
end of that plantation; {MN-2} for at the Fort, where they arrived the
next day, they found 17 men hurt, and a boy slaine by the Salvages, and
had it not chanced a crosse barre shot from the Ships strooke down a bough
from a tree amongst them, that caused them to retire, our men had all
beene slaine, being securely all at worke, and their armes in dry fats.
Captain Smith Reinstated
_Captain Newports return for England._ {MN}
Hereupon the President was contented the Fort should be pallisadoed, the
Ordnance mounted, his men armed and exercised, for many were the assaults,
and ambuscadoes of the Salvages; & our men by their disorderly stragling
were often hurt, when the Salvages by the nimblenesse of their heeles well
escaped. What toyle we had, with so small a power to guard our workemen
adayes, watch all night, resist our enemies, and effect our businesse, to
relade the ships, cut downe trees, and prepare the ground to plant our
Corne, &c, I referre to the Readers consideration. Six weekes being spent
in this manner, Captaine Newport (who was hired onely for our [III.43.]
transportation) was to return with the ships. Now Captaine Smith who all
this time from their departure from the Canaries was restrained as a
prisoner upon the scandalous suggestions of some of the chiefe (envying
his repute) who fained he intended to usurpe the government, murther the
Councell, and make himselfe King, that his confederats were dispersed in
all the three ships, and that divers of his confederats that revealed it,
would affirme it, for this he was committed as a prisoner: thirteene
weekes he remained thus suspected, and by that time the ships should
returne they pretended out of their commisserations, to referre him to the
Councell in England to receive a check, rather then by particulating his
designes make him so odious to the world, as to touch his life, or utterly
overthrow his reputation. But he so much scorned their charitie, and
publikely defied the uttermost of their crueltie, he wisely prevented
their policies, though he could not suppresse their envies, yet so well he
demeaned himselfe in this businesse, as all the company did see his
innocency, and his adversaries malice, and those suborned to accuse him,
accused his accusers of subornation; many untruthes were alledged against
him; but being so apparently disproved, begat a generall hatred in the
hearts of the company against such unjust Commanders, that the President
was adjudged to give him 200 L. so that all he had was seized upon, in part
of satisfaction, which Smith presently returned to the Store for the
generall use of the Colony. Many were the mischiefes that daily sprung
from their ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits; but the good Doctrine and
exhortation of our Preacher Mr. Hunt reconciled them, and caused Captaine
Smith to be admitted of the Councell; the next day all received the
Communion, the day following the Salvages voluntarily desired peace, {MN}
and Captaine Newport returned for England with newes; leaving in Virginia
100. the 15 of June 1607.
By this observe;
Good men did ne'r their Countries ruine bring.
But when evill men shall injuries beginne;
Not caring to corrupt and violate
The judgements-seats for their owne Lucr's sakes
Then looke that Country cannot long have peace,
Though for the present it have rest and ease.
THE FIRST COLONISTS
A.D. 1607.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
The names of them that were the first Planters,
were these following.
Councel.
Mr. Edward Maria Captaine John Smith.
Wingfield. Captaine John Ratliffe.
Captaine Bartholomew Captaine John Martin.
Gosnoll. Captaine George Kendall.
Gent.
Mr. Robert Hunt Preacher. John Penington.
Mr. George Percie. Jeremy Alicock.
Anthony Gosnoll. George Walker.
George Flower. Thomas Studley.
Cap. Gabriell Archer. Richard Crofts.
Robert Fenton. Nicholas Houlgrave.
Robert Ford. Thomas Webbe.
[III.44.] William Bruster. John Waller.
Edward Harrington. John Short.
Dru Pickhouse. William Tankard.
Thomas Jacob. William Smethes.
John Brookes. Francis Snarsbrough.
Ellis Kingston. Richard Simons.
Thomas Sands. Edward Brookes.
Benjamin Beast. Richard Dixon.
Jehu Robinson. John Martin.
Thomas Mouton. Roger Cooke.
Eustace Clovill. Anthony Gosnold.
Stephen Halthrop. Tho: Wotton, Chirurg.
Kellam Throgmorton. John Stevenson.
Edward Morish. Thomas Gore.
Nathaniell Powell. Henry Adling.
Edward Browne. Francis Midwinter.
Robert Behethland. Richard Frith.
Carpenters.
William Laxon. Thomas Emry.
Edward Pising. Robert Small.
Labourers.
John Laydon. Old Edward.
William Cassen. Henry Tavin.
George Cassen. George Goulding.
Thomas Cassen. John Dods.
William Rodes. William Johnson.
William White. William Unger.
Jam: Read, Blacksmith. Edward Brinto, Mason.
Jonas Profit, Sailer. William Love, Taylor.
Tho: Cowper, Barber. Nic: Scot, Drum.
Will: Garret, Bricklayer. Wil: Wilkinson, Chirurg.
Samuell Collier, boy. James Brumfield, boy.
Nat. Pecock, boy. Richard Mutton, boy.
With divers others to the number of 100.
Chap. II.
What happened till the first supply.
_The occasion of sickness._
_The sailors abuses._ {MN-1}
_A bad President._ {MN-2}
_Plentie unexpected._ {MN-3}
Being thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that within ten dayes scarce
ten amongst us could either goe, or well stand, such extreame weaknes and
sicknes oppressed us. And thereat none need marvaile, if they consider the
cause and reason, which was this; whilest the ships stayed, our allowance
was somewhat bettered, by a daily proportion of Bisket, {MN-1} which the
sailers would pilfer to sell, give, or exchange with us, for money,
Saxefras, furres, or love. But when they departed, there remained neither
taverne, beere house, nor place of reliefe, but the common Kettell. Had we
beene as free from all sinnes as gluttony, and drunkennesse, we might have
beene canonized for Saints; But our President would never have beene
admitted, for ingrossing to his private, Oatmeale, Sacke, Oyle, Aquavitae,
Beefe, Egges, or what not, but the Kettell; that indeed he allowed equally
to be distributed, and that was halfe a pint of wheat, and as much barley
boyled with water for a man a day, and this having fryed some 26. weekes
in the ships hold, contained as many wormes as graines; so that we might
truely call it rather so much bran then corne, our drinke was water, our
lodgings Castles in the ayre: with this lodging and dyet, our extreame
toile in bearing and planting Pallisadoes, so strained and bruised us, and
our continuall labour in the extremitie of the heat had so weakned us, as
were cause sufficient to have made us as miserable in our native Countrey,
or any other place in the world. From May, to September, those that
escaped, lived upon Sturgeon, and Sea-crabs, fiftie in this time we
buried, {MN-2} the rest seeing the Presidents projects to escape these
miseries in our Pinnace by flight (who all this time had neither felt want
nor sicknes) so moved our dead spirits, as we deposed him; and established
Ratcliffe in his place, (Gosnoll being dead) Kendall deposed, Smith newly
recovered, Martin and Ratcliffe was by his care preserved and relieved,
and the most of the souldiers recovered, with the skilfull diligence of Mr.
Thomas Wotton our Chirurgian generall. But now was all our provision
spent, the Sturgeon gone, all helps abandoned, each houre expecting the
fury of the Salvages; {MN-3} when God the patron of all good indevours, in
that desperate extremitie so changed the hearts of the Salvages, that they
brought such plenty of their fruits, and provision, as no man wanted.
And now where some affirmed it was ill done of the Councell to send forth
men so badly provided, this incontradictable reason will shew them
plainely they are too ill advised to nourish such ill conceits; first, the
fault [III.45.] of our going was our owne, what could be thought fitting
or necessary we had, but what we should find, or want, or where we should
be, we were all ignorant, and supposing to make our passage in two moneths,
with victuall to live, and the advantage of the spring to worke; we were at
Sea five moneths, where we both spent our victuall and lost the
opportunitie of the time, and season to plant, by the unskilfull
presumption of our ignorant transporters, that understood not at all, what
they undertooke.
Such actions have ever since the worlds beginning beene subject to such
accidents, and every thing of worth is found full of difficulties, but
nothing so difficult as to establish a Common wealth so farre remote from
men and meanes, and where mens mindes are so untoward as neither doe well
themselves, nor suffer others. But to proceed.
_The building of James Towne._ {MN-1}
_The beginning of Trade abroad._ {MN-2}
The new President and Martin, being little beloved, of weake judgement in
dangers, and lesse industrie in peace, committed the managing of all
things abroad to Captaine Smith: {MN-1} who by his owne example, good
words, and faire promises, set some to mow, others to binde thatch, some
to build houses, others to thatch them, himselfe alwayes bearing the
greatest taske for his owne share, so that in short time, he provided most
of them lodgings, neglecting any for himselfe. This done, seeing the
Salvages superfluitie beginne to decrease (with some of his workemen)
shipped himselfe in the Shallop to search the Country for trade. The want
of the language, knowledge to mannage his boat without sailes, the want of
a sufficient power, (knowing the multitude of the Salvages) apparell for
his men, and other necessaries, were infinite impediments, yet no
discouragement. {MN-2} Being but six or seaven in company he went downe
the river to Kecoughtan, where at first they scorned him, as a tarnished
man, and would in derision offer him a handfull of Corne, a peece of
bread, for their swords and muskets, and such like proportions also for
their apparell. But seeing by trade and courtesie there was nothing to be
had, he made bold to try such conclusions as necessitie inforced, though
contrary to his Commission: Let fly his muskets, ran his boat on shore,
whereat they all fled into the woods. So marching towards their houses,
they might see great heapes of corne: much adoe he had to restraine his
hungry souldiers from present taking of it, expecting as it hapned that
the Salvages would assault them, as not long after they did with a most
hydeous noyse. Sixtie or seaventie of them, some blacke, some red, some
white, some party-coloured, came in a square order, singing and dauncing
out of the woods, with their Okee (which was an Idoll made of skinnes,
stuffed with mosse, all painted and hung with chaines and copper) borne
before them: and in this manner being well armed, with Clubs, Targets,
Bowes and Arrowes, they charged the English, that so kindly received them
with their muskets loaden with Pistoll shot, that downe fell their God,
and divers lay sprauling on the ground; the rest fled againe to the woods,
and ere long sent one of their Quiyoughkasoucks to offer peace, and
redeeme their Okee. Smith told them, if onely six of them would come
unarmed and loade his boat, he would not only be their friend, but restore
them their Okee, and give them Beads, Copper, and Hatchets besides: which
on both sides was to their contents performed: and then they brought him
Venison, Turkies, wild foule, bread, and what they had, singing and
dauncing in signe of friendship till they departed. In his returne he
discovered the Towne and Country of Warraskoyack.
Thus God unboundlesse by his power,
Made them thus kind, would us devour.
_Amoris, a Salvage his best friend slaine for loving us.
The discovery of Chickahamine._
_Another project to abandon the country._ {MN-1}
_John Robinson and Thomas Emry slaine._ {MN-2}
Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late miserie) not any regarded but
from hand to mouth (the company being well recovered) caused the Pinnace
to be provided with things fitting to get provision for the yeare
following; but in the interim he made 3. or 4. journies and discovered
the people of Chickahamania: yet what he carefully provided the rest
carelessly spent. Wingfield and Kendall living in disgrace, seeing all
things at randome in the [III.46.] absence of Smith, the companies
dislike of their Presidents weaknes, and their small love to Martins never
mending sicknes, strengthened themselves with the sailers, and other
confederates to regaine their former credit and authority, or at least
such meanes abord the Pinnace, (being fitted to saile as Smith had
appointed for trade) to alter her course and to goe for England. Smith
unexpectedly returning had the plot discovered to him, much trouble he had
to prevent it, till with store of sakre and musket shot he forced them
stay or sinke in the river, which action cost the life of captaine
Kendall. These brawles are so disgustfull, as some will say they were
better forgotten, yet all men of good judgement will conclude, it were
better their basenes should be manifest to the world, then the busines
beare the scorne and shame of their excused disorders. The President and
captaine Archer not long after intended also to have abandoned the
country, which project also was curbed, and suppressed by Smith. {MN-1}
The Spaniard never more greedily desired gold then he victuall, nor his
souldiers more to abandon the Country, then he to keepe it. But finding
plentie of Corne in the river of Chickahamania where hundreds of Salvages
in divers places stood with baskets expecting his comming. And now the
winter approaching, the rivers became so covered with swans, geese,
duckes, and cranes, that we daily feasted with good bread, Virginia pease,
pumpions, and putchamins, fish, fowle, and diverse sorts of wild beasts as
far as we could eate them: so that none of our Tuftaffaty humorists
desired to goe for England. But our Comaedies never endured long without a
Tragedie; some idle exceptions being muttered against Captaine Smith, for
not discovering the head of Chickahamania river, and taxed by the
Councell, to be too slow in so worthy an attempt. The next voyage hee
proceeded so farre that with much labour by cutting of trees in sunder he
made his passage, but when his Barge could passe no farther, he left her
in a broad bay out of danger of shot, commanding none should goe a shore
till his returne: himselfe with two English and two Salvages went up
higher in a Canowe, but hee was not long absent, but his men went a shore,
whose want of government, gave both occasion and opportunity to the
Salvages to surprise one George Cassen, whom they slew, and much failed
not to have cut of the boat and all the rest. {MN-2} Smith little dreaming
of that accident, being got to the marshes at the rivers head, twentie
myles in the desert, had his two men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping by
the Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall, who finding
he was beset with 200. Salvages, two of them hee slew, still defending
himselfe with the ayd of a Salvage his guid, whom he bound to his arme
with his garters, and used him as a buckler, yet he was shot in his thigh
a little, and had many arrowes that stucke in his cloathes but no great
hurt, till at last they tooke him prisoner. When this newes came to James
towne, much was their sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting what ensued.
Sixe or seven weekes those Barbarians kept him prisoner, many strange
triumphes and conjurations they made of him, yet hee so demeaned himselfe
amongst them, as he not onely diverted them from surprising the Fort, but
procured his owne libertie, and got himselfe and his company such
estimation amongst them, that those Salvages admired him more then their
owne Quiyouckosucks. The manner how they used and delivered him is as
followeth.
_Captaine Smith taken prisoner._
The Salvages having drawne from George Cassen whether Captaine Smith was
gone, prosecuting that opportunity they followed him with 300. bowmen,
conducted by the King of Pamaunkee, who in divisions searching the
turnings of the river, found Robinson and Emry by the fire side; those
they shot full of arrowes and slew. Then finding the Captaine, as is said,
that used the Salvage that was his guide as his shield (three of them
being slaine and divers other so gauld) all the rest would not come neere
him. Thinking thus to have returned to his boat, regarding them, as he
marched, more then his way, slipped up to the middle in an oasie creeke &
his Salvage with him, yet durst they not come to him till, being neere
dead with cold, he threw away his armes. Then according to their
composition they drew him forth and led him to the fire, where his men
were slaine. [III. 47.] Diligently they chafed his benummed limbs. He
demanding for their Captaine, they shewed him Opechankanough, King of
Pamaunkee, to whom he gave a round Ivory double compass Dyall. Much they
marvailed at the playing of the Fly and Needle, which they could see so
plainely, and yet not touch it, because of the glasse that covered them.
But when he demonstrated by that Globe-like Jewell, the roundnesse of the
earth, and skies, the spheare of the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, and how
the Sunne did chase the night round about the world continually; the
greatnesse of the Land and Sea, the diversitie of Nations, varietie of
complexions, and how we were to them Antipodes, and many other such like
matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration. Notwithstanding, within
an houre after they tyed him to a tree, and as many as could stand about
him prepared to shoot him, but the King holding up the Compass in his
hand, they all laid downe their Bowes and Arrowes, and in a triumphant
manner led him to Orapaks, where he was after their manner kindly feasted,
and well used.
_The order they observed in their triumph._
Their order in conducting him was thus; Drawing themselves all in fyle,
the King in the middest had all their Peeces and swords borne before him.
Captaine Smith was led after him by three great Salvages, holding him fast
by each arme: and on each side six went in fyle with their Arrowes nocked.
But arriving at the Towne (which was but onely thirtie or fortie hunting
houses made of Mats, which they remove as they please, as we our tents)
all the women and children staring to behold him, the souldiers first all
in fyle performed the forme of a Bissom so well as could be, and on each
flanke, officers as Serjeants to see them keepe their orders. A good time
they continued this exercise, and then cast themselves in a ring, dauncing
in such severall Postures, and singing and yelling out such hellish notes
and screeches; being strangely painted, every one his quiver of Arrowes,
and at his backe a club; on his arme a Fox or an Otters skinne, or some
such matter for his vambrace; their heads and shoulders painted red, with
Oyle and Pocones mingled together, which Scarlet-like colour made an
exceeding handsome shew; his Bow in his hand, and the skinne of a Bird
with her wings abroad dryed, tyed on his head, a peece of copper, a white
shell, a long feather, with a small rattle growing at the tayles of their
snaks tyed to it, or some such like toy. All this while Smith and the
King stood in the middest guarded, as before is said, and after three
dances they all departed. Smith they conducted to a long house, where
thirtie or fortie tall fellowes did guard him, and ere long more bread and
venison was brought him then would have served twentie men, I thinke his
stomacke at that time was not very good; what he left they put in baskets
and tyed over his head. About midnight they set the meate againe before
him, all this time not one of them would eate a bit with him, till the
next morning they brought him as much more, and then did they eate all the
old, & reserved the new as they had done the other, which made him thinke
they would fat him to eat him. Yet in this desperate estate to defend him
from the cold, one Maocassater brought him his gowne, in requitall of some
beads and toyes Smith had given him at his first arrivall in Virginia.
_How he should have been slaine at Orapacks._
Two dayes after a man would have slaine him (but that the guard prevented
it) for the death of his sonne, to whom they conducted him to recover the
poore man then breathing his last. Smith told them that at James towne he
had a water would doe it, if they would let him fetch it, but they would
not permit that; but made all the preparations they could to assault James
towne, craving his advice, and for recompence he should have life,
libertie, land, and women. In part of a Table booke he writ his minde to
them at the Fort, what was intended, how they should follow that direction
to affright the messengers, and without fayle send him such things as he
writ for. And an Inventory with them. The difficultie and danger, he told
the Salvages, of the Mines, great-gunnes, and other Engins exceedingly
affrighted them, yet according to his request they went to James towne, in
as bitter weather as could be of frost and snow, and within three dayes
returned with an answer.
_How he saved James towne from being surprised._
_How they did Conjure him at Pamuankee._ {MN}
But when they came to James towne, seeing men sally out as he had told them
they would, they fled; yet in the night they came againe to the same place
where he had told them they should receive an answer, and such things
[III.48] as he had promised them, which they found accordingly, and with
which they returned with no small expedition, to the wonder of them all
that heard it, that he could either divine, or the paper could speake:
then they led him to the Youthtanunds, the Mattapanients, the
Payankatanks, the Nantaughtacunds, and Onawmanients upon the rivers of
Raphanock, and Patawomek, over all those rivers, and backe againe by
divers other severall Nations, to the Kings habitation at Pamaunkee, {MN}
where they entertained him with most strange and fearefulle Conjurations.
As if neare led to hell,
Amongst the Devils to dwell.
Not long after, early in a morning a great fire was made in a long house,
and a mat spread on the one side, as on the other; on the one they caused
him to sit, and all the guard went out of the house, and presently came
skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted over with coale, mingled with
oyle; and many Snakes and Wesels skins stuffed with mosse, and all their
tayles tyed together, so as they met on the crowne of his head in a
tassell; and round about the tassell was as a Coronet of feathers, the
skins hanging round about his head, backe, and shoulders, and in a manner
covered his face; with a hellish voyce and a rattle in his hand. With most
strange gestures and passions he began his invocation, and environed the
fire with a circle of meale; which done, three more such like devils came
rushing in with the like antique tricks, painted halfe blacke, halfe red:
but all their eyes were painted white, and some red stroakes like
Mutchato's, along their cheekes: round about him those fiends daunced a
pretty while, and then came in three more as ugly as the rest; with red
eyes, and white stroakes over their blacke faces, at last they all sat
downe right against him; three of them on the one hand of the chiefe
Priest, and three on the other. Then all with their rattles began a song,
which ended, the chiefe Priest layd downe five wheat cornes: then
strayning his armes and hands with such violence that he sweat, and his
veynes swelled, he began a short Oration: at the conclusion they all gave
a short groane; and then layd down three graines more. After that, began
their song againe, and then another Oration, ever laying downe so many
cornes as before, till they had twice incirculed the fire; that done, they
tooke a bunch of little stickes prepared for that purpose, continuing
still their devotion, and at the end of every song and Oration, they layd
downe a sticke betwixt the divisions of Corne. Till night, neither he nor
they did either eate or drinke, and then they feasted merrily, with the
best provisions they could make. Three dayes they used this Ceremony; the
meaning whereof they told him was to know if he intended them well or no.
The circle of meale signified their Country, the circles of corne the
bounds of the Sea, and the stickes his Country. They imagined the world to
be flat and round, like a trencher, and they in the middest. After this
they brought him a bagge of gunpowder, which they carefully preserved till
the next spring, to plant as they did their corne; because they would be
acquainted with the nature of that seede.
Opitchapam the Kings brother invited him to his house, where, with as many
platters of bread, foule, and wild beasts; as did environ him, he bid him
wellcome; but not any of them would eate a bit with him, but put up all
the remainder in Baskets. At his returne to Opechancanoughs, all the Kings
women, and their children, flocked about him for their parts, as a due by
Custome, to be merry with such fragments.
But his waking mind in hydeous dreames did oft see wondrous shapes,
Of bodies strange, and huge in growth, and of stupendious makes.
_How Powhatan entertained him._
_How Pocahontas saved his life_ {MN}
At last they brought him to Meronocomo, where was Powhatan their Emperor.
Here more then two hundred of those grim Courtiers stood wondering at him,
as he had beene a monster; till Powhatan and his trayne had put themselves
in their greatest braveries. Before a fire upon a seat like a bedsted, he
sat covered with a great robe, made of Rarowcun skinnes, and all the
tayles hanging by. On either hand did sit a young wench of 16 or 18
yeares, and along on each side the house, two rowes of [III.49] men, and
behind them as many women, with all their heads and shoulders painted red;
many of their heads bedecked with the white downe of Birds; but every one
with something: and a great chayne of white beads about their necks. At
his entrance before the King, all the people gave a great shout. The
Queene of Appamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands,
and another brought him a bunch of feathers, in stead of a Towell to dry
them; having feasted him after their best barbarous manner they could, a
long consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were
brought before Powhatan: then as many as could layd hands on him, dragged
him to them, and thereon laid his head, and being ready with their clubs,
to beate out his braines, {MN} Pocahontas the Kings dearest daughter, when
no intreaty could prevaile, got his head in her armes, and laid her owne
upon his to save him from death: whereat the Emperour was contented he
should live to make him hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper; for
they thought him as well of all occupations as themselves. For the King
himselfe will make his owne robes, shooes, bowes, arrowes, pots; plant,
hunt, or doe any thing so well as the rest.
They say he bore a pleasant shew,
But sure his heart was sad.
For who can pleasant be, and rest,
That lives in feare and dread:
And having life suspected, doth
It still suspected lead.
_How Powhatan sent him to James Towne._ {MN-1}
_The third project to abandon the Countrey._ {MN-2}
Two dayes after, Powhatan having disguised himselfe in the most fearefull
manner he could, caused Capt. Smith to be brought forth to a great house
in the woods, and there upon a mat by the fire to be left alone. {MN-1}
Not long after from behinde a mat that divided the house, was made the
most dolefullest noyse he ever heard; then Powhatan more like a devill
then a man with some two hundred more as blacke as himselfe, came unto him
and told him now they were friends, and presently he should goe to James
towne, to send him two great gunnes, and a grynd-stone, for which he would
give him the Country of Capahowosick, and for ever esteeme him as his
sonne Nantaquoud. So to James towne with 12 guides Powhatan sent him. That
night they quarterd in the woods, he still expecting (as he had done all
this long time of his imprisonment) every houre to be put to one death or
other: for all their feasting. But almightie God (by his divine
providence) had mollified the hearts of those sterne Barbarians with
compassion. The next morning betimes they came to the Fort, where Smith
having used the Salvages with what kindnesse he could, he shewed Rawhunt,
Powhatans trusty servant two demi-Culverings & a millstone to carry
Powhatan: they found them some-what too heavie; but when they did see him
discharge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of a great tree
loaded with Isickles, the yce and branches came so tumbling downe, that
the poore Salvages ran away halfe dead with feare. But at last we regained
some conference with them, and gave them such toyes; and sent to Powhatan,
his women, and children such presents, as gave them in generall full
content. {MN-2} Now in James Towne they were all in combustion, the
strongest preparing once more to run away with the Pinnace; which with the
hazzard of his life, with Sakre falcon and musket shot, Smith forced now
the third time to stay or sinke. Some no better then they should be, had
plotted with the President, the next day to have put him to death by the
Leviticall law, for the lives of Robinson and Emry, pretending the fault
was his that had led them to their ends: but he quickly tooke such order
with such Lawyers, that he layd them by the heeles till he sent some of
them prisoners for England. Now ever once in foure or five dayes,
Pocahontas with her attendants, brought him so much provision, that saved
many of their lives, that els for all this had starved with hunger.
Thus from numbe death our good God sent reliefe,
The sweete asswager of all other griefe.
_A true proofe of Gods love to the action._
His relation of the plenty he had seene, especially at Werawocomoco,
[III.50.] and of the state and bountie of Powhatan, (which till that time
was unknowne) so revived their dead spirits (especially the love of
Pocahontas) as all mens feare was abandoned. Thus you may see what
difficulties still crossed any good indevour: and the good successe of the
businesse being thus oft brought to the very period of destruction; yet
you see by what strange means God hath still delivered it. As for the
insufficiency of them admitted in Commission, that error could not be
prevented by the Electors; there being no other choise, and all strangers
to each others education, qualities, or disposition. And if any deeme it a
shame to our Nation to have any mention made of those inormities, let them
peruse the Histories of the Spanyards Discoveries and Plantations, where
they may see how many mutinies, disorders, and dissentions have
accompanied them, and crossed their attempts: which being knowne to be
particular mens offences; doth take away the generall scorne and contempt,
which malice, presumption, covetousnesse, or ignorance might produce; to
the scandall and reproach of those, whose actions and valiant resolutions
deserve a more worthy respect.
_Of two evils the lesse was chosen._ {MN}
Now whether it had beene better for Captaine Smith, to have concluded with
any of those severall projects, to have abandoned the Countrey, with some
ten or twelve of them, who were called the better sort, and have left Mr.
Hunt our Preacher, Master Anthony Gosnoll, a most honest, worthy, and
industrious Gentleman, Master Thomas Wotton, and some 27 others of his
Countrymen to the fury of the Salvages, famine, and all manner of
mischiefes, and inconveniences, (for they were but fortie in all to keepe
possession of this large Country;) or {MN} starve himselfe with them for
company, for want of lodging: or but adventuring abroad to make them
provision, or by his opposition to preserve the action, and save all their
lives; I leave to the censure of all honest men to consider. But
We men imagine in our Jolitie,
That 'tis all one, or good or bad to be.
But then anone wee alter this againe,
If happily wee feele the sence of paine;
For then we're turn'd into a mourning vaine.
Written by Thomas Studley, the first Cape Merchant in Virginia, Robert
Fenton, Edward Harrington, and J. S.
Chap. III.
The Arrivall of the first supply, with their
Proceedings, and the Ships returne.
A. D. 1607
_The Phoenix from Cape Henry forced to the West Indies._ {MN}
All this time our care was not so much to abandon the Countrey; but the
Treasurer and Councell in England, were as diligent & carefull to supply
us. Two good ships they sent us, with neare a hundred men, well furnished
with all things could be imagined necessary, both for them and us; The one
commanded by Captaine Newport: the other by Captaine Francis Nelson, an
honest man, and an expert Marriner. {MN} But such was the lewardnesse of
his Ship (that though he was within the sight of Cape Henry) by stormy
contrary winds was he forced so farre to Sea, that the West Indies was the
next land, for the repaire of his Masts, and reliefe of wood and water.
But Newport got in and arrived at James Towne, not long after the
redemption of Captaine Smith. To whom the Salvages, as is sayd, every
other day repaired, with such provisions that sufficiently did serve them
from hand to mouth: part alwayes they brought him as Presents from their
Kings, or Pocahontas; the rest he as their Market Clarke set the price
himselfe, how they should sell: so he had inchanted these poore [III.51.]
soules being their prisoner; and now Newport, whom he called his Father
arriving, neare as directly as he foretold, they esteemed him as an
Oracle, and had them at that submission he might command them what he
listed. That God that created all things they knew he adored for his God:
they would also in their discourses tearme the God of Captaine Smith.
_Their opinion of our God._
Thus the Almightie was the bringer on,
The guide, path, terme, all which was God alone.
_Smiths revisting Powhatan_ {MN}
But the President and Councell so much envied his estimation among the
Salvages, (though we all in generall equally participated with him of the
good thereof,) that they wrought it into the Salvages understandings (by
their great bounty in giving foure times more for their commodities then
Smith appointed) that their greatnesse and authoritie as much exceeded
his, as their bountie and liberalitie. Now the arrivall of this first
supply so overjoyed us, that wee could not devise too much to please the
Marriners. We gave them libertie to trucke or trade at their pleasures.
But in a short time it followed, that could not be had for a pound of
Copper, which before was sould us for an ounce: thus ambition and
sufferance cut the throat of our trade, but confirmed their opinion of the
greatnesse of Capt. Newport, (wherewith Smith had possessed Powhatan)
especially by the great presents Newport often sent him, before he could
prepare the Pinnace to goe and visit him: so that this great Savage
desired also to see him. A great coyle there was to set him forward. {MN}
When he went he was accompanied with Captaine Smith, & Mr. Scrivener, a
very wise understanding Gentleman, newly arrived and admitted of the
Councell, with thirtie or fortie chosen men for their guard. Arriving at
Werowocomoco, Newports conceit of this great Savage bred many doubts and
suspitions of trecheries, which Smith to make appeare was needlesse, with
twentie men well appointed, undertooke to encounter the worst that could
happen: Knowing
All is but one, and selfe-same hand, that thus
Both one while scourgeth, and that helpeth us.
Gent.
Nathaniell Powell, Richard Wyffin.
Robert Behethland. John Taverner.
Michell Phittiplace. William Dyer.
William Phittiplace. Thomas Coe.
Anthony Gosnoll. Thomas Hope.
Anas Todkill.
_Powhatan his entertainment._ {MN-1}
_The exchange of a Christian for a Salvage._ {MN-2}
These, with nine others (whose names I have forgotten) comming a-shore,
landed amongst a many of creekes, over which they were to passe such poore
bridges, onely made of a few cratches, thrust in the ose, and three or
foure poles laid on them, and at the end of them the like, tyed together
onely with barkes of trees, that it made them much suspect those bridges
were but traps. Which caused Smith to make diverse Salvages goe over
first, keeping some of the chiefe as hostage till halfe his men were
passed, to make a guard for himselfe and the rest. But finding all things
well, by two or three hundred Salvages they were kindly conducted to their
towne. {MN-1} Where Powhatan strained himselfe to the utmost of his
greatnesse to entertaine them, with great shouts of joy, Orations of
protestations; and with the most plenty of victualls he could provide to
feast them. Sitting upon his bed of mats, his pillow of leather imbrodered
(after their rude manner with pearle and white Beads) his attyre a faire
robe of skinnes as large as an Irish mantell: at his head and feete a
handsome young woman: on each side his house sat twentie of his
Concubines, their heads and shoulders painted red, with a great chaine of
white beads about each of their neckes. Before those sat his chiefest men
in like order in his arbour-like house, and more then fortie platters of
fine bread stood as a guard in two fyles on each side the doore. Foure or
five hundred people made a guard behinde them for our passage; and
Proclamation was made, none upon paine of death to presume to doe us any
wrong or discourtesie. With many pretty Discourses to renew their old
acquaintance, [III.52] this great King and our Captaine spent the time,
till the ebbe left our Barge aground. Then renewing their feasts with
feates, dauncing and singing, and such like mirth, we quartered that night
with Powhatan. The next day Newport came a shore and received as much
content as those people could give him: {MN-2} a boy named Thomas Salvage
was then given unto Powhatan, whom Newport called his sonne; for whom
Powhatan gave him Namontack his trustie servant, and one of a shrewd,
subtill capacitie. Three or foure dayes more we spent in feasting,
dauncing, and trading, wherein Powhatan carried himselfe so proudly, yet
discreetly (in his salvage manner) as made us all admire his naturall
gifts, considering his education. As scorning to trade as his subjects did;
he bespake Newport in this manner.
_Powhatans speech._
_Differences of opinion._ {MN-1}
_James towne burnt._ {MN-2}
_A ship Idely loytering 14. weekes._ {MN-3}
_The effect of mere verbalists._ {MN-4}
_A needlesse charge._ {MN-5}
_A return to England._ {MN-6}
Captaine Newport it is not agreeable to my greatnesse, in this pedling
manner to trade for trifles; and I esteeme you also a great Werowance.
Therefore lay me downe all your commodities together; what I like I will
take, and in recompence give you what I thinke fitting their value.
Captaine Smith being our interpreter, regarding Newport as his father,
knowing best the disposition of Powhatan, tould us his intent was but
onely to cheate us; yet Captaine Newport thinking to out brave this
Salvage in ostentation of greatnesse, and so to bewitch him with his
bountie, as to have what he listed, it so hapned, that Powhatan having his
desire, valued his corne at such a rate, that I thinke it better cheape in
Spaine: for we had not foure bushells for that we expected to have twentie
hogsheads. {MN-1} This bred some unkindnesse betweene our two Captaines;
Newport seeking to please the unsatiable desire of the Salvage, Smith to
cause the Salvage to please him; but smothering his distast to avoyd the
Salvages suspition, glanced in the eyes of Powhatan many trifles, who
fixed his humor upon a few blew beades. A long time he importunately
desired them, but Smith seemed so much the more to affect them, as being
composed of a most rare substance of the coulour of the skyes, and not to
be worne but by the greatest kings in the world. This made him halfe madde
to be the owner of such strange Jewells: so that ere we departed, for a
pound or two of blew beades, he brought over my king for 2. or 300.
Bushells of corne; yet parted good friends. The like entertainment we
found of Opechankanough king of Pamaunkee, whom also he in like manner
fitted (at the like rates) with blew beads, which grew by this meanes, of
that estimation, that none durst weare any of them but their great kings,
their wives and children. And so we returned all well to James towne,
{MN-2} where this new supply being lodged with the rest, accidentally
fired their quarters and so the towne, which being but thatched with
reeds, the fire was so fierce as it burnt their Pallisado's, (though eight
or ten yards distant) with their Armes, bedding, apparell, and much
private provision. Good Master Hunt our Preacher lost all his Library and
all he had but the cloathes on his backe: yet none never heard him repine
at his losse. This happned in the winter in that extreame frost, 1607.
{MN-3} Now though we had victuall sufficient I meane onely of Oatmeale,
meale and corne, yet the Ship staying 14. weekes when shee might as wel
have beene gone in 14. dayes, spent a great part of that, and neare all
the rest that was sent to be landed. When they departed what there
discretion could spare us, to make a little poore meale or two, we called
feastes, to relish our mouthes: of each somwhat they left us, yet I must
confesse, those that had either money, spare clothes credit to give billes
of paiment, gold rings, furrs, or any such commodities, were ever welcome
to this removing taverne, such was our patience to obay such vile
Commanders, and buy our owne provisions at 15 times the value, suffering
them feast (we bearing the charge) yet must not repine, but fast, least we
should incurre the censure of factious and seditious persons: and then
leakage, ship-rats, and other casuallties occasioned them losse, but the
vessels and remnants (for totals) we were glad to receave with all our
hearts to make up the account, highly commending their providence for
preserving that, least they should discourage any more to come to us. Now
for all this plenty our ordynary was but meale and water, so that this
great charge little releeved our wants, whereby with the extremitie of the
bitter cold frost and those [III.53.] defects, more then halfe of us dyed;
I cannot deny but both Smith and Skrivener did their best to amend what
was amisse, but with the President went the major part, that there hornes
were to short. {MN-4} But the worst was our guilded refiners with their
golden promises made all men their slaves in hope of recompences; there
was no talke, no hope, no worke, but dig gold, wash gold, refine gold,
loade gold, such a bruit of gold, that one mad fellow desired to be buried
in the sands least they should by there art make gold of his bones: little
neede there was and lesse reason, the ship should stay, there wages run
on, our victualls consume 14. weekes, that the Mariners might say, they
did helpe to build such a golden Church that we can say the raine washed
neere to nothing in 14. dayes. {MN-5} Were it that captaine Smith would
not applaude all those golden inventions, because they admitted him not to
the sight of their trialls nor golden consultations, I know not; but I
have heard him oft question with Captaine Martin & tell him, except he
could shew him a more substantiall triall, he was not inamoured with their
durty skill, breathing out these and many other passions, never any thing
did more torment him, then to see all necessary busines neglected, to
fraught such a drunken ship with so much guilded durt. Till then we never
accounted, Captaine Newport a refiner, {MN-6} who being ready to set saile
for England, & we not having any use of Parliaments, Plaies, Petitions,
Admiralls, Recorders, Interpreters, Chronologers, Courts of Plea, nor
Justices of peace, sent Master Wingfield and Captaine Archer home with
him, that had ingrossed all those titles, to seeke some better place of
imployment.
Oh cursed gold those, hunger-starved movers,
To what misfortunes lead'st thou all those lovers!
For all the China wealth, nor Indies can
Suffice the minde of an av'ritious man.
Chap. IIII.
The Arrivall of the Phoenix; her returne; and
other Accidents.
_The rebuilding James Towne._ {MN-1}
_Sixtie appointed to discover the Monacans._ {MN-2}
The authoritie now consisting in Captaine Martin, and the still sickly
President, the sale of the Stores commodities maintained his estate, as an
inheritable revenew. {MN-1} The spring approaching, and the Ship
departing, Mr. Scrivener and Captaine Smith devided betwixt them the
rebuilding James towne; the repairing our Pallizadoes; the cutting downe
trees; preparing our fields; planting our corne, and to rebuild our
Church, and recover our Store house. All men thus busie at their severall
labours, Master Nelson arrived with his lost Phoenix; lost (I say) for
that we all deemed him lost. Landing safely all his men, (so well he had
mannaged his ill hap,) causing the Indian Isles to feede his company, that
his victuall to that we had gotten, as is said before, was neare after our
allowance sufficient for halfe a yeare. He had not any thing but he freely
imparted it, which honest dealing (being a Marriner) caused us admire him:
we would not have wished more then he did for us. Now to relade this ship
with some good tydings, the President (not holding it stood with the
dignitie of his place to leave the Fort) gave order to Captaine Smith to
discover and search the commodities of the Monacans Countrey beyond the
Falls. {MN-2} Sixtie able men was allotted them, the which within six
dayes, Smith had so well trained to their armes and orders, that they
little feared with whom they should incounter: yet so unseasonable was the
time, and so opposit was Captaine Martin to any thing, but onely to
fraught this ship also with his phantasticall gold, as Captaine Smith
rather desired to relade her with Cedar, (which was a present dispatch)
then either with durt, or the hopes and reports of an uncertaine
discovery, which he would performe when they had lesse charge and more
leisure.
But, The God of Heav'n, He eas'ly can [III. 54.]
Immortalize a mortall man,
With glory and with fame.
The same God, ev'n as eas'ly may
Afflict a mortall man, I say,
With sorrow and with shame.
Whilst the conclusion was a resolving, this hapned.
_An ill example to sell swords to Salvages._
_The Presidents weaknesse._ {MN-1}
_Smiths attempt to suppresse the Salvages insolences._ {MN-2}
_Powhatans excuse._ {MN-3}
Powhatan (to expresse his love to Newport) when he departed, presented him
with twentie Turkies, conditionally to returne him twentie swords, which
immediately was sent him; now after his departure he presented Captaine
Smith with the like luggage, but not finding his humor obeyed in not
sending such weapons as he desired, he caused his people with twentie
devices to obtaine them. At last by ambuscadoes at our very Ports they
would take them perforce, surprise us at worke, or any way; which was so
long permitted, they became so insolent there was no rule; the command
from England was so strait not to offend them, {MN-1} as our
authoritie-bearers (keeping their houses) would rather be any thing then
peace-breakers. This charitable humor prevailed, till well it chanced they
medled with Captaine Smith, {MN-2} who without farther deliberation gave
them such an incounter, as some he so hunted up and downe the Isle, some
he so terrified with whipping, beating, and imprisonment, as for revenge
they surprised two of our forraging disorderly souldiers, and having
assembled their forces, boldly threatned at our Ports to force Smith to
redeliver seven Salvages, which for their villanies he detained prisoners,
or we were all but dead men. But to try their furies he sallied out
amongst them, and in lesse then an houre, he so hampred their insolencies,
they brought them his two men, desiring peace without any further
composition for their prisoners. Those he examined, and caused them all
beleeve, by severall vollies of shot one of their companions was shot to
death, because they would not confesse their intents and plotters of those
villanies. And thus they all agreed in one point, they were directed onely
by Powhatan to obtaine him our weapons, to cut our owne throats, with the
manner where, how, and when, which we plainly found most true and
apparant: {MN-3} yet he sent his messengers, and his dearest daughter
Pocahontas with presents to excuse him of the injuries done by some rash
untoward Captaines his subjects, desiring their liberties for this time,
with the assurance of his love for ever. After Smith had given the
prisoners what correction he thought fit, used them well a day or two
after, & then delivered them Pocahontas, for whose sake onely he fayned to
have saved their lives, and gave them libertie. The patient Councell that
nothing would move to warre with the Salvages, would gladly have wrangled
with Captaine Smith for his crueltie, yet none was slaine to any mans
knowledge, but it brought them in such feare and obedience, as his very
name would sufficiently affright them; where before, wee had sometime
peace and warre twice in a day, and very seldome a weeke, but we had some
trecherous villany or other.
_A ship fraught with Cedar._
The fraught of this Ship being concluded to be Cedar, by the diligence of
the Master, and Captaine Smith, she was quickly reladed: Master Scrivener
was neither idle nor slow to follow all things at the Fort; the Ship being
ready to set sayle, Captaine Martin being alwayes very sickly, and
unserviceable, and desirous to injoy the credit of his supposed Art of
finding the golden Mine, was most willingly admitted to returne for
England. For
He hath not fill'd his lapp,
That still doth hold it oap.
From the writings of Thomas Studley,
and Anas Todkill.
1608.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
Their Names that were landed in this Supply. [III. 55.]
Mathew Scrivener appointed to be one of the Councell.
Gent.
Michaell Phittiplace. Doctor Russell.
William Phittiplace. Jeffrey Abbot.
Ralph Morton. Edward Gurgana.
Richard Wyffing. Richard Worley.
John Taverner. Timothy Leeds.
William Cantrell. Richard Killingbeck.
Robert Barnes. William Spence.
Richard Fetherstone. Richard Prodger.
George Hill. Richard Pots.
George Pretty. Richard Mullinax.
Nathaniell Causy. William Bayley.
Peter Pory. Francis Perkins.
Robert Cutler. John Harper.
Michaell Sicklemore. George Forest.
William Bentley. John Nichols.
Thomas Coe. William Grivell.
Labourers.
Raymond Goodison. Nicholas Ven.
William Simons. Francis Perkins.
John Spearman. Richard Gradon.
Richard Bristow. Rawland Nelstrop.
William Perce. Richard Savage.
James Watkins. Thomas Savage.
John Bouth. Richard Milmer.
Christopher Rods. William May.
Richard Burket. Vere.
James Burre. Michaell.
Bishop Wiles.
Taylers.
Thomas Hope. William Yong.
William Ward. William Beckwith.
John Powell. Larence Towtales.
Apothecaries.
Thomas Field. John Harford.
Danl: Stallings, Jeweller. Richard Belfield,
Will: Dawson, a refiner. a Goldsmith.
Abram Ransack, a refiner. Post Ginnat, a Chirurg.
Wil: Johnson, a Goldsmith. John Lewes, a Cooper.
Peter Keffer, a gunsmith. Robert Cotton, a Tobacco
Rob: Alberton, a perfumer. pipe-maker.
Richard Dole, a Blacksmith.
And divers others to the number of 120.
DISCOVERY OF THE CHESAPEAKE
A.D. 1608.
Chapter V.
The Accidents that hapned in the Discovery of
the Bay of Chisapeack.
The prodigalitie of the Presidents state went so deepe into our small
store, that Smith and Scrivener tyed him and his Parasites to the rules of
proportion. But now Smith being to depart, the Presidents authoritie so
overswayed the discretion of Mr. Scrivener, that our store, our time, our
strength and labours were idely consumed to fulfill his phantasies. The
second of June 1608. Smith left the Fort to performe his Discovery with
this Company.
Walter Russell, Doctor of Physicke.
Gentlemen.
Ralfe Murton. Richard Fetherston.
Thomas Momford. James Burne.
William Cantrill. Michell Sicklemore.
Souldiers.
Jonas Profit. James Watkins.
Anas Todkill. John Powell.
Robert Small. James Read.
Richard Keale.
_A strange mortalitie of Salvages._ {MN-1}
_Russels Isles._ {MN-2}
_Wighcocomoco._ {MN-3}
_An extreame want of fresh water._ {MN-4}
These being in an open Barge neare three tuns burthen, leaving the Phoenix
at Cape Henry, they crossed the Bay to the Easterne shore, and fell with
the Isles called Smiths Isles, after our Captaines name. The first people
we saw were two grim and stout Salvages upon Cape Charles, with long poles
like Javelings, headed with bone, they [III.56.] boldly demanded what we
were, and what we would; but after many circumstances they seemed very
kinde, and directed us to Accomack, the habitation of their Werowance,
where we were kindly intreated. This King was the comliest, proper, civill
Salvage we incountred. His Country is a pleasant fertile clay soyle, some
small creekes; good Harbours for small Barks, but not for Ships. {MN-1} He
told us of a strange accident lately happened him, and it was, two
children being dead; some extreame passions, or dreaming visions,
phantasies, or affection moved their parents againe to revisit their dead
carkases, whose benummed bodies reflected to the eyes of the beholders
such delightfull countenances, as though they had regained their vitall
spirits. This as, a miracle drew many to behold them, all which being a
great part of his people, not long after dyed, and but few escaped. They
spake the language of Powhatan, wherein they made such descriptions of the
Bay, Isles, and rivers, that often did us exceeding pleasure. Passing
along the coast, searching every inlet, and Bay, fit for harbours and
habitations. Seeing many Isles in the midst of the Bay we bore up for
them, but ere we could obtaine them, such an extreame gust of wind, rayne,
thunder, and lightening happened, that with great danger we escaped the
unmercifull raging of that Ocean-like water. {MN-2} The highest land on
the mayne, yet it was but low, we called Keales hill, and these
uninhabited Isles, Russels Isles. {MN-3} The next day searching them for
fresh water, we could find none, the defect whereof forced us to follow
the next Easterne Channell, which brought us to the river of Wighcocomoco.
The people at first with great fury seemed to assault us, yet at last with
songs and daunces and much mirth became very tractable, but searching
their habitations for water, we could fill but three barricoes, & that
such puddle, that never till then we ever knew the want of good water.
{MN-4} We digged and searched in many places, but before two daies were
expired, we would have refused two barricoes of gold for one of that
puddle water of Wighcocomoco. Being past these Isles which are many in
number, but all naught for habitation, falling with a high land upon the
mayne, we found a great Pond of fresh water, but so exceeding hot wee
supposed it some bath; that place we called poynt Ployer, in honor of that
most honourable House of Mousay in Britaine, that in an extreame
extremitie once relieved our Captaine. From Wighcocomoco to this place,
all the coast is low broken Isles of Mira's, growne a myle or two in
breadth, and ten or twelve in length, good to cut for hay in Summer, and
to catch fish and foule in Winter: but the Land beyond them is all covered
over with wood, as is the rest of the Country.
_Their Barge neare sunke in a gust._ {MN-1}
_Cuskarawaock._ {MN-2}
_The first notice of the Massawomeks._ {MN-3}
_Bolus River._ {MN-4}
Being thus refreshed in crossing over from the maine to other Isles, we
discovered the winde and waters so much increased with thunder, lightning,
and raine, {MN-1} that our mast and sayle blew overbord and such mighty
waves overracked us in that small barge that with great labour we kept her
from sinking by freeing out the water. Two dayes we were inforced to
inhabite these uninhabited Isles which for the extremitie of gusts,
thunder, raine, stormes, and ill wether we called Limbo. Repairing our
saile with our shirts, {MN-2} we set sayle for the maine and fell with a
pretty convenient river on the East called Cuskarawaok, the people ran as
amazed in troups from place to place, and divers got into the tops of
trees, they were not sparing of their arrowes, nor the greatest passion
they could expresse of their anger. Long they shot, we still ryding at an
Anchor without there reatch making all the signes of friendship we could.
The next day they came unarmed, with every one a basket, dancing in a
ring, to draw us on shore: but seeing there was nothing in them but
villany, we discharged a volly of muskets charged with pistoll shot,
whereat they all lay tumbling on the grownd, creeping some one way, some
another into a great cluster of reedes hard by; where there companies lay
in Ambuscado. Towards the evening we wayed, & approaching the shoare,
discharging five or six shot among the reedes, we landed where there lay a
many of baskets and much bloud, but saw not a Salvage. A smoake appearing
on the other side the river, we rowed thither, where we found two or three
little houses, in each a fire, there we left some peeces of copper, beads,
bells, and looking glasses, and then went into the bay, but when it was
darke we came backe againe. Early, [III.57.] in the morning foure Salvages
came to us in their Canow whom we used with such courtesie, not knowing
what we were, nor had done, having beene in the bay a fishing, bade us
stay and ere long they would returne, which they did and some twentie more
with them; with whom after a little conference, two or three thousand men
women & children came clustring about us, every one presenting us with
something, which a little bead would so well requite, that we became such
friends they would contend who should fetch us water, stay with us for
hostage, conduct our men any whither, and give us the best content. Here
doth inhabite the people of Sarapinagh, Nause, Arseek, and Nantaquak the
best Marchants of all other Salvages. {MN-3} They much extolled a great
nation called Massawomekes, in search of whom we returned by Limbo: this
river but onely at the entrance is very narrow, and the people of small
stature as them of Wightcocomoco, the Land but low, yet it may prove very
commodious, because it is but a ridge of land betwixt the Bay and the
maine Ocean. Finding this Easterne shore, shallow broken Isles, and for
most part without fresh water, we passed by the straites of Limbo for the
Westerne shore: so broad is the bay here, we could scarce perceive the
great high clifts on the other side: by them we Anchored that night and
called them Riccards Cliftes. 30. leagues we sayled more Northwards not
finding any inhabitants, leaving all the Easterne shore, lowe Islandes,
but overgrowne with wood, as all the Coast beyond them so farre as wee
could see: the Westerne shore by which we sayled we found all along well
watered, but very mountanous and barren, the vallies very fertill, but
extreame thicke of small wood so well as trees, and much frequented with
Wolves, Beares, Deere and other wild beasts. {MN-4} We passed many
shallow creekes, but the first we found Navigable for a ship, we called
Bolus, for that the clay in many places under the clifts by the high water
marke, did grow up in red and white knots as gum out of trees; and in some
places so participated together as though they were all of one nature,
excepting the coulour, the rest of the earth on both sides being hard
sandy gravell, which made us thinke it Bole-Armoniack and Terra sigillata.
When we first set sayle some of our Gallants doubted nothing but that our
Captaine would make too much hast home, but having lien in this small
barge not above 12. or 14. dayes, oft tyred at the Oares, our bread
spoyled with wet so much that it was rotten (yet so good were their
stomacks that they could disgest it) they did with continuall complaints
so importune him now to returne, as caused him bespeake them in this
manner.
_Smith's speech to his Souldiers._
_The discovery of Patawomek._ {MN}
Gentlemen if you would remember the memorable history of Sir Ralph Layne,
how his company importuned him to proceed in the discovery of Moratico,
alleadging they had yet a dog, that being boyled with Saxafras leaves,
would richly feede them in their returnes; then what a shame would it be
for you (that have bin so suspitious of my tendernesse) to force me
returne, with so much provision as we have, and scarce able to say where
we have beene, nor yet heard of that we were sent to seeke? You cannot say
but I have shared with you in the worst which is past; and for what is to
come, of lodging, dyet, or whatsoever, I am contented you allot the worst
part to my selfe. As for your feares that I will lose my selfe in these
unknowne large waters, or be swallowed up in some stormie gust; abandon
these childish feares, for worse then is past is not likely to happen: and
there is as much danger to returne as to proceede. Regaine therefore your
old spirits for returne I will not (if God please) till I have seene the
Massawomeks, found Patawomek, or the head of this water you conceit to be
endlesse. {MN} Two or 3. dayes we expected winde & wether, whose adverse
extremities added such discouragement, that three or foure fell sicke,
whose pittifull complaints caused us to returne, leaving the bay some nine
miles broad, at nine and ten fadome water.
_Ambuscadoes of Salvages._ {MN}
The 16. of June we fell with the river Patowomek: feare being gone, and
our men recovered, we were all content to take some paines, to know the
name of that seven mile broad river: for thirtie myles sayle, we could
see no inhabitants: {MN} then we were conducted by two Salvages up a
little bayed creeke, towards Onawmanient, where all the woods were layd
with ambuscado's to the number of three or foure thousand Salvages, so
strangely paynted, grimed and disguised, shouting, yelling and crying as
so many spirits from hell could not have shewed more terrible. Many
bravado's they made, but to appease their fury, our Captaine prepared with
as seeming a willingnesse (as they) to incounter them. But the grazing of
our bullets upon the water (many being shot on purpose they might see
them) with the Ecco of the woods so amazed them, as downe went their bowes
and arrowes; (and exchanging hostage) James Watkins was sent six myles up
the woods to their Kings habitation. We were kindly used of those
Salvages, of whom we understood, they were commanded to betray us, by the
direction of Powhatan, and he so directed from the discontents at James
towne, because our Captaine did cause them stay in their country against
their wills.
_A trecherous project._
_A myne like Antimony._ {MN-1}
_An aboundant plenty of fish._ {MN-2}
The like incounters we found at Patowomek Cecocawonee and divers other
places: but at Moyaones, Nacotchtant and Toags the people did their best
to content us. Having gone so high as we could with the bote, we met
divers Salvages in Canowes, well loaden with the flesh of Beares, Deere
and other beasts, whereof we had part, here we found mighty Rocks, growing
in some places above the grownd as high as the shrubby trees, and divers
other solid quarries of divers tinctures: and divers places where the
waters had falne from the high mountaines they had left a tinctured
spangled skurfe, that made many bare places seeme as guilded. Digging the
grownde above in the highest cliffs of rocks, we saw it was a claie sand
so mingled with yeallow spangles as if it had beene halfe pin-dust. In our
returne inquiring still for this Matchqueon, the king of Patawomeke gave
us guides to conduct us up a little river called Quiyough, up which we
rowed so high as we could. Leaving the bote, with six shot, and divers
Salvages, he marched seven or eight myle before they came to the mine:
leading his hostages in a small chaine they were to have for their paines,
being proud so richly to be adorned. {MN-1} The mine is a great Rocky
mountaine like Antimony; wherein they digged a great hole with shells &
hatchets: and hard by it, runneth a fayre brooke of Christal-like water,
where they wash away the drosse and keepe the remainder, which they put in
little baggs and sell it all over the country to paint there bodyes,
faces, or Idols; which makes them looke like Blackmores dusted over with
silver. With so much as we could carry we returned to our bote, kindly
requiting this kinde king and all his kinde people. The cause of this
discovery was to search this mine, of which Newport did assure us that
those small baggs (we had given him) in England he had tryed to hold halfe
silver; but all we got proved of no value: also to search what furrs, the
best whereof is at Cuscarawaoke, where is made so much Rawranoke or white
beads that occasion as much dissention among the Salvages, as gold and
silver amongst Christians; and what other mineralls, rivers, rocks,
nations, woods, fishings, fruites, victuall, and what other commodities
the land afforded: and whether the bay were endlesse or how farre it
extended: of mines we were all ignorant, but a few Bevers, Otters, Beares,
Martins and minkes we found, {MN-2} and in divers places that aboundance
of fish, lying so thicke with their heads above the water, as for want of
nets (our barge driving amongst them) we attempted to catch them with a
frying pan: but we found it a bad instrument to catch fish with: neither
better fish, more plenty, nor more variety for smal fish, had any of us
ever seene in any place so swimming in the water, but they are not to be
caught with frying pans: some small codd also we did see swim close by the
shore by Smiths Iles, and some as high as Riccards Clifts. And some we
have found dead upon the shore.
_How to deale with the Salvages._
_Captaine Smith neare killed with a Stingray._ {MN}
To express all our quarrels, trecheries and encounters amongst those
Salvages I should be too tedious: but in breefe, at all times we so
incountred them, and curbed their insolencies, that they concluded with
presents to purchase peace; yet we lost not a man: at our first meeting
our Captaine ever observed this order to demand their bowes and arrowes,
swordes, mantells and furrs, with some childe or two for hostage, whereby
we could quickly perceive, when they intended any villany. Having finished
this discovery (though our victuall was neere spent) he intended to see
his imprisonment-acquaintances [III.59.] upon the river of Rapahanock, by
many called Toppahanock, but our bote by reason of the ebbe, chansing to
grownd upon a many shoules lying in the entrances, we spyed many fishes
lurking in the reedes: our Captaine sporting himselfe by nayling them to
the grownd with his sword, set us all a fishing in that manner: thus we
tooke more in one houre then we could eate in a day. {MN} But it chansed
our Captaine taking a fish from his sword (not knowing her condition)
being much of the fashion of a Thornback, but a long tayle like a ryding
rodde, whereon the middest is a most poysoned sting, of two or three
inches long, bearded like a saw on each side, which she strucke into the
wrest of his arme neere an inch and a halfe: no bloud nor wound was seene,
but a little blew spot, but the torment was instantly so extreame, that in
foure houres had so swolen his hand, arme and shoulder, we all with much
sorrow concluded his funerall, and prepared his grave in an Island by, as
himselfe directed: yet it pleased God by a precious oyle Docter Russell at
the first applyed to it when he sounded it with probe (ere night) his
tormenting paine was so well asswaged that he eate of the fish to his
supper, which gave no lesse joy and content to us then ease to himselfe,
for which we called the Island Stingray Isle after the name of the fish.
_The Salvages affrightened with their owne suspition._ {MN-1}
_Needlesse misery at James towne._ {MN-2}
Having neither Chirurgian, nor Chirurgery, but that preservative oyle we
presently set sayles for James towne, passing the mouthes of the rivers of
Payankatank, & Pamaunkee, the next day we safely arrived at Kecougtan.
{MN-1} The simple Salvages seeing our Captaine hurt, and an other bloudy
by breaking his shinne, our numbers of bowes, arrowes, swords, mantles,
and furrs, would needes imagine we had beene at warres (the truth of these
accidents would not satisfie them) but impatiently importuned us to know
with whom. Finding their aptnesse to beleeve we fayled not (as a great
secret) to tell them any thing that might affright them, what spoyle we
had got and made of the Massawomeks. This rumor went faster up the river
then our Barge, that arrived at Waraskoyack the 20 of July; where trimming
her with painted streamers, and such devises as we could, we made them at
James towne jealous of a Spanish Frigot, where we all God be thanked
safely arrived the 21 of July. {MN-2} There we found the last Supply were
all sicke, the rest some lame, some bruised, all unable to doe any thing
but complaine of the pride and unreasonable needlesse crueltie of the
silly President, that had riotously consumed the store: and to fulfill his
follies about building him an unnecessary building for his pleasure in the
woods, had brought them all to that misery; that had we not arrived, they
had as strangely tormented him with revenge: but the good newes of our
Discovery, and the good hope we had by the Salvages relation, that our Bay
had stretched into the South Sea, or somewhat neare it, appeased their
fury; but conditionally that Ratliffe should be deposed, and that
Captaine Smith would take upon him the government, as by course it did
belong. Their request being effected, he substituted Mr. Scrivener his
deare friend in the Presidency, equally distributing those private
provisions the other had ingrossed, appointing more honest officers to
assist master Scrivener (who then lay exceeding sicke of a Callenture) and
in regard of the weaknesse of the company, and heate of the yeare, they
being unable to worke, he left them to live at ease, to recover their
healths, but imbarked himselfe to finish his Discovery.
Written by Walter Russell, Anas Todkill, and Thomas Momford.
Chap. VI.
The Government surrendred to Master Scrivener.
What happened the second Voyage in
discovering the Bay.
The 24 of July, Captaine Smith set forward to finish the discovery with
twelve men: their names were
Gentlemen. [III.60.]
Nathaniell Powell. Michell Sicklemore.
Thomas Momford. James Bourne.
Richard Fetherston. Anthony Bagnall, Chir.
Souldiers.
Jonas Profit. Richard Keale.
Anas Todkill. James Watkins.
Edward Pising. William Ward.
_The Salvages admire fireworks._ {MN-1}
_An Incounter with Massawomeks at the head of the Bay._ {MN-2}
The wind being contrary caused our stay two or three dayes at Kecoughtan:
the King feasted us with much mirth, his people were perswaded we went
purposely to be revenged of the Massawomeks. {MN-1} In the evening we
fired a few rackets, which flying in the ayre so terrified the poore
Salvages, they supposed nothing unpossible we attempted; and desired to
assist us. The first night we anchored at Stingray Isle. The next day
crossed Patawomeks river, and hasted to the river Bolus. We went not much
further before we might see the Bay to divide in two heads, and arriving
there we found it divided in foure, all which we searched so farre as we
could sayle them. {MN-2} Two of them we found inhabited, but in crossing
the Bay, we incountred 7 or 8 Canowes full of Massawomeks, we seeing them
prepare to assault us, left our Oares and made way with our sayle to
incounter them, yet were we but five with our Captaine that could stand,
for within 2 dayes after we left Kecoughtan, the rest (being all of the
last supply) were sicke almost to death, untill they were seasoned to the
Country. Having shut them under our Tarpawling, we put their hats upon
stickes by the Barges side, and betwixt two hats a man with two peeces, to
make us seeme many, and so we thinke the Indians supposed those hats to be
men, for they fled with all possible speed to the shore, and there stayed,
staring at the sayling of our barge till we anchored right against them.
Long it was ere we could draw them to come unto us. At last they sent two
of their company unarmed in a Canow, the rest all followed to second them
if neede required. These two being but each presented with a bell, brought
aboord all their fellowes, presenting our Captaine with venison, beares
flesh, fish, bowes, arrowes, clubs, targets, and beares-skinnes. We
understood them nothing at all, but by signes, whereby they signified unto
us they had beene at warres with the Tockwoghes, the which they confirmed
by showing us their greene wounds, but the night parting us, we imagined
they appointed the next morning to meete, but after that we never saw
them.
_An Incounter with the Tockwoghs._
Entring the river of Tockwogh, the Salvages all armed, in a fleete of
boats, after their barbarous manner, round invironed us; so it chanced one
of them could speake the language of Powhatan, who perswaded the rest to
a friendly parley. But when they saw us furnished with the Massawomeks
weapons, and we faining the invention of Kecoughtan, to have taken them
perforce; they conducted us to their pallizadoed towne, mantelled with the
barkes of trees, with scaffolds like mounts, brested about with brests
very formally. Their men, women, and children with daunces, songs, fruits,
furres, and what they had, kindly welcommed us, spreading mats for us to
sit on, stretching their best abilities to expresse their loves.
_Hatchets from the Sasquesahanocks._
Many hatchets, knives, peeces of iron, and brasse, we saw amongst them,
which they reported to have from the Sasquesahanocks, a mightie people and
mortall enemies with the Massawomeks. The Sasquesahanocks inhabit upon the
chiefe Spring of these foure branches of the Bayes head, two dayes journey
higher then our barge could passe for rocks, yet we prevailed with the
Interpreter to take with him another Interpreter, to perswade the
Sasquesahanocks to come visit us, for their language are different. Three
or foure dayes we expected their returne, then sixtie of those gyant-like
people came downe, with presents of Venison, Tobacco-pipes three foot in
length, Baskets, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes. Five of their chiefe
Werowances came boldly aboord us to crosse the Bay for Tockwhogh, leaving
their men and Canowes; the wind being so high they durst not passe.
_The Sasquesahanocks offer to the English._ {MN}
Our order was daily to have Prayer, with a Psalme, at which solemnitie the
poore Salvages much wondred, our Prayers being done, a while they were
busied with a consultation till they had contrived their businesse.
[III.61.] {MN} Then they began in a most passionate manner to hold up
their hands to the Sunne, with a most fearefull song, then embracing our
Captaine, they began to adore him in like manner: though he rebuked them,
yet they proceeded till their song was finished: which done with a most
strange furious action, and a hellish voyce, began an Oration of their
loves; that ended, with a great painted Beares skin they covered him: then
one ready with a great chayne of white Beads, weighing at least six or
seaven pound, hung it about his necke, the others had 18 mantels, made of
divers sorts of skinnes sowed together; all these with many other toyes
they layd at his feete, stroking their ceremonious hands about his necke
for his Creation to be their Governour and Protector, promising their
aydes, victualls, or what they had to be his, if he would stay with them,
to defend and revenge them of the Massawomeks. But we left them at
Tockwhogh, sorrowing for our departure, yet we promised the next yeare
againe to visit them. Many descriptions and discourses they made us, of
Atquanachuck, Massawomek, & other people, signifying they inhabit upon a
great water beyond the mountaines, which we understood to be some great
lake, or the river of Canada: and from the French to have their hatchets
and Commodities by trade. These know no more of the territories of
Powhatan, then his name, and he as little of them, but the Atquanachuks
are on the Ocean Sea.
The highest mountaine we saw Northward wee called Perigrines mount, and a
rocky river, where the Massawomeks went up, Willowbyes river, in honor of
the towne our Captaine was borne in, and that honorable house the Lord
Willowby, his most honored good friend. The Sasquesahanocks river we
called Smiths falles; the next poynt to Tockwhogh, Pisings poynt; the next
it poynt Bourne. Powells Isles and Smals poynt is by the river Bolus; and
the little Bay at the head Profits poole; Watkins, Reads, and Momfords
poynts are on each side Limbo; Ward, Cantrell, and Sicklemore, betwixt
Patawomek and Pamaunkee, after the names of the discoverers. In all those
places and the furthest we came up the rivers, we cut in trees so many
crosses as we would, and in many places made holes in trees, wherein we
writ notes, and in some places crosses of brasse, to signifie to any,
English-men had beene there.
_Pawtuxunt, R._
Thus having sought all the inlets and rivers worth noting, we returned to
discover the river of Pawtuxunt; these people we found very tractable, and
more civill then any, we promised them, as also the Patawomeks to revenge
them of the Massawomeks, but our purposes were crossed.
_Rapahanock, R._
_The exceeding love of the Salvage Mosco._ {MN-1}
_Our fight with the Rapahanocks._ {MN-2}
In the discovery of this river some call Rapahanock, we were kindly
entertained by the people of Moraughtacund; here we incountered our old
friend Mosco, a lusty Salvage of Wighcocomoco upon the river of Patawomek,
we supposed him some French mans sonne, because he had a thicke blacke
bush beard, and the Salvages seldome have any at all, of which he was not
a little proud, to see so many of his Countrymen. {MN-1} Wood and water he
would fetch us, guide us any whether, cause divers of his Countrymen helpe
us towe against winde or tyde from place to place till we came to
Patawomek: there he rested till we returned from the head of the river,
and occasioned our conduct to the mine we supposed Antimony. And in the
place he fayled not to doe us all the good he could, perswading us in any
case not to goe to the Rapahanocks, for they would kill us for being
friends with the Moraughtacunds that but lately had stolne three of the
Kings women. This we did thinke was but that his friends might onely have
our trade: so we crossed the river to the Rapahanocks. {MN-2} There some
12 or 16 standing on the shore, directed us a little Creeke where was good
landing, and Commodities for us in three or foure Canowes we saw lie
there: but according to our custome, we demanded to exchange a man in
signe of love, which after they had a little consulted, foure or five came
up to the middles, to fetch our man, and leave us one of them, shewing we
need not feare them, for they had neither clubs, bowes, nor arrowes.
Notwithstanding, Anas Todkill, being sent on shore to see if he could
discover any Ambuscadoes, or what they had, desired to goe over the playne
to fetch some wood, but they were unwilling, except we would come into the
Creeke, where the boat might come close ashore. Todkill by degrees
[III.62.] having got some two stones throwes up the playne, perceived two
or three hundred men (as he thought) behind the trees, so that offering to
returne to the Boat, the Salvages assayed to carry him away perforce, that
he called to us we were betrayed, and by that he had spoke the word, our
hostage was over-boord, but Watkins his keeper slew him in the water.
Immediatly we let fly amongst them, so that they fled, & Todkill escaped,
yet they shot so fast that he fell flat on the ground ere he could recover
the boat. Here the Massawomek Targets stood us in good stead, for upon
Mosco's words, we had set them about the forepart of our Boat like a
forecastle, from whence we securely beat the Salvages from off the plaine
without any hurt: yet they shot more then a thousand Arrowes, and then
fled into the woods. Arming our selves with these light Targets (which are
made of little small sticks woven betwixt strings of their hempe and silke
grasse, as is our Cloth, but so firmely that no arrow can possibly pierce
them:) we rescued Todkill, who was all bloudy by some of them who were
shot by us that held him, but as God pleased he had no hurt; and following
them up to the woods, we found some slaine, and in divers places much
bloud. It seems all their arrowes were spent, for we heard no more of
them. Their Canows we tooke; the arrowes we found we broke, save them we
kept for Mosco, to whom we gave the Canowes for his kindnesse, that
entertained us in the best triumphing manner, and warlike order in armes
of conquest he could procure of the Moraughtacunds.
_The Salvages disguised like bushes fight._ {MN}
The rest of the day we spent in accomodating our Boat, in stead of thoules
wee made stickes like Bedstaves, to which we fastened so many of our
Massawomek Targets, that invironed her as wast clothes. The next morning
we went up the river, and our friend Mosco followed us along the shore,
and at last desired to goe with us in our Boat. But as we passed by
Pisacack, Matchopeak, and Mecuppom, three Townes situated upon high white
clay clifts; the other side all a low playne marish, and the river there
but narrow. {MN} Thirtie or fortie of the Rapahanocks, had so accommodated
themselves with branches, as we tooke them for little bushes growing
among the sedge, still seeing their arrowes strike the Targets, and
dropped in the river: whereat Mosco fell flat in the Boat on his face,
crying the Rapahanocks, which presently we espied to be the bushes, which
at our first volley fell downe in the sedge: when wee were neare halfe a
myle from them, they shewed themselves dauncing and singing very merrily.
The Kings of Pissassack, Nandtaughtacund, and Cuttatawomen, used us
kindly, and all their people neglected not any thing to Mosco to bring us
to them. Betwixt Secobeck and Massawteck is a small Isle or two, which
causeth the river to be broader then ordinary; there it pleased God to
take one of our Company called Mr. Fetherstone, that all the time he had
beene in this Country, had behaved himselfe, honestly, valiantly, and
industriously, where in a little Bay, we called Fetherstones Bay wee
buryed him with a volley of shot: the rest notwithstanding their ill dyet,
and bad lodging, crowded in so small a Barge, in so many dangers never
resting, but alwayes tossed to and againe, had all well recovered their
healths. The next day wee sayled so high as our Boat would float, there
setting up crosses, and graving our names in the trees. Our sentinell saw
an arrow fall by him, though we had ranged up and downe more then an houre
in digging in the earth, looking of stones, herbs, and springs, not seeing
where a Salvage could well hide himself.
_Our fight with the Mannahocks._
_A Salvage shot and taken prisoner._ {MN-1}
_His relation of their countries._ {MN-2}
_They cannot travell but where the woods are burnt._ [FN]
_How we concluded peace with the foure kings of Monahoke._ {MN-3}
Upon the alarum by that we had recovered our armes, there was about an
hundred nimble Indians skipping from tree to tree, letting fly their
arrows so fast as they could: the trees here served us for Baricadoes as
well as they. But Mosco did us more service then we expected, for having
shot away his quiver of Arrowes, he ran to the Boat for more. The Arrowes
of Mosco at the first made them pause upon the matter, thinking by his
bruit and skipping, there were many Salvages. About halfe an houre this
continued, then they all vanished as suddainly as they approached. Mosco
vanished as suddenly as they approached. Mosco followed them so farre as
he could see us, till they were out of sight. {MN-1} As we returned there
lay a Salvage as dead, shot in the knee, but taking him up we found he
[III.63] had life, which Mosco seeing, never was Dog more furious against
a Beare, then Mosco was to have beat out his braines, so we had him to our
Boat, where our Chirurgian who went with us to cure our Captaines hurt of
the Stingray, so dressed this Salvage that within an houre after he looked
somewhat chearefully, and did eate and speake. In the meane time we
contented Mosco in helping him to gather up their arrowes, which were an
armefull, whereof he gloried not a little. Then we desired Mosco to know
what he was, and what Countries were beyond the mountaines; the poore
Salvage mildly answered, he and all with him were of Hasinninga, where
there are three Kings more, like unto them, namely the King of Stegora,
the King of Tauxuntania, and the King of Shakahonea, that were come to
Mohaskahod, which is onely a hunting Towne, and the bounds betwixt the
Kingdome of the Mannahocks, and the Nandtaughtacunds, but hard by where we
were. We demanded why they came in that manner to betray us, that came to
them in peace, and to seeke their loves; he answered, they heard we were a
people come from under the world, to take their world from them. {MN-2} We
asked him how many worlds he did know, he replyed, he knew no more but His
relation of that which was under the skie that covered him, which were the
Powhatans, with the Monacans, and the Massawomeks, that were higher up in
the mountaines. Then we asked him what was beyond the mountaines, he
answered the Sunne: but of any thing els he knew nothing; because the
woods were not burnt. [FN] These and many such questions wee demanded,
concerning the Massawomeks, the Monacans, their owne Country, and where
were the Kings of Stegora, Tauxsintania, and the rest. The Monacans he
sayd were their neighbours and friends, and did dwell as they in the hilly
Countries by small rivers, living upon rootes and fruits, but chiefly by
hunting. The Massawomeks did dwell upon a great water, and had many boats,
& so many men that they made warre with all the world. For their Kings,
they were gone every one a severall way with their men on hunting: But
those with him came thither a fishing till they saw us, notwithstanding
they would be altogether at night at Mahaskahod. For his relation we gave
him many toyes, with perswasions to goe with us, and he as earnestly
desired us to stay the comming of those Kings that for his good usage
should be friends with us, for he was brother to Hasinninga. But Mosco
advised us presently to be gone, for they were all naught, yet we told him
we would not till it was night. All things we made ready to entertain what
came, & Mosco was as diligent in trimming his arrowes. The night being
come we all imbarked, for the river was so narrow, had it beene light the
land on the one side was so high, they might have done us exceeding much
mischiefe. All this while the K. of Hasinninga was seeking the rest, and
had consultation a good time what to doe. But by their espies seeing we
were gone, it was not long before we heard their arrowes dropping on every
side the Boat; we caused our Salvages to call unto them, but such a
yelling & hallowing they made that they heard nothing, but now and then a
peece, ayming so neare as we could where we heard the most voyces. More
then 12 myles they followed us in this manner; then the day appearing, we
found our selves in a broad Bay, out of danger of their shot, where wee
came to an anchor, and fell to breakfast. Not so much as speaking to them
till the Sunne was risen; being well refreshed, we untyed our Targets that
covered us as a Deck, and all shewed our selves with those shields on our
armes, and swords in our hands, and also our prisoner Amoroleck; a long
discourse there was betwixt his Countrimen and him, how good wee were,
how well wee used him, how wee had a Patawomek with us, loved us as his
life, that would have slain him had we not preserved him, and that he
should have his libertie would they be but friends; and to doe us any hurt
it was impossible. {MN-3} Upon this they all hung their Bowes and Quivers
upon the trees, and one came swimming aboord us with a bow tyed on his
head, and another with a Quiver of Arrowes, which they delivered our
Captaine as a present, the Captaine having used them so kindly as he
could, told them the other three Kings should doe the like, and then the
great King of our world should be their friend, whose men we were. It was
no sooner demanded but performed, so upon a low Moorish poynt [III.64.]
of Land we went to the shore, where those foure Kings came and received
Amoroleck: nothing they had but Bowes, Arrowes, Tobacco-bags, and Pipes:
what we desired, none refused to give us, wondering at every thing we had,
and heard we had done: our Pistols they tooke for pipes, which they much
desired, but we did content them with other Commodities, and so we left
foure or five hundred of our merry Mannahocks, singing, dauncing, and
making merry, and set sayle for Moraughtacund.
_How we became friends with the Rapahanocks._ {MN-1}
_The discovery of Payankatank._ {MN-2}
In our returnes we visited all our friends, that rejoyced much at our
Victory against the Mannahocks, who many times had Warres also with them,
but now they were friends, and desired we would be friends with the
Rapahanocks, {MN-1} as we were with the Mannahocks. Our Captaine told
them, they had twise assaulted him that came onely in love to doe them
good, and therefore he would now burne all their houses, destroy their
corne, and for ever hold them his enemies, till they made him
satisfaction; they desired to know what that should be: he told them they
should present him the Kings Bow and Arrowes, and not offer to come armed
where he was; that they should be friends with the Moraughtacunds his
friends, and give him their Kings sonne in pledge to performe it, and then
all King James his men should be their friends. Upon this they presently
sent to the Rapahanocks to meete him at the place where they first fought,
where would be the Kings of Nantautacund and Pissassac: which according to
their promise were there so soone as we; where Rapahanock presented his
Bow and Arrowes, and confirmed all we desired, except his sonne, having no
more but him he could not live without him, but in stead of his sonne he
would give him the three women Moraughtacund had stolen. This was
accepted: and so in three or foure Canowes, so many as could went with us
to Moraughtacund, where Mosco made them such relations, and gave to his
friends so many Bowes and Arrowes, that they no lesse loved him then
admired us. The 3 women were brought our Captaine, to each he gave a
chayne of Beads: and then causing Moraughtacund, Mosco, and Rapahanock
stand before him, bid Rapahanock take her he loved best, and Moraughtacund
chuse next, & to Mosco he gave the third. Upon this away went their
Canowes over the water, to fetch their venison, and all the provision they
could, and they that wanted Boats swam over the river: the darke commanded
us then to rest. The next day there was of men, women, and children, as we
conjectured, six or seaven hundred, dauncing, & singing, and not a Bow nor
Arrow seene amongst them. Mosco changed his name Uttasantasough, which we
interpret Stranger, for so they call us. All promising ever to be our
friends, and to plant Corne purposely for us; and we to provide hatchets,
beads, and copper for them, we departed, giving them a Volley of shot, and
they us as loud shouts and cryes as their strengths could utter. {MN-2}
That night we anchored in the river of Payankatank, and discovered it so
high as it was navigable, but the people were most a hunting, save a few
old men, women, and children, that were tending their corne, of which they
promised us part when we would fetch it, as had done all the Nations where
ever we had yet beene.
In a fayre calme, rowing towards poynt Comfort, we anchored in Gosnolls
Bay, but such a suddaine gust surprised us in the night with thunder and
rayne, that we never thought more to have seene James Towne. Yet running
before the wind, we sometimes saw the Land by the flashes of fire from
heaven, by which light onely we kept from the splitting shore, untill it
pleased God in that blacke darknesse to preserve us by that light to finde
poynt Comfort: there refreshing our selves, because we had onely but heard
of the Chisapeacks & Nandsamunds, we thought it as fit to know all our
neighbours neare home, as so many Nations abroad.
_A notable trechery of the Nandsamunds._
_The fight with the Chisapeacks and Nandsamunds._ {MN-1}
_How they became friends._ {MN-2}
_The proceeding at James towne._ {MN-3}
So setting sayle for the Southerne shore, we sayled up a narrow river up
the country of Chisapeack; it hath a good channell, but many shoules about
the entrance. By that we had sayled six or seaven myles, we saw two or
three little garden plots with their houses, the shore over-growne with
the greatest Pyne and Firre trees wee ever saw in the Country. But not
seeing nor hearing any people, and the river very narrow, we returned to
the great river, to see if we could finde any of them. Coasting the shore
towards Nandsamund, which is most Oyster-bankes; [III.65] at the mouth of
that river, we espied six or seaven Salvages making their wires, who
presently fled: ashore we went, and where they wrought we threw divers
toyes, and so departed. Farre we were not gone ere they came againe, and
began to sing, and daunce, and recall us: and thus we began our first
acquaintance. At last one of them desired us to goe to his house up that
river, into our Boat voluntarily he came, the rest ran after us by the
shore with all shew of love that could be. Seaven or eight myles we sayled
up this narrow river: at last on the Westerne shore we saw large
Cornefields, in the midst a little Isle, and in it was abundance of Corne;
the people he told us were all a hunting, but in the Isle was his house,
to which he invited us with much kindnesse: to him, his wife, and
children, we gave such things as they seemed much contented them. The
others being come, desired us also to goe but a little higher to see their
houses: here our host left us, the rest rowed by us in a Canow, till we
were so far past the Isle the river became very narrow. Here we desired
some of them to come abord us, wherat pausing a little, they told us they
would but fetch their bows and arrowes and goe all with us, but being
a-shore and thus armed, they perswaded us to goe forward, but we could
neither perswade them into their Canow, nor into our Boat. This gave us
cause to provide for the worst. Farre we went not ere seaven or eight
Canowes full of men armed appeared following us, staying to see the
conclusion. {MN-1} Presently from each side the river came arrowes so fast
as two or three hundred could shoot them, whereat we returned to get the
open. They in the Canowes let fly also as fast, but amongst them we
bestowed so many shot, the most of them leaped overboord and swam ashore,
but two or three escaped by rowing, being against their playnes: our
Muskets they found shot further then their Bowes, for wee made not twentie
shot ere they all retyred behind the next trees. Being thus got out of
their trap, we seised on all their Canowes, and moored them in the midst
of the open. More then an hundred arrowes stucke in our Targets, and about
the boat, yet none hurt, onely Anthony Bagnall was shot in his Hat, and
another in his sleeve. But seeing their multitudes, and suspecting as it
was, that both the Nandsamunds, and the Chisapeacks were together, we
thought it best to ryde by their Canowes a while, to bethinke if it were
better to burne all in the Isle, or draw them to composition, till we were
provided to take all they had, which was sufficient to feed all our
Colony: but to burne the Isle at night it was concluded. {MN-2} In the
interim we began to cut in peeces their Canowes, and they presently to lay
downe their bowes, making signes of peace: peace we told them we would
accept, would they bring us their Kings bowes and arrowes, with a chayne
of pearle; and when we came againe give us foure hundred baskets full of
Corne, otherwise we would breake all their boats, and burne their houses,
and corne, and all they had. To performe all this they alledged onely the
want of a Canow; so we put one a drift & bad them swim to fetch her: and
till they performed their promise, wee would but onely breake their
Canowes. They cryed to us to doe no more, all should be as we would: which
presently they performed, away went their bowes and arrowes, and tagge and
ragge came with their baskets: so much as we could carry we tooke, and so
departing good friends, we returned to James Towne, where we safely
arrived the 7. of September, 1608. {MN-3} There we found Mr. Scrivener,
and divers others well recovered: many dead; some sicke: the late
President prisoner for mutiny: by the honest diligence of Master
Scrivener, the harvest gathered, but the provision in the store much
spoyled with rayne. Thus was that summer (when little wanted) consumed and
spent, and nothing done (such was the government of Captaine Ratliffe) but
onely this discovery; wherein to expresse all the dangers, accidents, and
incounters this small number passed in that small Barge, by the scale of
proportion, about three thousand myles, with such watery dyet in those
great waters and barbarous Countries (till then to any Christian utterly
unknowne) I rather referre their merit to the censure of the courteous and
experienced Reader, then I would be tedious or partiall being a partie.
But to this place to come who will adventure, [III.66.]
With judgements guide and reason how to enter:
Finds in this worlds broad sea, with winde and tyde,
Ther's safer sayle then any where besides.
But 'cause to wanton novices it is
A Province full of fearefulnesse I wiss;
Into the great vast deepe to venter out:
Those shallow rivers let them coast about.
And by a small Boat learne their first, and marke,
How they may come to make a greater Barke.
Written by Anthony Bagnall, Nathanaell
Powell, and Anas Todkill.
A.D. 1608.
Chapter VII.
The Presidency surrendred to Captaine Smith:
the Arrivall and returne of the second Supply.
And what happened.
_Powhatans scorne when his courtesie was most
deserved._ {MN-1}
_No better way to overthrow the business then by
our instructors._ {MN-2}
_A consultation, where all the Councell was against
the President._ {MN-3}
_Capt. Smith goeth with 4. to Powhatan,
when Newport feared with 120._ {MN-4}
The tenth of September, by the Election of the Councell, and request of
the Company, Captaine Smith received the Letters Patents: which till then
by no meanes he would accept, though he was often importuned thereunto.
Now the building of Ratliffes Pallace stayed as a thing needlesse; the
Church was repaired; the Store-house recovered; buildings prepared for the
Supplyes we expected; the Fort reduced to a five-square forme; the order
of the Watch renewed; the squadrons (each setting of the Watch) trained;
the whole Company every Saturday exercised, in the plaine by the west
Bulwarke, prepared for that purpose, we called Smithfield: where sometimes
more then an hundred Salvages would stand in an amazement to behold, how a
fyle would batter a tree, where he would make them a marke to shoot at;
the boats trimmed for trade, which being sent out with Lieutenant Percy,
in their Journey incountred the second Supply, that brought them backe to
discover the Country of Monacan. How or why Captaine Newport obtained such
a private Commission, as not to returne without a lumpe of gold, a
certaintie of the South sea, or one of the lost company sent out by Sir
Walter Raleigh, I know not; nor why he brought such a five peeced Barge,
not to beare us to that South sea, till we had borne her over the
mountaines, which how farre they extend is yet unknowne. {MN-1} As for the
Coronation of Powhatan, and his presents of Bason and Ewer, Bed, Bedstead,
Clothes, and such costly novelties, they had beene much better well spared
then so ill spent, for wee had his favour much better onely for a playne
peece of Copper, till this stately kinde of soliciting, made him so much
overvalue himselfe, that he respected us as much as nothing at all. As for
the hyring of the Poles and Dutch-men, to make Pitch, Tar, Glasse, Milles,
and Sope ashes, when the Country is replenished with people, and
necessaries, would have done well, but to send them and seaventie more
without victualls to worke, was not so well advised nor considered of, as
it should have beene. Yet this could not have hurt us had they beene 200.
though then we were 130 that wanted for our selves. For we had the
Salvages in that decorum (their harvest being newly gathered,) that we
feared not to get victuals for 500. {MN-2} Now was there no way to make us
miserable, but to neglect that time to make provision whilst it was to be
had, the which was done by the direction from England to performe this
strange discovery, but a more strange Coronation to loose that time, spend
that victualls we had, tyre and starve our men, having no meanes to carry
victuals, munition, the hurt or sicke, but on their owne backes. How or by
whom they were invented I know not: but Captaine Newport we onely
accounted the Author, who to effect these projects, had so guilded mens
hopes with great promises, that both Company and Councell concluded his
resolution for the most part: God doth know they little [III.67.] knew
what they did, nor understood their owne estates to conclude his
conclusions, against all the inconveniences the foreseeing President
alledged. {MN-3} Of this Supply there was added to the Councell, one
Captaine Richard Waldo, and Captaine Wynne, two auncient Souldiers, and
valiant Gentlemen, but yet ignorant of the busines, (being but newly
arrived.) Ratliffe was also permitted to have his voyce, & Mr. Scrivener,
desirous to see strange Countries: so that although Smith was President,
yet the Major part of the Councell had the authoritie and ruled it as they
listed. As for clearing Smiths objections, how Pitch and Tarre, Wainscot,
Clapbord, Glasse, and Sope ashes, could be provided, to relade the ship,
or provision got to live withall, when none was in the Country, and that
we had, spent, before the ship departed to effect these projects. The
answer was, Captaine Newport undertooke to fraught the Pinnace of twentie
tunnes with Corne in going and returning in his Discovery, and to
refraught her againe from Werowocomoco of Powhatan. Also promising a great
proportion of victualls from the Ship; inferring that Smiths propositions
were onely devices to hinder his journey, to effect it himselfe; and that
the crueltie he had used to the Salvages, might well be the occasion to
hinder these Designes, and seeke revenge on him. For which taxation all
workes were left, and 120 chosen men were appointed for Newports guard in
this Discovery. But Captaine Smith to make cleare all those seeming
suspitions, that the Salvages were not so desperate as was
pretended by Captaine Newport, and how willing (since by their authoritie
they would have it so) he was to assist them what he could, because the
Coronation would consume much time, he undertooke himselfe their message
to Powhatan, to intreat him to come to James Towne to receive his
presents. {MN-4} And where Newport durst not goe with lesse then 120. he
onely tooke with him Captaine Waldo, Mr. Andrew Buckler, Edward Brendon,
and Samuel Collier: with these foure he went over land to Werowocomoco,
some 12 myles; there he passed the river of Pamaunkee in a Salvage Canow.
Powhatan being 30 myles of, was presently sent for: in the meane time,
Pocahontas and her women entertained Captaine Smith in this manner.
_A Virginia Maske._
In a fayre plaine field they made a fire, before which, he sitting upon a
mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hydeous noise and
shreeking, that the English betooke themselves to their armes, and seized
on two or three old men by them, supposing Powhatan with all his power was
come to surprise them. But presently Pocahontas came, willing him to kill
her if any hurt were intended, and the beholders, which were men, women,
and children, satisfied the Captaine there was no such matter. Then
presently they were presented with this anticke; thirtie young women came
naked out of the woods, onely covered behind and before with a few greene
leaves, their bodies all painted, some of one colour, some of another, but
all differing, their leader had a fayre payre of Bucks hornes on her head,
and an Otters skinne at her girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of
arrowes at her backe, a bow and arrowes in her hand; the next had in her
hand a sword, another a club, another a pot-sticke; all horned alike: the
rest every one with their severall devises. These fiends with most hellish
shouts and cryes, rushing from among the trees, cast themselves in a ring
about the fire, singing and dauncing with most excellent ill varietie, oft
falling into their infernall passions, and solemnly againe to sing and
daunce; having spent neare an houre in this Mascarado, as they entred in
like manner they departed.
_The womens entertainment._
Having reaccommodated themselves, they solemnly invited him to their
lodgings, where he was no sooner within the house, but all these Nymphes
more tormented him then ever, with crowding, pressing, and hanging about
him, most tediously crying, Love you not me? love you not me? This
salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of all the Salvage dainties
they could devise: some attending, others singing and dauncing about them;
which mirth being ended, with fire-brands in stead of Torches they
conducted him to his lodging.
Thus did they shew their feats of armes, and others art in dauncing:
Some other us'd there oaten pipe, and others voyces chanting.
_Captaine Smiths message._
The next day came Powhatan. Smith delivered his [III.68.] message of the
presents sent him, and redelivered him Namontack he had sent for England,
desiring him to come to his Father Newport, to accept those presents, and
conclude their revenge against the Monacans. Whereunto this subtile Savage
thus replyed.
_Powhatans answer._
If your King have sent me Presents, I also am a King, and this is my land:
eight dayes I will stay to receive them. Your Father is to come to me, not
I to him, nor yet to your Fort, neither will I bite at such a bait: as for
the Monacans I can revenge my owne injuries, and as for Atquanachuk, where
you say your brother was slaine, it is a contrary way from those parts you
suppose it; but for any salt water beyond the mountaines, the Relations
you have had from my people are false. Whereupon he began to draw plots
upon the ground (according to his discourse) of all those Regions. Many
other discourses they had (yet both content to give each other content in
complementall Courtesies) and so Captaine Smith returned with this Answer.
_Powhatans Coronation._
Upon this the Presents were sent by water which is neare an hundred myles,
and the Captains went by land with fiftie good shot. All being met at
Werowocomoco, the next day was appointed for his Coronation, then the
presents were brought him, his Bason and Ewer, Bed and furniture set up,
his scarlet Cloke and apparell with much adoe put on him, being perswaded
by Namontack they would not hurt him: but a foule trouble there was to
make him kneele to receive his Crowne, he neither knowing the majesty nor
meaning of a Crowne, nor bending of the knee, endured so many perswasions,
examples, and instructions, as tyred them all; at last by leaning hard on
his shoulders, he a little stooped, and three having the crowne in their
hands put it on his head, when by the warning of a Pistoll the Boats were
prepared with such a volley of shot, that the King started up in a
horrible feare, till he saw all was well. Then remembring himselfe, to
congratulate their kindnesse, he gave his old shooes and his mantell to
Captaine Newport: but perceiving his purpose was to discover the Monacans,
he laboured to divert his resolution, refusing to lend him either men or
guides more then Namontack; and so after some small complementall
kindnesse on both sides, in requitall of his presents he presented Newport
with a heape of wheat eares that might containe some 7 or 8 Bushels, and
as much more we bought in the Towne, wherewith we returned to the Fort.
_The discovery of Monacan._ {MN-1}
_How the Salvages deluded Cap. Newport._ {MN-2}
The Ship having disburdened her selfe of 70 persons, with the first
Gentlewoman and woman servant that arrived in our Colony, Captaine Newport
with 120 chosen men, led by Captaine Waldo, Lieutenant Percie, Captaine
Winne, Mr. West, and Mr. Scrivener, {MN-1} set forward for the discovery
of Monacan, leaving the President at the Fort with about 80. or 90. (such
as they were) to relade the Ship. Arriving at the Falles we marched by
land some fortie myles in two dayes and a halfe, and so returned downe the
same path we went. Two townes we discovered of the Monacans, called
Massinacak and Mowhemenchouch, the people neither used us well nor ill,
yet for our securitie we tooke one of their petty Kings, and led him bound
to conduct us the way. And in our returnes searched many places we
supposed Mines, about which we spent some time in refyning, having one
William Callicut, a refyner fitted for that purpose. From that crust of
earth we digged, he perswaded us to beleeve he extracted some small
quantitie of silver; and (not unlikely) better stuffe might be had for the
digging. With this poore tryall, being contented to leave this fayre,
fertile, well watered Country; and comming to the Falles, the Salvages
fayned there were divers ships come into the Bay, to kill them at James
Towne. {MN-2} Trade they would not, and finde their Corne we could not;
for they had hid it in the woods: and being thus deluded, we arrived at
James Towne, halfe sicke, all complaining, and tyred with toyle, famine,
and discontent, to have onely but discovered our guilded hopes, and such
fruitlesse certainties, as Captaine Smith fortold us.
But those that hunger seeke to slake,
Which thus abounding wealth would rake:
Not all the gemmes of Ister shore,
Nor all the gold of Lydia's store,
Can fill their greedie appetite; [III.69.]
It is a thing so infinite.
_A punishment for swearing._ {MN}
No sooner were we landed, but the President dispersed so many as were
able, some for Glasse, others for Tarre, Pitch, and Sope-ashes, leaving
them with the Fort to the Councels oversight, but 30 of us he conducted
downe the river some 5 myles from James towne, to learne to make Clapbord,
cut downe trees, and lye in woods. Amongst, the rest he had chosen Gabriel
Beadle, and John Russell, the onely two gallants of this last Supply, and
both proper Gentlemen. Strange were these pleasures to their conditions;
yet lodging, eating, and drinking, working or playing, they but doing as
the President did himselfe. All these things were carried so pleasantly as
within a weeke they became Masters: making it their delight to heare the
trees thunder as they fell; but the Axes so oft blistered their tender
fingers, that many times every third blow had a loud othe to drowne the
eccho; {MN} for remedie of which sinne, the President devised how to have
every mans othes numbred, and at night for every othe to have a Cann of
water powred downe his sleeve, with which every offender was so washed
(himselfe and all) that a man should scarce heare an othe in a weeke.
For he who scornes and makes but jests of cursings, and his othe,
He doth contemne, not man but God, nor God, nor man, but both.
30. _Men better than_ 100. {MN}
By this, let no man thinke that the President and these Gentlemen spent
their times as common Wood-haggers at felling of trees, or such other like
labours, or that they were pressed to it as hirelings, or common slaves;
for what they did, after they were but once a little inured, it seemed and
some conceited it, onely as a pleasure and recreation, {MN} yet 30 or 40
of such voluntary Gentlemen would doe more in a day then 100 of the rest
that must be prest to it by compulsion, but twentie good workemen had
beene better then them all.
_The Chickahamania's forced to contribution._
Master Scrivener, Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne at the Fort, every
one in like manner carefully regarded their charge. The President
returning from amongst the woods, seeing the time consumed and no
provision gotten, (and the Ship lay idle at a great charge and did
nothing) presently imbarked himselfe in the discovery barge, giving order
to the Councell to send Lieutenant Percie after him with the next barge
that arrived at the Fort; two Barges he had himselfe and 18 men, but
arriving at Chickahamania, that dogged Nation was too well acquainted with
our wants, refusing to trade, with as much scorne and insolency as they
could expresse. {MN} The President perceiving it was Powhatans policy to
starve us, told them he came not so much for their Corne, as to revenge
his imprisonment, and the death of his men murthered by them, and so
landing his men and readie to charge them, they immediately fled: and
presently after sent their Ambassadors with corne, fish, foule, and what
they had to make their peace, (their Corne being that yeare but bad) they
complained extreamely of their owne wants, yet fraughted our Boats with an
hundred Bushels of Corne, and in like manner Lieutenant Percies, that not
long after arrived, and having done the best they could to content us, we
parted good friends, and returned to James towne.
_A bad reward for well-doing._
Though this much contented the Company, (that feared nothing more then
starving) yet some so envied his good successe, that they rather desired
to hazzard a starving, then his paines should prove so much more
effectuall then theirs. Some projects there were invented by Newport and
Ratliffe, not onely to have deposed him, but to have kept him out of the
Fort; for that being President, he would leave his place and the Fort
without their consents, but their hornes were so much too short to effect
it, as they themselves more narrowly escaped a greater mischiefe.
_A good Taverne in Virginia._
_A bad trade of the masters and saylers._ {MN}
All this time our old Taverne made as much of all them that had either
money or ware as could be desired: by this time they were become so
perfect on all sides (I meane the souldiers, saylers, and Salvages) as
there was tenne times more care to maintaine their damnable and private
trade, then to provide for the Colony things that were of necessary. {MN}
Neither was it a small policy in Newport and the Marriners to report in
England we had such plentie, and bring us so many men without victuals,
when they had so many private Factors in the Fort, that within six or
seaven weeks, of two or three hundred Axes, Chissels, Hows, and Pick-axes,
scarce twentie could be found: and for Pike-heads, shot, Powder, or any
thing they could steale from their fellowes, was vendible; they knew as
well (and as secretly) how to convey them to trade with the Salvages for
Furres, Baskets, Mussaneeks, young Beasts, or such like Commodities, as
exchange them with the Saylers for Butter, Cheese, Beefe, Porke,
Aquavitae, Beere, Bisket, Oatmeale, and Oyle: and then fayne all was sent
them from their friends. And though Virginia affoorded no Furres for the
Store, yet one Master in one voyage hath got so many by this indirect
meanes, as he confessed to have sold in England for 30 L.
Those are the Saint-seeming Worthies of Virginia, that have
notwithstanding all this meate, drinke, and wages; but now they begin to
grow weary, their trade being both perceived and prevented; none hath
beene in Virginia that hath observed any thing, which knowes not this to
be true, and yet the losse, the scorne, the misery, and shame, was the
poore Officers, Gentlemen, and carelesse Governours, who were all thus
bought & sold; the adventurers cousened, and the action overthrowne by
their false excuses, informations, and directions. By this let all men
judge, how this businesse could prosper, being thus abused by such
pilfring occasions. And had not Captaine Newport cryed Peccavi, the
President would have discharged the ship, and caused him to have stayed
one yeare in Virginia, to learne to speake of his owne experience.
_Master Scriveners voyage to Werowocomoco._
Master Scrivener was sent with the Barges and Pinnace to Werowocomoco,
where he found the Salvages more readie to fight then trade; but his
vigilancy was such as prevented their projects, and by the meanes of
Namontack got three or foure hogsheads of Corne, and as much Pocones,
which is a red roote, which then was esteemed an excellent Dye.
Captaine Newport being dispatched, with the tryals of Pitch, Tarre,
Glasse, Frankincense, Sope ashes; with that Clapboord and Waynscot that
could be provided: met with Mr. Scrivener at poynt Comfort, and so
returned for England. We remaining were about two hundred.
The Copy of a Letter sent to the Treasurer and
Councell of Virginia from Captaine Smith,
then President in Virginia.
Right Honorable, &c.
I Received your Letter, wherein you write, that our minds are so set upon
faction, and idle conceits in dividing the Country without your consents,
and that we feed You but with ifs & ands, hopes, & some few proofes; as if
we would keepe the mystery of the businesse to our selves: and that we
must expresly follow your instructions sent by Captain Newport: the charge
of whose voyage amounts to neare two thousand pounds, the which if we
cannot defray by the Ships returne, we are like to remain as banished men.
To these particulars I humbly intreat your Pardons if I offend you with my
rude Answer.
For our factions, unlesse you would have me run away and leave the
Country, I cannot prevent them: because I do make many stay that would els
fly any whether. For the idle Letter sent to my Lord of Salisbury, by the
President and his confederats, for dividing the Country &c. What it was I
know not, for you saw no hand of [III.71] mine to it; nor ever dream't I
of any such matter. That we feed you with hopes, &c. Though I be no
scholer, I am past a schoole-boy; and I desire but to know, what either
you, and these here doe know, but that I have learned to tell you by the
continuall hazard of my life. I have not concealed from you any thing I
know; but I feare some cause you to beleeve much more then is true.
Expresly to follow your directions by Captaine Newport, though they be
performed, I was directly against it; but according to our Commission, I
was content to be over-ruled by the major part of the Councell, I feare to
the hazard of us all; which now is generally confessed when it is too
late. Onely Captaine Winne and Captaine Waldo I have sworne of the
Councell, and Crowned Powhatan according to your instructions.
For the charge of this Voyage of two or three thousand pounds, we have not
received the value of an hundred pounds. And for the quartred Boat to be
borne by the Souldiers over the Falles, Newport had 120 of the best men he
could chuse. If he had burnt her to ashes, one might have carried her in a
bag, but as she is, five hundred cannot, to a navigable place above the
Falles. And for him at that time to find in the South Sea, a Mine of gold;
or any of them sent by Sir Walter Raleigh: at our Consultation I told them
was as likely as the rest. But during this great discovery of thirtie
myles, (which might as well have beene done by one man, and much more, for
the value of a pound of Copper at a seasonable tyme) they had the Pinnace
and all the Boats with them, but one that remained with me to serve the
Fort. In their absence I followed the new begun workes of Pitch and Tarre,
Glasse, Sope-ashes, and Clapboord, whereof some small quantities we have
sent you. But if you rightly consider, what an infinite toyle it is in
Russia and Swethland, where the woods are proper for naught els, and
though there be the helpe both of man and beast in those ancient
Commonwealths, which many an hundred yeares have used it, yet thousands of
those poore people can scarce get necessaries to live, but from hand to
mouth. And though your Factors there can buy as much in a week as will
fraught you a ship, or as much as you please; you must not expect from us
any such matter, which are but a many of ignorant miserable soules, that
are scarce able to get wherewith to live, and defend our selves against
the inconstant Salvages: finding but here and there a tree fit for the
purpose, and want all things els the Russians have. For the Coronation of
Powhatan, by whose advice you sent him such presents, I know not; but this
give me leave to tell you, I feare they will be the confusion of us all
ere we heare from you againe. At your Ships arrivall, the Salvages harvest
was newly gathered, and we going to buy it, our owne not being halfe
sufficient for so great a number. As for the two ships loading of Corne
Newport promised to provide us from Powhatan, he brought us but foureteene
Bushels; and from the Monacans nothing, but the most of the men sicke and
neare famished. From your Ship we had not provision in victuals worth
twenty pound, and we are more then two hundred to live upon this: the one
halfe sicke, the other little better. For the Saylers (I confesse) they
daily make good cheare, but our dyet is a little meale and water, and not
sufficient of that. Though there be fish in the Sea, foules in the ayre,
and Beasts in the woods, their bounds are so large, they so wilde, and we
so weake and ignorant, we cannot much trouble them. Captaine Newport we
much suspect to be the Authour of those inventions. Now that you should
know, I have made you as great a discovery as he, for lesse charge then he
spendeth you every meale; I have sent you this Mappe of the Bay and
Rivers, with an annexed Relation of the Countries and Nations that inhabit
them, [III.72.] as you may see at large. Also two barrels of stones, and
such as I take to be good Iron ore at the least; so devided, as by their
notes you may see in what places I found them. The Souldiers say many of
your officers maintaine their families out of that you send us: and that
Newport hath an hundred pounds a yeare for carrying newes. For every
master you have yet sent can find the way as well as he, so that an
hundred pounds might be spared, which is more then we have all, that helpe
to pay him wages. Cap. Ratliffe is now called Sicklemore, a poore
counterfeited imposture. I have sent you him home, least the company
should cut his throat. What he is, now every one can tell you: if he and
Archer returne againe, they are sufficient to keepe us alwayes in
factions. When you send againe I intreat you rather send but thirty
Carpenters, husbandmen, gardiners, fisher men, blacksmiths, masons, and
diggers up of trees, roots, well provided; then a thousand of such as we
have: for except wee be able both to lodge them, and feed them, the most
will consume with want of necessaries before they can be made good for any
thing. Thus if you please to consider this account, and of the unnecessary
wages to Captaine Newport, or his ships so long lingering and staying here
(for notwithstanding his boasting to leave us victuals for 12 moneths,
though we had 89 by this discovery lame and sicke, and but a pinte of
Corne a day for a man, we were constrained to give him three hogs-heads of
that to victuall him homeward) or yet to send into Germany or Poleland for
glasse-men & the rest, till we be able to sustaine our selves, and relieve
them when they come. It were better to give five hundred pound a tun for
those grosse Commodities in Denmarke, then send for them hither, till more
necessary things be provided. For in over-toyling our weake and unskilfull
bodies, to satisfie this desire of present profit, we can scarce ever
recover our selves from one Supply to another. And I humbly intreat you
hereafter, let us know what we should receive, and not stand to the
Saylers courtesie to leave us what they please, els you may charge us with
what you will, but we not you with any thing. These are the causes that
have kept us in Virginia, from laying such a foundation, that ere this
might have given much better content and satisfaction; but as yet you must
not looke for any profitable returnes: so I humbly rest.
The Names of those in this Supply, were these:
with their Proceedings and Accidents.
Captaine Peter Winne, Captaine Richard Waldo,
were appoynted to be of the Councell.
Master Francis West, brother to the Lord La Warre.
Gent.
Thomas Graves. Henry Collins.
Raleigh Chroshaw. Hugh Wolleston.
Gabriel Beadle. John Hoult.
John Beadle. Thomas Norton.
John Russell. George Yarington.
William Russell. George Burton.
John Cuderington. Thomas Abbay.
William Sambage. William Dowman.
Henry Leigh. Thomas Maxes.
Henry Philpot. Michael Lowick.
Harmon Harrison. Master Hunt.
Daniel Tucker. Thomas Forrest.
John Dauxe
Tradesmen.
Thomas Phelps. Thomas Bradley.
John Prat. John Burras. [III.73.]
John Clarke. Thomas Lavander.
Jeffrey Shortridge. Henry Bell.
Dionis Oconor. Master Powell.
Hugh Winne. David Ellis.
David ap Hugh. Thomas Gibson.
Labourers.
Thomas Dawse. Williams.
Thomas Mallard. Floud.
William Tayler. Morley.
Thomas Fox. Rose.
Nicholas Hancock. Scot.
Walker. Hardwyn.
Boyes.
Milman. Hilliard.
Mistresse Forrest, and Anne Burras her maide; eight Dutch men and Poles,
with some others, to the number of seaventie persons, &c.
_Nandsamund forced to contribution._
_The first marriage in Virginia._ {MN}
These poore conclusions so affrighted us all with famine, that the
President provided for Nandsamund, and tooke with him Captaine Winne, and
Mr. Scrivener, then returning from Captaine Newport. These people also
long denied him not onely the 400 Baskets of Corne they promised, but any
trade at all; (excusing themselves they had spent most they had, and were
commanded by Powhatan to keepe that they had, and not to let us come into
their river) till we were constrained to begin with them perforce. Upon
the discharging of our Muskets they all fled and shot not an Arrow; the
first house we came to we set on fire, which when they perceived, they
desired we would make no more spoyle, and they would give us halfe they
had: how they collected it I know not, but before night they loaded our
three Boats; and so we returned to our quarter some foure myles downe the
River, which was onely the open woods under the lay of a hill, where all
the ground was covered with snow, and hard frozen; the snow we digged away
and made a great fire in the place; when the ground was well dryed, we
turned away the fire; and covering the place with a mat, there we lay very
warme. To keepe us from the winde we made a shade of another Mat; as the
winde turned we turned our shade, and when the ground grew cold we removed
the fire. And thus many a cold winter night have wee laine in this
miserable manner, yet those that most commonly went upon all those
occasions, were alwayes in health, lusty, and fat. For sparing them this
yeare, the next yeare they promised to plant purposely for us; and so we
returned to James towne. {MN} About this time there was a marriage betwixt
John Laydon and Anne Burras; which was the first marriage we had in
Virginia.
_Apamatuck discovered._ {MN}
Long he stayed not, but fitting himselfe and Captaine Waldo with two
Barges. From Chawopoweanock, and all parts thereabouts, all the people
were fled, as being jealous of our intents; {MN} till we discovered the
river and people of Apamatuck; where we found not much, that they had we
equally divided, but gave them copper, and such things as contented them
in consideration. Master Scrivener and Lieutenant Percie went also abroad,
but could find nothing.
The President seeing the procrastinating of time, was no course to live,
resolved with Captaine Waldo (whom he knew to be sure in time of need) to
surprise Powhatan, and all his provision, but the unwillingnesse of
Captaine Winne, and Master Scrivener, for some private respect, plotted in
England to ruine Captaine Smith, did their best to hinder their project;
but the President whom no perswasions could perswade to starve, being
invited by Powhatan to come unto him: and if he would send him but men to
build him a house, give him a gryndstone, fiftie swords, some peeces, a
cock and a hen, with much copper and beads, he would load his Ship with
Corne. The President not ignorant of his devises and subtiltie, yet
unwilling to neglect any opportunitie, presently sent three Dutch-men and
two English, having so small allowance, few were able to doe any thing to
purpose: knowing there needed no better a Castle to effect this project,
tooke order with Captaine Waldo to second him, if need required; Scrivener
he left his substitute, and set forth with the Pinnace, two Barges, and
fortie-six men, which onely were such as voluntarily offered themselves
for his Journey, the which by reason of Mr. Scriveners ill successe, was
censured very desperate, they all knowing Smith would not returne emptie,
if it were to be had; howsoever, it caused many of those that he had
appointed, to find excuses to stay behinde.
A.D. 1608.
Chap. VIII. [III.74]
Captaine Smiths Journey to Pamaunkee.
The twentie-nine of December he set forward for
Werowocomoco: his Company were these;
In the Discovery Barge himselfe.
Gent.
Robert Behethland. Raleigh Chrashow.
Nathanael Graves. Michael Sicklemore.
John Russell. Richard Worley.
Souldiers.
Anas Todkill. Jeffrey Shortridge.
William Love. Edward Pising.
William Bentley. William Ward.
In the Pinnace.
Lieutenant Percie, brother to the Earle of Northumberland.
Master Francis West, brother to the Lord La Warre.
William Phittiplace, Captaine of the Pinnace.
Jonas Profit, Master.
Robert Ford, Clarke of the Councell.
Gent.
Michael Phittiplace. William Tankard.
Jeffrey Abbot, Serjeant. George Yarington.
Souldiers.
James Browne. Thomas Coe.
Edward Brinton. John Dods.
George Burton. Henry Powell.
Thomas Gipson, David Ellis, Nathanael Peacock, Saylers. John Prat, George
Acrig, James Read, Nicholas Hancock, James Watkins, Thomas Lambert, foure
Dutch-men, and Richard Salvage were sent by Land before to build the house
for Powhatan against our Arrivall.
_The good counsell of Warraskoyack._ {MN}
This company being victualled but for three or foure dayes, lodged the
first night at Warraskoyack, where the President tooke sufficient
provision. This kind King did his best to divert him from seeing Powhatan,
but perceiving he could not prevaile, he advised in this manner. {MN}
Captaine Smith, you shall find Powhatan to use you kindly, but trust him
not, and be sure he have no oportunitie to seize on your Armes; for he
hath sent for you onely to cut your throats. The Captaine thanking him for
his good counsell: yet the better to try his love, desired guides to
Chawwonock; for he would send a present to that King, to bind him his
friend. To performe this journey was sent Mr. Sicklemore, a very valiant,
honest, and a painefull Souldier: with him two guides, and directions how
to seeke for the lost company of Sir Walter Raleighs, and silke Grasse.
Then we departed thence, the President assuring the King perpetuall love;
and left with him Samuel Collier his Page to learne the Language.
So this Kings deeds by sacred Oath adjur'd.
More wary proves, and circumspect by ods:
Fearing at least his double forfeiture;
To offend his friends, and sin against his Gods.
_Plentie of victualls._ {MN-1}
148 _Foules killed at three shootes._ {MN-2}
The next night being lodged at Kecoughtan; six or seaven dayes the
extreame winde, rayne, frost and snow caused us to keepe Christmas among
the Salvages, {MN-1} where we were never more merry, nor fed on more
plentie of good Oysters, Fish, Flesh, Wild-foule, and good bread; nor
never had better fires in England, then in the dry, smoaky houses of
Kecoughtan: but departing thence, when we found no houses we were not
curious in any weather to lye three or foure nights together under the
trees by a fire, as formerly is sayd. {MN-2} An hundred fortie eight
foules the President, Anthony Bagnall, and Serjeant Pising did kill at
three shoots. At Kiskiack the frost & contrary winds forced us three or
foure dayes also (to suppresse the insolency of those proud Salvages) to
quarter in their houses, yet guard our Barge, and cause them give us what
we wanted; though we were but twelve and himselfe, yet we never wanted
shelter where we found any houses. The 12 of January we arrived at
Werowocomoco, where the river was frozen neare halfe a myle [III.75.] from
the shore; but to neglect no time, the President with his Barge so far had
approached by breaking the ice, as the ebbe left him amongst those oasie
shoules, yet rather then to lye there frozen to death, by his owne example
he taught them to march neere middle deepe, a flight shot through this
muddy frozen oase. When the Barge floated, he appoynted two or three to
returne her aboord the Pinnace. Where for want of water in melting the ice,
they made fresh water, for the river there was salt. But in this march Mr.
Russell, (whom none could perswade to stay behinde) being somewhat ill,
and exceeding heavie, so overtoyled himselfe as the rest had much adoe
(ere he got ashore) to regaine life into his dead benummed spirits.
Quartering in the next houses we found, we sent to Powhatan for provision,
who sent us plentie of bread, Turkies, and Venison; the next day having
feasted us after his ordinary manner, he began to aske us when we would be
gone: fayning he sent not for us, neither had he any corne; and his people
much lesse: yet for fortie swords he would procure us fortie Baskets. The
President shewing him the men there present that brought him the message
and conditions, asked Powhatan how it chanced he became so forgetfull;
thereat the King concluded the matter with a merry laughter, asking for
our Commodities, but none he liked without gunnes and swords, valuing a
Basket of Corne more precious then a Basket of Copper; saying he could
rate his Corne, but not the Copper.
_Cap. Smiths discourse to Powhatan._
Captaine Smith seeing the intent of this subtill Salvage began to deale
with him after this manner. Powhatan, though I had many courses to have
made my provision, yet beleeving your promises to supply my wants, I
neglected all to satisfie your desire: and to testifie my love, I sent you
my men for your building, neglecting mine owne. What your people had you
have ingrossed, forbidding them our trade: and now you thinke by consuming
the time, we shall consume for want, not having to fulfill your strange
demands. As for swords and gunnes, I told you long agoe I had none to
spare; and you must know those I have can keepe me from want: yet steale
or wrong you I will not, nor dissolve that friendship we have mutually
promised, except you constraine me by our bad usage.
_Powhatans reply and flattery._
The King having attentively listned to this Discourse, promised that both
he and his Country would spare him what he could, the which within two
dayes they should receive. Yet Captaine Smith, sayth the King, some doubt
I have of your comming hither, that makes me not so kindly seeke to
relieve you as I would: for many doe informe me, your comming hither is
not for trade, but to invade my people, and possesse my Country, who dare
not come to bring you Corne, seeing you thus armed with your men. To free
us of this feare, leave aboord your weapons, for here they are needlesse,
we being all friends, and for ever Powhatans.
With many such discourses they spent the day, quartering that night in the
Kings houses. The next day he renewed his building, which hee little
intended should proceede. For the Dutch-men finding his plentie, and
knowing our want, and perceiving his preparations to surprise us, little
thinking we could escape both him and famine; (to obtaine his favour)
revealed to him so much as they knew of our estates and projects, and how
to prevent them. One of them being of so great a spirit, judgement, and
resolution, and a hireling that was certaine of his wages for his labour,
and ever well used both he and his Countrymen; that the President knew
not whom better to trust; and not knowing any fitter for that imployment,
had sent him as a spy to discover Powhatans intent, then little doubting
his honestie, nor could ever be certaine of his villany till neare halfe
a yeare after.
Whilst we expected the comming in of the Country, we wrangled out of the
King ten quarters of Corne for a copper Kettell, the which the President
perceiving him much to affect, valued it at a much greater rate; but in
regard of his scarcity he would accept it, provided we should have as much
more the next yeare, or els the Country of Monacan. Wherewith each seemed
well contented, and Powhatan began to expostulate the difference of Peace
and Warre after this manner.
_Powhatans discourse of peace and warre._
Captaine Smith, you may understand that I having seene the death of all
my people thrice, and not any one living of these three generations but my
selfe; I know the difference of Peace and Warre better then any in my
Country. But now I am old and ere long must die, my [III.76.] brethren,
namely Opitchapam, Opechancanough, and Kekataugh, my two sisters, and
their two daughters, are distinctly each others successors. I wish their
experience no lesse then mine, and your love to them no lesse then mine to
you. But this bruit from Nandsamund, that you are come to destroy my
Country, so much affrighteth all my people as they dare not visit you.
What will it availe you to take that by force you may quickly have by
love, or to destroy them that provide you food. What can you get by warre,
when we can hide our provisions and fly to the woods? whereby you must
famish by wronging us your friends. And why are you thus jealous of our
loves seeing us unarmed, and both doe, and are willing still to feede you,
with that you cannot get but by our labours? Thinke you I am so simple,
not to know it is better to eate good meate, lye well, and sleepe quietly
with my women and children, laugh and be merry with you, have copper,
hatchets, or what I want being your friend: then be forced to flie from
all, to lie cold in the woods, feede upon Acornes, rootes, and such trash,
and be so hunted by you, that I can neither rest, eate, nor sleepe; but my
tyred men must watch, and if a twig but breake, every one cryeth there
commeth Captaine Smith: then must I fly I know not whether: and thus with
miserable feare, end my miserable life, leaving my pleasures to such
youths as you, which through your rash unadvisednesse may quickly as
miserably end, for want of that, you never know where to finde. Let this
therefore assure you of our loves, and every yeare our friendly trade
shall furnish you with Corne; and now also, if you would come in friendly
manner to see us, and not thus with your guns and swords as to invade your
foes. To this subtill discourse, the President thus replyed.
_Capt. Smiths reply._
Seeing you will not rightly conceive of our words, we strive to make you
know our thoughts by our deeds; the vow I made you of my love, both my
selfe and my men have kept. As for your promise I find it every day
violated by some of your subjects: yet we finding your love and kindnesse,
our custome is so far from being ungratefull, that for your sake onely, we
have curbed our thirsting desire of revenge; els had they knowne as well
the crueltie we use to our enemies, as our true love and courtesie to our
friends. And I thinke your judgement sufficient to conceive, as well by
the adventures we have undertaken, as by the advantage we have (by our
Armes) of yours: that had we intended you any hurt, long ere this we could
have effected it. Your people comming to James Towne are entertained with
their Bowes and Arrowes without any exceptions; we esteeming it with you
as it is with us, to weare our armes as our apparell. As for the danger of
our enemies, in such warres consist our chiefest pleasure: for your riches
we have no use: as for the hiding your provision, or by your flying to the
woods, we shall not so unadvisedly starve as you conclude, your friendly
care in that behalfe is needlesse, for we have a rule to finde beyond your
knowledge.
Many other discourses they had, till at last they began to trade. But the
King seeing his will would not be admitted as a law, our guard dispersed,
nor our men disarmed, he (sighing) breathed his minde once more in this
manner.
_Powhatans importunity to have us unarmed to betray us._
Captaine Smith, I never use any Werowance so kindely as your selfe, yet
from you I receive the least kindnesse of any. Captaine Newport gave me
swords, copper, cloathes, a bed, towels, or what I desired; ever taking
what I offered him, and would send away his gunnes when I intreated him:
none doth deny to lye at my feet, or refuse to doe what I desire, but
onely you; of whom I can have nothing but what you regard not, and yet you
will have whatsoever you demand. Captaine Newport you call father, and so
you call me; but I see for all us both you will doe what you list, and we
must both seeke to content you. But if you intend so friendly as you say,
send hence your armes, that I may beleeve you; for you see the love I
beare you, doth cause me thus nakedly to forget my selfe.
Smith seeing this Salvage but trifle the time to cut his throat, procured
the salvages to breake the ice, that his Boate might come to fetch his
corne and him: and gave order for more men to come on shore, to surprise
the King, with whom also he but trifled the time till his men were landed:
and to keepe him from suspicion, entertained the time with this reply.
_Cap. Smiths discourse to delay time, till he found oportunity
to surprise the King._
Powhatan you must know, as I have but one God, I honour but one King; and
I live not here as your subject, but as your friend to pleasure you with
what I can. By the gifts you bestow on me, you gaine more then by trade:
yet would you visit mee as I doe you, you should know it is not our
custome, to sell our curtesies as a [III.77.] vendible commodity. Bring
all your countrey with you for your guard, I will not dislike it as being
over jealous. But to content you, to morrow I will leave my Armes, and
trust to your promise. I call you father indeed, and as a father you shall
see I will love you: but the small care you have of such a childe caused
my men perswade me to looke to my selfe.
_Powhatans plot to have murdered Smith._
_A chaine of pearls sent the Captaine for a present._ {MN}
By this time Powhatan having knowledge his men were ready whilest the ice
was a breaking, with his luggage women and children, fled. Yet to avoyd
suspicion, left two or three of the women talking with the Captaine,
whilest hee secretly ran away, and his men that secretly beset the house.
Which being presently discovered to Captaine Smith, with his pistoll,
sword, and target hee made such a passage among these naked Divels; that
at his first shoot, they next him tumbled one over another, and the rest
quickly fled some one way some another: so that without any hurt, onely
accompanied with John Russell, hee obtained the corps du guard. When they
perceived him so well escaped, and with his eighteene men (for he had no
more with him a shore) to the uttermost of their skill they sought excuses
to dissemble the matter: {MN} and Powhatan to excuse his flight and the
sudden comming of this multitude, sent our Captaine a great bracelet and a
chaine of pearle, by an ancient Oratour that bespoke us to this purpose,
perceiving even then from our Pinnace, a Barge and men departing and
comming unto us.
Captaine Smith, our Werowance is fled, fearing your gunnes, and knowing
when the ice was broken there would come more men, sent these numbers but
to guard his corne from stealing, that might happen without your
knowledge: now though some bee hurt by your misprision, yet Powhatan is
your friend and so will for ever continue. Now since the ice is open, he
would have you send away your corne, and if you would have his company,
send away also your gunnes, which so affrighteth his people, that they
dare not come to you as hee promised they should.
_Pretending to kill our men loded with baskets, we caused
them to do it themselves._
_Pocahontas betrays her fathers deceit to kill us._ {MN}
Then having provided baskets for our men to carry our corne to the boats,
they kindly offered their service to guard our Armes, that none should
steale them. A great many they were of goodly well proportioned fellowes,
as grim as Divels; yet the very sight of cocking our matches, and being to
let fly, a few wordes caused them to leave their bowes and arrowes to our
guard, and beare downe our corne on their backes; wee needed not importune
them to make dispatch. But our Barges being left on the oase by the ebbe,
caused us stay till the next high-water, so that wee returned againe to
our old quarter. Powhatan and his Dutch-men brusting with desire to have
the head of Captaine Smith, for if they could but kill him, they thought
all was theirs, neglected not any oportunity to effect his purpose. The
Indians with all the merry sports they could devise, spent the time till
night: then they all returned to Powhatan, who all this time was making
ready his forces to surprise the house and him at supper. Notwithstanding
the eternall all-seeing God did prevent him, and by a strange meanes. {MN}
For Pocahontas his dearest Jewell and daughter, in that darke night came
through the irksome woods, and told our Captaine great cheare should be
sent us by and by: but Powhatan and all the power he could make, would
after come kill us all, if they that brought it could not kill us with our
owne weapons when we were at supper. Therefore if we would live shee
wished us presently to bee gone. Such things as shee delighted in, he
would have given her: but with the teares running downe her cheekes, shee
said shee durst not be seene to have any: for if Powhatan should know it,
she were but dead, and so shee ranne away by her selfe as she came. Within
lesse then an hour came eight or ten lusty fellowes, with great platters
of venison and other victuall, very importunate to have us put out our
matches (whose smoake made them sicke) and sit down to our victuall. But
the Captaine made them taste every dish, which done hee sent some of them
backe to Powhatan, to bid him make haste for hee was prepared for his
comming. As for them hee knew they came to betray him at his supper: but
hee would prevent them and all their other intended villanies: so that
they might be gone. Not long after came more messengers, to see what
newes; not long after them others. Thus wee spent the night as vigilantly
as they, till it was high-water, yet seemed to the salvages [III.78.] as
friendly as they to us: and that wee were so desirous to give Powhatan
content, as hee requested, wee did leave him Edward Brynton to kill him
foule, and the Dutchmen to finish his house; thinking at our returne from
Pamaunkee the frost would be gone, and then we might finde a better
oportunity if necessity did occasion it, little dreaming yet of the
Dutch-mens treachery, whose humor well suted this verse:
Is any free, that may not live as freely as he list?
Let us live so, then w'are as free, and bruitish as the best.
A.D. 1608.
Chap. IX.
How wee escaped surprising at Pamaunkee.
_The Dutch men deceive Cap. Winne._
_The Dutch men furnish the Salvages with Armes._ {MN}
We had no sooner set sayle but Powhatan returned, and sent Adam and
Francis (two stout Dutch-men) to James towne: who faining to Captaine
Winne that all things were well, and that Captaine Smith had use of their
armes, wherefore they requested new (the which were given them) they told
him their comming was for some extraordinary tooles, and shift of
apparell; by which colourable excuse they obtained sixe or seaven more to
their confederacie, such expert theeves, that presently furnished them
with a great many swords, pike-heads, peeces, shot, powder and such like:
Salvages they had at hand to carry it away, and the next day they returned
unsuspected, leaving their confederates to follow, and in the interim to
convay them such things as they could: for which service they should live
with Powhatan as his chiefe affected, free from those miseries that would
happen the Colony. {MN} Samuel their other consort Powhatan kept for their
pledge, whose diligence had provided them three hundred of their kinde of
hatchets; the rest fifty swords, eight peeces, and eight pikes. Brynton
and Richard Salvage seeing the Dutch-men so diligent to accommodate the
Salvages with weapons, attempted to have gotten to James towne, but they
were apprehended, and expected ever when to be put to death.
Within two or three dayes we arrived at Pamaunkee, the King as many dayes
entertained us with feasting and much mirth. And the day appointed to
beginne our trade, the President, Lieutenant Percie, Mr. West, Mr.
Russell, Mr. Behethland, Mr. Crashaw, Mr. Powell, Mr. Ford, and some
others to the number of fifteene, went up to Opechancanoughs house (a
quarter of a mile from the river) where wee found nothing but a lame
fellow and a boy: and all the houses round about of all things abandoned.
Not long wee stayed ere the King arrived, and after him came diverse of
his people loaden with bowes and arrowes: but such pinching commodities,
and those esteemed at such a value, as our Captaine began with the King
after this manner.
_Smiths Speech to Opechancanough._
Opechancanough, the great love you professe with your tongue, seemes meere
deceit by your actions. Last yeere you kindly fraughted our ship: but now
you have invited mee to starve with hunger: you know my want, and I your
plenty; of which by some meanes I must have part: remember it is fit for
Kings to keepe their promise. Here are my commodities, whereof take your
choice, the rest I will proportion fit bargains for your people.
700. _Salvages beset the English being but_ 16. {MN}
The King seemed kindly to accept his offer, and the better to colour his
project, sold us what they had to our owne content, promising the next day
more company, better provided. The Barges and Pinnace being committed to
the charge of Mr. Phetiplace; the President with his old fifteene marched
up to the Kings house, where wee found foure or five men newly arrived,
each with a great basket. Not long after came the King, who with a
strained cheerfulnesse held us with discourse what paines he had taken to
keep his promise; {MN} till Mr. Russell brought us in newes that we were
all betrayed: for at least seven hundred Salvages well armed, had
invironed [III.79.] the house, and beset the fields. The King conjecturing
what Russell related, wee could well perceive how the extremity of his
feare betrayed his intent: whereat some of our company seeming dismaied
with the thought of such a multitude; the Captaine encouraged us to this
effect.
_Smiths speech to his Company._
Worthy Countrey-men, were the mischiefes of my seeming friends no more
then the danger of these enemies, I little cared were they as many more:
if you dare doe, but as I. But this is my torment, that if I escape them,
our malicious Councell with their open mouthed Minions, will make me such
a peace-breaker (in their opinions in England) as will breake my necke. I
could wish those here, that make these seeme Saints, and me an oppressor.
But this is the worst of all, wherein I pray you aid mee with your
opinions. Should wee beginne with them and surprise the King, we cannot
keepe him and defend well our selves. If wee should each kill our man, and
so proceed with all in the house; the rest will all fly: then shall wee
get no more then the bodies that are slaine, and so starve for victuall.
As for their fury it is the least danger, for well you know, being alone
assaulted with two or three hundred of them, I made them by the helpe of
God compound to save my life. And wee are sixteene, and they but seaven
hundred at the most; and assure your selves, God will so assist us, that
if you dare stand but to discharge your pieces, the very smoake will bee
sufficient to affright them. Yet howsoever, let us fight like men, and not
die like sheepe: for by that meanes you know God hath oft delivered mee,
and so I trust will now. But first, I will deale with them, to bring it to
passe wee may fight for something, and draw them to it by conditions. If
you like this motion, promise me you will be valiant.
The time not permitting any argument, all vowed to execute whatsoever hee
attempted, or die: whereupon the Captaine in plaine tearmes told the King
this.
_Smiths offer to Opechancanough._
I see Opechancanough your plot to murder me, but I feare it not. As yet
your men and mine have done no harme, but by our direction. Take therefore
your Armes, you see mine, my body shall bee as naked as yours: the Isle in
your river is a fit place, if you be contented: and the conquerour (of us
two) shall be Lord and Master over all our men. If you have not enough,
take time to fetch more, and bring what number you will; so every one
bring a basket of corne, against all which I will stake the value in
copper, you see I have but fifteene, and our game shall be, the Conquerour
take all.
_Opechancanoughs device to betray Smith._
_Smith takes the King prisoner._ {MN}
The King being guarded with forty or fifty of his chiefe men, seemed
kindly to appease Smiths suspicion of unkindnesse, by a great present at
the doore, they intreated him to receive. This was to draw him out of the
doore, where the bait was guarded with at least two hundred men, and
thirty lying under a great tree (that lay thwart as a barricade) each his
arrow nocked ready to shoot. The President commanded one to go see what
kind of deceit this was, and to receive the present; but hee refused to
doe it: yet the Gentlemen and all the rest were importunate to goe, but he
would not permit them, being vexed at that Coward: and commanded
Lieutenant Percie, Master West, and the rest to make good the house;
Master Powell and Master Behethland he commanded to guard the doore, {MN}
and in such a rage snatched the King by his long locke in the middest of
his men, with his Pistoll readie bent against his brest. Thus he led the
trembling King, neare dead with feare amongst all his people: who
delivering the Captaine his Vambrace, Bow, and Arrowes, all his men were
easily intreated to cast downe their Armes, little dreaming any durst in
that manner have used their King: who then to escape him-selfe bestowed
his presents in good sadnesse, and causing a great many of them come
before him unarmed, holding the King by the hayre (as is sayd) he spake to
them to this effect.
_Smiths discourse to the Pamaunkees._
I see (you Pamaunkees) the great desire you have to kill me, and my long
suffering your injuries hath imboldened you to this presumption. The cause
I have forborne your insolencies, is the promise I made you (before the
God I serve) to be your friend, till you give me just cause to be your
enemy. If I keepe this vow, my God will keepe me, you cannot hurt me, if I
breake it, he will destroy me. But if you shoot but one Arrow to shed one
drop of bloud of any of my men, or steale the least of these Beads, or
Copper, I spurne here before you with my foot; you shall see I will not
cease revenge (if once I begin) so long as I can heare where to finde one
of your Nation that will not deny the name [III.80.] of Pamaunk. I am not
now at Rassaweak halfe drowned with myre, where you tooke me prisoner; yet
then for keeping your promise and your good usage and saving my life, I so
affect you, that your denyals of your trechery, doe halfe perswade me to
mistake my selfe. But if I be the marke you ayme at, here I stand, shoot
he that dare. You promised to fraught my Ship ere I departed, and so you
shall, or I meane to load her with your dead carcasses, yet if as friends
you will come and trade, I once more promise not to trouble you, except
you give me the first occasion, and your King shall be free and be my
friend, for I am not come to hurt him or any of you.
_The Salvages dissemble their intent._ {MN-1}
_Their excuse and reconcilement._ {MN-2}
Upon this away went their Bowes and Arrowes, and men, women, and children
brought in their Commodities: two or three houres they so thronged about
the President and so overwearied him, as he retyred himselfe to rest,
leaving Mr. Behethland and Mr. Powell to receive their presents, {MN-1}
but some Salvages perceiving him fast asleepe, & the guard somewhat
carelesly dispersed, fortie or fiftie of their choise men each with a
club, or an English sword in his hand began to enter the house with two or
three hundred others, that pressed to second them. The noyse and hast they
made in, did so shake the house they awoke him from his sleepe, and being
halfe amazed with this suddaine sight, betooke him strait to his sword and
Target; Mr. Chrashaw and some others charged in like manner; whereat they
quickly thronged faster backe then before forward. {MN-2} The house thus
cleansed, the King and some of his auncients we kept yet with him, who
with a long Oration, excused this intrusion. The rest of the day was spent
with much kindnesse, the companie againe renewing their presents with
their best provisions, and whatsoever he gave them they seemed therewith
well contented.
_The loss of Mr. Scrivener and others with a Skiff._
Now in the meane while since our departure, this hapned at our Fort.
Master Scrivener having received Letters from England to make himselfe
either Caesar or nothing, he began to decline in his affection to Captaine
Smith, that ever regarded him as himselfe, and was willing to crosse the
surprising of Powhatan. Some certaine daies after the Presidents
departure, he would needs goe visit the Isle of Hogs, and tooke with him
Captaine Waldo (though the President had appointed him to be ready to
second his occasions) with Mr. Anthony Gosnoll and eight others; but so
violent was the wind (that extreame frozen time) that the Boat sunke, but
where or how none doth know. The Skiff was much over loaden, and would
scarce have lived in that extreame tempest had she beene empty: but by no
perswasion he could be diverted, though both Waldo and an hundred others
doubted as it hapned. The Salvages were the first that found their bodies,
which so much the more encouraged them to effect their projects. To
advertise the President of this heavie newes, none could be found would
undertake it, but the Journey was often refused of all in the Fort, untill
Master Richard Wyffin undertooke alone the performance thereof.
_Master Wyffins desperate journey._
In this Journey he was incountred with many dangers and difficulties in
all parts as he passed. As for that night he lodged with Powhatan,
perceiving such preparation for warre, not finding the President there: he
did assure himselfe some mischiefe was intended. Pocahontas hid him for a
time, and sent them who pursued him the cleane contrary way to seeke him;
but by her meanes and extraordinary bribes and much trouble in three dayes
travell, at length he found us in the middest of these turmoyles. This
unhappy newes the President swore him to conceale from the company, and so
dissembling his sorrow with the best countenances he could, when the night
approched went safely aboord with all his Souldiers; leaving
Opechancanough at libertie, according to his promise, the better to have
Powhatan in his returne.
_Powhatan constraineth his men to be trecherous._
_The third attempt to betray us._ {MN}
Now so extreamely Powhatan had threatned the death of his men, if they
did not by some meanes kill Captaine Smith: that the next day they
appointed all the countrey should come to trade unarmed: yet unwilling to
be trecherous, but that they were constrained, hating fighting with him
almost as ill as hanging, such feare they had of bad successe. The next
morning the Sunne had not long appeared, but the fields appeared covered
with people and Baskets, to tempt us on shore: but nothing was to be had
without his presence, nor they would not indure the sight of a gun.
{MN} When the President saw them begin to [III.81.] depart, being
unwilling to loose such a bootie, he so well contrived the Pinnace, and
his Barges with Ambuscadoes, as onely with Lieutenant Percie, Mr. West,
and Mr. Russell, with their Armes went on shore; others he appointed
unarmed to receive what was brought. The Salvages flocked before him in
heapes, and the banke serving as a trench for a retreat, he drew them
fayre open to his Ambuscado's. For he not being to be perswaded to goe
visit their King, the King knowing the most of them unarmed, came to visit
him with two or three hundred men, in the forme of two halfe Moones; and
with some twentie men, and many women loaden with painted Baskets. But
when they approached somewhat neare us, their women and children fled. For
when they had environed and beset the fields in this manner, they thought
their purpose sure, yet so trembled with feare as they were scarse able to
nock their Arrowes: Smith standing with his three men ready bent,
beholding them till they were within danger of our Ambuscado's, who upon
the word discovered themselves, and he retyred to the Barge. Which the
Salvages no sooner perceived, then away they fled, esteeming their heeles
for their best advantage.
That night we sent Mr. Chrashaw, and Mr. Ford to James towne to Cap.
Winne. In the way betweene Werowocomoco and the Fort they met foure or
five of the Dutchmens Confederates going to Powhatan: the which to excuse
those Gentlemens suspition of their running to the Salvages, returned to
the Fort and there continued.
_A chayne of pearle sent to obtaine peace._
The Salvages hearing our Barge goe downe the river in the night, were so
terribly affrayde, that we sent for more men (we having so much threatned
their ruine, and the rasing of their houses, boats, and wires) that the
next day the King sent our Captaine a chayne of Pearle, to alter his
purpose and stay his men: promising though they wanted themselves, to
fraught our ship and bring it aboord to avoyd suspition. So that five or
six dayes after, from all parts of the Country within ten or twelve myles
in the extreame frost and snow, they brought us provision on their naked
backes.
_The President poysened: the offender punished._
_The Salvages want and povertie._ {MN}
Yet notwithstanding this kindnesse and trade, had their art and poyson
beene sufficient, the President, with Mr. West, and some others had beene
poysoned; it made them sicke, but expelled it selfe. Wecuttanow, a stout
young fellow, knowing he was suspected for bringing this present of
poyson, with fortie or fiftie of his chiefe companions (seeing the
President but with a few men at Potauncak) so proudly braved it, as though
he expected to incounter a revenge. Which the President perceiving in the
midst of his company, did not onely beate, but spurned him like a dogge,
as scorning to doe him any worse mischiefe. Whereupon all of them fled
into the woods, thinking they had done a great matter to have so well
escaped: and the townsmen remaining presently fraughted our Barge to be
rid of our companies, framing many excuses to excuse Wecuttanow, (being
sonne to their chiefe King, but Powhatan) and told us if we would shew
them him that brought the poyson, they would deliver him to us to punish
as we pleased. Men may thinke it strange there should be such a stirre for
a little corne, but had it beene gold with more ease wee might have got
it; and had it wanted, the whole Colony had starved. Wee may be thought
very patient to endure all those injuries, yet onely with fearing them wee
got what they had. Whereas if we had taken revenge, then by their losse,
we should have lost our selves. {MN} We searched also the Countries of
Youghtanund and Mattapanient, where the people imparted that little they
had with such complaints and teares from the eyes of women and children,
as he had beene too cruell to have beene a Christian, that would not have
beene satisfied and moved with compassion. But had this hapned in October,
November, and December, when that unhappie discovery of Monacan was made,
we might have fraughted a ship of fortie tuns, and twise as much might
have beene had from the Rivers of Rapahanock, Patawomek, and Pawtuxunt.
_The Dutch-men did much hurt._ {MN}
The maine occasion of our thus temporizing with them was, to part friends
as we did, to give the lesse cause of suspition to Powhatan to fly,
by whom we now returned [III.82.] with a purpose to have surprised him and
his provision. For effecting whereof (when we came against the Towne) the
President sent Mr. Wyffin and Mr. Coe ashore to discover and make way for
his intended project. {MN} But they found that those damned Dutch-men had
caused Powhatan to abandon his new house and Werowocomoco, and to carry
away all his corne and provision: and the people they found so ill
affected, that they were in great doubt how to escape with their lives. So
the President finding his intent frustrated, and that there was nothing
now to be had, and therefore an unfit time to revenge their abuses, sent
Master Michael Phittiplace by Land to James towne, whether we sayled with
all the speed we could; wee having in this Journey (for 25 L. of Copper,
and 50 L. of Iron & Beads) enough to keepe 46 men six weekes, and every
man for his reward a moneths provision extraordinary (no Trade being
allowed but for the store) we got neare 200 L. waight of deere suet, and
delivered to the Cape Merchant 479 Bushels of Corne.
Those temporizing proceedings to some may seeme too charitable, to such a
daily daring trecherous people: to others not pleasing, that we washed not
the ground with their blouds, nor shewed such strange inventions in
mangling, murdering, ransacking, and destroying (as did the Spanyards) the
simple bodies of such ignorant soules; nor delightfull, because not
stuffed with Relations of heapes and mynes of gold and silver, nor such
rare commodities, as the Portugals and Spanyards found in the East and
West Indies. The want whereof hath begot us (that were the first
undertakers) no lesse scorne and contempt, then the noble conquests and
valiant adventures beautified with it, prayse and honour. Too much I
confesse the world cannot attribute to their ever memorable merit: and to
cleare us from the blind worlds ignorant censure, these few words may
suffice any reasonable understanding.
_An Apology for the first Planters._
It was the Spanyards good hap to happen in those parts where were infinite
numbers of people, who had manured the ground with that providence, it
affoorded victualls at all times. And time had brought them to that
perfection, they had the use of gold and silver, and the most of such
commodities as those Countries affoorded: so that what the Spanyard got
was chiefely the spoyle and pillage of those Countrey people, and not the
labours of their owne hands. But had those fruitfull Countries beene as
salvage, as barbarous, as ill peopled, as little planted, laboured, and
manured, as Virginia: their proper labours it is likely would have
produced as small profit as ours. But had Virginia beene peopled, planted,
manured, and adorned with such store of precious Jewels, and rich
commodities as was the Indies: then had we not gotten and done as much as
by their examples might be expected from us, the world might then have
traduced us and our merits, and have made shame and infamy our recompence
and reward.
But we chanced in a Land even as God made it, where we found onely an
idle, improvident, scattered people, ignorant of the knowledge of gold or
silver, or any commodities, and carelesse of any thing but from hand to
mouth, except babies of no worth; nothing to incourage us, but what
accidentally we found Nature afforded. Which ere we could bring to
recompence our paines, defray our charges, and satisfie our Adventurers;
we were to discover the Countrey, subdue the people, bring them to be
tractable, civill, and industrious, and teach them trades, that the fruits
of their labours might make us some recompence, or plant such Colonies of
our owne, that must first make provision how to live of themselves, ere
they can bring to perfection the commodities of the Country: which
doubtlesse will be as commodious for England as the west Indies for
Spaine, if it be rightly mannaged: notwithstanding all our home-bred
opinions, that will argue the contrary, as formerly some have done against
the Spanyards and Portugalls. But to conclude, against all rumor of
opinion, I onely say this, for those that the three first yeares began
this Plantation; notwithstanding all their factions, mutinies, and
miseries, so gently corrected, and well prevented: peruse the Spanish
Decades; the Relations of Master Hackluit, and tell me how many ever with
such small meanes as a Barge of 22 tuns, sometimes with seaven, eight, or
nine, or but at most, twelve or sixteene men, did ever discover so many
fayre and navigable Rivers, subject so many severall [III.83.] Kings,
people, and Nations, to obedience, and contribution, with so little
bloudshed.
And if in the search of those Countries we had hapned where wealth had
beene, we had as surely had it as obedience and contribution, but if we
have overskipped it, we will not envie them that shall find it: yet can we
not but lament, it was our fortunes to end when we had but onely learned
how to begin, and found the right course how to proceed.
By Richard Wyffin, William Phittiplace, Jeffrey
Abbot, and Anas Todkill.
A.D. 1608.
Chap. X.
How the Salvages became subject to the English.
When the Ships departed, all the provision of the Store (but that the
President had gotten) was so rotten with the last Summers rayne, and eaten
with Rats and Wormes, as the Hogges would scarcely eate it. Yet it was the
Souldiers dyet till our returnes, so that we found nothing done, but our
victuals spent, and the most part of our tooles, and a good part of our
Armes conveyed to the Salvages. But now casting up the Store, and finding
sufficient till the next harvest, the feare of starving was abandoned, and
the company divided into tens, fifteens, or as the businesse required; six
houres each day was spent in worke, the rest in Pastime and merry
exercises, but the untowardnesse of the greatest number caused the
President advise as followeth.
_The Presidents advice to the Company._
Countrymen, the long experience of our late miseries, I hope is sufficient
to perswade every one to a present correction of himselfe, and thinke not
that either my pains, nor the Adventurers purses, will ever maintaine you
in idlenesse and sloath. I speake not this to you all, for divers of you I
know deserve both honour and reward, better then is yet here to be had:
but the greater part must be more industrious, or starve, how ever you
have beene heretofore tollerated by the authoritie of the Councell, from
that I have often commanded you. You see now that power resteth wholly in
my selfe: you must obey this now for a Law, that he that will not worke
shall not eate (except by sicknesse he be disabled:) for the labours of
thirtie or fortie honest and industrious men shall not be consumed to
maintaine an hundred and fiftie idle loyterers. And though you presume the
authoritie here is but a shadow, and that I dare not touch the lives of
any but my owne must answer it: the Letters patents shall each weeke be
read to you, whose Contents will tell you the contrary. I would wish you
therefore without contempt seeke to observe these orders set downe, for
there are now no more Counsellers to protect you, nor curbe my endevours.
Therefore he that offendeth, let him assuredly expect his due punishment.
He made also a Table, as a publicke memoriall of every mans deserts, to
incourage the good, and with shame to spurre on the rest to amendment. By
this many became very industrious, yet more by punishment performed their
businesse, for all were so tasked, that there was no excuse could prevaile
to deceive him: yet the Dutch-mens consorts so closely convayed them
powder, shot, swords, and tooles, that though we could find the defect, we
could not finde by whom, till it was too late.
_The Dutch-men plot to murther Cap. Smith._ {MN-1}
_Smith taketh the King of Paspahegh prisoner._ {MN-2}
All this time the Dutch men remaining with Powhatan, (who kindly
entertained them to instruct the Salvages the use of our Armes) and their
consorts not following them as they expected; {MN-1} to know the cause,
they sent Francis their companion, a stout young fellow, disguised like a
Salvage, to the Glasse-house, a place in the woods neare a myle from James
Towne; where was their Rendezvous for all their unsuspected villany.
Fortie men they procured to lie in Ambuscado for Captaine Smith, who no
sooner heard of this Dutch-man, but he sent to apprehend him (but he was
gone) yet to crosse his returne to Powhatan, the Captaine presently
dispatched 20. shot [III.84.] after him, himselfe returning from the
Glasse-house alone. By the way he incountred the King of Paspahegh, a most
strong stout Salvage, whose perswasions not being able to perswade him to
his Ambush, seeing him onely armed but with a faucheon, attempted to have
shot him, but the President prevented his shoot by grapling with him, and
the Salvage as well prevented him for drawing his faucheon, and perforce
bore him into the River to have drowned him. {MN-2} Long they strugled in
the water, till the President got such hold on his throat, he had neare
strangled the King; but having drawne his faucheon to cut off his head,
seeing how pittifully he begged his life, he led him prisoner to James
Towne, and put him in chaynes.
_Cap. Smith taketh two Salvages prisoners._ {MN}
The Dutch-man ere long was also brought in, whose villany though all this
time it was suspected, yet he fayned such a formall excuse, that for want
of language Captaine Winne understood him not rightly, and for their
dealings with Powhatan, that to save their lives they were constrained to
accommodate his armes, of whom he extreamely complained to have detained
them perforce, and that he made this escape with the hazard of his life,
and meant not to have returned, but was onely walking in the woods to
gather Walnuts. Yet for all this faire tale, there was so small appearance
of truth, and the plaine confession of Paspahegh of his trechery, he went
by the heeles: Smith purposing; to regaine the Dutch-men, by the saving
his life. The poore Salvage did his best by his daily messengers to
Powhatan, but all returned that the Dutch-men would not returne, neither
did Powhatan stay them; and to bring them fiftie myles on his mens backes
they were not able. Daily this Kings wives, children, and people came to
visit him with presents, which he liberally bestowed to make his peace.
Much trust they had in the Presidents promise: but the King finding his
guard negligent, though fettered yet escaped. Captaine Winne thinking to
pursue him found such troupes of Salvages to hinder his passage, as they
exchanged many vollies of shot for flights of Arrowes. {MN} Captaine Smith
hearing of this in returning to the Fort, tooke two Salvages prisoners,
called Kemps and Tussore, the two most exact villaines in all the Country.
With these he sent Captaine Winne and fiftie choise men, and Lieutenant
Percie, to have regained the King, and revenged this injury, and so had
done, if they had followed his directions, or beene advised with those two
villaines, that would have betrayed both King & kindred for a peece of
Copper, but he trifling away the night, the Salvages the next morning by
the rising of the Sunne, braved him to come ashore to fight: a good time
both sides let fly at other, but we heard of no hurt, onely they tooke two
Canowes, burnt the Kings house, and so returned to James towne.
_The Salvages desire peace._
The President fearing those Bravado's would but incourage the Salvages,
began againe himselfe to try his conclusions, whereby six or seaven were
slaine, as many made prisoners. He burnt their houses, tooke their Boats,
with all their fishing wires, and planted some of them at James towne for
his owne use, and now resolved not to cease till he had revenged himselfe
of all them had injured him. But in his journey passing by Paspahegh
towards Chickahamania, the Salvages did their best to draw him to their
Ambuscadoes; but seeing him regardlesly passe their Country, all shewed
themselves in their bravest manner. To try their valours he could not but
let fly, and ere he could land, they no sooner knew him, but they threw
downe their armes and desired peace. Their Orator was a lustie young
fellow called Okaning, whose worthy discourse deserveth to be remembred.
And thus it was:
_Okaning his Oration._
Captaine Smith, my Master is here present in the company, thinking it
Capt. Winne, and not you, (of him he intended to have beene revenged)
having never offended him. If he hath offended you in escaping your
imprisonment, the fishes swim, the foules fly, and the very beasts strive
to escape the snare and live. Then blame not him being a man. He would
intreat you remember, you being a prisoner, what paines he tooke to save
your life. If since he hath injured you he was compelled to it: but
howsoever, you have revenged it with our too great losse. We perceive and
well know you intend to destroy us, that are here to intreat and desire
your friendship, and to enjoy our houses and plant our fields, of whose
fruit you shall participate: otherwise you will have the worse by our
absence; for we can plant any where, though [III.85] with more labour, and
we know you cannot live if you want our harvest, and that reliefe we bring
you. If you promise us peace, we will beleeve you; if you proceed in
revenge we will abandon the Country.
Upon these tearmes the President promised them peace, till they did us
injury, upon condition they should bring in provision. Thus all departed
good friends, and so continued till Smith left the Countrey.
_A Salvage smoothered at James towne, and recovered._
Arriving at James Towne, complaint was made to the President, that the
Chickahamanians, who all this while continued trade and seemed our
friends, by colour thereof were the onely theeves. And amongst other
things a Pistoll being stolne and the theefe fled, there was apprehended
two proper young fellowes, that were brothers, knowne to be his
confederates. Now to regaine this Pistoll, the one was imprisoned, the
other was sent to returne the Pistoll againe within twelve houres, or his
brother to be hanged. Yet the President pittying the poore naked Salvage
in the dungeon, sent him victuall and some Char-coale for a fire: ere
midnight his brother returned with the Pistoll, but the poore Salvage in
the dungeon was so smoothered with the smoake he had made, and so
pittiously burnt, that wee found him dead. The other most lamentably
bewayed his death, and broke forth into such bitter agonies, that the
President to quiet him, told him that if hereafter they would not steale,
he would make him alive againe: but he little thought he could be
recovered. Yet we doing our best with Aqua vitae and Vineger, it pleased
God to restore him againe to life, but so drunke & affrighted, that he
seemed Lunaticke, the which as much tormented and grieved the other, as
before to see him dead. Of which maladie upon promise of their good
behaviour, the President promised to recover him: and so caused him to be
layd by a fire to sleepe, who in the morning having well slept, had
recovered his perfect senses, and then being dressed of his burning, and
each a peece of Copper given them, they went away so well contented, that
this was spread among all the Salvages for a miracle, that Captaine Smith
could make a man alive that was dead.
_Two or three Salvages slaine in drying Powder._
Another ingenuous Salvage of Powhatans, having gotten a great bag of
Powder, and the backe of an Armour, at Werowocomoco amongst a many of his
companions, to shew his extraordinary skill, he did dry it on the backe as
he had seene the Souldiers at James Towne. But he dryed it so long, they
peeping over it to see his skill, it tooke fire, and blew him to death,
and one or two more, and the rest so scorched, they had little pleasure to
meddle any more with powder.
These and many other such pretty Accidents, so amazed and affrighted both
Powhatan, and all his people, that from all parts with presents they
desired peace; returning many stolne things which we never demanded nor
thought of; and after that, those that were taken stealing, both Powhatan
and his people have sent them backe to James towne, to receive their
punishment; and all the Country became absolute as free for us, as for
themselves.
Chap. XI.
What was done in three moneths having Victualls. The Store devoured by
Rats, how we lived three moneths of such naturall fruits as the
Country affoorded.
Now we so quietly followed our businesse, that in three moneths wee made
three or foure Last of Tarre, Pitch, and Sope ashes; produced a tryall of
Glasse; made a Well in the Fort of excellent sweet water, which till then
was wanting; built some twentie houses; recovered our Church; provided
Nets and Wires for fishing; and to stop the disorders of our disorderly
theeves, and the Salvages, built a Blockhouse in the neck of our Isle,
kept by a Garrison to entertaine the Salvages trade, and none [III.86] to
passe nor repasse Salvage nor Christian without the presidents order.
Thirtie or forty Acres of ground we digged and planted. Of three sowes in
eighteene moneths, increased 60, and od Piggs. And neere 500. chickings
brought up themselves without having any meat given them: but the Hogs
were transported to Hog Isle: where also we built a block-house with a
garison to give us notice of any shipping, and for their exercise they
made Clapbord and waynscot, and cut downe trees. We built also a fort for
a retreat neere a convenient River upon a high commanding hill, very hard
to be assalted and easie to be defended, but ere it was finished this
defect caused a stay.
_Great extremitie by Rats._
_Bread made of dried Sturgeon._ {MN-1}
_Their desire to destroy themselves._ {MN-2}
In searching our casked corne, we found it halfe rotten, and the rest so
consumed with so many thousands of Rats that increased so fast, but there
originall was from the ships, as we knew not how to keepe that little we
had. This did drive us all to our wits end, for there was nothing in the
country but what nature afforded. Untill this time Kemps and Tassore were
fettered prisoners, and did double taske and taught us how to order and
plant our fields: whom now for want of victuall we set at liberty, but so
well they liked our companies they did not desire to goe from us. And to
expresse their loves for 16. dayes continuance, the Countrie people
brought us (when least) 100. a day, of Squirrils, Turkyes, Deere and other
wilde beasts: But this want of corne occasioned the end of all our works,
it being worke sufficient to provide victuall. 60. or 80. with Ensigne
Laxon was sent downe the river to live upon Oysters, and 20. with
liutenant Percy to try for fishing at Poynt Comfort: but in six weekes
they would not agree once to cast out the net, he being sicke and burnt
sore with Gunpouder. Master West with as many went up to the falls, but
nothing could be found but a few Acornes; of that in store every man had
their equall proportion. Till this present, by the hazard and indevours of
some thirtie or fortie, this whole Colony had ever beene fed. {MN-1} We
had more Sturgeon, then could be devoured by Dog and Man, of which the
industrious by drying and pounding, mingled with Caviare, Sorell and other
wholesome hearbes would make bread and good meate: others would gather as
much Tockwhogh roots, in a day as would make them bread a weeke, so that
of those wilde fruites, and what we caught, we lived very well in regard
of such a diet, {MN-2} But such was the strange condition of some 150,
that had they not beene forced nolens, volens, perforce to gather and
prepare their victuall they would all have starved or have eaten one
another. Of those wild fruits the Salvages often brought us, and for that,
the President would not fullfill the unreasonable desire, of those
distracted Gluttonous Loyterers, to sell not only our kettles, hows,
tooles, and Iron, nay swords, pieces, and the very Ordnance and howses,
might they have prevayled to have beene but Idle: for those Salvage
fruites, they would have had imparted all to the Salvages, especially for
one basket of Corne they heard of to be at Powhatans, fifty myles from our
Fort. Though he bought neere halfe of it to satisfie their humors, yet to
have had the other halfe, they would have sould their soules, though not
sufficient to have kept them a weeke. Thousands were their exclamations,
suggestions and devises, to force him to those base inventions to have
made it an occasion to abandon the Country. Want perforce constrained him
to indure their exclaiming follies, till he found out the author, one Dyer
a most crafty fellow and his ancient Maligner, whom he worthily punished,
and with the rest he argued the case in this maner.
_The Presidents order for the drones._
Fellow souldiers, I did little thinke any so false to report, or so many
to be so simple to be perswaded, that I either intend to starve you, or
that Powhatan at this present hath corne for himselfe, much lesse for you;
or that I would not have it, if I knew where it were to be had. Neither
did I thinke any so malitious as now I see a great many; yet it shal not
so passionate me, but I will doe my best for my most maligner. But dreame
no longer of this vaine hope from Powhatan, not that I will longer
forbeare to force you, from your Idlenesse, and punish you if you rayle.
But if I finde any more runners for Newfoundland with the Pinnace, let him
assuredly looke to arive at the Gallows. You cannot deny but that by the
hazard of my life many a time I have saved yours, when (might your owne
wills have [III.87.] prevailed) you would have starved; and will doe still
whether I will or noe; But I protest by that God that made me, since
necessitie hath not power to force you to gather for your selves those
fruites the earth doth yeeld, you shall not onely gather for your selves,
but those that are sicke. As yet I never had more from the store then the
worst of you: and all my English extraordinary provision that I have, you
shall see me divide it amongst the sick. And this Salvage trash you so
scornfully repine at; being put in your mouthes your stomackes can
disgest, if you would have better you should have brought it; and
therefore I will take a course you shall provide what is to be had. The
sick shall not starve, but equally share of all our labours; and he that
gathereth not every day as much as I doe, the next day shall be set beyond
the river, and be banished from the Fort as a drone, till he amend his
conditions or starve. But some would say with Seneca.
I know those things thou sayst are true good Nurse,
But fury forceth me to follow worse.
My minde is hurried headlong up and downe:
Desiring better counsell, yet finds none.
_But seven of 200. dyed in nine months._
This order many murmured was very cruell, but it caused the most part so
well bestirre themselves, that of 200. (except they were drowned) there
died not past seven: as for Captaine Winne and Master Leigh they were dead
ere this want hapned, and the rest dyed not for want of such as preserved
the rest. Many were billetted amongst the Salvages, whereby we knew all
their passages, fields and habitations, how to gather and use their fruits
as well as themselves; for they did know wee had such a commanding power
at James towne they durst not wrong us of a pin.
_The Salvages return our fugitives._
So well those poore Salvages used us that were thus billetted, that divers
of the Souldiers ran away to search Kemps & Tassore our old prisoners.
Glad were these Salvages to have such an oportunity to testifie their love
unto us, for in stead of entertaining them, and such things as they had
stollen, with all their great Offers, and promises they made them how to
revenge their injuryes upon Captaine Smith; Kemps first made himselfe
sport, in shewing his countrie men (by them) how he was used, feeding them
with this law, who would not work must not eat, till they were neere
starved indeede, continually threatning to beate them to death: neither
could they get from him, till hee and his consorts brought them perforce
to our Captaine, that so well contented him and punished them, as many
others that intended also to follow them, were rather contented to labour
at home, then adventure to live idlely amongst the Salvages; (of whom
there was more hope to make better Christians & good subjects, then the
one halfe of those that counterfeited themselves both.) For so affraide
was al those kings and the better sort of the people to displease us, that
some of the baser sort that we have extreamly hurt and punished for their
villanies would hire us, we should not tell it to their kings, or
countrymen, who would also repunish them, and yet returne them to James
towne to content the President for a testimony of their loves.
_Master Sicklemores Journey to Chawwonoke._
Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawwonoke; but found little hope and
lesse certaintie of them were left by Sir Walter Raleigh. The river, he
saw was not great, the people few, the countrey most over growne with
pynes, where there did grow here and there straglingly Pemminaw, we call
silke grasse. But by the river the ground was good, and exceeding furtill.
_Master Powels jorney to the Mangoags._
Master Nathanael Powell and Anas Todkill were also by the
Quiyoughquohanocks conducted to the Mangoags to search them there: but
nothing could they learne but they were all dead. This honest proper good
promise keeping king, of all the rest did ever best affect us, and though
to his false Gods he was very zealous, yet he would confesse our God as
much exceeded his as our Gunns did his Bow and Arrowes, often sending our
President many presents, to pray to his God for raine or his corne would
perish, for his Gods were angry. Three [III.88.] dayes journey they
conducted them through the woods, into a high country towards the
Southwest: where they saw here and there a little corne field, by some
little spring or smal brooke, but no river they could see: the people in
all respects like the rest, except their language: they live most upon
rootes, fruites and wilde beasts; and trade with them towards the sea and
the fatter countryes for dryed fish and corne, for skins.
_The Dutch mens projects._
_Two Gentlemen sent to the Germans._ {MN}
All this time to recover the Dutch-men and one Bentley another fugitive,
we imployed one William Volday, a Zwitzar by birth, with Pardons &
promises to regaine them. Little we then suspected this double villaine of
any villany; who plainly taught us, in the most trust was the greatest
treason; for this wicked hypocrite, by the seeming hate he bore to the
lewd conditions of his cursed country men, (having this oportunity by his
imployment to regaine them) convayed them every thing they desired to
effect their projects, to distroy the Colony. With much devotion they
expected the Spaniard, to whom they intended good service, or any other,
that would but carry them from us. But to begin with the first oportunity;
they seeing necessitie thus inforced us to disperse our selves, importuned
Powhatan to lend them but his forces, and they would not onely distroy our
Hoggs, fire our towne, and betray our Pinnace; but bring to his service
and subjection the most of our company. With this plot they had acquainted
many Discontents, and many were agreed to their Devilish practise. But one
Thomas Douse, and Thomas Mallard (whose Christian hearts relented at such
an unchristian act) voluntarily revealed it to Captaine Smith, who caused
them to conceale it, perswading Douse and Mallard to proceed in their
confedracie: onely to bring the irreclamable Dutch men and the inconstant
Salvages in such a maner amongst such Ambuscade's as he had prepared, that
not many of them should returne from our Peninsula. But this brute comming
to the eares of the impatient multitude they so importuned the President
to cut off those Dutch men, as amongst many that offred to cut their
throats before the face of Powhatan, the first was Lieutenant Percy, and
Mr. John Cuderington, two Gentlemen of as bold resolute spirits as could
possibly be found. {MN} But the President had occasion of other imploiment
for them, & gave way to Master Wyffin and Sarjeant Jeffrey Abbot, to goe
and stab them or shoot them. But the Dutch men made such excuses, accusing
Volday whom they supposed had revealed their project, as Abbot would not,
yet Wyffin would, perceiving it but deceit. The King understanding of
this their imployment, sent presently his messengers to Captaine Smith to
signifie it was not his fault to detaine them, nor hinder his men from
executing his command: nor did he nor would he maintaine them, or any to
occasion his displeasure.
_The first arrivall of Captaine Argall._
But whilst this businesse was in hand. Arrived one Captaine Argall, and
Master Thomas Sedan, sent by Master Cornelius to truck with the Colony,
and fish for Sturgeon, with a ship well furnished, with wine and much
other good provision. Though it was not sent us, our necessities was such
as inforced us to take it. He brought us newes of a great supply and
preparation for the Lord La Warre, with letters that much taxed our
President for his hard dealing with the Salvages, and not returning the
shippes fraughted. Notwithstanding we kept this ship till the fleete
arrived. True it is Argall lost his voyage, but we revictualled him, and
sent him for England, with a true relation of the causes of our
defailments, and how imposible it was to returne that wealth they expected,
or observe their instructions to indure the Salvages insolencies, or doe
any thing to any purpose, except they would send us men and meanes that
could produce that they so much desired: otherwises all they did was lost,
and could not but come to confusion. The villany of Volday we still
dissembled. Adam upon his pardon came home but Samuell still stayed with
Powhatan to heare further of their estates by this supply. Now all their
plots Smith so well understood, they were his best advantages to secure us
from any trechery, could be done by them or the Salvages: which with
facility he could revenge when he would, because all those countryes more
feared him then Powhatan, and hee had such parties with all his bordering
neighbours: and many of the rest for love or feare would have done any
thing he would have them, upon any [III.89.] commotion, though these
fugitives had done all they could to perswade Powhatan, King James would
kill Smith, for using him and his people so unkindly.
_Note these inconveniences._
By this you may see for all those crosses, trecheries, and dissentions,
how hee wrestled and overcame (without bloudshed) all that happened: also
what good was done; how few dyed; what food the Countrey naturally
affoordeth; what small cause there is men should starve, or be murthered
by the Salvages, that have discretion to mannage them with courage and
Industrie. The two first yeares, though by his adventures, he had oft
brought the Salvages to a tractable trade, yet you see how the envious
authoritie ever crossed him, and frustrated his best endevours. But it
wrought in him that experience and estimation amongst the Salvages, as
otherwise it had bin impossible, he had ever effected that he did.
Notwithstanding the many miserable, yet generous and worthy adventures, he
had oft and long endured in the wide world, yet in this case he was againe
to learne his Lecture by experience. Which with thus much adoe having
obtained, it was his ill chance to end, when he had but onely learned how
to begin. And though he left those unknowne difficulties (made easie and
familiar) to his unlawfull successors, (who onely by living in James
Towne, presumed to know more then all the world could direct them:) Now
though they had all his Souldiers, with a tripple power, and twice tripple
better meanes; by what they have done in his absence, the world may see
what they would have done in his presence, had he not prevented their
indiscretions: it doth justly prove, what cause he had to send them for
England, and that he was neither factious, mutinous, nor dishonest. But
they have made it more plaine since his returne for England; having his
absolute authoritie freely in their power, with all the advantages and
opportunitie that his labours had effected. As I am sorry their actions
have made it so manifest, so I am unwilling to say what reason doth
compell me, but onely to make apparant the truth, least I should seeme
partiall, reasonlesse, and malicious.
A.D. 1609
Chapter XII.
The Arrivall of the third Supply.
_The alteration of the government._
1609. _Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._ {MN-1}
_The losse of Virginia._ {MN-2}
_The Salvages offer to fight under our colours._ {MN-3}
To redresse those jarres and ill proceedings, the Treasurer, Councell, and
Company of Virginia, not finding that returne, and profit they expected;
and them ingaged there, not having meanes to subsist of themselves, made
meanes to his Majestie, to call in their Commission, and take a new in
their owne names, as in their owne publication, 1610. you may reade at
large. Having thus annihilated the old by vertue of a Commission made to
the right Honourable, Sir Thomas West, Lord de la Warre, to be Generall of
Virginia; Sir Thomas Gates, his Lieutenant; Sir George Somers, Admirall;
Sir Thomas Dale, high Marshall; Sir Fardinando Wainman, Generall of the
Horse; and so all other offices to many other worthy Gentlemen, for their
lives: (though not any of them had ever beene in Virginia; except Captaine
Newport, who was also by Patent made vice-Admirall:) those noble Gentlemen
drew in such great summes of money, that they sent Sir Thomas Gates, Sir
George Somers, and Captaine Newport with nine shippes, and five hundred
people, who had each of them a Commission, who first arrived to call in
the old, without the knowledge or consent of them, that had endured all
those former dangers to beat the path, not any regard had at all of them.
All things being ready, because those three Captaines could not agree for
place, it was concluded they should goe all in one ship, so all their
three Commissions were in that Ship with them called the Sea-Venture.
{MN-1} They set sayle from England in May 1609. A small Catch perished at
Sea in a Hericano: the Admirall with an hundred and fiftie men, with the
two Knights, and their new Commission, their Bils of Loading, with all
manner of directions, and the most part of their provision arrived
[III.90.] not. {MN-2} With the other seaven Ships as Captaines arrived
Ratliffe, whose right name (as is sayd) was Sicklemore, Martin, and
Archur, with Captaine Wood, Captaine Webbe, Captaine Moone, Captaine King,
Captaine Davis, and divers Gentlemen of good meanes, and great parentage.
But the first as they had beene troublesome at Sea, began againe to marre
all ashore: for though (as is said) they were formerly sent for England,
yet now returning againe, graced by the titles of Captaines of the
passengers, seeing the Admirall wanting, and great probabilitie of her
losse, strengthened themselves with those new companies, so exclaiming
against Captaine Smith, that they mortally hated him ere ever they saw
him. Who understanding by his Scouts the arrivall of such a Fleet, little
dreaming of any such supply, supposed them Spanyards. But he quickly so
determined and ordered our affaires, as we little feared their Arrivall,
nor the successe of our incounter; {MN-3} nor were the Salvages any way
negligent for the most part, to ayd and assist us with their best power.
Had it so beene we had beene happy; for we would not have trusted them but
as our foes, where receiving them as our Countreymen and friends, they did
what they could to murther our President, to surprise the Store, the Fort,
and our lodgings, to usurpe the government, and make us all their servants
and slaves, till they could consume us and our remembrance; and rather
indeed to supplant us then supply us, as master William Box an honest
Gentleman in this voyage thus relateth.
In the tayle of a Hericano wee were separated from the Admirall, which
although it was but the remainder of that Storme, there is seldome any
such in England, or those Northerne parts of Europe. Some lost their
Masts, some their Sayles blowne from their Yards; the Seas so over-raking
our Ships, much of our provision was spoyled, our Fleet separated, and our
men sicke, and many dyed, and in this miserable estate we arrived in
Virginia. But in this Storme,
When ratling Thunder ran along the Clouds;
Did not the Saylers poore, and Masters proud
A terror feele as strucke with feare of God?
Did not their trembling joynts then dread his rod?
Least for foule deeds and black mouth'd blasphemies,
The rufull time be come that vengeance cryes.
_Muntinies._
To a thousand mischiefes those lewd Captaines led this lewd company,
wherein were many unruly Gallants, packed thither by their friends to
escape ill destinies, and those would dispose and determine of the
government, sometimes to one, the next day to another; to day the old
Commission must rule, to morrow the new, the next day neither, in fine
they would rule all, or ruine all: yet in charitie we must endure them
thus to destroy us, or by correcting their follies, have brought the
worlds censure upon us to be guiltie of their blouds. Happie had we beene
had they never arrived, and we for ever abandoned, and as we were left to
our fortunes: for on earth for the number was never more confusion, or
misery, then their factions occasioned.
_The planting Nandsamund._ {MN}
The President seeing the desire those Braves had to rule; seeing how his
authoritie was so unexpectedly changed, would willingly have left all, and
have returned for England. But seeing there was small hope this new
Commission would arrive, longer he would not suffer those factious spirits
to proceede. It would be too tedious, too strange, and almost incredible;
should I particularly relate the infinite dangers, plots, and practices,
he daily escaped amongst this factious crew; the chiefe whereof he quickly
layd by the heeles, till his leasure better served to doe them justice:
and to take away all occasions of further mischiefe, Master Percie had his
request granted to returne for England, being very sicke; and Mr. West
with an hundred and twentie of the best he could chuse, he sent to the
Falles; {MN} Martin with neare as many to Nandsamund, with their due
proportions of all provisions according to their numbers.
_The breach of peace with the Salvages._ {MN}
[III.91.] Now the Presidents yeare being neare expired, he made Captaine
Martin President to follow the order for the election of a President every
yeare: but he knowing his owne insufficiency, and the companies
untowardnesse and little regard of him, within three houres after resigned
it againe to Captaine Smith, and at Nandsamund thus proceeded. {MN} The
people being contributes used him kindly; yet such was his jealous feare,
in the midst of their mirth, he did surprise this poore naked King, with
his Monuments, houses, and the Isle he inhabited, and there fortified
himselfe; but so apparantly distracted with feare, as imboldened the
Salvages to assault him, kill his men, release their King, gather and
carry away a thousand bushels of Corne, he not once offering to intercept
them; but sent to the President then at the Falles for thirtie good shot;
which from James Towne immediately was sent him. But he so well imployed
them they did just nothing, but returned complaining of his tendernesse:
yet he came away with them to James Towne, leaving his company to their
fortunes.
Here I cannot omit the courage of George Forrest, that had seaventeene
Arrowes sticking in him, and one shot through him, yet lived sixe or
seaven dayes, as if he had small hurt, then for want of Chirurgery dyed.
Master West having seated his men by the Falles, presently returned to
revisit James Towne: the President followed him to see that company
seated; met him by the way, wondering at his so quicke returne; and found
his company planted so inconsiderately, in a place not onely subject to
the rivers inundation, but round invironed with many intolerable
inconveniences.
_Powhatan bought for copper._
For remedie whereof he presently sent to Powhatan to sell him the place
called Powhatan, promising to defend him against the Monacans. And these
should be his Conditions (with his people) to resigne him the Fort and
houses, and all that Countrey for a proportion of Copper; that all
stealing offenders should be sent him, there to receive their punishment;
that every house as a Custome should pay him a Bushell of Corne for an
inch square of Copper, and a proportion of Pocones, as a yearely tribute
to King James for their protection, as a dutie; what else they could spare
to barter at their best discretions.
_Muntinies._
_Five suppresse an hundred and twentie._ {MN-1}
_Breach of peace with the Salvages at the Falles._ {MN-2}
But both this excellent place and those good Conditions did those furies
refuse, contemning both him, his kinde care and authoritie. So much they
depended on the Lord Generals new Commission; as they regarded none: the
worst they could doe to shew their spights they did; supposing all the
Monacans Country, gold; and none should come there but whom they pleased.
{MN-1} I doe more then wonder to thinke how onely with five men, he either
durst or would adventure as he did, (knowing how greedie they were of his
bloud) to land amongst them, and commit to imprisonment all the
Chieftaines of those mutinies, till by their multitudes being an hundred
and twentie they forced him to retyre: yet in that interim he surprised
one of their Boates, wherewith he returned to their ship; where in deed
was their provision, which also he tooke, and well it chanced he found the
Marriners so tractable and constant, or there had beene small possibilitie
he had ever escaped. There were divers other of better reason and
experience, that from their first landing, hearing the generall good
report of his old Souldiers, and seeing with their eyes his actions so
well mannaged with discretion, as Captaine Wood, Captaine Webbe, Cap.
Moone, Captaine Fitzjames, Master William Powell, Master Partridge,
Master White, and divers others, when they perceived the malice of
Ratliffe and Archer, and their faction, left their companies, and ever
rested his faithfull friends. {MN-2} But the worst was that the poore
Salvages, that daily brought in their contribution to the President, that
disorderly Breach of company so tormented those poore soules, by stealing
their corne, robbing their gardens, beating them, breaking their houses
and keeping some prisoners; that they daily complained to Captaine Smith,
he had brought them for Protectors, worse enemies then the Monacans
themselves: which though till then, for his love they had endured, they
desired pardon if hereafter they defended themselves; since he would not
correct them, as they had long expected he [III.92.] would. So much they
importuned him to punish their misdemeanors, as they offered (if he would
leade them) to fight for him against them. But having spent nine dayes
in seeking to reclaime them; shewing them how much they did abuse
themselves with these great guilded hopes of the South Sea Mines,
commodities, or victories, they so madly conceived; then seeing nothing
would prevaile, he set sayle for James Towne.
Thus oft we see from small greene wounds, and from a little griefe,
A greater sore and sicknesse growes, then will admit reliefe:
For thus themselves they did beguile, and with the rest play'd theefe.
_An assalt by the Salvages._
_The planting of Non-such._ {MN}
Now no sooner was the Ship under sayle, but the Salvages assaulted those
hundred and twentie in their Fort, finding some stragling abroad in the
woods: they slew many, and so affrighted the rest, as their prisoners
escaped, and they safely retyred, with the swords and cloakes of those
they had slaine. But ere wee had sayled halfe a league, our ship
grounding, gave us once more libertie to summon them to a parley; where we
found them all so strangely amazed with this poore silly assault of twelve
Salvages, that they submitted themselves upon any tearmes to the
Presidents mercy; who presently put by the heeles sixe or seaven of the
chiefe offenders: the rest he seated gallantly at Powhatan, in that
Salvage Fort, readie built, and prettily fortified with poles and barkes
of trees, sufficient to have defended them from all the Salvages in
Virginia, dry houses for lodgings and neere two hundred accres of ground
ready to be planted, {MN} and no place we knew so strong, so pleasant and
delightfull in Virginia for which we called it Non-such. The Salvages also
hee presently appeased, redelivering to either party their former losses.
Thus all were friends.
_The Salvages appeased._
New officers appointed to command, and the President againe ready to
depart, at that instant arrived Captaine West, whose gentle nature, by the
perswasions and compassion of those mutinous prisoners, (alledging they
had onely done this for his honor) was so much abused, that to regaine
their old hopes, new turboyles did arise. For they a-shore being possessed
of all their victuall, munition, and every thing, grew to that height in
their former factions, as the President left them to their fortunes: they
returned againe to the open ayre at Wests Fort, abandoning Non-such, and
he to James towne with his best expedition, but this hapned him in that
Journey.
_Captaine Smith blowne up with powder._
_A bloudy intent._ {MN}
Sleeping in his Boate, (for the ship was returned two daies before)
accidentallie, one fired his powder-bag, which tore the flesh from his
body and thighes, nine or ten inches square in a most pittifull manner;
but to quench the tormenting fire, frying him in his cloaths he leaped
over-boord into the deepe river, where ere they could recover him he was
neere drowned. In this estate without either Chirurgian, or Chirurgery he
was to goe neere an hundred myles. Arriving at James towne, causing all
things to be prepared for peace or warres to obtaine provision, whilest
those things were providing, Ratliffe, Archer, & the rest of their
Confederates, being to come to their trials; their guiltie consciences,
fearing a just reward for their deserts, seeing the President, unable to
stand, and neere bereft of his senses by reason of his torment, they had
plotted to have murdered him in his bed. {MN} But his heart did faile him
that should have given fire to that mercilesse Pistoll. So not finding
that course to be the best, they joyned together to usurpe the government,
thereby to escape their punishment. The President, had notice of their
projects, the which to withstand, though his old souldiers importuned him
but permit them to take their heads that would resist his command, yet he
would not suffer them, but sent for the Masters of the ships, and tooke
order with them for his returne for England. Seeing there was neither
Chirurgian, nor Chirurgery in the Fort to cure his hurt, and the ships to
depart the next day, his Commission to be suppressed he knew not why,
himselfe and souldiers to [III.93.] be rewarded he knew not how, and a new
commission granted they knew not to whom (the which disabled that
authority he had, as made them presume so oft to those mutinies as they
did:) besides so grievous were his wounds, and so cruell his torments (few
expecting he could live) nor was hee able to follow his busines to regaine
what they had lost, suppresse those factions, and range the countries for
provision as he intended; and well he knew in those affaires his owne
actions and presence was as requisit as his directions, which now could
not be, he went presently abroad, resolving there to appoint them
governours, and to take order for the mutiners, but he could finde none
hee thought fit for it would accept it. In the meane time, seeing him
gone, they perswaded Master Percy to stay, who was then to goe for
England, and be their President. Within lesse then an houre was this
mutation begun and concluded. For when the Company understood Smith would
leave them, & saw the rest in Armes called Presidents & Councellors,
divers began to fawne on those new commanders, that now bent all their
wits to get him resigne them his Commission: who after much adoe and many
bitter repulses; that their confusion (which he tould them was at their
elbowes) should not be attributed to him, for leaving the Colony without a
Commission, he was not unwilling they should steale it, but never would he
give it to such as they.
And thus, Strange violent forces drew us on unwilling:
Reason perswading 'gainst our loves rebelling.
We saw and knew the better, ah curse accurst!
That notwithstanding: we imbrace the worst.
_The causes why Smith left the Countrey and his Commission._
But had that unhappie blast not hapned, he would quickly have qualified
the heate of those humors, and factions, had the ships but once left them
and us to our fortunes; and have made that provision from among the
Salvages, as we neither feared Spanyard, Salvage, nor famine; nor would
have left Virginia, nor our lawfull authoritie, but at as deare a price as
we had bought it, and payd for it. What shall I say but thus, we left him,
that in all his proceedings, made Justice his first guide, and experience
his second, even hating basenesse, sloath, pride, and indignitie, more
then any dangers; that never allowed more for himselfe, then his souldiers
with him; that upon no danger would send them where he would not lead them
himselfe; that would never see us want, what he either had, or could by
any meanes get us; that would rather want then borrow, or starve then not
pay; that loved action more then words, and hated falshood and
covetousnesse worse then death; whose adventures were our lives, and whose
losse our deaths.
Leaving us thus with three ships, seaven boats, commodities readie to
trade, the harvest newly gathered, ten weeks provision in the store, foure
hundred nintie and od persons, twentie-foure Peeces of Ordnance, three
hundred Muskets, Snaphances, and Firelockes, Shot, Powder, and Match
sufficient, Curats, Pikes, Swords, and Morrios, more then men; the
Salvages, their language, and habitations well knowne to an hundred well
trayned and expert Souldiers; Nets for fishing; Tooles of all sorts to
worke; apparell to supply our wants; six Mares and a Horse; five or sixe
hundred Swine; as many Hennes and Chickens; some Goats; some sheepe; what
was brought or bred there remained. But they regarding nothing but from
hand to mouth, did consume that wee had, tooke care for nothing, but to
perfect some colourable complaints against Captaine Smith. For effecting
whereof three weekes longer they stayed the Ships, till they could produce
them. That time and charge might much better have beene spent, but it
suted well with the rest of their discretions.
Besides James towne that was strongly Pallizadoed, containing some fiftie
or sixtie houses, he left five or sixe other severall Forts and
Plantations: though they were not so sumptuous as our successors expected,
they were better then they provided any for us. All this time we [III.94]
had but one Carpenter in the Countrey, and three others that could doe
little, but desired to be learners: two Black-smiths; two saylers, & those
we write labourers were for most part footmen, and such as they that were
Adventurers brought to attend them, or such as they could perswade to goe
with them, that never did know what a dayes worke was, except the
Dutch-men and Poles, and some dozen other. For all the rest were poore
Gentlemen, Tradsmen, Serving-men, libertines, and such like, ten times
more fit to spoyle a Common-wealth, then either begin one, or but helpe to
maintain one. For when neither the feare of God, nor the law, nor shame,
nor displeasure of their friends could rule them here, there is small hope
ever to bring one in twentie of them ever to be good there.
Notwithstanding, I confesse divers amongst them, had better mindes and
grew much more industrious then was expected: yet ten good workemen would
have done more substantiall worke in a day, then ten of them in a weeke.
Therefore men may rather wonder how we could doe so much, then use us so
badly, because we did no more, but leave those examples to make others
beware, and the fruits of all, we know not for whom.
_The ends of the Dutch-men._
But to see the justice of God upon these Dutch-men; Valdo before spoke of,
made a shift to get for England, where perswading the Merchants what rich
Mines he had found, and great service he would doe them, was very well
rewarded, and returned with the Lord La Warre: but being found a meere
Impostor, he dyed most miserably. Adam and Francis his two consorts were
fled againe to Powhatan, to whom they promised at the arrivall of my Lord,
what wonders they would doe, would he suffer them but to goe to him. But
the King seeing they would be gone, replyed; You that would have betrayed
Captaine Smith to mee, will certainely betray me to this great Lord for
your peace: so caused his men to beat out their braines.
To conclude, the greatest honour that ever belonged to the greatest
Monarkes, was the inlarging their Dominions, and erecting Common-weales.
Yet howsoever any of them have attributed to themselves, the Conquerors of
the world: there is more of the world never heard of them, then ever any
of them all had in subjection: for the Medes, Persians, and Assyrians,
never Conquered all Asia, nor the Grecians but part of Europe and Asia.
The Romans indeed had a great part of both, as well as Affrica: but as for
all the Northerne parts of Europe and Asia, the interior Southern and
Westerne parts of Affrica, all America & Terra incognita, they were all
ignorant: nor is our knowledge yet but superficiall. That their
beginnings, ending, and limitations were proportioned by the Almightie is
most evident: but to consider of what small meanes many of them have begun
is wonderfull. For some write that even Rome her selfe, during the Raigne
of Romulus, exceeded not the number of a thousand houses. And Carthage
grew so great a Potentate, that at first was but incirculed in the thongs
of a Bulls skinne, as to fight with Rome for the Empire of the world. Yea
Venice at this time the admiration of the earth, was at first but a
Marish, inhabited by poor Fishermen. And likewise Ninivie, Thebes,
Babylon, Delus, Troy. Athens, Mycena and Sparta, grew from small
beginnings to be most famous States, though now they retaine little more
then a naked name. Now this our yong Common-wealth in Virginia, as you
have read once consisted but of 38 persons, and in two yeares increased
but to 200. yet by this small meanes so highly was approved the Plantation
in Virginia, as how many Lords, with worthy Knights, and brave Gentlemen
pretended to see it, and some did, and now after the expence of fifteene
yeares more, and such massie summes of men and money, grow they
disanimated? If we truely consider our Proceedings with the Spanyards, and
the rest, we have no reason to despayre for with so small charge, they
never had either greater Discoveries, with such certaine tryals of more
severall Commodities, then in this short time hath beene returned from
Virginia, and by much lesse meanes. New England was brought out of
obscuritie, and affoorded fraught for neare 200 sayle of ships, where
there is now erected a brave Plantation. For the happines of Summer Isles,
they are no lesse then either, and yet those have had a far lesse, and a
more difficult beginning, then either Rome, Carthage, or Venice.
Written by Richard Pots, Clarke of the Councell,
William Tankard, and G.P.
A.D. 1609
PANEGYRICK VERSES
Now seeing there is thus much Paper here to [III.95.] spare, that you
should not be altogether cloyed with Prose; such Verses as my worthy
Friends bestowed upon New England, I here present you, because with
honestie I can neither reject, nor omit their courtesies.
In the deserved Honour of the Author, Captaine John Smith, and
his Worke.
Damn'd Envie is a sp'rite, that ever haunts
Beasts, mis-nam'd Men; Cowards, or Ignorants.
But, onely such shee followes, whose deare worth
(Maugre her malice) sets their glory forth.
If this faire Overture, then, take not; It
Is Envie's spight (deare friend) in men of wit;
Or Feare, lest morsels, which our mouths possesse,
Might fall from thence; or else, tis Sottishnesse.
If either; (I hope neither) thee they raise;
Thy Letters [FN] are as Letters in thy praise;
Who, by their vice, improve (when they reproove.)
Thy vertue; so, in hate, procure thee Love.
Then, On firme Worth: this Monument I frame;
Scorning for any Smith to forge such fame.
John Davies, Heref:
* * * * *
[FN] Hinderers.
To his worthy Captaine the Author.
That which wee call the subject of all Storie,
Is Truth: which in this Worke of thine gives glorie
To all that thou hast done. Then, scorne the spight
Of Envie; which doth no mans Merits right.
My sword may helpe the rest: my Pen no more
Can doe, but this; I'ave said enough before.
Your sometime Souldier, J. Codrinton, now Templer.
To my Worthy Friend and Cosen, Captaine John Smith.
It over-joyes my heart, when as thy Words
Of these designes, with deeds I doe compare.
Here is a Booke, such worthy truth affords,
None should the due desert thereof impare:
Sith thou, the man, deserving of these Ages,
Much paine hast ta'en for this our Kingdomes good,
In Climes unknowne, 'Mongst Turks and Salvages,
T'inlarge our bounds; though with thy losse of blood.
Hence damn'd Detraction: stand not in our way.
Envie, it selfe, will not the Truth gainesay.
N. Smith.
In the deserved Honour of my honest and worthy Captaine,
John Smith, and his Worke.
Captaine and friend; when I peruse thy Booke
(With Judgements eyes) into my heart I looke:
And there I finde (what sometimes Albion knew)
A Souldier, to his Countries-honour, true.
Some fight for wealth; and some for emptie praise;
But thou alone thy Countries Fame to raise. [III. 96.]
With due discretion, and undanted heart,
I (oft) so well have seene thee act thy Part
In deepest plunge of hard extreamitie,
As forc't the troups of proudest foes to flie.
Though men of greater Ranke and lesse desert
Would Pish-away thy Praise, it can not start
From the true Owner: for, all good mens tongues
Shall keepe the same. To them that Part belongs.
If, then, Wit, Courage, and Successe should get
Thee Fame; the Muse for that is in thy debt:
Apart whereof (least able though I be)
Thus here I doe disburse, to honor Thee.
Raleigh Crashaw.
Michael Phettiplace, Wil: Phettiplace, and Richard Wiffing, Gentlemen,
and Souldiers under Captaine Smiths command: In his deserved honour
for his Worke, and Worth.
Why may not wee in this Worke have our Mite,
That had our share in each black day and night,
When thou Virginia foild'st, yet kept'st unstaind;
And held'st the King of Paspeheh enchaind.
Thou all alone this Salvage sterne didst take.
Pamaunkees King wee saw thee captive make
Among seaven hundred of his stoutest men,
To murther thee and us resolved; when
Fast by the hayre thou ledst this Salvage grim,
Thy Pistoll at his breast to governe him:
Which did infuse such awe in all the rest
(Sith their drad Soveraigne thou had'st so distrest)
That thou and wee (poore sixteene) safe retir'd
Unto our helplesse Ships. Thou (thus admir'd)
Didst make proud Powhatan, his subjects send
To James his Towne, thy censure to attend:
And all Virginia's Lords, and pettie Kings,
Aw'd by thy vertue, crouch, and Presents brings
To gaine thy grace; so dreaded thou hast beene:
And yet a heart more milde is seldome seene;
So, making Valour Vertue, really;
Who hast nought in thee counterfeit, or slie;
If in the sleight be not the truest Art,
That makes men famoused for faire desert.
Who saith of thee, this savors of vaine glorie,
Mistakes both thee and us, and this true Storie.
If it be ill in Thee, so well to doe;
Then, is ill in Us, to praise thee too.
But, if the first be well done; it is well,
To say it doth (if so it doth) excell.
Praise is the guerdon of each deare desert
Making the praised act the praised part
With more alacritie: Honours Spurre is Praise;
Without which, it (regardlesse) soone decaies.
And for this paines of thine wee praise thee rather,
That future Times may know who was the father
Of that rare Worke (New England) which may bring,
Praise to thy God, and profit to thy King.
THE FOURTH BOOKE. [IV.105.]
A.D. 1609
To make Plaine
the True Proceedings of the Historie for 1609. we
must follow the examinations of Doctor
Simons, and two learned Orations
published by the Companie; with
the relation of the Right
Honourable the Lord
De la Ware.
What happened in the first government after the alteration in the
time of Captaine George Piercie their Governour.
_The planting Point Comfort._
The day before Captaine Smith returned for England with the ships,
Captaine Davis arrived in a small Pinace, with some sixteene proper men
more: To these were added a company from James towne, under the command of
Captaine John Sickelmore alias Ratliffe, to inhabit Point Comfort.
Captaine Martin and Captaine West, having lost their boats and neere halfe
their men among the Salvages, were returned to James towne; for the
Salvages no sooner understood Smith was gone, but they all revolted, and
did spoile and murther all they incountered. Now wee were all constrained
to live onely on that Smith had onely for his owne Companie, for the rest
had consumed their proportions, and now they had twentie Presidents with
all their appurtenances: Master Piercie our new President, was so sicke
hee could neither goe nor stand. But ere all was consumed, Captaine West
and Captaine Sickelmore, each with a small ship and thirtie or fortie men
well appointed, sought abroad to trade. Sickelmore upon the confidence of
Powhatan, with about thirtie others as carelesse as himselfe, were all
slaine, onely Jeffrey Shortridge escaped, and Pokahontas the Kings
daughter saved a boy called Henry Spilman, that lived many yeeres after,
by her meanes, amongst the Patawomekes. Powhatan still as he found meanes,
cut off their Boats, denied them trade, so that Captaine West set saile
for England. Now we all found the losse of Captaine Smith, yea his
greatest maligners could now curse his losse: as for corne, provision and
contribution from the Salvages, we had nothing but mortall wounds, with
clubs and arrowes; as for our Hogs, Hens, Goats, Sheepe, Horse, or what
lived, our commanders, officers & Salvages daily consumed them, some small
proportions sometimes we tasted, till all was devoured; then swords,
armes, pieces, or any thing, wee traded with the Salvages, whose cruell
fingers were so oft imbrewed in our blouds, that what by their crueltie,
our Governours indiscretion, and the losse of our ships, of five hundred
within six moneths after Captaine Smiths departure, there remained not
past sixtie men, women and children, most miserable and poore creatures;
and those were preserved for the most part, by roots, herbes, acornes,
walnuts, berries, now and then a little fish: they that had startch in
these extremities, made no small use of it; yea, even the very skinnes of
our horses. Nay, so great was our famine, that a Salvage we slew, and
buried, the poorer sort tooke [IV.106.] him up againe and eat him, and so
did divers one another boyled and stewed with roots and herbs: And one
amongst the rest did kill his wife, powdered her, and had eaten part of
her before it was knowne, for which hee was executed, as hee well
deserved; now whether shee was better roasted, boyled or carbonado'd, I
know not, but of such a dish as powdered wife I never heard of. This was
that time, which still to this day we called the starving time; it were
too vile to say, and scarce to be beleeved, what we endured: but the
occasion was our owne, for want of providence, industrie and government,
and not the barrennesse and defect of the Countrie, as is generally
supposed; for till then in three yeeres, for the numbers were landed us,
we had never from England provision sufficient for six moneths, though it
seemed by the bils of loading sufficient was sent us, such a glutton is
the Sea, and such good fellowes the Mariners; we as little tasted of the
great proportion sent us, as they of our want and miseries, yet
notwithstanding they ever over-swayed and ruled the businesse, though we
endured all that is said, and chiefly lived on what this good Countrie
naturally afforded; yet had wee beene even in Paradice it selfe with these
Governours, it would not have beene much better with us; yet there was
amongst us, who had they had the government as Captaine Smith appointed,
but that they could not maintaine it, would surely have kept us from those
extremities of miseries. This in ten daies more, would have supplanted us
all with death.
_The arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates._
But God that would not this Countrie should be unplanted, sent Sir Thomas
Gates, and Sir George Sommers with one hundred and fiftie people most
happily preserved by the Bermudas to preserve us: strange it is to say how
miraculously they were preserved in a leaking ship, as at large you may
reade in the insuing Historie of those Ilands.
A.D. 1610
The government resigned to Sir Thomas Gates, 1610.
_James towne abandoned._ {MN}
When these two Noble Knights did see our miseries, being but strangers in
that Countrie, and could understand no more of the cause, but by
conjecture of our clamours and complaints, of accusing and excusing one
another: {MN} They embarked us with themselves, with the best meanes they
could, and abandoning James towne, set saile for England, whereby you may
see the event of the government of the former Commanders left to
themselves; although they had lived there many yeeres as formerly hath
beene spoken (who hindred now their proceedings, Captaine Smith being
gone.)
At noone they fell to the Ile of Hogs, and the next morning to Mulbery
point, at what time they descried the Long-boat of the Lord la Ware, for
God would not have it so abandoned. For this honourable Lord, then
Governour of the Countrie, met them with three ships exceedingly well
furnished with all necessaries fitting, who againe returned them to the
abandoned James towne. Out of the observations of William Simmons Doctor
of Divinitie.
The government devolved to the Lord la Ware.
_The arivall of the Lord la Ware._
His Lordship arrived the ninth of June 1610. accompanied with Sir
Ferdinando Waynman, Captaine Houlcroft, Captaine Lawson, and divers other
Gentlemen of sort; the tenth he came up with his fleet, went on shore,
heard a Sermon, read his Commission, and entred into consultation for the
good of the Colonie, in which secret counsell we will a little leave them,
that we may duly observe the revealed counsell of God. Hee that shall but
turne up his eie, and behold the spangled canopie of heaven, or shall but
cast downe his eie, and consider the embroydered carpet of the earth, and
withall shall marke how the heavens heare the earth, and the earth the
Corne and Oile, and they relieve the necessities of man, [IV.107.] that
man will acknowledge Gods infinite providence: But hee that shall further
observe, how God inclineth all casuall events to worke the necessary helpe
of his Saints, must needs adore the Lords infinite goodnesse; never had
any people more just cause, to cast themselves at the very foot-stoole of
God, and to reverence his mercie, than this distressed Colonie; for if God
had not sent Sir Thomas Gates from the Bermudas, within foure daies they
had almost beene famished; if God had not directed the heart of that noble
Knight to save the Fort from fiering at their shipping, for many were very
importunate to have burnt it, they had beene destitute of a present
harbour and succour; if they had abandoned the Fort any longer time, and
had not so soone returned, questionlesse the Indians would have destroied
the Fort, which had beene the meanes of our safeties amongst them and a
terror. If they had set saile sooner, and had lanched into the vast Ocean,
who would have promised they should have incountered the Fleet of the Lord
la Ware, especially when they made for New found land, as they intended,
a course contrarie to our Navie approaching. If the Lord la Ware had not
brought with him a yeeres provision, what comfort would those poore soules
have received, to have beene relanded to a second distruction? This was
the arme of the Lord of Hosts, who would have his people passe the red Sea
and Wildernesse, and then to possesse the land of Canaan: It was divinely
spoken of Heathen Socrates, If God for man be carefull, why should man bee
over-distrustfull? for he hath so tempered the contrary qualities of the
Elements,
That neither cold things want heat, nor moist things dry,
Nor sad things spirits, to quicken them thereby,
Yet make they musicall content of contrarietie,
Which conquer'd, knits them in such links together,
They doe produce even all this whatsoever.
The Lord Governour, after mature deliberation delivered some few words to
the Companie, laying just blame upon them, for their haughtie vanities and
sluggish idlenesse, earnestly intreating them to amend those desperate
follies, lest hee should be compelled to draw the sword of Justice, and to
cut off such delinquents, which he had rather draw, to the shedding of his
vitall bloud, to protect them from injuries; heartning them with relation
of that store hee had brought with him, constituting officers of all
conditions, to rule over them, allotting every man his particular place,
to watch vigilantly, and worke painfully: This Oration and direction being
received with a generall applause, you might shortly behold the idle and
restie diseases of a divided multitude, by the unitie and authoritie of
this government to be substantially cured. Those that knew not the way to
goodnesse before, but cherished singularitie and faction, can now chalke
out the path of all respective dutie and service: every man endevoureth to
outstrip other in diligence: the French preparing to plant the Vines, the
English labouring in the Woods and grounds; every man knoweth his charge,
and dischargeth the same with alacritie. Neither let any man be
discouraged, by the relation of their daily labour (as though the sap of
their bodies should bee spent for other mens profit) the setled times of
working, to effect all themselves, or as the Adventurers need desire,
required no more paines than from six of the clocke in the morning, untill
ten, and from two in the afternoone, till foure, at both which times they
are provided of spirituall and corporall reliefe. First, they enter into
the Church, and make their praiers unto God, next they returne to their
houses and receive their proportion of food. Nor should it bee conceived
that this businesse excludeth Gentlemen, whose breeding never knew what a
daies labour meant, for though they cannot digge, use the Spade, nor
practice the Axe, yet may the staied spirits of any condition, finde how
to imploy the force of knowledge, the exercise of counsell, the operation
and power of their best breeding and qualities. The houses which are
built, are as warme [IV.108.] and defensive against wind and weather, as
if they were tiled and slated, being covered above with strong boards,
and some matted round with Indian mats. Our forces are now such as are
able to tame the furie and trecherie of the Salvages: Our Forts assure the
Inhabitants, and frustrate all assaylants. And to leave no discouragement
in the heart of any, who personally shall enter into this great action, I
will communicate a double comfort; first, Sir George Sommers, that worthy
Admirall hath undertaken a dangerous adventure for the good of the
Colonie.
_Sir George Sommers returne to the Bermudas._
Upon the 15. of June, accompanied with Captaine Samuel Argall, hee
returned in two Pinaces unto the Bermudas, promising (if by any meanes God
will open a way to that Iland of Rocks) that he would soone returne with
six moneths provision of flesh; with much crosse weather at last hee there
safely arrived, but Captaine Argall was forced backe againe to James
towne, whom the Lord De la Ware not long after sent to the River of
Patawomeke, to trade for Corne; where finding an English boy, one Henry
Spilman, a young Gentleman well descended, by those people preserved from
the furie of Powhatan, by his acquaintance had such good usage of those
kinde Salvages, that they fraughted his ship with Corne, wherewith he
returned to James towne.
_The building Fort Henry and Fort Charles._
The other comfort is, that the Lord la Ware hath built two new Forts, the
one called Fort Henry, the other Fort Charles, in honour of our most noble
Prince, and his hopefull brother, upon a pleasant plaine, and neare a
little Rivilet they call Southampton River; they stand in a wholsome aire,
having plentie of Springs of sweet water, they command a great circuit of
ground, containing Wood, Pasture and Marsh, with apt places for Vines,
Corne and Gardens; in which Forts it is resolved, that all those that come
out of England, shall be at their first landing quartered, that the
wearisomnesse of the Sea, may bee refreshed in this pleasing part of the
Countrie, and Sir Thomas Gates hee sent for England. But to correct some
injuries of the Paspahegs, he sent Captaine Pearcie, Master Stacy, and
fiftie or threescore shot, where the Salvages flying, they burnt their
houses, tooke the Queene and her children prisoners, whom not long after
they slew.
The fertilitie of the soile, the temperature of the climate, the forme of
government, the condition of our people, their daily invocating of the
Name of God being thus expressed; why should the successe, by the rules of
mortall judgement, bee disparaged? why should not the rich harvest of our
hopes be seasonably expected? I dare say, that the resolution of Caesar in
France, the designes of Alexander, the discoveries of Hernando Cortes in
the West, and of Emanuel King of Portugal in the East, were not encouraged
upon so firme grounds of state and possibilitie.
But his Lordship being at the fales, the Salvages assaulted his troopes
and slew three or foure of his men. Not long after, his Honour growing
very sicke, he returned for England the 28. of March; in the ship were
about five and fiftie men, but ere we arrived at Fyall, fortie of us were
neare sicke to death, of the Scurvie, Callenture, and other diseases: the
Governour being an English-man, kindly used us, but small reliefe we could
get, but Oranges, of which we had plenty, whereby within eight daies wee
recovered, and all were well and strong by that they came into England.
Written by William Box.
The Counsell of Virginia finding the smalnesse of that returne which they
hoped should have defrayed the charge of a new supply, entred into a deep
consultation, whether it were fit to enter into a new Contribution, or in
time to send for them home, and give over the action, and therefore they
adjured Sir Thomas Gates to deale plainly with them, who with a solemne
and a sacred oath replyed, That all things before reported were true, and
that all men know that wee stand at the devotion of politicke Princes and
States, who for their proper utilitie, devise all courses to grind our
Merchants, and by all pretences to confiscate their goods, and to draw
from us all manner of gaine by their inquisitive inventions, when in
Virginia, a few yeeres labour by planting and husbandry, will furnish
[IV.109.] all our defects with honour and securitie. Out of a Declaration
published by the Counsell, 1610.
A.D. 1611.
LORD DE LA WARE'S RELATION
The government left againe to Captaine George Piercie, and the returne
of the Lord la Ware, with his Relation to the Councell.
1611. _Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
_The Relation of the Lord la Ware._ {MN}
My Lords, now by accident returned from my charge at Virginia, contrary
either to my owne desire, or other mens expectations, who spare not to
censure me, in point of dutie, and to discourse and question the reason,
though they apprehend not the true cause of my returne, {MN} I am forced
out of a willingnesse to satisfie every man, to deliver unto your
Lordships and the rest of this assemblie, in what state I have lived ever
since my arrivall to the Colonie, what hath beene the just cause of my
sudden departure, and on what tearmes I have left the same, the rather
because I perceive, that since my comming into England, such a coldnesse
and irresolution is bred in many of the Adventurers, that some of them
seeke to withdraw their payments, by which the action must be supported,
making this my returne colour of their needlesse backwardnesse and unjust
protraction: which that you may the better understand, I was welcomed to
James towne by a violent ague; being cured of it, within three weekes
after I began to be distempered with other grievous sicknesses which
successively and severally assailed me, for besides a relapse into the
former disease, which with much more violence held me more than a moneth,
and brought me to greater weaknesse; the flux surprised mee, and kept me
many daies, then the crampe assaulted my weake body with strong paines,
and after, the gout; all those drew me to that weaknesse, being unable to
stirre, brought upon me the scurvie, which though in others it be a
sicknesse of slothfulnesse, yet was it in me an effect of weaknesse, which
never left me, till I was ready to leave the world.
In these extremities I resolved to consult with my friends, who finding
nature spent in me, and my body almost consumed, my paines likewise daily
increasing, gave me advice to preferre a hopefull recoverie, before an
assured ruine, which must necessarily have ensued, had I lived but twentie
daies longer in Virginia, wanting at that instant both food and Physicke,
fit to remedie such extraordinary diseases; wherefore I shipped my selfe
with Doctor Bohun and Captaine Argall, for Mevis in the West Indies, but
being crossed with Southerly winds, I was forced to shape my course for
the Westerne Iles, where I found helpe for my health, and my sicknesse
asswaged, by the meanes of fresh dyet, especially Oranges and Limons, and
undoubted remedie for that disease: then I intended to have returned backe
againe to Virginia, but I was advised not to hazard my selfe, before I had
perfectly recovered my strength: so I came for England; in which accident,
I doubt not but men of judgement will imagine, there would more prejudice
have happened by my death there, than I hope can doe by my returne.
100. _Kine and_ 200. _Swine sent to Virginia._ {MN}
For the Colony I left it to the charge of Captaine George Piercie, a
Gentleman of honour and resolution, untill the comming of Sir Thomas Dale,
whose Commission was likewise to bee determined upon the arrivall of Sir
Thomas Gates, according to the order your Lordships appointed: the number
I left were about two hundred, the most in health, and provided of at
least ten moneths victuall, and the Countrie people tractable and
friendly. What other defects they had, I found by Sir Thomas Gates at the
Cowes; his Fleet was sufficiently furnished with supplies, but when it
shall please God that Sir Thomas Dale, and Sir Thomas Gates shall arrive
in Virginia {MN} with the extraordinarie supply of 100. Kine, and 200.
Swine, besides store of other provision, for the maintenance of the
Colonie, there will appeare that successe in the action, as shall give no
man cause of distrust, that hath already adventured, but incourage every
good minde to further so good a worke, as will redound both to the glory
of God, to the credit of our nation, and the comfort of all those that
have beene instruments in the furthering of it. Out of the Lord la Wares
discourse, published by Authoritie, 1611.
A.D. 1611
SIR THOMAS DALE'S GOVERNMENT
The government surrendred to Sir Thomas Dale, who arrived in Virginia
the tenth of May, 1611. out of Master Hamors Booke.
1611. _Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
_The arrivall of Sir Thomas Dale._ {MN}
Before the Lord la Ware arrived in England, the Councell and Companie had
dispatched away Sir Thomas Dale with three ships, men and cattell, and all
other provisions necessarie for a yeere; {MN} all which arrived well the
tenth of May 1611. where he found them growing againe to their former
estate of penurie, being so improvident as not to put Corne in the ground
for their bread, but trusted to the store, then furnished but with three
moneths provision; his first care therefore was to imploy all hands about
setting of Corne, at the two Forts at Kecoughtan, Henry and Charles,
whereby, the season then not fully past, though about the end of May, wee
had an indifferent crop of good Corne.
_His preparation to build a new towne._
This businesse taken order for, and the care and trust of it committed to
his under-Officers, to James towne he hastened, where most of the companie
were at their daily and usuall works, bowling in the streets; these hee
imployed about necessarie workes, as felling of Timber, repayring their
houses ready to fall on their heads, and providing pales, posts and
railes, to impale his purposed new towne, which by reason of his
ignorance, being but newly arrived, hee had not resolved where to seat;
therefore to better his knowledge, with one hundred men he spent some time
in viewing the River of Nausamund, in despight of the Indians then our
enemies; then our owne River to the Fales, where upon a high land,
invironed with the maine River, some twelve miles from the Fales, by
Arsahattock, he resolved to plant his new towne.
_Divers mutinie suppressed._ {MN}
It was no small trouble to reduce his people so timely to good order,
being of so ill a condition, as may well witnesse his severitie and strict
imprinted booke of Articles, then needfull with all extremitie to be
executed; now much mitigated; so as if his Lawes had not beene so
strictly executed, I see not how the utter subversion of the Colonie
should have beene prevented, witnesse Webbes and Prices designe the first
yeere, since that of Abbots, and others, more dangerous than the former.
Here I entreat your patience for an Apologie, though not a pardon. This
Jeffrey Abbots, how ever this Author censures him, and the Governour
executes him, I know he had long served both in Ireland and Netherlands,
here hee was a Sargeant of my Companie, and I never saw in Virginia a more
sufficient Souldier, less turbulent, a better wit, more hardy or
industrious, nor any more forward to cut off them that sought to abandon
the Countrie, or wrong the Colonie; how ingratefully those deserts might
bee rewarded, envied or neglected, or his farre inferiors preferred to
over-top him, I know not, but such occasions might move a Saint, much more
a man, to an unadvised passionate impatience, but how ever, it seemes he
hath beene punished for his offences, that was never rewarded for his
deserts. {MN} And even this Summer Cole and Kitchins plot with three more,
bending their course to Ocanahowan, five daies journey from us, where they
report are Spaniards inhabiting. These were cut off by the Salvages, hired
by us to hunt them home to receive their deserts: So as Sir Thomas Dale
hath not beene so tyrannous nor severe by the halfe, as there was
occasion, and just cause for it, and though the manner was not usuall, wee
were rather to have regard to those, whom we would have terrified and made
fearefull to commit the like offences, than to the offenders justly
condemned, for amongst them so hardned in evill, the feare of a cruell,
painfull and unusuall death more restraines them, than death it selfe.
Thus much I have proceeded of his endeavour, untill the comming of Sir
Thomas Gates, in preparing himselfe to proceed as he intended.
[IV.111.] Now in England againe to second this noble Knight, the Counsell
and Companie with all possible expedition prepared for Sir Thomas Gates
six tall ships, with three hundred men, and one hundred Kine and other
Cattell, with munition and all other manner of provision that could be
thought needfull; and about the first or second of August, 1611. arrived
safely at James towne.
The government returned againe to Sir Thomas
Gates, 1611.
_The second arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates._
These worthy Knights being met, after their welcoming salutations, Sir
Thomas Dale acquainted him what he had done, and what he intended, which
designe Sir Thomas Gates well approving, furnished him with three hundred
and fiftie men, such as himselfe made choice of. In the beginning of
September, 1611. hee set saile, and arrived where hee intended to build
his new towne: within ten or twelve daies he had invironed it with a pale,
and in honour of our noble Prince Henry, called it Henrico. The next worke
he did, was building at each corner of the Towne, a high commanding
Watch-house, a Church, and Store-houses; which finished, hee began to
thinke upon convenient houses for himselfe and men, which with all
possible speed hee could he effected, to the great content of his
companie, and all the Colonie.
_The building of Henrico._
This towne is situated upon a necke of a plaine rising land, three parts
invironed with the maine River, the necke of land well impaled, makes it
like an Ile; it hath three streets of well-framed houses, a handsome
Church, and the foundation of a better laid, to bee built of Bricke,
besides Store-houses, Watch-houses, and such like: Upon the verge of the
River there are five houses, wherein live the honester sort of people, as
Farmers in England, and they keepe continuall centinell for the townes
securitie. About two miles from the towne, into the Maine, is another
pale, neere two miles in length, from River to River, guarded with
severall Commanders, with a good quantitie of Corne-ground impailed,
sufficiently secured to maintaine more than I suppose will come this three
yeeres.
On the other side of the River, for the securitie of the towne, is
intended to be impaled for the securitie of our Hogs, about two miles and
a halfe, by the name of Hope in Faith, and Coxendale, secured by five of
our manner of Forts, which are but Palisadoes, called Charitie Fort, Mount
Malado, a guest house for sicke people, a high seat and wholsome aire
Elisabeth Fort, and Fort Patience: And here hath Master Whitaker chosen
his Parsonage, impaled a faire framed Parsonage, and one hundred acres
called Rocke hall, but these are not halfe finished.
_The building the Bermudas._ {MN}
About Christmas following, in this same yeere 1611. in regard of the
injurie done us by them of Apamatuck, Sir Thomas Dale, without the losse
of any, except some few Salvages, tooke it and their Corne, being but five
miles by land from Henrico, and considering how commodious it might be for
us, resolved to possesse and plant it, {MN} and at the instant called it
the new Bermudas, whereunto hee hath laid out and annexed to the belonging
freedome and corporation for ever, many miles of Champian and Woodland
ground in severall hundreds, as the upper and nether hundreds, Rochdale
hundred, West Sherly hundred, and Digs his hundred. In the nether hundred
he first began to plant, for there is the most Corne-ground, and with a
pale of two miles, cut over from River to River, whereby we have secured
eight English miles in compasse; upon which circuit, within halfe a mile
of each other, are many faire houses already built, besides particular
mens houses neere to the number of fiftie. Rochdale, by a crosse pale
welnigh foure miles long, is also planted with houses along the pale, in
which hundred our Hogs and Cattell have twentie miles circuit to graze in
securely. The building of the Citie is referred till our harvest be in,
which he intends to make a retreat against any forraigne enemie.
About fiftie miles from these is James towne, upon [IV.112.] a fertill
peninsula, which although fomerly scandaled for an unhealthfull aire, wee
finde it as healthfull as any other part of the Countrie; it hath two
rowes of houses of framed timber, and some of them two stories, and a
garret higher, three large Store-houses joined together in length, and hee
hath newly strongly impaled the towne. This Ile, and much ground about it,
is much inhabited: To Kecoughtan we accounted it fortie miles, where they
live well with halfe that allowance the rest have from the store, because
of the extraordinarie quantitie of Fish, Fowle and Deere; as you may reade
at large in the Discoveries of Captaine Smith. And thus I have truly
related unto you the present estate of that small part of Virginia wee
frequent and possesse.
A.D. 1612
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
_Captaine Argalls arrivall._ {MN-1}
_How Pocahontas was taken prisoner._ {MN-2}
Since there was a ship fraughted with provision, and fortie men; and
another since then with the like number and provision, to stay twelve
moneths in the Countrie, with Captaine Argall, which was sent not long
after. {MN-1} After hee had recreated and refreshed his Companie, hee
was sent to the River Patawomeake, to trade for Corne, the Salvages about
us having small quarter, but friends and foes as they found advantage and
opportunitie: But to conclude our peace, thus it happened. Captaine
Argall, having entred into a great acquaintance with Japazaws, an old
friend of Captaine Smiths, and so to all our Nation, ever since hee
discovered the Countrie: hard by him there was Pocahontas, whom Captaine
Smiths Relations intituleth the Numparell of Virginia, and though she had
beene many times a preserver of him and the whole Colonie, yet till this
accident shee was never seene at James towne since his departure, being
at Patawomeke, as it seemes, {MN-2} thinking her selfe unknowne, was
easily by her friend Japazaws perswaded to goe abroad with him and his
wife to see the ship, for Captaine Argall had promised him a Copper Kettle
to bring her but to him, promising no way to hurt her, but keepe her till
they could conclude a peace with her father; the Salvage for this Copper
Kettle would have done any thing, it seemed by the Relation; for though
she had seene and beene in many ships, yet hee caused his wife to faine
how desirous she was to see one, and that hee offered to beat her for her
importunitie, till she wept. But at last he told her, if Pocahontas would
goe with her, hee was content: and thus they betraied the poore innocent
Pocahontas aboord, where they were all kindly feasted in the Cabbin.
Japazaws treading oft on the Captaines foot, to remember he had done his
part, the Captaine when he saw his time, perswaded Pocahontas to the
Gun-roome, faining to have some conference with Japazaws, which was onely
that she should not perceive hee was any way guiltie of her captivitie: so
sending for her againe, hee told her before her friends, she must goe with
him, and compound peace betwixt her Countrie and us, before she ever
should see Powhatan, whereat the old Jew and his wife began to howle and
crie as fast as Pocahontas, that upon the Captaines faire perswasions,
by degrees pacifying her selfe, and Japazaws and his wife, with the Kettle
and other toies, went merrily on shore, and shee to James towne. A
messenger forthwith was sent to her father, that his daughter Pocahontas
he loved so dearely, he must ransome with our men, swords, peeces, tooles,
&c. hee trecherously had stolne.
_Seven English returned from Powhatan prisoners._ {MN}
This unwelcome newes much troubled Powhatan, because hee loved both his
daughter and our commodities well, yet it was three moneths after ere hee
returned us any answer: {MN} then by the perswasion of the Councell, he
returned seven of our men, with each of them an unserviceable Musket, and
sent us word, that Powhatan when wee would deliver his daughter, hee would
make us satisfaction for all injuries done us, and give us five hundred
bushels of Corne, and for ever be friends with us. That he sent, we
received in part of payment, and returned him this answer: That his
daughter should be well used, but we could not beleeve the rest of our
armes were either lost or stolne from him, and therefore till hee sent
them, we would keepe his daughter.
_Sir Thomas Dale his voyage to Paumaunke._ {MN}
This answer, it seemed, much displeased him, for we [IV.113.] heard no
more from him a long time after, when with Captaine Argals ship, and some
other vessels belonging to the Colonie,{MN} Sir Thomas Dale, with a
hundred and fiftie men well appointed, went up into his owne River, to his
chiefe habitation, with his daughter; with many scornfull bravado's they
affronted us, proudly demanding why wee came thither; our reply was, Wee
had brought his daughter, and to receive the ransome for her that was
promised, or to have it perforce. They nothing dismayed thereat, told us,
We were welcome if wee came to fight, for they were provided for us, but
advised us, if wee loved our lives to retire; else they would use us as
they had done Captaine Ratcliffe: We told them, wee would presently have a
better answer; but we were no sooner within shot of the shore than they
let flie their Arrowes among us in the ship.
_A man shot in the forehead._
Being thus justly provoked, wee presently manned our Boats, went on shore,
burned all their houses, and spoiled all they had we could finde; and so
the next day proceeded higher up the River, where they demanded why wee
burnt their houses, and wee, why they shot at us: They replyed, it was
some stragling Salvage, with many other excuses, they intended no hurt,
but were our friends: We told them, wee came not to hurt them, but visit
them as friends also. Upon this we concluded a peace, and forthwith they
dispatched messengers to Powhatan, whose answer, they told us, wee must
expect foure and twentie houres ere the messengers could returne: Then
they told us, our men were runne away for feare we would hang them, yet
Powhatans men were runne after them; as for our Swords and Peeces, they
should be brought us the next day, which was only but to delay time; for
the next day they came not. Then we went higher, to a house of Powhatans,
called Matchot, where we saw about foure hundred men well appointed; here
they dared us to come on shore, which wee did; no shew of feare they made
at all, nor offered to resist our landing, but walking boldly up and downe
amongst us, demanded to conferre with our Captaine, of his comming in that
manner, and to have truce till they could but once more send to their King
to know his pleasure, which if it were not agreeable to their expectation,
then they would fight with us, and defend their owne as they could, which
was but onely to deferre the time, to carrie away their provision; yet wee
promised them truce till the next day at noone, and then if they would
fight with us, they should know when we would begin by our Drums and
Trumpets.
_Two of Powhatans sonnes come to see Pocahontas._
Upon this promise, two of Powhatans sonnes came unto us to see their
sister, at whose sight, seeing her well, though they heard to the
contrarie, they much rejoiced, promising they would perswade her father to
redeeme her, and for ever be friends with us. And upon this, the two
brethren went aboord with us, and we sent Master John Rolfe and Master
Sparkes to Powhatan, to acquaint him with the businesse; kindly they were
entertained, but not admitted the presence of Powhatan, but they spoke
with Opechancanough, his brother and successor; hee promised to doe the
best he could to Powhatan, all might be well. So it being Aprill, and time
to prepare our ground and set our Corne, we returned to James Towne,
promising the forbearance of their performing their promise, till the next
harvest.
A.D. 1613.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
_The marriage of Pocahontas to Master John Rolfe._
Long before this, Master John Rolfe, an honest Gentleman, and of good
behaviour, had beene in love with Pocahontas, and she with him, which
thing at that instant I made knowne to Sir Thomas Dale by a letter from
him, wherein hee intreated his advice, and she acquainted her brother with
it, which resolution Sir Thomas Dale well approved: the brute of this
mariage came soone to the knowledge of Powhatan, a thing acceptable to
him, as appeared by his sudden consent, for within ten daies he sent
Opachisco, an old Uncle of hers, and two of his sons, to see the manner of
the marriage, and to doe in that behalfe what they were requested, for the
confirmation thereof, as his deputie; which was accordingly done about the
first of Aprill: And ever since wee have had friendly trade and commerce,
as well with Powhatan himselfe, as all his subjects.
_The Chicahamanias desire friendship._
Besides this, by the meanes of Powhatan, we became [IV.114.] in league
with our next neighbours, the Chicahamanias, a lustie and a daring people,
free of themselves. These people, so soone as they heard of our peace with
Powhatan, sent two messengers with presents to Sir Thomas Dale, and
offered him their service, excusing all former injuries, hereafter they
would ever be King James his subjects, and relinquish the name of
Chickahamania, to be called Tassautessus, as they call us, and Sir Thomas
Dale there Governour, as the Kings Deputie; onely they desired to be
governed by their owne Lawes, which is eight of their Elders as his
substitutes. This offer he kindly accepted, and appointed the day hee
would come to visit them.
When the appointed day came, Sir Thomas Dale and Captaine Argall with
fiftie men well appointed, went to Chickahamania, where wee found the
people expecting our comming, they used us kindly, and the next morning
sate in counsell, to conclude their peace upon these conditions:
_Articles of Peace._
First, they should for ever bee called Englishmen, and bee true subjects
to King James and his Deputies.
Secondly, neither to kill nor detaine any of our men, nor cattell, but
bring them home.
Thirdly, to bee alwaies ready to furnish us with three hundred men,
against the Spaniards or any.
Fourthly, they shall not enter our townes, but send word they are new
Englishmen.
Fiftly, that every fighting man, at the beginning of harvest, shall bring
to our store two bushels of Corne, for tribute, for which they shall
receive so many Hatchets.
Lastly, the eight chiefe men should see all this performed, or receive the
punishment themselves: for their diligence they should have a red coat, a
copper chaine, and King James his picture, and be accounted his Noblemen.
All this they concluded with a generall assent, and a great shout to
confirme it: then one of the old men began an Oration, bending his speech
first to the old men, then to the young, and then to the women and
children, to make them understand how strictly they were to observe these
conditions, and we would defend them from the furie of Powhatan, or any
enemie whatsoever, and furnish them with Copper, Beads, and Hatchets; but
all this was rather for feare Powhatan and we, being so linked together,
would bring them againe to his subjection; the which to prevent, they did
rather chuse to be protected by us, than tormented by him, whom they held
a Tyrant. And thus wee returned againe to James towne.
_The benefit of libertie in the planters._
_Wiliam Spence the first Farmer in Virginia._ {MN}
When our people were fed out of the common store, and laboured jointly
together, glad was he could slip from his labour, or slumber over his
taske he cared not how, nay, the most honest among them would hardly take
so much true paines in a weeke, as now for themselves they will doe in a
day, neither cared they for the increase, presuming that howsoever the
harvest prospered, the generall store must maintaine them, so that wee
reaped not so much Corne from the labours of thirtie, as now three or
foure doe provide for themselves. To prevent which, Sir Thomas Dale hath
allotted every man three Acres of cleare ground, in the nature of Farmes,
except the Bermudas, who are exempted, but for one moneths service in the
yeere, which must neither bee in seed-time, nor harvest; for which doing,
no other dutie they pay yeerely to the store, but two barrels and a halfe
of Corne {MN} (from all those Farmers, whereof the first was William
Spence, an honest, valiant, and an industrious man, and hath continued
from 1607. to this present) from those is expected such a contribution to
the store, as wee shall neither want for our selves, nor to entertaine our
supplies; for the rest, they are to worke eleven moneths for the store,
and hath one moneth onely allowed them to get provision to keepe them for
twelve, except two bushels of Corne they have out of the store; if those
can live so, why should any feare starving, and it were much better to
denie them passage, that would not ere they come, bee content to ingage
themselves to those conditions: for onely from the slothfull and idle
drones, [IV.115.] and none else, hath sprung the manifold imputations,
Virginia innocently hath undergone; and therefore I would deter such from
comming here, that cannot well brooke labour, except they will undergoe
much punishment and penurie, if they escape the skurvie: but for the
industrious, there is reward sufficient, and if any thinke there is
nothing but bread, I referre you to his relations that discovered the
Countrie first.
A.D. 1614.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
The government left to Sir Thomas Dale upon
Sir Thomas Gates returne for England.
_Captaine Argalls voyage to Port Royall._
Sir Thomas Dale understanding there was a plantation of Frenchmen in the
north part of Virginia, about the degrees of 45. sent Captaine Argall to
Port Royall and Sancta Crux, where finding the Frenchmen abroad dispersed
in the Woods, surprized their Ship and Pinnace, which was but newly come
from France, wherein was much good apparel, and other provision, which he
brought to James towne, but the men escaped, and lived among the Salvages
of those Countries.
It pleased Sir Thomas Dale, before my returne to England, because I would
be able to speake somewhat of my owne knowledge, to give mee leave to
visit Powhatan and his Court: being provided, I had Thomas Salvage with
mee, for my Interpreter, with him and two Salvages for guides, I went from
the Bermuda in the morning, and came to Matchot the next night, where the
King lay upon the River of Pamaunke; his entertainment was strange to me,
the boy he knew well, and told him; My child, I gave you leave, being my
boy, to goe see your friends, and these foure yeeres I have not seene you,
nor heard of my owne man Namoutack I sent to England, though many ships
since have beene returned thence: Having done with him, hee began with
mee, and demanded for the chaine of pearle he sent his brother Sir Thomas
Dale at his first arrivall, which was a token betwixt them, when ever hee
should send a messenger from himselfe to him, he should weare that chaine
about his necke, since the peace was concluded, otherwaies he was to binde
him and send him home.
_Master Hamars journey to Powhatan._
It is true Sir Thomas Dale had sent him such word, and gave his Page order
to give it me, but he forgot it, and till this present I never heard of
it, yet I replyed I did know there was such an order, but that was when
upon a sudden he should have occasion to send an Englishman without an
Indian Guide; but if his owne people should conduct his messenger, as two
of his did me who knew my message, it was sufficient; with which answer he
was contented, and so conducted us to his house, where was a guard of two
hundred Bow-men, that alwaies attend his person. The first thing he did,
he offered me a pipe of Tobacco, then asked mee how his brother Sir Thomas
Dale did, and his daughter, and unknowne sonne, and how they lived, loved
and liked; I told him his brother was well, and his daughter so contented,
she would not live againe with him; whereat he laughed, and demanded the
cause of my comming: I told him my message was private, and I was to
deliver it onely to himselfe and Papaschicher, one of my guides that was
acquainted with it; instantly he commanded all out of the house, but onely
his two Queenes, that alwaies sit by him, and bade me speake on.
_His message to Powhatan._
I told him, by my Interpreter, Sir Thomas Dale hath sent you two pieces of
Copper, five strings of white and blue Beads, five woodden Combes, ten
Fish-hookes, a paire of Knives, and that when you would send for it, hee
would give you a Grind-stone; all this pleased him: but then I told him
his brother Dale, hearing of the fame of his youngest daughter, desiring
in any case he would send her by me unto him, in testimonie of his love,
as well for that he intended to marry her, as the desire her sister had to
see her, because being now one people, and hee desirous for ever to dwell
in his Countrie, he conceived there could not be a truer assurance of
peace and friendship, than in such a naturall band of an united union.
I needed not entreat his answer by his oft interrupting [IV.116.] mee in
my speech, and presently with much gravitie he thus replyed.
_Powhatans answer._
I gladly accept your salute of love and peace, which while I live, I shall
exactly keepe, his pledges thereof I receive with no lesse thanks,
although they are not so ample as formerly he had received; but for my
daughter, I have sold her within this few daies to a great Werowance, for
two bushels of Rawrenoke, three daies journie from me. I replyed, I knew
his greatnesse in restoring the Rawrenoke, might call her againe to
gratifie his brother, and the rather, because she was but twelve yeeres
old, assuring him, besides the band of peace, hee should have for her,
three times the worth of the Rawrenoke, in Beads, Copper, Hatchets, &c.
His answer was, he loved his daughter as his life, and though hee had
many children, hee delighted in none so much as shee, whom he should not
often behold, he could not possibly live, which she living with us he
could not do, having resolved upon no termes to put himselfe into our
hands, or come amongst us; therefore desired me to urge him no further,
but returne his brother this answer: That I desire no firmer assurance of
his friendship, than the promise hee hath made, from me he hath a pledge,
one of my daughters, which so long as she lives shall be sufficient, when
she dies, he shall have another: I hold it not a brotherly part to desire
to bereave me of my two children at once. Farther, tell him though he had
no pledge at all, hee need not distrust any injurie from me or my people;
there have beene too many of his men and mine slaine, and by my occasion
there shall never be more, (I which have power to performe it, have said
it) although I should have just cause, for I am now old, & would gladly
end my daies in peace; if you offer me injurie, any countrie is large
enough to goe from you: Thus much I hope will satisfie my brother. Now
because you are wearie, and I sleepie, wee will thus end. So commanding us
victuall and lodging, we rested that night, and the next morning he came
to visit us, and kindly conducted us to the best cheere hee had. William
Parker.
_William Parker recovered._
While I here remained, by chance came an Englishman, whom there had beene
surprized three yeeres agoe at Fort Henry, growne so like, both in
complexion and habit like a Salvage, I knew him not, but by his tongue:
hee desired mee to procure his libertie, which I intended, and so farre
urged Powhatan, that he grew discontented, and told mee, You have one of
my daughters, and I am content, but you cannot see one of your men with
mee, but you must have him away, or breake friendship; if you must needs
have him, you shall goe home without guides, and if any evill befall you,
thanke your selves: I told him I would, but if I returned not well, hee
must expect a revenge, and his brother might have just cause to suspect
him. So in passion he left me till supper, and then gave me such as hee
had with a cheereful countenance: About midnight hee awaked us, and
promised in the morning my returne with Parker; but I must remember his
brother to send him ten great piece of Copper, a Shaving-knife, a Frowe,
a Grind-stone, a Net, Fish-hookes, and such toies; which lest I should
forget, he caused me write in a table-booke he had; however he got it, it
was a faire one, I desired hee would give it me; he told me, no, it did
him much good in shewing to strangers, yet in the morning when we
departed, having furnished us well with provision, he gave each of us a
Bucks skin as well dressed as could be, and sent two more to his sonne and
daughter: And so we returned to James towne. Written by Master Ralph Hamor
and John Rolph.
_From a letter of Sir Thomas Dale and Mater Whittakers._
I have read the substance of this relation, in a Letter written by Sir
Thomas Dale, another by Master Whitaker and a third by Master John Rolfe;
how carefull they were to instruct her in Christianity, and how capable
and desirous shee was thereof, after she had beene some time thus tutored,
shee never had desire to goe to her father, nor could well endure the
society of her owne nation: the true affection she constantly bare her
husband was much, and the strange apparitions and violent passions he
endured for her love, as he deeply protested, was wonderful, and she
openly renounced her countries [IV.117.] idolatry, confessed the faith of
Christ, and was baptized, but either the coldnesse of the adventurers, or
the bad usage of that was collected, or both, caused this worthy Knight to
write thus. Oh why should so many Princes and Noblemen ingage themselves,
and thereby intermedling herein, have caused a number of soules transport
themselves, and be transported hither? Why should they, I say, relinquish
this so glorious an action: for if their ends be to build God a Church,
they ought to persevere; if otherwise, yet their honour ingageth them to
be constant; howsoever they stand affected, here is enough to content
them. These are the things have animated me to stay a little season from
them, I am bound in conscience to returne unto; leaving all contenting
pleasures and mundall delights, to reside here with much turmoile, which I
will rather doe than see Gods glory diminished, my King and Country
dishonoured, and these poore soules I have in charge revived, which would
quickly happen if I should leave them; so few I have with me fit to
command or manage the businesse: Master Whitaker their Preacher
complaineth, and much museth, that so few of our English Ministers, that
were so hot against the surplice and subscription come hether, where
neither is spoken of. Doe they not wilfully hide their talents, or keepe
themselves at home, for feare of losing a few pleasures; be there not any
among them of Moses his minde, and of the Apostles, that forsooke all to
follow Christ, but I refer them to the Judge of all hearts, and to the
King that shall reward every one according to his talent. From Virginia,
June 18. 1614.
The businesse being brought to this perfection, Captaine Argall returned
for England, in the latter end of June, 1614. arriving in England, and
bringing this good tidings to the Councell and company by the assistances
of Sir Thomas Gates, that also had returned from Virginia but the March
before; it was presently concluded, that to supply this good successe with
all expedition, the standing Lottery should be drawne with all diligent
conveniency, and that posterity may remember upon occasion to use the like
according to the declaration, I thinke it not amisse to remember thus
much.
A.D. 1615.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
The Contents of the declaration of the Lottery
published by the Counsell.
It is apparent to the world, by how many former Proclamations, we
manifested our intents, to have drawn out the great standing Lottery long
before this, which not falling out as we desired, and others expected,
whose monies are adventured therein, we thought good therefore for the
avoiding all unjust and sinister constructions, to resolve the doubts of
all indifferent minded, in three speciall points for their better
satisfaction.
But ere I goe any farther, let us remember there was a running Lottery,
used a long time in Saint Pauls Church-yard, where this stood, that
brought into the Treasury good summes of mony dayly, though the Lot was
but small.
Now for the points, the first is, for as much as the Adventurers came in
so slackly for the yeere past, without prejudice to the generality, in
losing the blankes and prises, we were forced to petition to the
honourable Lords, who out of their noble care to further this Plantation,
have recommended their Letsenters to the Countries, Cities, and good
townes in England, which we hope by adding in their voluntary Adventurers,
will sufficiently supply us.
The second for satisfaction to all honest well affected minds, is, that
though this expectation answer not our hopes, yet wee have not failed in
our Christian care, the good of that Colony, to whom we have lately sent
two sundry supplies, and were they but now supplied with more hands, wee
should soone resolve the division of the Country by Lot, and so lessen the
generall charge.
The third is our constant resolution, that seeing our credits are so farre
ingaged to the honourable Lords and [IV.118.] the whole State, for the
drawing this great Lottery, which we intend shall be without delay, the
26. of June next, desiring all such as have undertaken with bookes to
solicit their friends, that they will not with-hold their monies till the
last moneth be expired, lest we be unwillingly forced to proportion a
lesse value and number of our Blankes and Prises which hereafter
followeth.
Welcomes.
Crownes.
To him that first shall be drawne out with a
blanke, 100
To the second, 50
To the third, 25
To him that every day during the drawing of this
Lottery, shall bee first drawne out with a blanke, 10
Prizes Crownes.
1 Great Prize of 4500
2 Great Prizes, each of 2000
4 Great Prizes, each of 1000
6 Great Prizes, each of 500
10 Prizes, each of 300
20 Prizes, each of 200
100 Prizes, each of 100
200 Prizes, each of 50
400 Prizes, each of 20
1000 Prizes, each of 10
1000 Prizes, each of 8
1000 Prizes, each of 6
4000 Prizes, each of 4
1000 Prizes, each of 3
1000 Prizes, each of 2
Rewards.
Crownes.
To him that shall be last drawne out with a
blanke, 25
To him that putteth in the greatest Lot, under one
name, 400
To him that putteth in the second greatest number, 300
To him that putteth in the third greatest number, 200
To him that putteth in the fourth greatest number, 100
If divers be of equall number, their rewards are to be divided
proportionally.
Addition of new Rewards.
Crownes.
The blanke that shall bee drawne out next
before the great Prize shall have 25
The blanke that shall be drawne out next after the
said great Prize 25
The blancks that shall be drawne out immediatly
before the two next great Prizes, shall have
each of them 20
The severall blankes next after them, each shall
have 20
The severall blankes next before the foure great
Prizes, each shall have 15
The severall blankes next after them, each shall
have 15
The severall blankes next before the six great
Prizes, each shall have 10
The severall blankes next after them, each shall
have 10
[IV.119.] The prizes, welcomes, and rewards, shall be payed in ready Mony,
Plate, or other goods reasonably rated; if any dislike of the plate or
goods, he shall have mony, abating only the tenth part, except in small
prizes of ten Crownes or under.
The mony for the Adventurers is to be paied to Sir Thomas Smith, Knight,
and Treasurer for Virginia, or such Officers as he shall appoint in City
or Country, under the common seale of the company for the receit thereof.
All prizes, welcomes and rewards drawne where ever they dwell, shall of
the Treasurer have present pay, and whosoever under one name or poesie
payeth three pound in ready money, shall receive six shillings and eight
pence, or a silver spoone of that value at his choice.
_A Spanish Ship in Virginia._
About this time it chanced a Spanish ship, beat too and againe before
point Comfort, and at last sent a shore their boat, as desirous of a
Pilot. Captaine James Davis the governor, immediatly gave them one, but he
was no sooner in the boat, but away they went with him, leaving three of
their companions behind them; this sudden accident occasioned some
distrust, and a strict examination of those three thus left, yet with as
good usage as our estate could afford them. They only confessed having
lost their Admirall, accident had forced them into those parts, and two of
them were Captaines, and in chiefe authority in the fleet: thus they lived
till one of them was found to be an Englishman, and had been the
Spaniards Pilot for England in 88. and having here induced some
male-contents, to beleeve his projects, to run away with a small barke,
which was apprehended, some executed, and he expecting but the Hangmans
curtesie, directly confessed that two or three Spanish ships was at Sea,
purposely to discover the estate of the Colony, but their Commission was
not to be opened till they arrived in the Bay, so that of any thing more
he was utterly ignorant. One of the Spaniards at last dyed, the other was
sent for England but this reprieved, till Sir Thomas Dale hanged him at
Sea in his voyage home-ward; the English Pilot they carried for Spaine,
whom after a long time imprisonment, with much sute was returned for
England.
1616.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
Whilst those things were effecting, Sir Thomas Dale, having setled to his
thinking all things in good order, made choice of one Master George
Yearly, to be Deputy-Governour in his absence, and so returned for
England, accompanied with Pocahontas the Kings Daughter, and Master Rolfe
her husband, and arrived at Plimmoth the 12. of June, 1616.
The government left to Captaine Yearly.
_A digression._
Now a little to commentary upon all these proceedings, let me leave but
this as a caveat by the way; if the alteration of government hath
subverted great Empires, how dangerous is it then in the infancy of a
common-weale? The multiplicity of Governors is a great damage to any
State, but uncertaine daily changes are burdensome, because their
entertainments are chargeable, and many will make hay whilst the sunne
doth shine, how ever it shall fare with the generality.
This deare bought Land with so much bloud and cost, hath onely made some
few rich, and all the rest losers. But it was intended at the first, the
first undertakers should be first preferred and rewarded, and the first
adventurers satisfied, and they of all the rest are the most neglected;
and those that never adventured a groat, never see the Country, nor ever
did any service for it, imploied in their places, adorned with their
deserts, and inriched with their ruines; and when they are fed fat, then
in commeth others so leane as they were, who through their omnipotency doe
as much. Thus what one Officer doth, another undoth, only ayming at their
owne ends, thinking all the world derides his dignity, cannot fill his
Coffers being in authority with any thing. Every man hath His minde free,
but he can never be a true member to that [IV. 120.] estate, that to
enrich himselfe beggers all the Countrie. Which bad course, there are many
yet in this noble plantation, whose true honour and worth as much scornes
it, as the others loves it; for the Nobilitie and Gentrie, there is scarce
any of them expects any thing but the prosperitie of the action: and there
are some Merchants and others, I am confidently perswaded, doe take more
care and paines, nay, and at their continuall great charge, than they
could be hired to for the love of money, so honestly regarding the
generall good of this great worke, they would hold it worse than
sacrilege, to wrong it but a shilling, or extort upon the common souldier
a penny. But to the purpose, and to follow the Historie.
_The government of Captaine Yearley._
_Twelve Salvages slaine, Twelve prisoners taken,
and peace concluded._ {MN-1}
_Eleven men cast away._ {MN-2}
_A bad president._ {MN-3}
Mr. George Yearly now invested Deputie Governour by Sir Thomas Dale,
applied himselfe for the most part in planting Tobacco, as the most
present commoditie they could devise for a present gaine, so that every
man betooke himselfe to the best place he could for the purpose: now
though Sir Thomas Dale had caused such an abundance of corne to be
planted, that every man had sufficient, yet the supplies were sent us,
came so unfurnished, as quickly eased us of our superfluitie. To relieve
their necessities, he sent to the Chickahamanias for the tribute Corne Sir
Thomas Dale and Captaine Argall had conditioned for with them: But such a
bad answer they returned him, that hee drew together one hundred of his
best shot, with whom he went to Chickahamania; the people in some places
used him indifferently, but in most places with much scorne and contempt,
telling him he was but Sir Thomas Dales man, and they had payed his Master
according to condition, but to give any to him they had no such order,
neither would they obey him as they had done his Master; after he had told
them his authoritie, and that he had the same power to enforce them that
Dale had, they dared him to come on shore to fight, presuming more of his
not daring, than their owne valours. Yearly seeing their insolencies, made
no great difficultie to goe on shore at Ozinies, and they as little to
incounter him: but marching from thence towards Mamanahunt, they put
themselves in the same order they see us, lead by their Captaine
Kissanacomen, Governour of Ozinies, & so marched close along by us, each
as threatning other who should first begin. But that night we quartered
against Mamanahunt, and they passed the River. The next day we followed
them; there are few places in Virginia had then more plaine ground
together, nor more plentie of Corne, which although it was but newly
gathered, yet they had hid it in the woods where we could not finde it: a
good time we spent thus in arguing the cause, the Salvages without feare
standing in troupes amongst us, seeming as if their countenances had beene
sufficient to dant us: what other practises they had I know not; but to
prevent the worst, our Captaine caused us all to make ready, and upon the
word, to let flie among them, where he appointed: others also he commanded
to seize on them they could for prisoners; all which being done according
to our direction, {MN-1} the Captaine gave the word, and wee presently
discharged, where twelve lay, some dead, the rest for life sprawling on
the ground, twelve more we tooke prisoners, two whereof were brothers, two
of their eight Elders, the one tooke by Sergeant Boothe, the other by
Robert a Polonian; Neere one hundred bushels of Corne we had for their
ransomes, which was promised the Souldiers for a reward, but it was not
performed: now Opechankanough had agreed with our Captaine for the
subjecting of those people, that neither hee nor Powhatan could ever bring
to their obedience, and that he should make no peace with them without his
advice: in our returne by Ozinies with our prisoners wee met
Opechankanough, who with much adoe, fained with what paines hee had
procured their peace, the which to requite, they called him the King of
Ozinies, and brought him from all parts many presents of Beads, Copper,
and such trash as they had; here as at many other times wee were beholding
to Captaine Henry Spilman our Interpreter, a Gentleman had lived long time
in this Countrie, and sometimes a prisoner among the Salvages, and done
much good service, though but badly rewarded. From hence we marcht [IV.121]
towards James towne, {MN-2} we had three Boats loaded with Corne and other
luggage, the one of them being more willing to be at James towne with the
newes than the other, was overset, and eleven men cast away with the Boat,
Corne and all their provision; notwithstanding this put all the rest of
the Salvages in that feare, especially in regard of the great league we
had with Opechankanough, that we followed our labours quietly, and in such
securitie, that divers salvages of other Nations, daily frequented us with
what provisions they could get, and would guide our men on hunting, and
oft hunt for us themselves. {MN-3} Captaine Yearly had a Salvage or two so
well trained up to their peeces, they were as expert as any of the
English, and one hee kept purposely to kill him fowle. There were divers
others had Salvages in like manner for their men. Thus we lived together,
as if wee had beene one people, all the time Captaine Yearley staied with
us, but such grudges and discontents daily increased among our selves,
that upon the arrivall of Captaine Argall, sent by the Councell and
Companie to bee our Governour, Captaine Yearley returned for England in
the yeere 1617. From the writings of Captaine Nathaniel Powell, William
Cantrill, Sergeant Boothe, Edward Gurganey.
_Pocahontas instructions._
During this time, the Lady Rebecca, alias Pocahontas, daughter to
Powhatan, by the diligent care of Master John Rolfe her husband and his
friends, was taught to speake such English as might well bee understood,
well instructed in Christianitie, and was become very formall and civill
after our English manner; shee had also by him a childe which she loved
most dearely, and the Treasurer and Company tooke order both for the
maintenance of her and it, besides there were divers persons of great
ranke and qualitie had beene very kinde to her; and before she arrived at
London, Captaine Smith to deserve her former courtesies, made her
qualities knowne to the Queenes most excellent Majestie and her Court, and
writ a little booke to this effect to the Queene: An abstract whereof
followeth.
To the most high and vertuous Princesse Queene
Anne of Great Brittanie.
Most admired Queene,
The love I beare my God, my King and Countrie, hath so oft emboldened mee
in the worst of extreme dangers, that now honestie doth constraine mee
presume thus farre beyond my selfe, to present your Majestic this short
discourse: if ingratitude be a deadly poyson to all honest vertues, I must
bee guiltie of that crime if I should omit any meanes to bee thankfull. So
it is,
_A relation to Queene Anne of Pocahontas._
That some ten yeeres agoe being in Virginia, and taken prisoner by the
power of Powhatan their chiefe King, I received from this great Salvage
exceeding great courtesie, especially from his sonne Nantaquans, the most
manliest, comeliest, boldest spirit, I ever saw in a Salvage, and his
sister Pocahontas, the Kings most deare and wel-beloved daughter, being
but a childe of twelve or thirteene yeeres of age, whose compassionate
pitifull heart, of my desperate estate, gave me much cause to respect her:
I being the first Christian this proud King and his grim attendants ever
saw: and thus inthralled in their barbarous power, I cannot say I felt the
least occasion of want that was in the power of those my mortall foes to
prevent, notwithstanding al their threats. After some six weeks fatting
amongst those Salvage Courtiers, at the minute of my execution, she
hazarded the beating out of her owne braines to save mine, and not onely
that, but so prevailed with her father, that I was safely conducted to
James towne, where I found about eight and thirtie miserable poore and
sicke creatures, to keepe possession of all those large territories of
Virginia, such was the weaknesse of this poore Commonwealth, as had the
Salvages not fed us, we directly had starved.
And this reliefe, most gracious Queene, was commonly [IV.122.] brought us
by this Lady Pocahontas, notwithstanding all these passages when inconstant
Fortune turned our peace to warre, this tender Virgin would still not spare
to dare to visit us, and by her our jarres have beene oft appeased, and our
wants still supplyed; were it the policie of her father thus to imploy her,
or the ordinance of God thus to make her his instrument, or her
extraordinarie affection to our Nation, I know not: but of this I am sure;
when her father with the utmost of his policie and power, sought to
surprize mee, having but eighteene with mee, the darke night could not
affright her from comming through the irkesome woods, and with watered eies
gave me intelligence, with her best advice to escape his furie; which had
hee knowne, hee had surely slaine her. James towne with her wild traine she
as freely frequented, as her fathers habitation; and during the time of two
or three yeeres, she next under God, was still the instrument to preserve
this Colonie from death, famine and utter confusion, which if in those
times had once beene dissolved, Virginia might have line as it was at our
first arrivall to this day. Since then, this businesse having beene turned
and varied by many accidents from that I left it at: it is most certaine,
after a long and troublesome warre after my departure, betwixt her father
and our Colonie, all which time shee was not heard of, about two yeeres
after shee her selfe was taken prisoner, being so detained neere two yeeres
longer, the Colonie by that meanes was relieved, peace concluded, and at
last rejecting her barbarous condition, was maried to an English Gentleman,
with whom at this present she is in England; the first Christian ever of
that Nation, the first Virginian ever spake English, or had a childe in
mariage by an Englishman, a matter surely, if my meaning bee truly
considered and well understood, worthy a Princes understanding.
Thus most gracious Lady, I have related to your Majestie, what at your
best leasure our approved Histories will account you at large, and done in
the time of your Majesties life, and however this might bee presented you
from a more worthy pen, it cannot from a more honest heart, as yet I never
begged any thing of the state, or any, and it is my want of abilitie and
her exceeding desert, your birth, meanes and authentic, her birth, vertue,
want and simplicitie, doth make mee thus bold, humbly to beseech your
Majestie to take this knowledge of her, though it be from one so unworthy
to be the reporter, as my selfe, her husbands estate not being able to
make her fit to attend your Majestie: the most and least I can doe, is to
tell you this, because none so oft hath tried it as my selfe, and the
rather being of so great a spirit, how ever her stature: if she should not
be well received, seeing this Kingdome may rightly have a Kingdome by her
meanes; her present love to us and Christianitie, might turne to such
scorne and furie, as to divert all this good to the worst of evill, where
finding so great a Queene should doe her some honour more than she can
imagine, for being so kinde to your servants and subjects, would so ravish
her with content, as endeare her dearest bloud to effect that, your
Majestie and all the Kings honest subjects most earnestly desire: And so
I humbly kisse your gracious hands.
_Pocahontas meeting in England with Captaine Smith._
Being about this time preparing to set saile for New-England, I could not
stay to doe her that service I desired, and she well deserved; but hearing
shee was at Branford with divers of my friends, I went to see her: After a
modest salutation, without any word, she turned about, obscured her face,
as not seeming well contented; and in that humour her husband, with divers
others, we all left her two or three houres, repenting my selfe to have
writ she could speake English. But not long after, she began to talke, and
remembred mee well what courtesies shee had done: saying, You did promise
Powhatan what was yours should bee his, and he the like to you; you called
him father being in his land a stranger, and by the same reason so must I
doe you: which though I would have excused, I durst not allow of that
title, because she was a Kings daughter; with a well set countenance she
said, Were you not afraid to come into my fathers Countrie, and caused
feare in him and all his people (but mee) and feare you here I should call
you father; I tell [IV.123.] you then I will, and you shall call mee
childe, and so I will bee for ever and ever your Countrieman. They did
tell us alwaies you were dead, and I knew no other till I came to Plimoth;
yet Powhatan did command Uttamatomakkin to seeke you, and know the truth,
because your Countriemen will lie much.
_Uttamacomack, observations of his usage._
This Salvage, one of Powhatans Councell, being amongst them held an
understanding fellow; the King purposely sent him, as they say, to number
the people here, and informe him well what wee were and our state.
Arriving at Plimoth, according to his directions, he got a long sticke,
whereon by notches hee did thinke to have kept the number of all the men
hee could see, but he was quickly wearie of that taske: Comming to London,
where by chance I met him, having renewed our acquaintance, where many
were desirous to heare and see his behaviour, hee told me Powhatan did bid
him to finde me out, to shew him our God, the King, Queene, and Prince, I
so much had told them of: Concerning God, I told him the best I could, the
King I heard he had seene, and the rest hee should see when he would; he
denied ever to have seene the King, till by circumstances he was satisfied
he had: Then he replyed very sadly, You gave Powhatan a white Dog, which
Powhatan fed as himselfe, but your King gave me nothing, and I am better
than your white Dog.
_Pocahontas her entertainment with the Queene._
The small time I staid in London, divers Courtiers and others, my
acquaintances, hath gone with mee to see her, that generally concluded,
they did thinke God had a great hand in her conversion, and they have
seene many English Ladies worse favoured, proportioned and behavioured,
and as since I have heard, it pleased both the King and Queenes Majestie
honourably to esteeme her, accompanied with that honourable Lady the Lady
De la Ware, and that honourable Lord her husband, and divers other persons
of good qualities, both publikely at the maskes and otherwise, to her
great satisfaction and content, which doubtlesse she would have deserved,
had she lived to arrive in Virginia.
A.D. 1617.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
The government devolved to Captaine Samuel
Argall, 1617.
_The death of Pocahontas._
1000. _bushels of Corne from the Salvages._ {MN}
The Treasurer, Councell and Companie, having well furnished Captaine
Samuel Argall, the Lady Pocahontas alias Rebecca, with her husband and
others, in the good ship called the George, it pleased God at Gravesend to
take this young Lady to his mercie, where shee made not more sorrow for
her unexpected death, than joy to the beholders, to heare and see her make
so religious and godly an end. Her little childe Thomas Rolfe therefore
was left at Plimoth with Sir Lewis Stukly, that desired the keeping of it.
Captaine Hamar his vice-Admirall was gone before, but hee found him at
Plimoth. In March they set saile 1617. and in May he arrived at James
towne, where hee was kindly entertained by Captaine Yearley and his
Companie in a martiall order, whose right hand file was led by an Indian.
In James towne he found but five or six houses, the Church downe, the
Palizado's broken, the Bridge in pieces, the Well of fresh water spoiled;
the Store-house they used for the Church, the market-place, and streets,
and all other spare places planted with Tobacco, the Salvages as frequent
in their houses as themselves, whereby they were become expert in our
armes, and had a great many in their custodie and possession, the Colonie
dispersed all about, planting Tobacco. Captaine Argall not liking those
proceedings, altered them agreeable to his owne minde, taking the best
order he could for repairing those defects which did exceedingly trouble
us; we were constrained every yeere to build and repaire our old Cottages,
which were alwaies a decaying in all places of the Countrie, yea, the very
Courts of Guard built by Sir Thomas Dale, was ready to fall, and the
Palizado's not sufficient to keepe out Hogs. Their number of people were
about 400. but not past 200. fit for husbandry and tillage: we found there
in all one hundred twentie eight cattell, and fourescore and eight Goats,
besides innumerable numbers of Swine, and good plentie of Corne in some
places, yet the next yeere the [IV.124.] Captaine sent out a Frigat and a
Pinnace, {MN} that brought us neere six hundred bushels more, which did
greatly relieve the whole Colonie: For from the tenants wee seldome had
above foure hundred bushels of rent Corne to the store, and there was not
remaining of the Companies companie, past foure and fiftie men, women and
Children.
1618.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
This yeere having planted our fields, came a great drought, and such a
cruell storme of haile, which did such spoile both to the Corne and
Tobacco, that wee reaped but small profit, the Magazine that came in the
George, being five moneths in her passage, proved very badly conditioned,
but ere she arrived, we had gathered and made up our Tobacco, the best at
three shillings the pound, the rest at eighteene pence.
_The death of Lord la Ware._ {MN-1}
_They are relieved in New-England._ {MN-2}
To supply us, the Councell and Company with all possible care and
diligence, furnished a good ship of some two hundred and fiftie tunne,
with two hundred people and the Lord la Ware. They set saile in Aprill,
and tooke their course by the westerne Iles, where the Governour of the
Ile of Saint Michael received the Lord la Ware, and honourably feasted
him, with all the content hee could give him. Going from thence, they were
long troubled with contrary winds, in which time many of them fell very
sicke, thirtie died, {MN-1} one of which number was that most honourable
Lord Governour the Lord la Ware, whose most noble and generous
disposition, is well knowne to his great cost, had beene most forward in
this businesse for his Countries good: Yet this tender state of Virginia
was not growne to that maturitie, to maintaine such state and pleasure as
was fit for such a personage, with so brave and great attendance: for some
small number of adventrous Gentlemen to make discoveries, and lie in
Garrison, ready upon any occasion to keepe in feare the inconstant
Salvages, nothing were more requisite, but to have more to wait & play
than worke, or more commanders and officers than industrious labourers was
not so necessarie: for in Virginia, a plaine Souldier that can use a
Pick-axe and spade, is better than five Knights, although they were
Knights that could breake a Lance; for men of great place, not inured to
those incounters; when they finde things not sutable, grow many times so
discontented, they forget themselves, & oft become so carelesse, that a
discontented melancholy brings them to much sorrow, and to others much
miserie. At last they stood in for the coast of New-England, where they
met a small Frenchman, rich of Bevers and other Furres. {MN-2} Though wee
had here but small knowledge of the coast nor countrie, yet they tooke
such an abundance of Fish and Fowle, and so well refreshed themselves
there with wood and water, as by the helpe of God thereby, having beene at
Sea sixteene weekes, got to Virginia, who without this reliefe had beene
in great danger to perish. The French-men made them such a feast, with
such an abundance of varietie of Fish, Fowle and Fruits, as they all
admired, and little expected that wild wildernesse could affoord such
wonderfull abundance of plentie. In this ship came about two hundred men,
but very little provision, and the ship called the Treasurer came in
againe not long after with fortie passengers; the Lord la Wares ship lying
in Virginia three moneths, wee victualled her with threescore bushels of
Corne, and eight Hogsheads of flesh, besides other victuall she spent
whilest they tarried there: this ship brought us advice that great
multitudes were a preparing in England to bee sent, and relied much upon
that victuall they should finde here: whereupon our Captaine called a
Councell, and writ to the Councell here in England the estate of the
Colonie, and what a great miserie would insue, if they sent not provision
as well as people; and what they did suffer for want of skilfull
husbandmen, and meanes to set their Ploughs on worke, having as good
ground as any man can desire, and about fortie Bulls and Oxen, but they
wanted men to bring them to labour, and Irons for the Ploughs, and
harnesse for the Cattell. Some thirtie or fortie acres wee had sowne with
one Plough, but it stood so long on the ground before it was reaped, it
was most shaken, and the rest spoiled with the Cattell and Rats [IV.125.]
in the Barne, but no better Corne could bee for the quantitie.
_Richard Killingbeck and foure other murdered by the Salvages._
_Their Church and Storehouse._ {MN-1}
_Fairfax, three children and two boys also murdered._ {MN-2}
Richard Killingbeck being with the Captaine at Kekoughtan, desired leave
to returne to his wife at Charles hundred, hee went to James towne by
water, there he got foure more to goe with him by land, but it proved that
he intended to goe trade with the Indies of Chickahamania, where making
shew of the great quantitie of trucke they had, which the Salvages
perceiving, partly for their trucke, partly for revenge of some friends
they pretended should have beene slaine by Captaine Yearley, one of them
with an English peece shot Killingbeck dead, the other Salvages assaulted
the rest and slew them, stripped them, and tooke what they had: But
fearing this murther would come to light, and might cause them to suffer
for it, would now proceed to the perfection of villanie; {MN-1} for
presently they robbed their Machacomocko house of the towne, stole all the
Indian treasure thereout, and fled into the woods, as other Indians
related. {MN-2} On Sunday following, one Farfax that dwelt a mile from the
towne, going to Church, left his wife and three small children safe at
home, as he thought, and a young youth: she supposing praier to be done,
left the children, and went to meet her husband; presently after came
three or foure of those fugitive Salvages, entred the house, and slew a
boy and three children, and also another youth that stole out of the
Church in praier time, meeting them, was likewise murdered. Of this
disaster the Captaine sent to Opechankanough for satisfaction, but he
excused the matter, as altogether ignorant of it, at the same time the
Salvages that were robbed were complaining to Opechankanough, and much
feared the English would bee revenged on them, so that Opechankanough
sent to Captaine Argall, to assure him the peace should never be broken by
him, desiring that he would not revenge the injurie of those fugitives
upon the innocent people of that towne, which towne he should have, and
sent him a basket of earth, as possession given of it, and promised, so
soone as possibly they could catch these robbers, to send him their heads
for satisfaction, but he never performed it. Samuel Argall, John Rolfe.
1619.
_Sir Edwin Sands Treasurer._
_Master John Farer Deputie._
A relation from Master John Rolfe,
June 15. 1618.
_Powhatans death._ {MN-1}
_Haile-stones eight inches about._ {MN-2}
Concerning the state of our new Common-wealth, it is somewhat bettered,
for we have sufficient to content our selves, though not in such abundance
as is vainly reported in England. {MN-1} Powhatan died this last Aprill,
yet the Indians continue in peace. Itopatin his second brother succeeds
him, and both hee and Opechankanough have confirmed our former league. On
the eleventh of May, about ten of the clocke in the night, happened a most
fearefull tempest, but it continued not past halfe an houre, {MN-2} which
powred downe hailestones eight or nine inches about, that none durst goe
out of their doores, and though it tore the barke and leaves of the trees,
yet wee finde not they hurt either man or beast; it fell onely about James
towne, for but a mile to the East, and twentie to the West there was no
haile at all. Thus in peace every man followed his building and planting
without any accidents worthy of note. Some private differences happened
betwixt Captaine Bruster and Captaine Argall, and Captaine Argall and the
Companie here in England; but of them I am not fully informed, neither are
they here for any use, and therefore unfit to be remembred. In December
one Captaine Stallings, an old planter in those parts, being imployed by
them of the West countrie for a fishing voyage, in New-England, fell foule
of a Frenchman whom hee tooke, leaving his owne ship to returne for
England, himselfe with a small companie remained in the French barke, some
small time after upon the coast, and thence returned to winter in Virginia.
The government surrendred to Sir George [IV.126.]
Yearley.
_Waraskoyack planted._ {MN}
For to begin with the yeere of our Lord, 1619. there arrived a little
Pinnace privatly from England about Easter for Captaine Argall, who taking
order for his affaires, within foure or five daies returned in her, and
left for his Deputy, Captaine Nathaniel Powell. On the eighteenth of
Aprill, which was but ten or twelve daies after, arrived Sir George
Yearley, by whom we understood Sir Edwin Sands was chosen Treasurer, and
Master John Farrar his Deputy, and what great supplies was a preparing to
be sent us, which did ravish us so much with joy and content, we thought
our selves now fully satisfied, for our long toile and labours, and as
happy men as any in the world. Notwithstanding, such an accident hapned
Captaine Stallings, the next day his ship was cast away, and he not long
after slaine in a private quarrell. Sir George Yearly to beginne his
government, added to be of his councell, Captaine Francis West, Captaine
Nathaniel Powell, Master John Pory, Master John Rolfe, and Master William
Wickam, and Master Samuel Macocke, and propounded to have a generall
assembly with all expedition. Upon the twelfth of this Moneth, came in a
Pinnace of Captaine Bargraves, and on the seventeenth Captaine Lownes, and
one Master Evans, {MN} who intended to plant themselves at Waraskoyack,
but now Ophechankanough will not come at us, that causes us suspect his
former promises.
_A barrell they account foure bushels._ {MN}
In May came in the Margaret of Bristoll, with foure and thirty men, all
well and in health, and also many devout gifts, and we were much troubled
in examining some scandalous letters sent into England, to disgrace this
Country with barrennesse, to discourage the adventurers, and so bring it
and us to ruine and confusion; notwithstanding, we finde by them of best
experience, an industrious man not other waies imploied, may well tend
foure akers of Corne, and 1000. plants of Tobacco, and where they say an
aker will yeeld but three or foure barrels, we have ordinarily foure or
five, but of new ground six, seven, and eight, and a barrell of Pease and
Beanes, which we esteeme as good as two of Corne, which is after thirty or
forty bushels an aker, so that one man may provide Corne for five, and
apparell for two by the profit of his Tobacco; {MN} they say also English
Wheat will yeeld but sixteene bushels an aker, and we have reaped thirty:
besides to manure the Land, no place hath more white and blew Marble than
here, had we but Carpenters to build and make Carts and Ploughs, and
skilfull men that know how to use them, and traine up our cattell to draw
them, which though we indevour to effect, yet our want of experience
brings but little to perfection but planting Tobaco, and yet of that many
are so covetous to have much, they make little good; besides there are so
many sofisticating Tobaco-mungers in England, were it never so bad, they
would sell it for Verinas, and the trash that remaineth should be Virginia,
such devilish bad mindes we know some of our owne Country-men doe beare,
not onely to the businesse, but also to our mother England her selfe; could
they or durst they as freely defame her.
_The time of Parlament._ {MN-1}
_Foure corporations named._ {MN-2}
_Captaine Wards exploit._ {MN-3}
The 25. of June came in the Triall with Corne and Cattell all in safety,
which tooke from us cleerely all feare of famine; {MN-1} then our
governour and councell caused Burgesses to be chosen in all places, and
met at a generall Assembly, where all matters were debated though
expedient for the good of the Colony, and Captaine Ward was sent to
Monahigan in new England, to fish in May, and returned the latter end of
May, but to small purpose, for they wanted Salt: the George also was sent
to New-found-land with the Cape Merchant, there she bought fish, that
defraied her charges, and made a good voyage in seven weekes. About the
last of August came in a dutch man of warre that sold us twenty Negars,
and Japazous King of Patawomeck, came to James towne, to desire two ships
to come trade in his River, for a more plentifull yeere of Corne had not
beene in a long time, yet very contagious, and by the trechery of one
Poule, in a manner turned heathen, wee were [IV.127.] very jealous the
Salvages would surprize us. {MN-2} The Governours have bounded foure
Corporations; which is the Companies, the University, the Governours and
Gleabe land: Ensigne Wil. Spencer, & Thomas Barret a Sergeant, with some
others of the ancient Planters being set free, we are the first farmers
that went forth, and have chosen places to their content, so that now
knowing their owne land, they strive who should exceed in building and
planting. The fourth of November the Bona nova came in with all her people
lusty and well; not long after one Master Dirmer sent out by some of
Plimoth for New-England, arrived in a Barke of five tunnes, and returned
the next Spring; notwithstanding the ill rumours of the unwholsomnesse of
James towne, the new commers that were planted at old Paspaheghe, little
more then a mile from it, had their healths better then any in the
Country. {MN-3} In December Captaine Ward returned from Patawomeck, the
people there dealt falsly with him, so that hee tooke 800. bushels of
Corne from them perforce. Captaine Woddiffe of Bristol came in not long
after, with all his people lusty and in health, and we had two particular
Governors sent us, under the titles of Deputies to the Company, the one to
have charge of the Colledge Lands, the other of the Companies: Now you are
to understand, that because there have beene many complaints against the
Governors, Captaines, and Officers in Virginia, for buying and selling men
and boies, or to bee set over from one to another for a yeerely rent, was
held in England a thing most intolerable, or that the tenants or lawfull
servants should be put from their places, or abridged their Covenants, was
so odious, that the very report thereof brought a great scandall to the
generall action. The Councell in England did send many good and worthy
instructions for the amending those abuses, and appointed a hundred men
should at the Companies charge be allotted and provided to serve and
attend the Governour during the time of his government, which number he
was to make good at his departure, and leave to his Successor in like
manner, fifty to the Deputy-Governour of the College land, and fifty to
the Deputy of the Companies land, fifty to the Treasurer, to the Secretary
five and twenty, and more to the Marshall and Cape merchant; which they
are also to leave to their successors, and likewise to every particular
Officer such a competency, as he might live well in his Office, without
oppressing any under their charge, which good law I pray God it be well
observed, and then we may truly say in Virginia, we are the most happy
people in the world. By me John Rolfe.
_The number of Ships and men._
There went this yeere by the Companies records, 11. ships and 1216.
persons to be thus disposed on: Tenants for the Governors land fourescore,
besides fifty sent the former spring; for the Companies land a hundred and
thirty, for the College a hundred, for the Glebe land fifty, young women
to make wives ninety, servants for publike service fifty, and fifty more
whose labours were to bring up thirty of the infidels children, the rest
were sent to private Plantations.
_Gifts given._
_But few performe them._ {MN}
Two persons unknowne have given faire Plate and Ornaments for two
Communion Tables, the one at the College, the other at the Church of
Mistris Mary Robinson, who towards the foundation gave two hundred pound.
And another unknowne person sent to the Treasurer five hundred and fifty
pounds, for the bringing up of the salvage children in Christianity.
Master Nicholas Farrar deceased, hath by his Will given three hundred
pounds to the College, to be paid when there shall be ten young Salvages
placed in it, in the meane time foure and twenty pound yeerely to bee
distributed unto three discreet and godly young men in the Colony, to
bring up three wilde young infidels in some good course of life, also
there were granted eleven Pattents, {MN} upon condition to transport
people and cattle to increase the Plantations.
A.D. 1620.
_The Earle of Southampton Treasurer,
and M. John Ferrar Deputy._
[IV.128.] A desperat Sea-fight betwixt two Spanish men of warre, and
a small English ship, at the Ile of Dominica going to Virginia, by
Captaine Anthony Chester.
_A French-man cast away at Guardalupo._ {MN-1}
_The Spaniards begin._ {MN-2}
_The Vice-Admirall shot between wind and water,_ {MN-3}
Having taken our journey towards Virginia in the beginning of February, a
ship called the Margaret and John, of one hundred and sixty tuns, eight
Iron Peeces and a Falcon, with eightie Passengers besides Sailers; After
many tempests and foule weather, about the foureteenth of March we were in
thirteene degrees and an halfe of Northerly latitude, where we descried a
ship at hull; it being but a faire gale of wind, we edged towards her to
see what she was, but she presently set saile, and ran us quickly out of
sight: This made us keepe our course for Mettalina, and the next day
passing Dominica, we came to an anchor at Guardalupo, to take in fresh
water. {MN-1} Six French-men there cast away sixteene moneths agoe came
aboord us; they told us a Spanish man of Warre but seven daies before was
seeking his consort, and this was she we descried at hull. At Mevis we
intended to refresh our selves, having beene eleven weeks pestered in this
unwholsome ship; but there we found two tall ships with the Hollanders
colours, but necessitie forcing us on shore, we anchored faire by them,
and in friendly manner sent to hale them: {MN-2} but seeing they were
Spaniards, retiring to our ship, they sent such a volley of shot after
us, that shot the Boat, split the Oares, and some thorow the clothes, yet
not a man hurt; and then followed with their great Ordnance, that many
times over-racked our ship, which being so cumbred with the Passengers
provisions, our Ordnance was not well fitted, nor any thing as it should
have beene. But perceiving what they were, we fitted our selves the best
we could to prevent a mischiefe, seeing them warp themselves to windward,
we thought it not good to be boorded on both sides at an anchor, we
intended to set saile, but that the Vice-Admirall battered so hard our
star-boord side, that we fell to our businesse, and answered their
unkindnesse with such faire shot from a Demiculvering, {MN-3} that shot
her betweene wind and water, whereby she was glad to leave us and her
Admirall together. Comming faire by our quarter, he tooke in his Holland
flag, and put forth his Spanish colours, and so haled us.
_The manner of their fight._ {MN}
We quietly and quickly answered him, both what wee were, and whither
bound, relating the effect of our Commission, and the cause of our
comming thither for water, and not to annoy any of the King of Spaines
Subjects, nor any. She commanded us amaine for the King of Spaine, we
replied with inlarging the particulars what friends both the Kings our
Masters were, and as we would doe no wrong, we would take none. They
commanded us aboord to shew our Commission, which we refused, but if they
would send their Boat to us willingly they should see it. {MN} But for
answer they made two great shot at us, with a volley of small shot, which
caused us to leave the decks; then with many ill words they laid us
aboord, which caused us to raise our maine saile, and give the word to
our small shot which lay close and ready, that paid them in such sort,
they quickly retired. The fight continued halfe an houre, as if we had
beene invironed with fire and smoke, untill they discovered the waste of
our ship naked, where they bravely boorded us loofe for loofe, hasting
with pikes and swords to enter, but it pleased God so to direct our
Captaine, and encourage our men with valour, that our pikes being
formerly placed under our halfe deck, and certaine shot lying close for
that purpose under the Port holes, encountred them so rudely, that their
fury was not onely rebated, but their hastinesse intercepted, and their
whole company beaten backe, many of our men were hurt, but I am sure they
had two for one.
_The Captaine slaine._ {MN}
In the end they were violently repulsed, untill they [IV.129.] were
reinforced to charge againe by their commands, who standing upon their
honors, thought it a great indignity to be so affronted, which caused a
second charge, and that answered with a second beating backe: whereat the
Captaine grew inraged, and constrained them to come on againe afresh,
which they did so effectually, that questionlesse it had wrought an
alteration, if the God that tosseth Monarchies, and teareth Mountaines,
had not taught us to tosse our Pikes with prosperous events, and powred
out a volley of small shot amongst them, {MN} whereby that valiant
Commander was slaine, and many of his Souldiers dropped downe likewise on
the top of the hatches. This we saw with our eies, and rejoyced with it
at our hearts, so that we might perceive good successe comming on, our
Captaine presently tooke advantage of their discomfiture, though with
much comiseration of that resolute Captaine, and not onely plied them
againe with our Ordnance, but had more shot under the Pikes, which was
bestowed to good purpose, and amazed our enemies with the suddennesse.
_A worthy exploit of Lucas._
_The event of the fight._ {MN}
Amongst the rest, one Lucas, our Carpenters Mate, must not be forgotten,
who perceiving a way how to annoy them; As they were thus puzled and in a
confusion, drew out a Minion under the halfe decke, and there bent it
upon them in such a manner, that when it was fired, the cases of stones
and peeces of Iron fell upon them so thick, as cleared the decke, and
slew many, and in short time we saw few assailants, but such as crept
from place to place covertly from the fury of our shot, which now was
thicker than theirs: for although as far as we may commend our enemies,
they had done something worthy of commendations; yet either wanting men,
or being overtaken with the unlooked for valour of our men, they now
began to shrinke, and give us leave to be wanton with our advantage. Yet
we could onely use but foure peece of Ordnances, but they served the
turne as well as all the rest: for she was shot so oft betweene wind and
water, we saw they were willing to leave us, but by reason she was fast
in the latch of our cable, which in haste of weighing our anchor hung
aloofe, she could not cleare her selfe as she wrought to doe, till one
cut the Cable with an axe, and was slaine by freeing us. Having beene
aboord us two houres and an halfe, seeing her selfe cleere, all the shot
wee had plaied on both sides, which lasted till we were out of shot, then
we discovered the Vice-Admirall comming to her assistance, who began a
farre off to ply us with their Ordnances, and put us in minde we had
another worke in hand. Whereupon we separated the dead and hurt bodies,
and manned the ship with the rest, and were so well incouraged wee waifed
them a maine. The Admirall stood aloofe off, and the other would not come
within Falcon shot, where she lay battering us till shee received another
paiment from a Demiculvering, which made her beare with the shore for
smooth water to mend her leakes. The next morning they both came up
againe with us, as if they had determined to devour us at once, but it
seemed it was but a bravado, though they forsooke not our quarter for a
time within Musket shot; yet all the night onely they kept us company,
but made not a shot. During which time we had leasure to provide us
better than before: but God be thanked they made onely but a shew of
another assault, ere suddenly the Vice-admirall fell a starne, and the
other lay shaking in the wind, and so they both left us. {MN} The fight
continued six houres, and was the more unwelcome, because we were so ill
provided, and had no intent to fight, nor give occasion to disturbe them.
As for the losse of men, if Religion had not taught us what by the
providence of God is brought to passe, yet daily experience might informe
us, of the dangers of wars, and perils at sea, by stormes tempests,
shipwracks, encounters with Pirats, meeting with enemies, crosse winds,
long voiages, unknowne shores, barbarous Nations, and an hundred
inconveniences, of which humane pollicies are not capable, nor mens
conjectures apprehensive. We lost Doctor Bohun, a worthy valiant
Gentleman, (a long time brought up amongst the most learned Surgeons, and
Physitions in Netherlands, and this his second journey to Virginia:) and
seven slaine out right, two died shortly [IV.130.] of their wounds;
sixteene was shot, whose limbs God be thanked was recovered without
maime, and now setled in Virginia: how many they lost we know not, but we
saw a great many lie on the decks, and their skuppers runne with bloud,
they were about three hundred tunnes apeece, each sixteene or twentie
Brasse-peeces. Captaine Chester, who in this fight had behaved himselfe
like a most vigilant, resolute, and a couragious souldier, as also our
honest and valiant master, did still so comfort and incourage us by all
the meanes they could, at last to all our great contents we arrived in
Virginia, and from thence returned safely to England.
The Names of the Adventurers for Virginia, Alphabetically set downe,
according to a printed Booke, set out by the Treasurer and Councell
in this present yeere, 1620.
A
Sir William Aliffe. William Atkinson, Esquire.
Sir Roger Aston. Richard Ashcroft.
Sir Anthony Ashley. Nicholas Andrews.
Sir John Akland. John Andrews the elder.
Sir Anthonie Aucher. John Andrews the younger.
Sir Robert Askwith. James Ascough.
Doctor Francis Anthony. Giles Allington.
Charles Anthony. Morris Abbot.
Edward Allen. Ambrose Asten.
Edmund Allen Esquire. James Askew.
John Allen. Anthony Abdey.
Thomas Allen. John Arundell, Esquire.
B
Edward, Earle of Bedford. Sir Henry Beddingfield.
James, Lord Bishop of Bathe Companie of Barbers-Surgeons.
and Wells.
Sir Francis Barrington. Companie of Bakers.
Sir Morice Barkley. Richard Banister.
Sir John Benet. John Bancks.
Sir Thomas Beamont. Miles Bancks.
Sir Amias Bamfield. Thomas Barber.
Sir John Bourcher. William Bonham.
Sir Edmund Bowyer. James Bryerley.
Sir Thomas Bludder. William Earners.
Sir George Bolles. Anthony Earners, Esquire.
Sir John Bingley. William Brewster.
Sir Thomas Button. Richard Brooke.
Hugh Brooker, Esquire. John Bullock.
Ambrose Brewsey. George Bache.
John Brooke. Thomas Bayly.
Matthew Bromridge. William Barkley.
Christopher Brooke, George Butler.
Esquire. Timothie Bathurst.
Martin Bond. George Burton.
Gabriel Beadle. Thomas Bret.
John Beadle. Captaine John Brough.
David Borne. Thomas Baker.
Edward Barnes. John Blunt.
John Badger. Thomas Bayly.
Edmund Brandvell. Richard and Edward Blunt.
Robert Bowyer, Esquire. Mineon Burrell.
Robert Bateman. Richard Blackmore.
Thomas Britton. William Beck.
Nicholas Benson. Benjamin Brand. [IV.131.]
Edward Bishop. John Busbridge.
Peter Burgoney. William Burrell.
Thomas Burgoney. William Barret.
Robert Burgoney. Francis Baldwin.
Christopher Baron. Edward Barber.
Peter Benson. Humphrey Basse.
John Baker. Robert Bell.
John Bustoridge. Matthew Bromrick.
Francis Burley. John Beaumont.
William Browne. George Barkley.
Robert Barker. Peter Bartle.
Samuel Burnham. Thomas Bretton.
Edward Barkley. John Blount.
William Bennet. Arthur Bromfeld Esquire.
Captaine Edward Brewster. William Berbloke.
Thomas Brocket. Charles Beck.
C
George, Lord Archbishop of William Lord Cranborne,
Canterburie. now Earle of Salisburie.
William, Lord Compton, Thomas Carpenter.
now Earle of Anthony Crew.
Northhampton. Richard Cox.
William Lord Cavendish, William Crosley.
now Earle of Devonshire. James Chatfeild.
Richard Earle of Clanricard. Richard Caswell.
Sir William Cavendish now John Cornelis.
Lord Cavendish. Randall Carter.
Gray, Lord Chandos. Executors of Randall Carter.
Sir Henry Cary. William Canning.
Sir George Calvert. Edward Carve, Esquire.
Sir Lionell Cranfield. Thomas Cannon, Esquire.
Sir Edward Cecill. Richard Champion.
Sir Robert Gotten. Rawley Crashaw.
Sir Oliver Cromwell. Henry Collins.
Sir Anthony Cope. Henry Cromwell.
Sir Walter Cope. John Cooper.
Sir Edward Carr. Richard Cooper.
Sir Thomas Conisbie. John Casson. [IV.132.]
Sir George Cary. Thomas Colthurst.
Sir Edward Conwey. Allen Gotten.
Sir Walter Chute. Edward Cage.
Sir Edward Culpeper. Abraham Carthwright.
Sir Henry Cary, Captaine. Robert Coppin.
Sir William Craven. Thomas Conock.
Sir Walter Covert. John Clapham.
Sir George Coppin. Thomas Church.
Sir George Chute. William Carpenter.
Sir Thomas Coventry. Laurence Campe.
Sir John Cutts. James Cambell.
Lady Cary. Christopher Cletheroe.
Company of Cloth-workers. Matthew Cooper.
Citie of Chichester. George Chamber.
Robert Chamberlaine. Captaine John Cooke.
Richard Chamberlaine. Captaine Thomas Conwey,
Francis Covill. Esquire.
William Coyse, Esquire. Edward Culpeper, Esquire.
Abraham Chamberlaine. Master William Crashaw.
Abraham Colmer. Richard Connock, Esquire.
John Culpeper. William Compton.
Edmund Colbey. William Chester.
Richard Cooper. Thomas Covel.
Robert Creswell. Richard Carmarden, Esquire.
John Cage, Esquire. William and Paul Canning.
Matthew Cave. Henry Cromwell, Esquire.
William Crowe. Simon Codrington.
Abraham Carpenter. Clement Chichley.
John Crowe. James Cullemore.
Thomas Cordell. William Cantrell.
D
Richard Earle of Dorset. William Dunne.
Edward Lord Denny. John Davis.
Sir John Digbie, now Lord Matthew Dequester.
Digbie. Philip Durdent.
Sir John Doderidge. Abraham Dawes.
Sir Drew Drewry the John Dike.
elder. Thomas Draper.
Sir Thomas Dennis. Lancelot Davis.
Sir Robert Drewry. Rowley Dawsey.
Sir John Davers. William Dobson Esquire.
Sir Dudley Digs. Anthony Dyot, Esquire.
Sir Marmaduke Dorrel. Avery Dranfield.
Sir Thomas Dale. Roger Dye.
Sir Thomas Denton. John Downes.
Companie of Drapers. John Drake.
Thomas Bond, Esquire. John Delbridge.
David Bent, Esquire. Benjamin Decree.
Companie of Dyers. Thomas Dyke.
Towne of Dover. Jeffery Duppa.
Master Richard Deane, Daniel Darnelly.
Alderman. Sara Draper.
Henry Dawkes. Clement and Henry Dawkney.
Edward Dichfield.
E
Thomas, Earle of Exeter. Hugh Evans.
Sir Thomas Everfield. Raph Ewens, Esquire.
Sir Francis Egiock. John Elkin.
Sir Robert Edolph. John Elkin.
John Eldred, Esquire. Robert Evelin.
William Evans. Nicholas Exton.
Richard Evans. John Exton.
George Etheridge.
F
Sir Moyle Finch. John Farrar.
Sir Henry Fanshaw. Giles Francis.
Sir Thomas Freake. Edward Fawcet.
Sir Peter Fretchuile. Richard Farrington.
Sir William Fleetwood. John Francklin. [IV.133]
Sir Henry Fane. Richard Frith.
Company of Fishmongers. John Feme.
John Fletcher. George Farmer.
John Farmer. Thomas Francis.
Martin Freeman, Esquire. John Fenner.
Ralph Freeman. Nicholas Fuller, Esquire.
William and Ralph Freeman. Thomas Foxall.
Michael Fetiplace. William Fleet.
William Fettiplace. Peter Franck, Esquire.
Thomas Forrest. Richard Fishborne.
Edward Fleetwood, Esquire. William Faldoe.
William Felgate. John Fletcher, and Company.
William Field. William Ferrars.
Nicholas Ferrar.
G
Lady Elizabeth Gray. Sir Thomas Gates.
Sir John Gray. Sir William Gee.
Sir William Godolfine. Sir Richard Grobham.
Sir William Garaway. John Gray.
Sir Francis Goodwin. Nicholas Griece.
Sir George Goring. Richard Goddard.
Sir Thomas Grantham. Thomas Gipps.
Company of Grocers. Peter Gates.
Company of Goldsmiths. Thomas Gibbs, Esquire.
Company of Girdlers. Laurence Greene.
John Geering. William Greenwell.
John Gardiner. Robert Garset.
Richard Gardiner. Robert Gore.
John Gilbert. Thomas Gouge.
Thomas Grave. Francis Glanvile, Esquire.
H
Henry, Earle of Huntington. Master Hugh Hamersley,
Lord Theophilus Haward, Alderman.
L. Walden. Master Richard Heron,
Sir John Harrington, Alderman.
L. Harington. Richard Humble, Esquire.
Sir John Hollis, now Lord Master Richard Hackleuit.
Hautein. Edward Harrison.
Sir Thomas Holecroft. George Holeman.
Sir William Harris. Robert Hill.
Sir Thomas Harefleet. Griffin Hinton.
Sir George Haiward. John Hawkins.
Sir Warwicke Heale. William Hancocke.
Sir Baptist Hicks. John Harper.
Sir John Hanham. George Hawger.
Sir Thomas Horwell. John Holt.
Sir Thomas Hewit. John Huntley.
Sir William Herrick. Jeremy Heiden.
Sir Eustace Hart. Ralph Hamer.
Sir Pory Huntley. Ralph Hamer, Junior.
Sir Arthur Harris. John Hodgeson.
Sir Edward Heron. John Hanford.
Sir Persevall Hart. Thomas Harris. [IV.134.]
Sir Ferdinando Heiborne. Richard Howell.
Sir Lawrence Hide. Thomas Henshaw.
Leonard Harwood. James Haiward.
Tristram Hill. Nicholas Hide, Esquire.
Francis Haselridge. John Hare, Esquire.
Tobias Hinson. William Hackwell, Esquire.
Peter Heightley. Gressam Hoogan.
George Hawkenson. Humfrey Hanford.
Thomas Hackshaw. William Haselden.
Charles Hawkens. Nicholas Hooker.
John Hodgis. Doctor Anthony Hunton.
William Holland. John Hodsale.
Robert Hartley. George Hooker.
Gregory Herst. Anthony Hinton.
Thomas Hodgis. John Hogsell.
William Hodgis. Thomas Hampton.
Roger Harris. William Hicks.
John Harris. William Holiland.
M. John Haiward. Ralph Harison.
Harman Harison.
I
Sir Thomas Jermyn. Thomas Jadwine.
Sir Robert Johnson. John Josua.
Sir Arthur Ingram. George Isam.
Sir Francis Jones. Philip Jacobson.
Company of Ironmongers. Peter Jacobson.
Company of Inholders. Thomas Juxson Senior.
Company of Imbroyderers. James Jewell.
Bailiffes of Ipswich. Gabriel Jaques.
Henry Jackson. Walter Jobson.
Richard Ironside. Edward James.
M. Robert Johnson Alderman. Zachary Jones, Esquire.
Thomas Jones. Anthony Irbye, Esquire.
William Jobson. William I-anson.
Thomas Johnson. Humfrey Jobson.
K
Sir Valentine Knightley. Sir Charles Kelke.
Sir Robert Killegrew. Sir John Kaile.
Richard Kirrill. Henry Kent.
John Kirrill. Towne of Kingslynne.
Raph King. John Kettleby, Esquire.
Walter Kirkham, Esquire.
L
Henry Earle of Lincolne. Morris Lewellin.
Robert, L. Lisle, now Earle Edward Lewis.
of Leicester. Edward Lewkin.
Thomas, Lord Laware. Peter Lodge.
Sir Francis Leigh. Thomas Layer.
Sir Richard Lowlace. Thomas Lawson.
Sir William Litton. Francis Lodge. [IV.135.]
Sir John Lewson. John Langley.
Sir William Lower. David Loide.
Sir Samuel Leonard. John Levitt.
Sir Samson Leonard. Thomas Fox and Luke
Company of Lethersellers. Lodge.
Thomas Laughton. Captaine Richard Linley.
William Lewson. Arnold Lulls.
Peter Latham. William Lawrence.
Peter Van Lore. John Landman.
Henry Leigh. Nicholas Lichfield.
Thomas Levar. Nicholas Leate.
Christofer Landman. Gedeon de Laune.
M
Philip Earle of Sir Peter Manhood.
Montgomerie. Sir John Merrick.
Doctor George Mountaine, Sir George More.
now Lord Bishop of Sir Robert Mansell.
Lincolne. Sir Arthur Mannering.
William Lord Mounteagle, Sir David Murrey.
now Lord Morley. Sir Edward Michelborn.
Sir Thomas Mansell. Sir Thomas Middleton.
Sir Thomas Mildmay. Sir Robert Miller.
Sir William Maynard. Sir Cavaliero Maicott.
Sir Humfrey May. Doctor James Meddus.
Richard Martin, Esquire. Josias Maude.
Company of Mercers. Richard Morton.
Company of Merchant George Mason.
Taylors. Thomas Maddock.
Otho Mowdite. Richard Moore.
Captaine John Martin. Nicholas Moone.
Arthur Mouse. Alfonsus van Medkerk.
Adrian More. Captaine Henry Meoles.
Thomas Mountford. Philip Mutes.
Thomas Morris. Thomas Mayall.
Ralph Moorton. Humfrey Marret.
Francis Mapes. Jarvis Mundz.
Richard Maplesden. Robert Mildmay.
James Monger. William Millet.
Peter Monsell. Richard Morer.
Robert Middleton. John Miller.
Thomas Maile. Thomas Martin.
John Martin. John Middleton.
Francis Middleton.
N
Dudly, Lord North. William Nicols.
Francis, Lord Norris. George Newce.
Sir Henry Nevill of Joseph Newberow.
Barkshire. Christopher Newgate.
Thomas Nicols. Thomas Norincott.
Christopher Nicols. Jonathan Nuttall.
Thomas Norton.
O
William Oxenbridge, Robert Offley.
Esquire. Francis Oliver.
P
William, Earle of Pembroke. Sir Christofer Parkins.
William, Lord Paget. Sir Amias Preston.
John, Lord Petre. Sir Nicholas Parker.
George Percy, Esquire. Sir William Poole.
Sir Stephen Powell. Allen Percy.
Sir Henry Peyton. Abraham Peirce.
Sir James Perrot. Edmund Peirce.
Sir John Pettus. Phenice Pet.
Sir Robert Payne. Thomas Philips.
William Payne. Henry Philpot.
John Payne. Master George Procter.
Edward Parkins. Robert Penington.
Edward Parkins his widow. Peter Peate. [IV.136.]
Aden Perkins. John Prat.
Thomas Perkin. William Powell.
Richard Partridge. Edmund Peashall.
William Palmer. Captaine William Proude.
Miles Palmer. Henry Price.
Robert Parkhurst. Nicholas Pewriffe.
Richard Percivall, Esquire. Thomas Pelham.
Richard Poyntell. Richard Piggot.
George Pretty. John Pawlet, Esquire.
George Pit. Robert Pory.
Richard Paulson.
Q
William Quicke.
R
Sir Robert Rich, now Earle John Russell.
of Warwicke. Richard Rogers.
Sir Thomas Row. Arthur Robinson.
Sir Henry Rainsford. Robert Robinson.
Sir William Romney. Millicent Ramsden.
Sir John Ratcliffe. John Robinson.
Sir Steven Ridlesdon. George Robins.
Sir William Russell. Nichalas Rainton.
Master Edward Rotheram, Henry Rolffe.
Alderman. John Reignolds.
Robert Rich. Elias Roberts.
Tedder Roberts. Henry Reignolds,
Henry Robinson. Esquire.
William Roscarrocke, Humfrey Raymell.
Esquire. Richard Robins.
S
Henry, Earle of John Stokley.
Southampton. Richard Staper.
Thomas Earle of Suffolke. Robert Singleton.
Edward Semer, Earle of Thomas Shipton.
Hartford. Cleophas Smith.
Robert, Earle of Salisbury. Richard Strongtharm.
Mary, Countesse of Hildebrand Spruson.
Shrewsbury. Matthew Scrivener.
Edmund, Lord Sheffield. Othowell Smith.
Robert, Lord Spencer. George Scot.
John Lord Stanhope. Hewet Stapers.
Sir John Saint-John. James Swift. [IV.137.]
Sir Thomas Smith. Richard Stratford.
Sir John Samms. Edmund Smith.
Sir John Smith. Robert Smith.
Sir Edwin Sandys. Matthias Springham.
Sir Samuel Sandys. Richard Smith.
Sir Steven Some. Edward Smith.
Sir Raph Shelton. Jonathan Smith.
Sir Thomas Stewkley. Humfrey Smith.
Sir William Saint-John. John Smith.
Sir William Smith. George Swinhow.
Sir Richard Smith. Joseph Some.
Sir Martin Stutevill. William Sheckley.
Sir Nicolas Salter. John Southick.
Doctor Matthew Sutcliffe of Henry Shelley.
Exeter. Walter Shelley.
Captaine John Smith. Richard Snarsborow.
Thomas Sandys, Esquire. George Stone.
Henry Sandys, Esquire. Hugh Shepley.
George Sandys, Esquire. William Strachey.
Company of Skinners. Urion Spencer.
Company of Salters. John Scarpe.
Company of Stationers. Thomas Scott.
William Sharpe. William Seabright, Esquire.
Steven Sparrow. Nicholas Sherwell.
Thomas Stokes. Augustine Steward.
Richard Shepard. Thomas Stile.
Henry Spranger. Abraham Speckhard.
William Stonnard. Edmund Scot.
Steven Sad. Francis Smalman.
John Stockley. Gregory Sprint, Esquire.
Thomas Stevens. Thomas Stacey.
Matthew Shepard. William Sandbatch.
Thomas Sherwell. Augustine Stuard, Esquire.
T
Sir William Twisden. Charles Towler.
Sir William Throckmorton. William Tayler.
Sir Nicholas Tuston. Leonard Townson.
Sir John Trever. Richard Tomlins.
Sir Thomas Tracy. Francis Tate, Esquire.
George Thorpe, Esquire. Andrew Troughton.
Doctor William Turner. George Tucker.
The Trinity house. Henry Timberlake.
Richard Turner. William Tucker.
John Taverner. Lewis Tite.
Daniel Tucker. Robert Thornton.
V
Sir Horatio Vere. Richard Venne.
Sir Walter Vaughan. Christopher Vertue.
Henry Vincent. John Vassell.
Arthur Venne.
W
Henry Bishop of Worcester. Sir John Wats.
Francis West, Esquire. Sir Hugh Worrell.
Sir Ralph Winwood. Sir Edward Waterhouse.
Sir John Wentworth. Sir Thomas Wilsford.
Sir William Waad. Sir Richard Williamson.
Sir Robert Wroth. Sir John Wolstenholm.
Sir Percival Willoby. Sir Thomas Walsingham.
Sir Charles Wilmott. Sir Thomas Watson.
Sir Thomas Wilson. Richard Widowes.
Sir John Weld. David Waterhouse, Esquire.
Mistris Kath. West, now Captaine Owen Winne.
Lady Conway. Randall Wetwood.
John Wroth, Esquire. George Wilmer, Esquire.
Captaine Maria Winckfield, Edward Wilkes.
Esquire. Leonard White.
Thomas Webb. Andrew Willmer.
Rice Webb. Clement Willmer.
Edward Webb. George Walker.
Sands Webb. William Welbie.
Felix Wilson. Francis Whistler.
Thomas White. Thomas Wells.
Richard Wissen. Captaine Thomas Winne. [IV.138.]
William Williamson. John Whittingham.
Humfrey Westwood. Thomas Wheeler.
Hugh Willeston. William Willet.
Thomas Wheatley. Devereux Woogam.
William Wattey. John Walker.
William Webster. Thomas Wood.
James White. John Willes.
Edmund Winne. Nicholas Wheeler.
John West. Thomas Wale.
John Wright. William Wilston.
Edward Wooller. John Waller.
Thomas Walker. William Ward.
John Wooller. William Willeston.
John Westrow. John Water.
Edward Welch. Thomas Warr, Esquire.
Nathaniel Waad. David Wiffen.
Garret Weston.
Y
Sir George Yeardley, now William Yong.
Governour of Virginia. Simon Yeomans.
Z
Edward, Lord Zouch. John Zouch, Esquire.
That most generous and most honourable Lord, the Earle of Southhampton,
being pleased to take upon him the title of Treasurer, and Master John
Farrar his Deputy, with such instructions as were necessary, and
admonitions to all Officers to take heede of extortion, ingrosing
commodities, forestalling of markets, especially to have a vigilant care,
the familiarity of the Salvages living amongst them made them not way to
betray or surprize them, for the building of Guest-houses to relieve the
weake in, and that they did wonder in all this time they had made no
discoveries, nor knew no more then the very place whereon they did
inhabit, nor yet could ever see any returne for all this continuall
charge and trouble, therefore they sent to be added to the Councell seven
Gentlemen, namely Mr. Thorp, Captaine Nuce, Mr. Tracy, Captaine
Middleton, Captaine Blount, Mr. John Pountas, and Mr. Harwood, with men,
munition, and all things thought fitting, but they write from Virginia,
many of the Ships were so pestred with diseased people, & thronged
together in their passage, there was much sicknesse and a great
mortality, wherfore they desired rather a few able sufficient men well
provided, then great multitudes, and because there were few accidents of
note, but private advertisements by letters, we will conclude this yeere,
and proceed to the next. Collected out of the Councels letters for
Virginia.
A.D. 1621.
_The Earle of South-hampton Treasurer.
Master John Farrar Deputy._
_The election of Sir Francis Wyat Governour
for Virginia._ {MN-1}
_Notes worthy observation._{MN-2}
The instructions and advertisements for this yeere were both from England
and Virginia, much like the last: only whereas before they had ever a
suspicion of Opechankanough, and all the rest of the Salvages, they had
an eye over him more then any, but now they all write so confidently of
their assured peace with the Salvages, there is now no more feare nor
danger either of their power or trechery, so that every man planteth
himselfe where he pleaseth, and followeth his businesse securely.
{MN-1} But the time or Sir George Yearley being neere [IV.139.] expired,
the Councel here made choise of a worthy young Gentleman Sir Francis Wyat
to succeed him, whom they forthwith furnished and provided, as they had
done his Predecessors, with all the necessary instructions all these
times had acquainted them for the conversion of the Salvages, the
suppressing of planting Tobacco, and planting of Corne, not depending
continually to be supplied by the Salvages, but in case of necessity to
trade with them, whom long ere this, it hath beene promised and expected
should have beene fed and relieved by the English, not the English by
them; and carefully to redresse all the complaints of the needlesse
mortality of their people, and by all diligence seeke to send something
home to satisfie the Adventurers, that all this time had only lived upon
hopes, grew so weary and discouraged, that it must now be substance that
must maintaine their proceedings, & not letters, excuses and promises;
seeing they could get so much and such great estates for themselves,
{MN-2} as to spend after the rate of 100. pounds, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9,
10. nay some 2000. or 3000. pounds yearely, that were not worth so many
pence when they went to Virginia, can scarce containe themselves either
in diet, apparell, gaming, and all manner of such superfluity, within a
lesse compasse than our curious, costly, and consuming Gallants here in
England, which cannot possibly be there supported, but either by
oppressing the Comminalty there, or deceiving the generality here (or
both.) Extracted out of the Councels Letters for Virginia.
_A degression_
From Virginia, by the relations of the Chieftains there, & many I have
conferred with, that came from thence hither, I have much admired to
heare of the incredible pleasure, profit and plenty this Plantation doth
abound in, and yet could never heare of any returne but Tobacco, but it
hath oft amazed me to understand how strangely the Salvages hath beene
taught the use of our armes, and imploied in hunting and fowling with our
fowling peeces, and our men rooting in the ground about Tobacco like
Swine; besides that, the Salvages that doe little but continually
exercise their bow and arrowes, should dwell and lie so familiarly
amongst our men that practised little but the Spade, being so farre
asunder, and in such small parties dispersed, and neither Fort, exercise
of armes used, Ordnances mounted, Courts of guard, nor any preparation
nor provision to prevent a forraine enemy, much more the Salvages
howsoever; for the Salvages uncertaine conformity I doe not wonder, but
for their constancy and conversion, I am and ever have beene of the
opinion of Master Jonas Stockam a Minister in Virginia, who even at this
time, when all things were so prosperous, and the Salvages at the point
of conversion, against all their Governours and Councels opinions, writ
to the Councell and Company in England to this effect.
May 28.
_Master Stockams Relation._
We that have left our native country to sojourne in a strange land, some
idle spectators, who either cowardly dare not, or covetously will not
adventure either their purses or persons in so commendable a worke;
others supporting Atlas of this almost unsupportable burdens as your
selves, without whose assistance this Virginia Firmament (in which some)
and I hope in short time will shine many more glorious Starres, though
there be many Italiannated and Spaniolized Englishmen envies our
prosperities, and by all their ignominious scandals they can devise
seekes to dishearten what they can, those that are willing to further
this glorious enterprize, to such I wish according to the decree of
Darius, that whosoever is an enemy to our peace, and seeketh either by
getting monipolicall patens, or by forging unjust tales to hinder our
welfare, that his house were pulled downe, and a paire of gallowes made
of the wood, and he hanged on them in the place.
As for those lasie servants, who had rather stand all day idle, than
worke, though but an houre in this Vineyard, and spend their substance
riotously, than cast the superfluity of their wealth into your Treasury,
I leave them as they are to the eternall Judge of the world. But you
right worthy, that hath adventured so freely, I will not examine, if it
were for the glory of God, or your [IV.140.] desire of gaine, which it
may be you expect should flow unto you with a full tide, for the
conversion of the Salvages: I wonder you use not the meanes, I confesse
you say well to have them converted by faire meanes, but they scorne to
acknowledge it, as for the gifts bestowed on them they devoure them, and
so they would the givers if they could, and though many have endevoured
by all the meanes they could by kindnesse to convert them, they finde
nothing from them but derision and ridiculous answers. We have sent boies
amongst them to learne their Language, but they returne worse than they
went; but I am no States-man, nor love I to meddle with any thing but my
Bookes, but I can finde no probability by this course to draw them to
goodnesse; and I am perswaded if Mars and Minerva goe hand in hand, they
will effect more good in an houre, then those verball Mercurians in their
lives, and till their Priests and Ancients have their throats cut, there
is no hope to bring them to conversion.
The government of Sir Francis Wyat.
_The arrivall of Sir Francis Wyat._
About October arrived Sir Francis Wyat, with Master George Sands,
appointed Treasurer, Master Davison Secretary, Doctor Pot the Physician,
and Master Cloyburne the Surgian, but much provision was very badly
conditioned, nay the Hogs would not eat that Corne they brought, which
was a great cause of their sicknesse and mortality, and whatsoever is
said against the Virginia Corne, they finde it doth better nourish than
any provision is sent thither; the Sailers still they complaine are much
to blame for imbesling the provisions sent to private men, killing of
Swine, and disorderly trucking; for which some order would be taken.
_Master Gookins Plantation._ {MN}
In them nine Ships that went with Sir Francis Wyat not one Passenger
died, at his arrivall he sent Master Thorpe to Opechancanough, whom hee
found much satisfied with his comming, to confirme their leagues as he
had done his Predecessors, and so contented his people should coinhabit
amongst them, and hee found more motions of Religion in him than could be
imagined: every man betaking himselfe to his quarter, it was ordered,
that for every head they should plant but 1000. Plants of Tobacco, and
upon each plant nine leaves, which will be about 100. weight, the Corne
being appointed but at two shillings & six pence the bushell, required
such labour, it caused most men neglect it, and depend upon trade; where
were it rated at ten shillings the bushell, every man would indevour to
have plenty to sell to the new commers, or any that wanted, and seldome
any is transported from England, but it standeth in as much, besides the
hazard and other necessaries, the Ships might transport of that burden.
{MN} The 22. of November arrived Master Gookin out of Ireland, with fifty
men of his owne, and thirty Passengers, exceedingly well furnished with
all sorts of provision and cattle, and planted himselfe at Nupors-newes:
the Cotten trees in a yeere grew so thicke as ones arme, and so high as a
man: here any thing that is planted doth prosper so well as in no place
better. For the mortality of the people accuse not the place, for of the
old Planters and the families scarce one of twenty miscarries, onely the
want of necessaries are the occasions of those diseases. And so wee will
conclude this yeere with the shipping and numbers sent. Out of the
Councels Letters from Virginia.
_The number of Ships and men._
This yeere was sent one and twenty saile of Ships that imployed more than
400. sailers and 1300. men, women and children of divers faculties, with
foure-score cattle; the Tiger fell in the Turkes hands, yet safely
escaped, and by the returne of their letters from thence, the company is
assured there can bee no fitter places of Mines, Wood and Water for Iron
than there; and the French men affirme no Country is more proper for
Vines, Olives, Sike, Rice and Salt, &c. of which the next yeere they
promise a good quantity.
Gifts. [IV.141]
_Gifts given._
_Patents granted._ {MN}
The Gentlemen and Mariners that came in the Royall James from the
East-Indies, gave towards the building of a free Schoole 70 pound, eight
shillings, and six pence; and an unknowne person to further it, sent
thirtie pounds; and another in like manner five & twentie pounds; another
refusing to be made knowne, gave fortie shillings yeerely for a Sermon
before the Virginia companie: also another that would not be knowne, sent
for the College at Henrico, many excellent good religious bookes, worth
ten pound, & a most curious Map of al that coast of America. Master
Thomas Bargave their Preacher there deceased, gave a Librarie valued at
one hundred Markes: and the Inhabitants hath made a contribution of one
thousand and five hundred pounds, to build a house for the entertaining
of strangers. {MN} This yeere also there was much suing for Patents for
Plantations, who promised to transport such great multitudes of people:
there was much disputing concerning those divisions, as though the whole
land had beene too little for them: six and twentie obtained their
desires, but as yet not past six hath sent thither a man; notwithstanding
many of them would have more, and are not well contented; whom I would
intreat, and all other wranglers, to peruse this saying of honest
Claudius.
See'st not the world of Natures worke, the fairest well, I wot,
How it, it selfe together ties, as in a true-loves knot.
Nor seest how th' Elements ayre combin'd, maintaine one constant plea,
How midst of heaven contents the Sunne, and shore containes the sea;
And how the aire both compasseth, and carrieth still earths frame,
Yet neither pressing burdens it, nor parting leaves the same.
The observations of Master John Pory Secretarie
of Virginia, in his travels.
_My journey to the Easterne shore._
_A good place to make salt in._ {MN}
Having but ten men meanly provided to plant the Secretaries land on the
Easterne shore neere Acomack (Captaine Wilcocks plantation, the better to
secure and assist each other). Sir George Yearley intending to visit
Smiths Iles, fell so sicke that he could not, so that he sent me with
Estinien Moll a French-man, to finde a convenient place to make salt in.
Not long after Namenacus the King of Pawtuxunt, came to us to seeke for
Thomas Salvage our Interpreter. Thus insinuating himselfe, he led us into
a thicket, where all sitting downe, he shewed us his naked brest; asking
if we saw any deformitie upon it, we told him, No; No more, said hee, is
the inside, but as sincere and pure; therefore come freely to my Countrie
and welcome: which wee promised wee would within six weekes after. Having
taken a muster of the companies tenants, {MN} I went to Smiths Iles,
where was our Salt-house: not farre off wee found a more convenient
place, and so returned to James towne.
_The King of Pawtuxunts entertainment._ {MN}
Being furnished the second time, wee arrived at Aquohanock, and
conferred with Kiptopeke their King. Passing Russels Ile and Onavcoke, we
arrived at Pawtuxunt: the discription of those places, you may reade in
Captaine Smiths discoveries, therefore needlesse to bee writ againe. But
here arriving at Attoughcomoco the habitation of Namenacus and Wamanato,
his brother, {MN} long wee staied not ere they came aboord us with a
brasse Kettle, as bright without as within, ful of boyled Oisters. Strict
order was given none should offend us, so that the next day I went with
the two Kings a hunting, to discover what I could in their confines.
Wamanato brought mee first to his house, where hee shewed mee his wife
and children, and many Corne-fields; and being two miles within the woods
a hunting, as the younger conducted [IV.142.] me forth, so the elder
brought me home, and used me as kindly as he could, after their manner.
The next day he presented me twelve Bever skinnes and a Canow, which I
requited with such things to his content, that he promised to keepe them
whilst hee lived, and burie them with him being dead. Hee much wondered
at our Bible, but much more to heare it was the Law of our God, and the
first Chapter of Genesis expounded of Adam and Eve, and simple mariage;
to which he replyed, hee was like Adam in one thing, for he never had but
one wife at once: but he as all the rest, seemed more willing of other
discourses they better understood. The next day the two Kings with their
people, came aboord us, but brought nothing according to promise; so that
Ensigne Salvage challenged Namenacus the breach of three promises, viz.
not in giving him a Boy, nor Corne, though they had plentie, nor
Moutapass a fugitive, called Robert Marcum, that had lived 5. yeeres
amongst those northerly nations, which hee cunningly answered by excuses.
Womanato it seemes, was guiltlesse of this falshood, because hee staied
alone when the rest were gone. I asked him if he desired to bee great and
rich; he answered, They were things all men aspired unto: which I told
him he should be, if he would follow my counsell, so he gave me two
tokens, which being returned by a messenger, should suffice to make him
confident the messenger could not abuse us.
_The treacherie of Namanicus._ {MN}
Some things being stolne from us, he tooke such order that they were
presently restored, then we interchanged presents: in all things hee much
admired our discretions, and gave us a guide that hee called brother, to
conduct us up the River: by the way we met with divers that stil tould us
of Marcum: and though it was in October, we found the Countrie very hot,
and their Corne gathered before ours at James towne. {MN} The next day we
went to Paccamaganant, and they directed us to Assacomoco, where their
King Cassatowap had an old quarrell with Ensigne Salvage, but now seeming
reconciled, went with us, with another Werowance towards Mattapanient,
where they perswaded us ashore upon the point of a thicket; but supposing
it some trecherie, we returned to our boat: farre we had not gone from
the shore, but a multitude of Salvages sallied out of the wood, with all
the ill words and signes of hostilitie they could. When wee saw plainly
their bad intent, wee set the two Werowances at libertie, that all this
while had line in the Cabbin, as not taking any notice of their villanie,
because we would convert them by courtesie. Leaving them as we found
them, very civill and subtill, wee returned the same way wee came, to the
laughing Kings on the Easterne shore, who told us plainly, Namanicus
would also have allured him into his Countrie, under colour of trade to
cut his throat. Hee told us also Opechancanough had imployed Onianimo to
kill Salvage, because he brought the trade from him to the Easterne shore,
and some disgrace hee had done his sonne, and some thirteene of his people
before one hundred of those Easterlings in rescuing Thomas Graves whom
they would have slaine, where hee and three more did challenge the
thirteene Pamaunkes to fight, but they durst not, so that all those
Easterlings so derided them, that they came there no more.
_Thomas Salvages good service._
This Thomas Salvage, it is sixteene yeeres since he went to Virginia,
being a boy, hee was left with Powhatan, for Namontacke to learne the
language, and as this Author affirmeth, with much honestie and good
successe hath served the publike without any publike recompence, yet had
an arrow shot through body in their service. This laughing King at
Accomack, tels us the land is not two daies journy over in the broadest
place, but in some places a man may goe in halfe a day, betwixt the Bay
and the maine Ocean, where inhabit many people, so that by the
narrownesse of the Land there is not many Deere, but most abundance of
Fish and Fowle. Kiptope his brother rules as his Lieutenant, who seeing
his younger brother more affected by the people than himselfe, freely
resigned him the moitie of his Countrie, applying himselfe onely to
husbandry and hunting, yet nothing neglected in his degree, nor is hee
carelesse of any thing concernes the state, but as a vigilant and
faithfull Counceller, as hee is an affectionated Brother, bearing the
greater burden in government, though the lesser honour, where cleane
[IV.143.] contrary they on the Westerne shore, the younger beares the
charge, and the elder the dignitie. Those are the best husbands of any
Salvages we know: for they provide Corne to serve them all the yeare, yet
spare; and the other not for halfe the yeare, yet want. They are the most
civill and tractable people we have met with, and by little sticks will
keepe as just an account of their promises, as by a tally. In their
mariages they observe a large distance, as well in affinitie as
consanguinitie; nor doe they use that devillish custome in making black
Boyes. There may be on this shore about two thousand people: they on the
West would invade them, but that they want Boats to crosse the Bay, and
so would divers other Nations, were they not protected by us. A few of the
Westerly Runnagados had conspired against the laughing King, but fearing
their treason was discovered, fled to Smiths Iles, where they made a
massacre of Deere and Hogges; and thence to Rickahake, betwixt Cissapeack
and Nansamund, where they now are seated under the command of Itoyatin,
and so I returned to James Towne, where I found the government rendred to
Sir Francis Wyat. In February also he travelled to the South River
Chawonock, some sixtie miles over land, which he found to be a very
fruitfull and pleasant Country, yeelding two harvests in a yeare, and
found much of the Silke grasse formerly spoken of, was kindly used by the
people, and so returned.
Captaine Each sent to build a Fort to secure
the Countrey.
A.D. 1622.
_The Earl of Southampton Treasurer,
and Nicolas Farrar Deputy._
_Five and twentie sent only to build Barks and boats._ {MN}
It was no small content to all the Adventurers to heare of the safe
arivall of all those ships and companies, which was thought sufficient to
have made a Plantation of themselves: and againe to second them, was sent
Captaine Each in the Abigale, a ship of three or foure hundred tunnes,
who hath undertaken to make a Blockhouse amongst the Oyster banks, that
shall secure the River. The furnishing him with Instruments, cost three
hundred pounds; but the whole charge and the ships returne, will be neere
two thousand pounds. {MN} In her went Captaine Barwicke with five and
twentie men for the building ships and Boats, and not other waies to be
imploied: and also a selected number to build the East Indie Schoole, but
as yet from Virginia little returnes but private mens Tobacco, and faire
promises of plentie of Iron, Silke, Wine, and many other good and rich
commodities, besides the speedy conversion of the Salvages, that at first
were much discouraged from living amongst them, when they were debarred
the use of their peeces; therefore it was disputed as a matter of State,
whether such as would live amongst them should use them or not, as a bait
to allure them; or at least such as should bee called to the knowledge of
Christ. But because it was a great trouble for all causes to be brought
to James Towne for a triall, Courts were appointed in convenient places
to releeve them: but as they can make no Lawes in Virginia till they be
ratified here; so they thinke it but reason, none should bee inacted here
without their consents, because they onely feele them, and must live under
them. Still they complaine for want of Corne, but what must be had by
Trade, and how unwilling any Officer when he leaveth his place, is to make
good his number of men to his Successor, but many of them during their
times to help themselves, undoes the Company: for the servants you allow
them, or such as they hire, they plant on their private Lands, not upon
that belongeth to their office, which crop alwaies exceeds yours, besides
those which are your tenants to halfes, are forced to row them up and
downe, whereby both you and they lose more then halfe. Nor are those
officers the ablest or best deserving, but make their experience upon the
companies cost, and your land lies unmanured to any purpose, and will
yeeld as little profit to your next new officers.
The massacre upon the two and twentieth [IV.144.]
of March.
_The death of Nemattanow writ by M. Wimp._
The Prologue to this Tragedy, is supposed was occasioned by Nemattanow,
otherwise called Jack Nemattanow of the Feather, because hee commonly was
most strangely adorned with them; and for his courage and policy, was
accounted amongst the Salvages their chiefe Captaine, and immortall from
any hurt could bee done him by the English. This Captaine comming to one
Morgans house, knowing he had many commodities that hee desired, perswaded
Morgan to goe with him to Pamaunke to trucke, but the Salvage murdered him
by the way; and after two or three daies returned againe to Morgans house,
where he found two youths his Servants, who asked for their Master: Jack
replied directly he was dead; the Boyes suspecting as it was, by seeing
him weare his Cap, would have had him to Master Thorp: But Jack so moved
their patience, they shot him, so he fell to the ground, put him in a Boat
to have him before the Governor, then seven or eight miles from them. But
by the way Jack finding the pangs of death upon him, desired of the Boyes
two things; the one was, that they would not make it knowne hee was slaine
with a bullet; the other, to bury him amongst the English. At the losse of
this Salvage Opechankanough much grieved and repined, with great threats
of revenge; but the English returned him such terrible answers, that he
cunningly dissembled his intent, with the greatest signes he could of love
and peace, yet within foureteene daies after he acted what followeth.
_Security a bad guard._
Sir Francis Wyat at his arrivall was advertised, he found the Countrey
setled in such a firme peace, as most men there thought sure and
unviolable, not onely in regard of their promises, but of a necessitie.
The poore weake Salvages being every way bettered by us, and safely
sheltred and defended, whereby wee might freely follow our businesse: and
such was the conceit of this conceited peace, as that there was seldome or
never a sword, and seldomer a peece, except for a Deere or Fowle, by which
assurances the most plantations were placed straglingly and scatteringly,
as a choice veine of rich ground invited them, and further from neighbours
the better. Their houses generally open to the Salvages, who were alwaies
friendly fed at their tables, and lodged in their bed-chambers, which made
the way plaine to effect their intents, and the conversion of the Salvages
as they supposed.
_The manner of the massacre._ {MN}
Having occasion to send to Opechankanough about the middle of March, hee
used the Messenger well, and told him he held the peace so firme, the sky
should fall or he dissolved it; yet such was the treachery of those
people, when they had contrived our destruction, even but two daies before
the massacre, they guided our men with much kindnesse thorow the woods,
and one Browne that lived among them to learne the language, they sent
home to his Master; yea, they borrowed our Boats to transport themselves
over the River, to consult on the devillish murder that insued, and of our
utter extirpation, which God of his mercy (by the meanes of one of
themselves converted to Christianitie) prevented, and as well on the
Friday morning that fatall day, being the two and twentieth of March, {MN}
as also in the evening before, as at other times they came unarmed into
our houses, with Deere, Turkies, Fish, Fruits, and other provisions to
sell us, yea in some places sat downe at breakfast with our people, whom
immediatly with their owne tooles they slew most barbarously, not sparing
either age or sex, man woman or childe, so sudden in their execution, that
few or none discerned the weapon or blow that brought them to destruction:
In which manner also they slew many of our people at severall works in the
fields, well knowing in what places and quarters each of our men were, in
regard of their familiaritie with us, for the effecting that great
master-peece of worke their conversion; and by this meanes fell that
fatall morning under the bloudy and barbarous hands of that perfidious and
inhumane people, [IV.145.] three hundred forty seven men, women and
children, most by their owne weapons, and not being content with their
lives, they fell againe upon the dead bodies, making as well as they could
a fresh murder, defacing, dragging, and mangling their dead carkases into
many peeces, and carying some parts away in derision, with base and
brutish triumph.
_Their cruelty._
Neither yet did these beasts spare those amongst the rest well knowne unto
them, from whom they had daily received many benefits, but spightfully
also massacred them without any remorse or pitie; being in this more fell
then Lions and Dragons, as Histories record, which have preserved their
Benefactors; such is the force of good deeds, though done to cruell
beasts, to take humanitie upon them, but these miscreants put on a more
unnaturall brutishnesse then beasts, as by those instances may appeare.
_The murder of Master Thorp._
That worthy religious Gentleman M. George Thorp, Deputie to the College
lands, sometimes one of his Majesties Pensioners, & in command one of the
principall in Virginia; did so truly affect their conversion, that
whosoever under him did them the least displeasure, were punished
severely. He thought nothing too deare for them, he never denied them any
thing, in so much that when they complained that our Mastives did feare
them, he to content them in all things, caused some of them to be killed
in their presence, to the great displeasure of the owners, and would have
had all the rest guelt to make them the milder, might he have had his
will. The King dwelling but in a Cottage, he built him a faire house after
the English fashion, in which he tooke such pleasure, especially in the
locke and key, which he so admired, as locking and unlocking his doore a
hundred times a day, he thought no device in the world comparable to it.
_The slaughter of Captaine Powell._ {MN-1}
_A Salvage slaine._ {MN-2}
_M. Baldwins escape._ {MN-3}
_M. Thomas Hamer with 22 escapeth._ {MN-4}
Thus insinuating himselfe into this Kings favour for his religious
purpose, he conferred oft with him about Religion, as many other in this
former Discourse had done, and this Pagan confessed to him as he did to
them, our God was better then theirs, and seemed to be much pleased with
that Discourse, and of his company, and to requite all those courtesies;
yet this viperous brood did, as the sequell shewed, not onely murder him,
but with such spight and scorne abused his dead corps as is unfitting
to be heard with civill eares. One thing I cannot omit, that when this
good Gentleman upon his fatall houre, was warned by his man, who
perceiving some treachery intended by those hell-hounds, to looke to
himselfe, and withall ran away for feare he should be apprehended, and
so saved his owne life; yet his Master out of his good meaning was so
void of suspition and full of confidence, they had slaine him, or he
could or would beleeve they would hurt him. {MN-1} Captaine Nathaniel
Powell one of the first Planters, a valiant Souldier, and not any in the
Countrey better knowne amongst them; yet such was the error of an
over-conceited power and prosperitie, and their simplicities, they not
onely slew him and his family, but butcher-like hagled their bodies, and
cut off his head, to expresse their uttermost height of cruelty. {MN-2}
Another of the old company of Captaine Smith, called Nathaniel Causie,
being cruelly wounded, and the Salvages about him, with an axe did cleave
one of their heads, whereby the rest fled and he escaped: for they hurt
not any that did either fight or stand upon their guard. In one place
where there was but two men that had warning of it, they defended the
house against 60. or more that assaulted it. {MN-3} M. Baldwin at
Warraskoyack, his wife being so wounded, she lay for dead, yet by his oft
discharging of his peece, saved her, his house, himselfe, & divers others.
At the same time they came to one Master Harisons house, neere halfe a
mile from Baldwines, {MN-4} where was Master Thomas Hamer with six men,
and eighteene or nineteene women and children. Here the Salvages with many
presents and faire perswasions, fained they came for Capt. Ralfe Hamer to
go to their King, then hunting in the woods, presently they sent to him,
but he not comming as they expected, set fire of a Tobacco-house, and then
came to tell them in the dwelling house of it to quench it; all the men
ran towards it, but Master Hamer not suspecting any thing, whom the
Salvages pursued, [IV.146.] shot them full of arrowes, then beat out their
braines. Hamer having finished a letter hee was a writing, followed after
to see what was the matter, but quickly they shot an arrow in his back,
which caused him returne and barricado up the doores, whereupon the
Salvages set fire on the house. Harisons Boy finding his Masters peece
loaded, discharged it at randome, at which bare report the Salvages all
fled, Baldwin still discharging his peece, and Mr. Hamer with two and
twentie persons thereby got to his house, leaving their owne burning. In
like manner, they had fired Lieutenant Basse his house, with all the rest
there about, slaine the people, and so left that Plantation.
_Captaine Ralfe Hamer with forty escapeth._
Captaine Hamer all this while not knowing any thing, comming to his
Brother that had sent for him to go hunt with the King, meeting the
Salvages chasing some, yet escaped, retired to his new house then a
building, from whence he came; there onely with spades, axes, and
brickbats, he defended himselfe and his Company till the Salvages
departed. Not long after, the Master from the ship had sent six
Musketiers, with which he recovered their Merchants store-house, where he
armed ten more, and so with thirtie more unarmed workmen, found his
Brother and the rest at Baldwins: Now seeing all they had was burnt and
consumed, they repaired to James Towne with their best expedition; yet not
far from Martins hundred, where seventy three were slaine, was a little
house and a small family, that heard not of any of this till two daies
after.
_The Salvages attempt to surprise a ship._ {MN}
All those, and many others whom they have as maliciously murdered, sought
the good of those poore brutes, that thus despising Gods mercies, must
needs now as miscreants be corrected by Justice: to which leaving them, I
will knit together the thred of this discourse. {MN} At the time of the
massacre, there were three or foure ships in James River, and one in the
next, and daily more to come in, as there did within foureteene daies
after, one of which they indevoured to have surprised: yet were the
hearts of the English ever stupid, and averted from beleeving any thing
might weaken their hopes, to win them by kinde usage to Christianitie. But
divers write from thence, that Almighty God hath his great worke in this
Tragedy, and will thereout draw honor and glory to his name, and a more
flourishing estate and safetie to themselves, and with more speed to
convert the Salvage children to himselfe, since he so miraculously hath
preserved the English; there being yet, God be praised, eleven parts of
twelve remaining, whose carelesse neglect of their owne safeties, seemes
to have beene the greatest cause of their destructions: yet you see, God
by a converted Salvage that disclosed the plot, saved the rest, and the
Pinnace then in Pamaunkes River, whereof (say they) though our sinnes made
us unworthy of so glorious a conversion, yet his infinite wisdome can
neverthelesse bring it to passe, and in good time, by such meanes as we
thinke most unlikely: for in the delivery of them that survive, no mans
particular carefulnesse saved one person, but the meere goodnesse of God
himselfe, freely and miraculously preserving whom he pleased.
The Letters of Master George Sands, a worthy Gentleman, and many others
besides them returned, brought us this unwelcome newes, that hath beene
heard at large in publike Court, that the Indians and they lived as one
Nation, yet by a generall combination in one day plotted to subvert the
whole Colony, and at one instant, though our severall Plantations were one
hundred and fortie miles up on River on both sides.
But for the better understanding of all things, you must remember these
wilde naked natives live not in great numbers together, but dispersed,
commonly in thirtie, fortie, fiftie, or sixtie in a company. Some places
have two hundred, few places more, but many lesse; yet they had all
warning given them one from another in all their habitations, though
farre asunder, to meet at the day and houre appointed for our destruction
at al our several Plantations; some directed to one place, some to
another, all to be done at the time appointed, which they did accordingly:
Some entring their houses under colour of trading, so tooke their
advantage; others drawing us [IV.147.] abroad under faire pretences, and
the rest suddenly falling upon those that were at their labours.
_Six of the Councell slaine._
Six of the counsell suffered under this treason, and the slaughter had
beene universall, if God had not put it into the heart of an Indian, who
lying in the house of one Pace, was urged by another Indian his Brother,
that lay with him the night before to kill Pace, as he should doe Perry
which was his friend, being so commanded from their King; telling him also
how the next day the execution should be finished: Perrys Indian presently
arose and reveales it to Pace, that used him as his sonne; and thus them
that escaped was saved by this one converted Infidell. And though three
hundred fortie seven were slaine, yet thousands of ours were by the
meanes of this alone thus preserved, for which Gods name be praised for
ever and ever.
_How it was revealed._
Pace upon this, securing his house, before day rowed to James Towne, and
told the Governor of it, whereby they were prevented, and at such other
Plantations as possibly intelligence could be given: and where they saw us
upon our guard, at the sight of a peece they ranne away; but the rest were
most slaine, their houses burnt, such Armes and Munition as they found
they tooke away, and some cattell also they destroied. Since wee finde
Opechankanough the last yeare had practised with a King on the Easterne
shore, to furnish him with a kind of poison, which onely growes in his
Country to poison us. But of this bloudy acte never griefe and shame
possessed any people more then themselves, to be thus butchered by so
naked and cowardly a people, who dare not stand the presenting of a staffe
in manner of a peece, nor an uncharged peece in the hands of a woman.
(But I must tell those Authors, though some might be thus cowardly, there
were many of them had better spirits.)
_Memorandums._
_Captaine Smith._ {MN}
Thus have you heard the particulars of this massacre, which in those
respects some say will be good for the Plantation, because now we have
just cause to destroy them by all meanes possible: but I thinke it had
beene much better it had never happened; for they have given us an hundred
times as just occasions long agoe to subject them, (and I wonder I can
heare of none but Master Stockam and Master Whitaker of my opinion.)
Moreover, where before we were troubled in cleering the ground of great
Timber, which was to them of small use: now we may take their owne plaine
fields and Habitations, which are the pleasantest places in the Countrey.
Besides, the Deere, Turkies, and other Beasts and Fowles will exceedingly
increase if we beat the Salvages out of the Countrey, for at all times of
the yeare they never spare Male nor Female, old nor young, egges nor
birds, fat nor leane, in season or out of season with them, all is one.
The like they did in our Swine and Goats, for they have used to kill eight
in tenne more then we, or else the wood would most plentifully abound with
victuall; besides it is more easie to civilize them by conquest then faire
meanes; for the one may be made at once, but their civilizing will require
a long time and much industry. The manner how to suppresse them is so
often related and approved, I omit it here: And you have twenty examples
of the Spaniards how they got the West-Indies, and forced the treacherous
and rebellious Infidels to doe all manner of drudgery worke and slavery
for them, themselves living like Souldiers upon the fruits of their
labours. {MN} This will make us more circumspect, and be an example to
posteritie: (But I say, this might as well have beene put in practise
sixteene yeares agoe as now.)
_His Majesties gift._ {MN-1}
_London sets out 100. persons._ {MN-2}
Thus upon this Anvill shall wee now beat our selves an Armour of proofe
hereafter to defend us against such incursions, and ever hereafter make us
more circumspect: {MN-1} but to helpe to repaire this losse, besides his
Majesties bounty in Armes, he gave the Company out of the Tower, and
divers other Honorable persons have renewed their adventures, we must not
omit the Honorable Citie of London, {MN-2} to whose endlesse praise wee
may speake it, are now setting forward one hundred persons, and divers
others at their owne costs are a repairing, and all good [IV.148.] men doe
thinke never the worse of the businesse for all these disasters.
_A lamentable example, too oft approved._ {MN}
What growing state was there ever in the world which had not the like?
Rome grew by oppression, and rose upon the backe of her enemies: and the
Spaniards have had many of those counterbuffes, more than we. Columbus,
upon his returne from the West-Indies into Spaine, having left his people
with the Indies, in peace and promise of good usage amongst them, at his
returne backe found not one of them living, but all treacherously slaine
by the Salvages. After this againe, when the Spanish Colonies were
increased to great numbers, {MN} the Indians from whom the Spaniards for
trucking stuffe used to have all their corne, generally conspired together
to plant no more at all, intending thereby to famish them; themselves
living in the meane time upon Cassava, a root to make bread, onely then
knowne to themselves. This plot of theirs by the Spaniards oversight,
that foolishly depended upon strangers for their bread, tooke such effect,
and brought them to such misery by the rage of famine, that they spared no
uncleane nor loathsome beast, no not the poisonous and hideous Serpents,
but eat them up also, devouring one death to save them from another; and
by this meanes their whole Colony well-neere surfeted, sickned and died
miserably, and when they had againe recovered this losse, by their
incontinency an infinite number of them died on the Indian disease, we
call the French Pox, which at first being a strange and an unknowne
malady, was deadly upon whomsoever it lighted: then had they a little
flea called Nigua, which got betweene the skinne and the flesh before they
were aware, and there bred and multiplied, making swellings and
putrifactions, to the decay and losse of many of their bodily members.
_Note this conclusion._ {MN}
Againe, divers times they were neere undone by their ambition, faction,
and malice of the Commanders. Columbus, to whom they were also much
beholden, was sent with his Brother in chaines into Spaine; and some other
great Commanders killed and murdered one another. Pizzaro was killed by
Almagros sonne, and him Vasco beheaded, which Vasco was taken by Blasco,
and Blasco was likewise taken by Pizzaros Brother: And thus by their
covetous and spightfull quarrels, they were ever shaking the maine pillars
of their Common-weale. These and many more mischiefes and calamities
hapned them, more then ever did to us, and at one time being even at the
last gaspe, had two ships not arrived with supplies as they did, they were
so disheartned, they were a leaving the Countrey: yet we see for all those
miseries they have attained to their ends at last, as is manifest to all
the world, both with honour, power, and wealth: and whereas before few
could be hired to goe to inhabit there, now with great sute they must
obtaine it; {MN} but where there was no honesty, nor equity, nor
sanctitie, nor veritie, nor pietie, nor good civilitie in such a Countrey,
certainly there can bee no stabilitie.
_How the Spaniards raise their wealth in the West Indies._ {MN}
Therefore let us not be discouraged, but rather animated by those
conclusions, seeing we are so well assured of the goodnesse and
commodities may bee had in Virginia, nor is it to be much doubted there is
any want of Mines of most sorts, no not of the richest, as is well knowne
to some yet living that can make it manifest when time shall serve: and
yet to thinke that gold and silver Mines are in a country otherwise most
rich and fruitfull, or the greatest wealth in a Plantation, is but a
popular error, as is that opinion likewise, that the gold and silver is
now the greatest wealth of the West Indies at this present. {MN} True it
is indeed, that in the first conquest the Spaniards got great and mighty
store of treasure from the Natives, which they in long space had heaped
together, and in those times the Indians shewed them entire and rich
Mines, which now by the relations of them that have beene there, are
exceedingly wasted, so that now the charge of getting those Metals is
growne excessive, besides the consuming the lives of many by their
pestilent smoke and vapours in digging and refining them, so that all
things considered, the cleere gaines of those metals, the Kings part
defraied, to the Adventurers is but small, and nothing neere so much as
vulgarly is imagined; and were it not for other rich Commodities there
that inrich [IV.149.] them, those of the Contraction house were never able
to subsist by the Mines onely; for the greatest part of their Commodities
are partly naturall, and partly transported from other parts of the world,
and planted in the West-Indies, as in their mighty wealth of Sugarcanes,
being first transported from the Canaries; and in Ginger and other things
brought out of the East-Indies, in their Cochanele, Indicos, Cotton, and
their infinite store of Hides, Quick-silver, Allum, Woad, Brasill woods,
Dies, Paints, Tobacco, Gums, Balmes, Giles, Medicinals and Perfumes,
Sassaparilla and many other physicall drugs: These are the meanes whereby
they raise that mighty charge of drawing out their gold and silver to the
great & cleare revenue of their King. Now seeing the most of those
commodities, or as usefull, may be had in Virginia by the same meanes, as
I have formerly said; let us with all speed take the priority of time,
where also may be had the priority of place, in chusing the best seats of
the Country, which now by vanquishing the salvages, is like to offer a
more faire and ample choice of fruitfull habitations, then hitherto our
gentlenesse and faire comportments could attaine unto.
A.D. 1622.
The numbers that were slaine in those severall
Plantations.
1 At Captaine Berkleys Plantation, himselfe and 21. others,
seated at the Falling-Crick, 66. miles from James City. 22
2 Master Thomas Sheffelds Plantation, some three miles from
the Falling-Crick, himselfe and 12. others. 13
3 At Henrico Iland, about two miles from Sheffelds Plantation. 6
4 Slaine of the College people, twenty miles from Henrico. 17
5 At Charles City, and of Captaine Smiths men. 5
6 At the next adjoyning Plantation. 8
7 At William Farrars house. 10
8 At Brickley hundred, fifty miles from Charles City, Master
Thorp and 10
9 At Westover, a mile from Brickley. 2
10 At Master John Wests Plantation. 2
11 At Captaine Nathaniel Wests Plantation. 2
12 At Lieutenant Gibs his Plantation. 12
13 At Richard Owens house, himselfe and 6
14 At Master Owen Macars house, himselfe and 3
15 At Martins hundred, seven miles from James City 73
16 At another place. 7
17 At Edward Bonits Plantation. 50
18 At Master Waters his house, himselfe and 4
19 At Apamatucks River, at Master Perce his Plantation, five
miles from the College. 4
20 At Master Macocks Divident, Captaine Samuel Macock, and 4
21 At Flowerda hundred, Sir George Yearleys Plantation. 6
22 On the other side opposite to it. 7
23 At Master Swinhows house, himselfe and 7
24 At Master William Bickars house, himselfe and 4
25 At Weanock, of Sir George Yearleys people. 21
26 At Powel Brooke, Captaine Nathaniel Powel, and 12
27 At South-hampton hundred. 5
28 At Martin Brandons hundred. 7
29 At Captaine Henry Spilmans house. 2
30 At Ensigne Spences house. 5
31 At Master Thomas Perse his house by Mulbery Ile, himselfe and 4
The whole number 347.
Men in this taking bettered with affliction, [IV.150.]
Better attend, and mind, and marke Religion,
For then true voyces issue from their hearts,
Then speake they what they thinke in inmost parts,
The truth remaines, they cast off fained Arts.
_How they were reduced to five or six places._ {MN-1}
_Gookins and Jordens resolutions._ {MN-2}
_The opinion of Captaine Smith._ {MN-3}
This lamentable and so unexpected a disaster caused them all beleeve the
opinion of Master Stockam, and drave them all to their wits end: it was
twenty or thirty daies ere they could resolve what to doe, {MN-1} but at
last it was concluded, all the petty Plantations should be abandoned, and
drawne onely to make good five or six places, where all their labours now
for the most part must redound to the Lords of those Lands where they were
resident. Now for want of Boats, it was impossible upon such a sudden to
bring also their cattle, and many other things, which with much time,
charge and labour they had then in possession with them; all which for the
most part at their departure was burnt, ruined and destroyed by the
Salvages. {MN-2} Only Master Gookins at Nuports-newes would not obey the
Commanders command in that, though hee had scarce five and thirty of all
sorts with him, yet he thought himselfe sufficient against what could
happen, and so did to his great credit and the content of his Adventurers.
Master Samuel Jorden gathered together but a few of the straglers about
him at Beggers-bush, where he fortified and lived in despight of the
enemy. Nay, Mistresse Proctor, a proper, civill, modest Gentlewoman did
the like, till perforce the English Officers forced her and all them with
her to goe with them, or they would fire her house themselves, as the
Salvages did when they were gone, in whose despight they had kept it, and
what they had a moneth or three weekes after the Massacre; which was to
their hearts a griefe beyond comparison, to lose all they had in that
manner, onely to secure others pleasures. {MN-3} Now here in England it
was thought, all those remainders might presently have beene reduced into
fifties or hundreds in places most convenient with what they had, having
such strong houses as they reported they had, which with small labour
might have beene made invincible Castles against all the Salvages in the
Land, and then presently raised a company, as a running Armie to torment
the Barbarous and secure the rest, and so have had all that Country
betwixt the Rivers of Powhatan and Pamaunke to range and sustaine them;
especially all the territories of Kecourrhtan, Chiskact and Paspahege,
from Ozenies to that branch of Pamaunke, comming from Youghtanund, which
strait of land is not past 4. or 5. miles, to have made a peninsula much
bigger then the Summer Iles, invironed with the broadest parts of those
two maine Rivers, which for plenty of such things as Virginia affords is
not to be exceeded, and were it well manured, more then sufficient for ten
thousand men. This, were it well understood, cannot but be thought better
then to bring five or six hundred to lodge and live on that, which before
would not well receive and maintaine a hundred, planting little or
nothing, but spend that they have upon hopes out of England, one evill
begetting another, till the disease is past cure: Therefore it is
impossible but such courses must produce most fearefull miseries and
extreme extremities; if it prove otherwise, I should be exceeding glad. I
confesse I am somewhat too bold to censure other mens actions being not
present, but they have done as much of me; yea many here in England that
were never there, & also many there that knowes little more then their
Plantations, but as they are informed; and this doth touch the glory of
God, the honour of my Country, and the publike good so much, for which
there hath beene so many faire pretences, that I hope none will be angry
for speaking my opinion, seeing the old Proverbe doth allow losers leave
to speake; and Du Bartas saith,
Even as the wind the angry Ocean moves,
Wave hunteth Wave, and Billow Billow shoves,
So doe all Nations justell each the other, [IV.151.]
And so one people doe pursue another,
And scarce a second hath the first unhoused,
Before a third him thence againe have roused.
_The providence of Captaine Nuse._
Amongst the multitude of these severall Relations, it appeares Captaine
Nuse seeing many of the difficulties to ensue, caused as much Corne to be
planted as he could at Elizabeths city, & though some destroyed that they
had set, fearing it would serve the Salvages for Ambuscadoes, trusting to
releefe by trade, or from England, which hath ever beene one cause of our
miseries, for from England wee have not had much, and for trading, every
one hath not Ships, Shalops, Interpreters, men and provisions to performe
it, and those that have, use them onely for their owne private gaine, not
the publike good, so that our beginning this yeere doth cause many to
distrust the event of the next. Here wee will leave Captaine Nuse for a
while, lamenting the death of Captaine Norton, a valiant industrious
Gentleman, adorned with many good qualities, besides Physicke and
Chirurgery, which for the publike good he freely imparted to all gratis,
but most bountifully to the poore; and let us speake a little of Captaine
Croshaw amongst the midst of those broiles in the River of Patawomeke.
_Captaine Croshaw his voyage to Patawomeke._
Being in a small Barke called the Elizabeth, under the command of Captaine
Spilman, at Cekacawone, a Salvage stole aboord them, and told them of the
Massacre, and that Opechancanough had plotted with his King and Country to
betray them also, which they refused, but them of Wighcocomoco at the
mouth of the river had undertaken it; upon this Spilman went thither, but
the Salvages seeing his men so vigilant and well armed, they suspected
themselves discovered, and to colour their guilt, the better to delude
him, so contented his desire in trade, his Pinnace was neere fraught; but
seeing no more to be had, Croshaw went to Patawomek, where he intended to
stay and trade for himselfe, by reason of the long acquaintance he had
with this King that so earnestly entreated him now to be his friend, his
countenancer, his Captaine and director against the Pazaticans, the
Nacotchtanks, and Moyaons his mortall enemies. Of this oportunity Croshaw
was glad, as well to satisfie his owne desire in some other purpose he
had, as to keepe the King as an opposite to Opechancanough, and adhere him
unto us, or at least make him an instrument against our enemies; so onely
Elis Hill stayed with him, and the Pinnace returned to Elizabeths City;
here shall they rest also a little, till we see how this newes was
entertained in England.
_The arrivall of this newes in England._
It was no small griefe to the Councell and Company, to understand of such
a supposed impossible losse, as that so many should fall by the hands of
men so contemptible; and yet having such warnings, especially by the death
of Nemattanow, whom the Salvages did thinke was shot-free, as he had
perswaded them, having so long escaped so many dangers without any hurt.
But now to leape out of this labyrinth of melancholy, all this did not so
discourage the noble adventurers, nor divers others still to undertake new
severall Plantations, but that divers ships were dispatched away, for
their supplies and assistance thought sufficient. Yet Captaine Smith did
intreat and move them to put in practise his old offer, seeing now it was
time to use both it and him, how slenderly heretofore both had beene
regarded, and because it is not impertinent to the businesse, it is not
much amisse to remember what it was.
A.D. 1622.
The project and offer of Captaine John Smith, to [IV.152.]
the Right Honourable, and Right Worshipfull
Company of Virginia.
_Captaine Smiths offer to the Company._
If you please I may be transported with a hundred Souldiers and thirty
Sailers by the next Michaelmas, with victuall, munition, and such
necessary provision, by Gods assistance, we would endevour to inforce the
Salvages to leave their Country, or bring them in that feare and
subjection that every man should follow their businesse securely, whereas
now halfe their times and labours are spent in watching and warding, onely
to defend, but altogether unable to suppresse the Salvages, because every
man now being for himselfe will be unwilling to be drawne from their
particular labours, to be made as pack-horses for all the rest, without
any certainty of some better reward and preferment then I can understand
any there can or will yet give them.
These I would imploy onely in ranging the Countries, and tormenting the
Salvages, and that they should be as a running Army till this were
effected, and then settle themselves in some such convenient place, that
should ever remaine a garison of that strength, ready upon any occasion
against the Salvages, or any other for the defence of the Countrey, and to
see all the English well armed, and instruct them their use. But I would
have a Barke of one hundred tunnes, and meanes to build sixe or seven
Shalops, to transport them where there should bee occasion.
Towards the charge, because it is for the generall good, and what by the
massacre and other accidents, Virginia is disparaged, and many men and
their purses much discouraged, how ever a great many doe hasten to goe,
thinking to bee next heires to all the former losses, I feare they will
not finde all things as they doe imagine; therefore leaving those gilded
conceits, and dive into the true estate of the Colony; I thinke if his
Majestie were truly informed of their necessitie, and the benefit of this
project, he would be pleased to give the custome of Virginia, and the
Planters also according to their abilities would adde thereto such a
contribution, as would be fit to maintaine this garison till they be able
to subsist, or cause some such other collections to be made, as may put it
with all expedition in practice; otherwise it is much to be doubted, there
will neither come custome, nor any thing from thence to England within
these few yeares.
Now if this should be thought an imploiment more fit for ancient Souldiers
there bred, then such new commers as may goe with me; you may please to
leave that to my discretion, to accept or refuse such voluntaries, that
will hazard their fortunes in the trialls of these events, and discharge
such of my company that had rather labour the ground then subdue their
enemies: what releefe I should have from your Colony I would satisfie and
spare them (when I could) the like courtesie. Notwithstanding these
doubts, I hope to feede them as well as defend them, and yet discover you
more land unknowne then they all yet know, if you will grant me such
priviledges as of necessity must be used.
For against any enemy we must be ready to execute the best can be devised
by your state there, but not that they shall either take away my men, or
any thing else to imploy as they please by vertue of their authority, and
in that I have done somewhat for New-England as well as Virginia, so I
would desire liberty and authority to make the best use I can of my best
experiences, within the limits of those two Patents, and to bring them
both in one Map, and the Countries betwixt them, giving alwaies that
respect to the Governors and government, as an Englishman doth in
Scotland, or a Scotchman in England, or as the regiments in the
Low-countries doe to the Governors of the Townes and Cities where they are
billited, or in Garrison, where though they live with [IV.153.] them, and
are as their servants to defend them, yet not to be disposed on at their
pleasure, but as the Prince and State doth command them, and for my owne
paines in particular I aske not any thing but what I can produce from the
proper labour of the Salvages.
_Their Answer._
I cannot say, it was generally for the Company, for being published in
their Court, the most that heard it liked exceeding well of the motion,
and some would have been very large Adventurers in it, especially Sir John
Brookes and Master David Wyffin, but there were such divisions amongst
them, I could obtaine no answer but this, the charge would be too great;
their stocke was decayed, and they did thinke the Planters should doe that
of themselves if I could finde meanes to effect it; they did thinke I
might have leave of the Company, provided they might have halfe the
pillage, but I thinke there are not many will much strive for that
imploiment, for except it be a little Corne at some time of the yeere is
to be had, I would not give twenty pound for all the pillage is to be got
amongst the Salvages in twenty yeeres: but because they supposed I spake
only for my owne ends, it were good those understand providents for the
Companies good they so much talke of, were sent thither to make triall of
their profound wisdomes and long experiences.
_The manner of the Sallary._
About this time also was propounded a proposition concerning a Sallery of
five and twenty thousand pounds to be raised out of Tobacco, as a yeerely
pension to bee paid to certaine Officers for the erecting a new office,
concerning the sole importation of Tobacco, besides his Majesties custome,
fraught, and all other charges. To nominate the undertakers, favourers and
opposers, with their arguments (pro) and (con) would bee too tedious and
needlesse being so publikely knowne; the which to establish, spent a good
part of that yeere, and the beginning of the next. This made many thinke
wonders of Virginia, to pay such pensions extraordinary to a few here that
were never there, and also in what state and pompe some Chieftaines and
divers of their associates live in Virginia, and yet no money to maintaine
a Garrison, pay poore men their wages, nor yet five and twenty pence to
all the Adventurers here, and very little to the most part of the Planters
there, bred such differences in opinion it was dissolved.
_Captaine Croshaw staies at Patawomek, and his adventures._
Now let us returne to Captaine Croshaw at Patawomek, where he had not
beene long ere Opechancanough sent two baskets of beads to this King, to
kill him and his man, assuring him of the Massacre he had made, and that
before the end of two Moones there should not be an Englishman in all
their Countries: this fearefull message the King told this Captaine, who
replied, he had seene both the cowardise and trechery of Opechancanough
sufficiently tried by Captaine Smith, therefore his threats he feared not,
nor for his favour cared, but would nakedly fight with him or any of his
with their owne swords; if he were slaine, he would leave a letter for his
Country men to know, the fault was his owne, not the Kings; two daies the
King deliberated upon an answer, at last told him the English were his
friends, and the Salvage Emperour Opitchapam now called Toyatan, was his
brother, therefore there should be no bloud shed betwixt them, so hee
returned the Presents, willing the Pamaunkes to come no more in his
Country, lest the English, though against his will, should doe them any
mischiefe.
_The escape of Waters and his Wife._
Not long after, a Boat going abroad to seeke out some releefe amongst the
Plantations, by Nuports-newes met such ill weather, though the men were
saved they lost their boat, which the storme and waves cast upon the shore
of Nandsamund, where Edward Waters one of the three that first stayed in
Summer Iles, and found the great peece of Amber-greece, dwelling in
Virginia at this [IV.154.] Massacre, hee and his wife these Nandsamunds
kept Prisoners till it chanced they found this Boat, at which purchase
they so rejoyced, according to their custome of triumph, with songs,
dances and invocations, they were so busied, that Waters and his wife
found opportunity to get secretly into their Canow, and so crossed the
River to Kecoughtan, which is nine or ten miles, whereat the English no
lesse wondred and rejoyced, then the Salvages were madded with discontent.
Thus you may see how many desperate dangers some men escape, when others
die that have all things at their pleasure.
_The arrivall of Captaine Hamer at Patawomeke._
_Croshaws Fort and plot for trade._ {MN}
All men thinking Captaine Croshaw dead, Captaine Hamer arriving with a
Ship and a Pinnace at Patawomeke, was kindly entertained both by him and
the King; that Don Hamar told the King he came for Corne: the King
replied hee had none, but the Nacotchtanks and their confederats had,
which were enemies both to him and them; if they would fetch it, he would
give them 40. or 50 choise Bow-men to conduct and assist them. Those
Salvages with some of the English they sent, who so well played their
parts, they slew 18. of the Nacotchtanks, some write but 4. and some they
had a long skirmish with them; where the Patawomeks were so eager of
revenge, they drive them not onely out of their towne, but all out of
sight through the woods, thus taking what they liked, and spoiling the
rest, they retired to Patawomek, where they left Captaine Croshaw, with
foure men more, the rest set saile for James towne. {MN} Captaine Croshaw
now with five men and himselfe found night and day so many Alarums, he
retired into such a convenient place, that with the helpe of the Salvages,
hee had quickly fortified himselfe against all those wilde enemies.
Captaine Nuse his Pinnace meeting Hamar by the way understanding all this,
came to see Captaine Croshaw: after their best enterchanges of courtesies,
Croshaw writ to Nuse the estate of the place where he was, but
understanding by them the poore estate of the Colony, offered if they
would send him but a bold Shallop, with men, armes and provision for
trade, the next Harvest he would provide them Corne sufficient, but as yet
it being but the latter end of June, there was little or none in all the
Country.
_Captaine Madyson sent to Patawomek._
This being made knowne to the Governour and the rest, they sent Captaine
Madyson with a ship and pinnace, and Some six and thirtie men: those
Croshaw a good time taught the use of their armes, but receiving a letter
from Boyse his Wife, a prisoner with nineteene more at Pamaunke, to use
meanes to the Governour for their libertie; So hee dealt with this King,
hee got first two of his great men to goe with him to James towne, and
eight daies after to send foure of his counsell to Pamaunke, there to stay
till he sent one of his two to them, to perswade Opachankanough to send
two of his with two of the Patawomekes, to treat about those prisoners,
and the rest should remaine their hostage at Pamaunke; but the Commanders,
at James towne, it seemes, liked not of it, and so sent the Patawomekes
backe againe to their owne Countrie, and Captaine Croshaw to his owne
habitation.
_The industry of Captaine Nuse._
All this time we have forgot Captaine Nuse, where we left him but newly
acquainted with the Massacre, calling all his next adjoyning dispersed
neighbours together, he regarded not the pestring his owne house, nor any
thing to releeve them, and with all speed entrenched himselfe, mounted
three peece of Ordnance, so that within 14. daies, he was strong enough to
defend himselfe from all the Salvages, yet when victuall grew scant, some
that would forrage without order, which he punished, neere occasioned a
mutiny. Notwithstanding, he behaved himselfe so fatherly and kindly to
them all, they built two houses for them, he daily expected from England,
a faire Well of fresh water mantled with bricke, because the River and
Cricks are there brackish or salt; in all which things he plaied the
Sawyer, Carpenter, Dauber, Laborer, or any thing; wherein though his
courage and heart were steeled, he found his body was not made of Iron,
for hee had many sicknesses, and at last a Dropsie, no lesse griefe to
himselfe, then sorrow to his Wife and all under his government. These
crosses [IV.155.] and losses were no small increasers of his malady, nor
the thus abandoning our Plantations, the losse of our Harvest, and also
Tobacco which was as our money; the Vineyard our Vineyetours had brought
to a good forwardnesse, bruised and destroyed with Deere, and all things
ere they came to perfection, with weeds, disorderly persons or wild
beasts; so that as we are I cannot perceive but the next yeere will be
worse, being still tormented with pride and flattery, idlenesse and
covetousnesse, as though they had vowed heere to keepe their Court with
all the pestilent vices in the world for their attendants, inchanted with
a conceited statelinesse, even in the very bottome of miserable
senselesnesse.
_Captaine Powel kills_ 3. _Salvages._
Shortly after, Sir George Yearly and Captaine William Powel, tooke each of
them a company of well disposed Gentlemen and others to seeke their
enemies. Yearley ranging the shore of Weanock, could see nothing but their
old houses which he burnt, and so went home: Powel searching another part,
found them all fled but three he met by chance, whose heads hee cut off,
burnt their houses, and so returned; for the Salvages are so light and
swift, though wee see them (being so loaded with armour) they have much
advantage of us though they be cowards.
_The opinion of Captaine Smith._
I confesse this is true, and it may cause some suppose they are grown
invincible: but will any goe to catch a Hare with a Taber and a Pipe? for
who knowes not though there be monsters both of men and beasts, fish and
fowle, yet the greatest, the strongest, the wildest, cruellest, fiercest
and cunningest, by reason, art and vigilancy, courage and industry hath
beene slaine, subjected or made tame, and those are still but Salvages as
they were, onely growne more bold by our owne simplicities, and still will
be worse and worse till they be tormented with a continuall pursuit, and
not with lying inclosed within Palizados, or affrighting them out of your
sights, thinking they have done well, can but defend themselves: and to
doe this to any purpose, will require both charge, patience and
experience. But to their proceedings.
_Sir George Yearlys journey to Accomack._
_Captaine Nuse his misery._ {MN-1}
_An Alarum. Foure slaine._ {MN-2}
About the latter end of June, Sir George Yearley accompanied with the
Councell, and a number of the greatest Gallants in the Land, stayed three
or foure daies with Captaine Nuse, he making his moane to a chiefe man
amongst them for want of provision for his Company, the great Commander
replied hee should turne them to his greene Corne, which would make them
plumpe and fat: these fields being so neere the Fort, were better regarded
and preserved then the rest, but the great mans command, as we call them,
was quickly obeied, for though it was scarce halfe growne either to the
greatnesse or goodnesse, they devoured it greene though it did them small
good. Sir George with his company went to Accomack to his new Plantation,
where he staied neere six weekes; some Corne he brought home, but as he
adventured for himselfe, he accordingly enjoyed the benefit; some pety
Magazines came this Summer, but either the restraint by Proclamation, or
want of Boats, or both, caused few but the Chieftaines to be little better
by them. {MN-1} So long as Captaine Nuse had any thing we had part; but
now all being spent, and the people forced to live upon Oisters and Crabs,
they became so faint no worke could be done; and where the Law was, no
worke, no meat, now the case is altered, to no meat, no worke; some small
quantity of Milke and Rice the Captaine had of his owne, and that he would
distribute gratis as he saw occasion; I say gratis, for I know no place
else, but it was sold for ready paiment: those eares of Corne that had
escaped till August, though not ripe by reason of the late planting, the
very Dogs did repaire to the Corne fields to seeke them as the men till
they were hanged; and this I protest before God is true that I have
related, not to flatter Nuse, nor condemne any, but all the time I have
lived in Virginia, I have not seene nor heard that any Commander hath
taken such continuall paines for the publike, or done so little good for
himselfe, and his vertuous wife was no lesse charitable and compassionate
according to her power. For my owne part, although I found neither
Mulberies planted, houses built, men nor victuall provided, as the
honourable Adventurers [IV.156.] did promise mee in England; yet at my
owne charge, having made these preparations, and the silke-Wormes ready to
be covered, all was lost, but my poore life and children, by the Massacre,
the which as God in his mercy did preserve, I continually pray we may
spend to his glory. {MN-2} The 9. of September, we had an alarum, and two
men at their labours slaine; the Captaine, though extreme sicke, sallied
forth, but the Salvages lay hid in the Corne fields all night, where they
destroyed all they could, and killed two men more, much mischiefe they did
to Master Edward Hills cattle, yet he alone defended his house though his
men were sicke and could doe nothing, and this was our first assault since
the Massacre.
_The kindnesse of the King of Patawomek._
About this time Captaine Madyson passed by us, having taken Prisoners, the
King of Patawomek, his sonne, and two more, and thus it happened; Madyson
not liking so well to live amongst the Salvages as Croshaw did, built him
a strong house within the Fort, so that they were not so sociable as
before, nor did they much like Poole the Interpreter; many Alarums they
had, but saw no enemies: Madyson before his building went to Moyaoncs,
where hee got provision for a moneth, and was promised much more, so he
returned to Patawomek and built this house, and was well used by the
Salvages. Now by the foure great men the King sent to Pamaunke for the
redemption of the Prisoners, Madyson sent them a letter, but they could
neither deliver it nor see them: so long they stayed that the King grew
doubtfull of their bad usage, that hee swore by the Skyes, if they
returned not well, he would have warres with Opechankanough so long as he
had any thing: at this time two of Madysons men ranne from him, to finde
them he sent Master John Upton and three more with an Indian guide to
Nazatica, where they heard they were. At this place was a King beat out of
his Country by the Necosts, enemies to the Patawomeks; this expulsed King
though he professed much love to the Patawomeks, yet hee loved not the
King because he would not helpe him to revenge his injuries, but to our
Interpreter Poole hee protested great love, promising if any treason were,
he would reveale it; our guide conducted this Bandyto with them up to
Patawomek, and there kept him; our Fugitives we found the Patawomeks had
taken and brought home, and the foure great men returned from Pamaunke;
not long after, this expulsed King desired private conference with Poole,
urging him to sweare by his God never to reveale what hee would tell him,
Poole promised he would not; then quoth this King, those great men that
went to Pamaunke, went not as you suppose they pretended, but to contract
with Opechankanough how to kill you all here, and these are their plots.
_A Salvages policy._
First, they will procure halfe of you to goe a fishing to their furthest
towne, and there set upon them, and cut off the rest; if that faile, they
will faine a place where are many strangers would trade their Furres,
where they will perswade halfe of you to goe trade, and there murder you
and kill them at home; and if this faile also, then they will make Alarums
two nights together, to tire you out with watching, and then set upon you,
yet of all this, said he, there is none acquainted but the King and the
great Conjurer.
_Madyson takes the King and kils_ 30. _or_ 40.
_The King set at liberty._ {MN}
This being made known to the Captain, we all stood more punctually upon
our guard, at which the Salvages wondering, desired to know the cause; we
told them we expected some assault from the Pamaunkes, whereat they seemed
contented, and the next day the King went on hunting with two of our men,
and the other a fishing and abroad as before, till our Shallop returned
from James towne with the two Salvages, sent home with Captaine Croshaw:
by those the Governour sent to Madyson, that this King should send him
twelve of his great men; word of this was sent to the King at another
towne where he was, who not comming presently with the Messenger, Madyson
conceited hee regarded not the message, and intended as he supposed the
same treason. The next morning the King comming home, being sent for, he
came to the Captaine and brought him a dish of their daintiest fruit; then
the Captaine fained his returne to James towne, the King told him he might
if he would, [IV.157.] but desired not to leave him destitute of aid,
having so many enemies about him; the Captaine told him he would leave a
guard, but intreated his answer concerning the twelve great men for the
Governour; the King replied, his enemies lay so about him he could not
spare them, then the Captaine desired his sonne and one other; my sonne,
said the King, is gone abroad about businesse, but the other you desire
you shall have, and that other sits by him, but that man refused to goe,
whereupon Madyson went forth and locked the doore, leaving the King, his
sonne, and foure Salvages, and five English men in the strong house, and
setting upon the towne with the rest of his men, slew thirty or forty men,
women and children; the King demanding the cause, Poole told him the
treason, crying out to intreat the Captaine cease from such cruelty: but
having slaine and made flye all in the towne, hee returned, taxing the
poore King of treason, who denied to the death not to know of any such
matter, but said, This is some plot of them that told it, onely to kill
mee for being your friend. Then Madyson willed him, to command none of
his men should shoot at him as he went aboord, which he presently did, and
it was performed: so Madyson departed, leading the King, his sonne, and
two more to his ship, promising when all his men were shipped, he should
returne at libertie; {MN} notwithstanding he brought them to James towne,
where they lay some daies, and after were sent home by Captaine Hamer,
that tooke Corne for their ransome, and after set saile for New found
Land.
But, alas the cause of this was onely this
They understood, nor knew what was amisse.
A.D. 1622.
_A digression._
Ever since the beginning of these Plantations, it hath beene supposed the
King of Spaine would invade them, or our English Papists indevour to
dissolve them. But neither all the Counsels of Spaine, nor Papists in the
world could have devised a better course to bring them all to ruine, then
thus to abuse their friends, nor could there ever have beene a better
plot, to have overthrowne Opechankanough then Captaine Chroshaws, had it
beene fully managed with expedition. But it seemes God is angry to see
Virginia made a stage where nothing but murder and indiscretion contends
for victory.
_Their proceedings of the other plantations._
300 _surpriseth Nandsamund._ {MN-1}
_Samuell Collyer slaine._ {MN-2}
Amongst the rest of the Plantations all this Summer little was done, but
securing themselves and planting Tobacco, which passes there as current
Silver, and by the oft turning and winding it, some grow rich, but many
poore, notwithstanding ten or twelve ships or more hath arrived there
since the massacre, although it was Christmas ere any returned, and that
returne greatly revived all mens longing expectation here in England: for
they brought newes, that notwithstanding their extreme sicknesse many were
recovered, and finding the Salvages did not much trouble them, except it
were sometimes some disorderly straglers they cut off. To lull them the
better in securitie, they sought no revenge till their Corne was ripe,
{MN-1} then they drew together three hundred of the best Souldiers they
could, that would leave their private businesse, and adventure themselves
amongst the Salvages to surprize their Corne, under the conduct of Sir
George Yearley, being imbarked in convenient shipping, and all things
necessary for the enterprise, they went first to Nandsamund, where the
people set fire on their owne houses, and spoiled what they could, and
then fled with what they could carry; so that the English did make no
slaughter amongst them for revenge. Their Corne fields being newly
gathered, they surprized all they found, burnt the houses remained
unburnt, and so departed. Quartering about Kecoughtan, after the Watch was
set, {MN-2} Samuell Collyer one of the most ancientest Planters, and very
well acquainted with their language and habitation, humors and conditions,
and Governor of a Towne, when the Watch was set going the round,
unfortunately by a Centinell that discharged his peece, was slaine.
_They surprise Pamaunke._
Thence they sailed to Pamaunke, the chiefe seat of Opechankanough,
[IV.158.] the contriver of the massacre: the Salvages seemed exceeding
fearefull, promising to bring them Sara, and the rest of the English yet
living, with all the Armes, and what they had to restore, much desiring
peace, and to give them any satisfaction they could. Many such devices
they fained to procrastinate the time ten or twelve daies, till they had
got away their Corne from all the other places up the River, but that
where the English kept their quarter: at last, when they saw all those
promises were but delusions, they seised on all the Corne there was, set
fire on their houses: and in following the Salvages that fled before them,
some few of those naked Devils had that spirit, they lay in ambuscado, and
as our men marched discharged some shot out of English peeces, and hurt
some of them flying at their pleasures where they listed, burning their
empty houses before them as they went to make themselves sport: so they
escaped, and Sir George returned with Corne, where for our paines we had
three bushels apeece, but we were enjoyned before we had it, to pay ten
shillings the bushell for fraught and other charges. Thus by this meanes
the Salvages are like as they report, to endure no small misery this
Winter, and that some of our men are returned to their former Plantations.
_The opinion of Captaine Smith._
What other passages or impediments hapned in their proceedings, that they
were not fully revenged of the Salvages before they returned, I know not;
nor could ever heare more, but that they supposed they slew two, and how
it was impossible for any men to doe more then they did: yet worthy
Ferdinando Courtus had scarce three hundred Spaniards to conquer the great
Citie of Mexico, where thousands of Salvages dwelled in strong houses: but
because they were a civilized people, had wealth, and those meere
Barbarians as wilde as beasts have nothing; I intreat your patience to
tell you my opinion, which if it be Gods pleasure I shall not live to put
in practice, yet it may be hereafter usefull for some, but howsoever I
hope not hurtfull to any, and this it is.
_How to subject all the Salvages in Virginia._
Had these three hundred men beene at my disposing, I would have sent first
one hundred to Captaine Rawley Chroshaw to Patawomek, with some small
Ordnance for the Fort, the which but with daily exercising them, would
have struck that love and admiration into the Patowomeks, and terror and
amazement into his enemies, which are not farre off, and most seated upon
the other side the River, they would willingly have beene friends, or have
given any composition they could, before they would be tormented with such
a visible feare.
Now though they be generally perfidious, yet necessity constraines those
to a kinde of constancy because of their enemies, and neither my selfe
that first found them, Captaine Argall, Chroshow, nor Hamar, never found
themselves in fifteene yeares trials: nor is it likely now they would have
so hostaged their men, suffer the building of a Fort, and their women and
children amongst them, had they intended any villany; but suppose they
had, who would have desired a better advantage then such an advertisement,
to have prepared the Fort for such an assault, and surely it must be a
poore Fort they could hurt, much more take, if there were but five men in
it durst discharge a peece: Therefore a man not well knowing their
conditions, may be as wel too jealous as too carelesse; Such another Lope
Skonce would I have had at Onawmanient, and one hundred men more to have
made such another at Atquacke upon the River of Toppahanock, which is not
past thirteene miles distant from Onawmanient: each of which twelve men
would keepe, as well as twelve thousand, and spare all the rest to bee
imploied as there should be occasion. And all this with these numbers
might easily have beene done, if not by courtesie, yet by compulsion,
especially at that time of September when all their fruits were ripe,
their beasts fat, and infinite numbers of wilde Fowle began to repaire to
every creeke, that men if they would doe any thing, could not want
victuall. This done, there remained yet one hundred who should have done
the like at Ozinieke, upon the River of Chickahamania, not past six miles
[IV.159.] from the chiefe habitations of Opechankanough. These small Forts
had beene cause sufficient to cause all the Inhabitants of each of those
Rivers to looke to themselves. Then having so many Ships, Barks, and Boats
in Virginia as there was at that present, with what facility might you
have landed two hundred and twentie men, if you had but onely five or six
Boats in one night; forty to range the branch of Mattapanyent, fortie more
that of Youghtanund, and fortie more to keepe their randivous at Pamaunke
it selfe. All which places lie so neere, they might heare from each other
within foure or five houres, and not any of those small parties, if there
were any valour, discretion, or industry in them, but as sufficient as
foure thousand, to force them all to contribution, or take or spoile all
they had. For having thus so many convenient randevous to releeve each
other, though all the whole Countries had beene our enemies, where could
they rest, but in the depth of Winter we might burne all the houses upon
all those Rivers in two or three daies? Then without fires they could not
live, which they could not so hide but wee should finde, and quickly so
tire them with watching and warding, they would be so weary of their
lives, as either fly all their Countries, or give all they had to be
released of such an hourely misery. Now if but a small number of the
Salvages would assist us, as there is no question but divers of them
would; And to suppose they could not be drawne to such faction, were to
beleeve they are more vertuous then many Christians, and the best governed
people in the world. All the Pamaunkes might have beene dispatched as well
in a moneth as a yeare, and then to have dealt with any other enemies at
our pleasure, and yet made all this toile and danger but a recreation.
If you think this strange or impossible, 12 men with my selfe I found
sufficient, to goe where I would adaies, and surprise a house with the
people, if not a whole towne in a night, or incounter all the power they
could make, as a whole Army, as formerly at large hath beene related: And
it seemes by these small parties last amongst them, by Captaine Crashow,
Hamar, and Madyson, they are not growne to that excellency in policy and
courage but they might bee encountred, and their wives and children
apprehended. I know I shall bee taxed for writing so much of my selfe, but
I care not much, because the judiciall know there are few such Souldiers
as are my examples, have writ their owne actions, nor know I who will or
can tell my intents better then my selfe.
Some againe finde as much fault with the Company for medling with so many
Plantations together, because they that have many Irons in the fire some
must burne; but I thinke no if they have men enow know how to worke them,
but howsoever, it were better some burne then have none at all. The King
of Spaine regards but how many powerfull Kingdomes he keepes under his
obedience, and for the Salvage Countries he hath subjected, they are more
then enow for a good Cosmographer to nominate, and is three Mole-hills so
much to us; and so many Empires so little for him? For my owne part, I
cannot chuse but grieve, that the actions of an English-man should be
inferior to any, and that the command of England should not be as great as
any Monarchy that ever was since the world began, I meane not as a Tyrant
to torment all Christendome, but to suppresse her disturbers, and conquer
her enemies.
For the great Romans got into their hand
The whole worlds compasse, both by Sea and Land,
Or any seas, or heaven, or earth extended,
And yet that Nation could not be contented.
A.D. 1622.
MASTER ARGENT'S DELIVERANCE
_The arrivall of Captaine Butler, & his accidents._
Much about this time arrived a small Barke of Barnestable, which had beene
at the Summer Iles, and in her Captaine Nathaniel Butler, who having beene
Governor there three yeares, and his Commission expired, he tooke the
opportunity of this ship to see Virginia: at James Towne he was kindly
entertained by Sir Francis Wyat [IV.160.] the Governor. After he had
rested there foureteene daies, he fell up with his ship to the River of
Chickahamania, where meeting Captaine William Powell, joyning together
such forces as they had to the number of eighty, they set upon the
Chickahamanians, that fearefully fled, suffering the English to spoile all
they had, not daring to resist them. Thus he returned to James towne,
where hee staied a moneth, at Kecoughtan as much more, and so returned for
England.
_A strange deliverance of Master Argent & others._
But riding at Kecoughtan, M. John Argent, sonne to Doctor Argent, a young
Gentleman that went with Captaine Butler from England to this place,
Michael Fuller, William Gany, Cornelius May, and one other going ashore
with some goods late in a faire evening, such a sudden gust did arise,
that drive them thwart the River, in that place at least three or foure
miles in breadth, where the shore was so shallow at a low water, and the
Boat beating upon the Sands, they left her, wading neere halfe a mile, and
oft up to the chin: So well it hapned, Master Argent had put his Bandileir
of powder in his hat, which next God was all their preservations: for it
being February, and the ground so cold, their bodies became so benumbed,
they were not able to strike fire with a steele and a stone hee had in his
pocket; the stone they lost twice, and thus those poore soules groping in
the darke, it was Master Argents chance to finde it, and with a few
withered leaves, reeds, and brush, make a small fire, being upon the
Chisapeaks shore, their mortall enemies, great was their feare to be
discovered. The joyfull morning appearing, they found their Boat and goods
drive ashore, not farre from them, but so split shee was unserviceable:
but so much was the frost, their clothes did freeze upon their backs, for
they durst not make any great fire to dry them, lest thereby the bloudy
Salvages might discry them, so that one of them died the next day, and the
next night digging a grave in the Sands with their hands, buried him. In
this bodily feare they lived and fasted two daies and nights, then two of
them went into the Land to seeke fresh water; the others to the Boat to
get some meale and oyle, Argent and his Comrade found a Canow, in which
they resolved to adventure to their ship, but shee was a drift in the
River before they returned: thus frustrate of all hopes, Captaine Butler
the third night ranging the shore in his Boat to seeke them, discharged
his Muskets, but they supposing it some Salvages had got some English
peeces, they grew more perplexed then ever, so he returned and lost his
labour. The fourth day they unloaded their Boat, and stopping her leakes
with their handkerchiefes, and other rags, two rowing, and two bailing out
the water; but farre they went not ere the water grew upon them so fast,
and they so tired, they thought themselves happy to be on shore againe,
though they perceived the Indians were not farre off by their fires. Thus
at the very period of despaire, Fuller undertooke to sit a stride upon a
little peece of an old Canow; so well it pleased God the wind and tide
served, by padling with his hands and feet in the water, beyond all
expectation God so guided him three or foure houres upon this boord, he
arrived at their ship, where they no lesse amazed then he tired, they
tooke him in. Presently as he had concluded with his Companions, he caused
them discharge a peece of Ordnance if he escaped, which gave no lesse
comfort to Master Argent and the rest, then terror to those Plantations
that heard it, (being late) at such an unexpected alarum but after, with
warme clothes and a little strong water, they had a little recovered him,
such was his courage and care of his distressed friends, he returned that
night againe with Master Felgate to conduct him to them, and so giving
thanks to God for so hopelesse a deliverance, it pleased his Divine power,
both they and their provision came safely aboord, but Fuller they doubt
will never recover his benumbed legs and thighes.
Now before Butlers arrivall in England, many hard speeches were rumored
against him for so leaving his charge, before he received order from the
Company: Divers againe of his Souldiers as highly commended him, for his
good government, art, judgement and industry. [IV.161.] But to make the
misery of Virginia appeare that it might be reformed in time, how all
those Cities, Townes, Corporations, Forts, Vineyards, Nurseries of
Mulberies, Glasse-houses, Iron forges, Guest-houses, Silke-wormes,
Colleges, the Companies great estate, and that plenty some doe speake of
here, are rather things in words and paper then in effect, with divers
reasons of the causes of those defects; if it were false, his blame nor
shame could not be too much: but if there bee such defects in the
government, and distresse in the Colony, it is thought by many it hath
beene too long concealed, and requireth rather reformation then
disputation: but however, it were not amisse to provide for the worst,
for the best will help it selfe. Notwithstanding, it was apprehended so
hardly, and examined with that passion, that the brute thereof was spread
abroad with that expedition, it did more hurt then the massacre; and the
fault of all now by the vulgar rumour, must be attributed to the
unwholesomnesse of the ayre, and barrennesse of the Countrey, as though
all England were naught, because the Fens and Marshes are unhealthy; or
barren, because some will lie under windowes and starve in Cheap-side,
rot in Goales, die in the street, high-waies, or any where, and use a
thousand devices to maintaine themselves in those miseries, rather then
take any paines to live as they may by honest labour, and a great part of
such like are the Planters of Virginia, and partly the occasion of those
defailements.
1623.
_The Earle of Southampton Treasurer._
_How Captaine Spilman was left in the River of Patawomek._
In the latter end of this last yeare, or the beginning of this, Captaine
Henrie Spilman a Gentleman, that hath lived in those Countries thirteene
or foureteene yeares, one of the best Interpreters in the Land, being
furnished with a Barke and six and twentie men, hee was sent to trucke in
the River of Patawomek, where he had lived a long time amongst the
Salvages, whether hee presumed too much upon his acquaintance amongst
them, or they sought to be revenged of any for the slaughter made amongst
them by the English so lately, or hee sought to betray them, or they him,
are all severall relations, but it seemes but imaginary: for then
returned report they left him ashore about Patawomek, but the name of the
place they knew not, with one and twentie men, being but five in the
Barke, the Salvages ere they suspected any thing, boorded them with their
Canowes, and entred so fast, the English were amazed, till a Sailer gave
fire to a peece of Ordnance onely at randome; at the report whereof, the
Salvages leapt overboord, so distracted with feare, they left their
Canowes, and swum a shore; and presently after they heard a great brute
amongst the Salvages a shore, and saw a mans head throwne downe the banke,
whereupon they weighed Anchor and returned home, but how he was surprised
or slaine, is uncertaine.
Thus things proceed and vary not a jot,
Whether we know them, or we know them not.
NECESSARIES FOR VIRGINIA
A.D. 1623.
A particular of such necessaries as either private families, or single
persons, shall have cause to provide to goe to Virginia, whereby
greater numbers may in part conceive the better how to provide for
themselves.
Apparell.
_Apprarell for one man, so after the rate for more._
A Monmouth Cap. 1s. 10d.
3 falling bands. 1s. 3d.
3 shirts. 7s. 6d.
1 Waste-coat. 2s. 2d.
1 suit of Canvase. 7s. 6d.
1 suit of Frize. 10s.
1 suit of Cloth. 15s.
3 paire of Irish stockings. 4s.
4 paire of shoes. 8s. 8d.
1 paire of garters. 10d.
1 dozen of points. 3d.
1 paire of Canvas sheets. 8s. [IV.162.]
7 ells of Canvas to make a bed and
boulster, to be filled in Virginia,
serving for two men. 8s.
5 ells of course Canvas to make a bed
at Sea for two men. 5s.
1 course rug at sea for two men. 6s
__________
4L.
Victuall for a whole yeare for a man, and so after the rate
for more.
8 bushels of meale. 2L.
2 bushels of pease. 6s.
2 bushels of Otemeale. 9s.
1 gallon of Aquavitae. 2s. 6d.
1 gallon of oyle. 3s. 6d.
2 gallons of Vineger. 2s.
__________
3L. 3s.
Armes for a man, but if halfe your men be armed it is well, so all
have swords and peeces.
1 Armor compleat, light. 17s.
1 long peece five foot and a halfe,
neere Musket bore. 1L. 2s.
1 Sword. 5s.
1 Belt. 1s.
1 Bandilier. 1s. 6d.
20 pound of powder. 18s.
60 pound of shot or Lead, Pistoll
and Goose shot. 5s.
____________
3L. 9s. 6d.
Tooles for a family of six persons, and so after the rate
for more.
5 broad howes at 2s. a peece. 10s.
5 narrow howes at 16d. a peece. 6s. 8d.
2 broad axes at 3s. 8d. a peece. 7s. 4d.
5 felling axes at 18d. a peece. 7s. 6d.
2 steele handsawes at 16d. a peece. 2s. 8d.
2 two handsawes at 5s. a peece. 10s.
1 whipsaw, set and filed, with box,
file and wrest. 10s.
2 hammers 12d. a peece. 2s.
3 shovels 18d. a peece. 4s. 6d.
2 spades at 18d. a peece. 3s.
2 Augers at 6d. peece. 1s.
6 Chissels at 6d. a peece. 3s.
2 Percers stocked 4d. a peece. 8d.
3 Gimblets at 2d. a peece. 6d.
2 Hatchets at 21d. a peece. 3s. 6d.
2 frowes to cleave pale 18d. each. 3s.
2 hand Bills 20d. a peece. 3s. 4d.
1 Grindstone. 4s.
Nailes of all sorts to the value of 2L.
2 Pickaxes. 3s.
____________
6L. 2s. 8d.
Houshold implements for a family and six persons, and so for
more or lesse after the rate.
1 Iron pot. 7s.
1 Kettell. 6s.
1 large Frying-pan. 2s. 6d.
1 Gridiron. 1s. 6d.
2 Skellets. 5s.
1 Spit. 2s.
Platters, dishes, spoones of wood. 4s.
__________
1L.8s.
For Sugar, Spice, and Fruit, and at
Sea for six men. 12s. 6d.
So the full charge after this rate for
each person, will amount about
the summe of 1L.10s.
The passage of each man is 6L.
The fraught of these provisions for
a man, will be about halfe a
tun, which is 12L.10s. 10d.
So the whole charge will amount to
about 20L.
Now if the number be great, Nets, Hooks and Lines, but Cheese, Bacon,
Kine and Goats must be added. And this is the usuall proportion the
Virginia Company doe bestow upon their Tenents they send.
A.D. 1623.
A briefe relation written by Captaine Smith to his Majesties
Commissioners for the reformation of Virginia, concerning some
aspersions against it.
Honourable Gentlemen, for so many faire and Navigable Rivers so neere
adjoyning, and piercing thorow so faire a naturall Land, free from any
inundations, or large Fenny unwholsome Marshes, I have not seene, read,
nor heard of: And for the building of Cities, Townes, and Wharfage, if
they will use the meanes, where there is no more ebbe nor floud, Nature
in few places affoords any so convenient, for salt Marshes or [IV. 163.]
Quagmires. In this tract of James Towne River I know very few; some small
Marshes and Swamps there are, but more profitable then hurtfull: and I
thinke there is more low Marsh ground betwixt Eriffe and Chelsey, then
Kecoughton and the Falls, which is about one hundred and eighty miles by
the course of the River.
_The causes of our first miseries._
Being enjoyned by our Commission not to unplant nor wrong the Salvages,
because the channell was so neere the shore, where now is James Towne,
then a thicke grove of trees; wee cut them downe, where the Salvages
pretending as much kindnesse as could bee, they hurt and slew one and
twenty of us in two houres: At this time our diet was for most part water
and bran, and three ounces of little better stuffe in bread for five men
a meale, and thus we lived neere three moneths: our lodgings under boughes
of trees, the Salvages being our enemies, whom we neither knew nor
understood; occasions I thinke sufficient to make men sicke and die.
_But_ 38 _English in all Virginia._
Necessity thus did inforce me with eight or nine, to try conclusions
amongst the Salvages, that we got provision which recovered the rest being
most sicke. Six weeks I was led captive by those Barbarians, though some
of my men were slaine, and the rest fled, yet it pleased God to make their
great Kings daughter the means to returne me safe to James towne, and
releeve our wants, and then our Common-wealth was in all eight and thirty,
the remainder of one hundred and five.
_Proofes of the healthfulnesse of the Countrey._
Being supplied with one hundred and twenty, with twelve men in a boat of
three tuns, I spent foureteene weeks in those large waters; the contents
of the way of my boat protracted by the skale of proportion, was about
three thousand miles, besides the River we dwell upon, where no Christian
knowne ever was, and our diet for the most part what we could finde, yet
but one died.
_How the Salvages became subjected._
The Salvages being acquainted, that by command from England we durst not
hurt them, were much imboldned; that famine and their insolencies did
force me to breake our Commission and instructions, cause Powhatan fly his
Countrey, and take the King of Pamaunke Prisoner; and also to keepe the
King of Paspahegh in shackels, and put his men to double taskes in
chaines, till nine and thirty of their Kings paied us contribution, and
the offending Salvages sent to James towne to punish at our owne
discretions: in the two last yeares I staied there, I had not a man
slaine.
_How we lived of the natural fruit of the Countrey._
All those conclusions being not able to prevent the bad events of pride
and idlenesse, having received another supply of seventie, we were about
two hundred in all, but not twentie work-men: In following the strict
directions from England to doe that was impossible at that time; So it
hapned, that neither wee nor they had any thing to eat, but what the
Countrey afforded naturally; yet of eightie who lived upon Oysters in June
and July, with a pint of corne a week for a man lying under trees, and 120
for the most part living upon Sturgion, which was dried til we pounded it
to powder for meale, yet in ten weeks but seven died.
_Proofe of the Commodities we returned._
It is true, we had of Tooles, Armes, & Munition sufficient, some
Aquavitae, Vineger, Meale, Pease, and Otemeale, but in two yeares and a
halfe not sufficient for six moneths, though by the bils of loading the
proportions sent us, would well have contented us, notwithstanding we sent
home ample proofes of Pitch, Tar, Sope Ashes, Wainskot, Clapboord, Silke
grasse, Iron Ore, some Sturgion and Glasse, Saxefras, Cedar, Cypris, and
blacke Walnut, crowned Powhatan, sought the Monacans Countrey, according
to the instructions sent us, but they caused us neglect more necessary
workes: they had better have given for Pitch and Sope ashes one hundred
pound a tun in Denmarke: Wee also maintained five or six severall
Plantations.
_What we built._
James towne being burnt, wee rebuilt it and three Forts more, besides the
Church and Store-house, we had about fortie or fiftie severall houses to
keepe us warme and dry, invironed with a palizado of foureteene or
fifteene foot, and each as much as three or foure men could carrie. We
digged a faire Well of fresh water in the Fort, where wee had three
Bulwarks, foure and twentie peece of [IV.164.] Ordnance, of Culvering,
Demiculvering, Sacar and Falcon, and most well mounted upon convenient
platformes, planted one hundred acres of Corne. We had but six ships to
transport and supply us, and but two hundred seventy seven men, boies, and
women, by whose labours Virginia being brought to this kinde of
perfection, the most difficulties past, and the foundation thus laid by
this small meanes; yet because we had done no more, they called in our
Commission, tooke a new in their owne names, and appointed us neere as
many offices and Officers as I had Souldiers, that neither knew us nor wee
them, without our consents or knowledge; since there have gone more then
one hundred ships of other proportions, and eight or ten thousand people.
Now if you please to compare what hath beene spent, sent, discovered and
done this fifteene yeares, by that we did in the three first yeares, and
every Governor that hath beene there since, give you but such an account
as this, you may easily finde what hath beene the cause of those disasters
in Virginia.
Then came in Captaine Argall, and Master Sedan, in a ship of Master
Cornelius, to fish for Sturgion, who had such good provision, we
contracted with them for it, whereby we were better furnished then ever.
Not long after came in seven ships, with about three hundred people; but
rather to supplant us then supply us, their Admirall with their authoritie
being cast away in the Bermudas, very angry they were we had made no
better provision for them. Seven or eight weekes we withstood the
inundations of these disorderly humors, till I was neere blowne to death
with Gun-powder, which occasioned me to returne for England.
_How I left the Countrey._
In the yeare 1609 about Michaelmas, I left the Countrey, as is formerly
related, with three ships, seven Boats, Commodities to trade, harvest
newly gathered, eight weeks provision of Corne and Meale, about five
hundred persons, three hundred Muskets, shot, powder, and match, with
armes for more men then we had. The Salvages their language and
habitation, well knowne to two hundred expert Souldiers; Nets for fishing,
tooles of all sorts, apparell to supply their wants: six Mares and a
Horse, five or six hundred Swine, many more Powltry, what was brought or
bred, but victuall there remained.
_My Charge._
_My Reward._ {MN}
Having spent some five yeares, and more then five hundred pounds in
procuring the Letters Patents and setting forward, and neere as much more
about New England, &c. Thus these nineteene yeares I have here and there
not spared any thing according to my abilitie, nor the best advice I
could, to perswade how those strange miracles of misery might have beene
prevented, which lamentable experience plainly taught me of necessity must
insue, but few would beleeve me till now too deerely they have paid for
it. Wherefore hitherto I have rather left all then undertake
impossibilities, or any more such costly taskes at such chargeable rates:
{MN} for in neither of those two Countries have I one foot of Land, nor
the very house I builded, nor the ground I digged with my owne hands, nor
ever any content or satisfaction at all, and though I see ordinarily those
two Countries shared before me by them that neither have them nor knowes
them, but by my descriptions: Yet that doth not so much trouble me, as to
heare and see those contentions and divisions which will hazard if not
ruine the prosperitie of Virginia, if present remedy bee not found, as
they have hindred many hundreds, who would have beene there ere now, and
makes them yet that are willing to stand in a demurre.
For the Books and Maps I have made, I will thanke him that will shew me so
much for so little recompence, and beare with their errors till I have
done better. For the materials in them I cannot deny, but am ready to
affirme them both there and here, upon such grounds as I have propounded,
which is to have but fifteene hundred men to subdue againe the Salvages,
fortifie the Countrey, discover that yet unknowne, and both defend & feed
their Colony, which I most humbly refer to his Majesties most judiciary
judgement, and the most honourable Lords of [IV.165.] his Privy Councell,
you his trusty and well-beloved Commissioners, and the Honourable company
of Planters and well-willers to Virginia, New-England and Sommer-Ilands.
Out of these Observations it pleased his Majesties Commissioners for
the reformation of Virginia, to desire my answer to these seven
Questions.
Quest. 1. What conceive you is the cause the Plantation hath prospered no
better since you left it in so good a forwardnesse?
Answ. Idlenesse and carelesnesse brought all I did in three yeeres in six
moneths to nothing, and of five hundred I left, scarce threescore
remained, and had Sir Thomas Gates not got from the Bermudas, I thinke
they had beene all dead before they could be supplied.
Quest. 2. What conceive you should be the cause, though the Country be
good, there comes nothing but Tobacco?
Answ. The oft altering of Governours it seemes causes every man make use
of his time, and because Corne was stinted at two shillings six pence the
bushell, and Tobacco at three shillings the pound, and they value a mans
labour a yeere worth fifty or threescore pound, but in Corne not worth ten
pound, presuming Tobacco will furnish them with all things; now make a
mans labour in Corne worth threescore pound, and in Tobacco but ten pound
a man, then shall they have Corne sufficient to entertaine all commers,
and keepe their people in health to doe any thing, but till then, there
will be little or nothing to any purpose.
Quest. 3. What conceive you to have beene the cause of the Massacre, and
had the Salvages had the use of any peeces in your time, or when, or by
whom they were taught?
Answ. The cause of the Massacre was the want of marshall discipline, and
because they would have all the English had by destroying those they found
so carelesly secure, that they were not provided to defend themselves
against any enemy, being so dispersed as they were. In my time, though
Captaine Nuport furnished them with swords by truck, and many fugitives
did the like, and some Peeces they got accidentally, yet I got the most
of them againe, and it was death to him that should shew a Salvage the use
of a Peece. Since I understand they became so good shot, they were
imployed for Fowlers and Huntsmen by the English.
Quest. 4. What charge thinke you would have setled the government both for
defence and planting when you left it?
Answ. Twenty thousand pound would have hyred good labourers and
mechanicall men, and have furnished them with cattle and all necessaries,
and 100. of them would have done more then a thousand of those that went,
though the Lord Laware, Sir Ferdinando Waynman, Sir Thomas Gates and Sir
Thomas Dale were perswaded to the contrary, but when they had tried, they
confessed their error.
Quest. 5. What conceive you would be the remedy and the charge?
Answ. The remedy is to send Souldiers and all sorts of labourers and
necessaries for them, that they may be there by next Michaelmas, the which
to doe well will stand you in five thousand pound, but if his Majesty
would please to lend two of his Ships to transport them, lesse would
serve, besides the benefit of his grace to the action would encourage all
men.
Quest. 6. What thinke you are the defects of the government both here and
there?
Answ. The multiplicity of opinions here, and Officers there, makes such
delaies by questions and formalitie, [IV.166.] that as much time is spent
in complement as in action; besides, some are so desirous to imploy their
ships, having six pounds for every Passenger, and three pounds for every
tun of goods, at which rate a thousand ships may now better be procured
then one at the first, when the common stocke defrayed all fraughts,
wages, provisions and Magazines, whereby the Ships are so pestred, as
occasions much sicknesse, diseases and mortality, for though all the
Passengers die they are sure of their fraught; and then all must be
satisfied with Orations, disputations, excuses and hopes. As for the
letters of advice from hence, and their answers thence, they are so well
written, men would beleeve there were no great doubt of the performance,
and that all things were wel, to which error here they have beene ever
much subject; and there not to beleeve, or not to releeve the true and
poore estate of that Colony, whose fruits were commonly spent before they
were ripe, and this losse is nothing to them here, whose great estates are
not sensible of the losse of their adventures, and so they thinke, or will
not take notice; but it is so with all men: but howsoever they thinke or
dispose of all things at their pleasure, I am sure not my selfe onely, but
a thousand others have not onely spent the most of their estates, but the
most part have lost their lives and all, onely but to make way for the
triall of more new conclusions, and he that now will adventure but twelve
pounds ten shillings, shall have better respect and as much favour then he
that sixteene yeere agoe adventured as much, except he have money as the
other hath, but though he have adventured five hundred pound, and spent
there never so much time, if hee have no more and not able to beg in a
family of himselfe, all is lost by order of Court.
But in the beginning it was not so, all went then out of one purse, till
those new devices have consumed both mony and purse; for at first there
were but six Patentees, now more then a thousand, then but thirteene
Counsailors, now not lesse then an hundred; I speake not of all, for there
are some both honourable and honest, but of those Officers, which did they
manage their owne estates no better then the affaires of Virginia, they
would quickly fall to decay so well as it; but this is most evident, few
Officers in England it hath caused to turne Banquerupts, nor for all their
complaints would leave their places, neither yet any of their Officers
there, nor few of the rest but they would be at home, but fewer
Adventurers here will adventure any more till they see the businesse
better established, although there be some so wilfully improvident they
care for nothing but to get thither, and then if their friends be dead, or
want themselves, they die or live but poorely for want of necessaries, and
to thinke the old Planters can releeve them were too much simplicity; for
who here in England is so charitable to feed two or three strangers, have
they never so much; much lesse in Virginia where they want for themselves.
Now the generall complaint saith, that pride, covetousnesse, extortion and
oppression in a few that ingrosses all, then sell all againe to the
comminalty at what rate they please, yea even men, women and children for
who will give most, occasions no small mischiefe amongst the Planters.
As for the Company, or those that doe transport them, provided of
necessaries, God forbid but they should receive their charges againe with
advantage, or that masters there should not have the same privilege over
their servants as here, but to sell him or her for forty, fifty, or
threescore pounds, whom the Company hath sent over for eight or ten pounds
at the most, without regard how they shall be maintained with apparell,
meat, drinke and lodging, is odious, and their fruits sutable, therefore
such merchants it were better they were made such merchandize themselves,
then suffered any longer to use that trade, and those are defects
sufficient to bring a well setled Common-wealth to misery, much more
Virginia.
Quest. 7. How thinke you it may be rectified?
Answ. If his Majestie would please to intitle it to his Crowne, and
yearely that both the Governours here and there may give their accounts to
you, or some that are not ingaged in the businesse, that the common stocke
[IV.167.] bee not spent in maintaining one hundred men for the Governour,
one hundred for two Deputies, fifty for the Treasurer, five and twenty for
the Secretary, and more for the Marshall and other Officers who were never
there nor adventured any thing, but onely preferred by favour to be Lords
over them that broke the ice and beat the path, and must teach them what
to doe, if any thing happen well, it is their glory; if ill, the fault of
the old directors, that in all dangers must endure the worst, yet not five
hundred of them have so much as one of the others; also that there bee
some present course taken to maintaine a Garrison to suppresse the
Salvages, till they be able to subsist, and that his Majesty would please
to remit his custome, or it is to be feared they will lose custome and
all, for this cannot be done by promises, hopes, counsels and
countenances, but with sufficient workmen and meanes to maintaine them,
not such delinquents as here cannot be ruled by all the lawes in England,
yet when the foundation is laid, as I have said, and a common-wealth
established, then such there may better be constrained to labour then
here: but to rectifie a common-wealth with debaushed people is impossible,
and no wise man would throw himselfe into such a society, that intends
honestly, and knowes what he undertakes, for there is no Countrey to
pillage as the Romans found: all you expect from thence must be by labour.
For the government I thinke there is as much adoe about it as the
Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland, men here conceiting Virginia as they
are, erecting as many stately Offices as Officers with their attendants,
as there are labourers in the Countrey, where a Constable were as good as
twenty of their Captaines, and three hundred good Souldiers and labourers
better then all the rest that goe onely to get the fruits of other mens
labours by the title of an office. Thus they spend Michaelmas rent in
Mid-summer Moone, and would gather their Harvest before they have planted
their Corne.
As for the maintenance of the Officers, the first that went never demanded
any, but adventured good summes, and it seemes strange to me, the fruits
of all their labours, besides the expence of an hundred and fifty thousand
pounds, and such multitudes of people, those collaterall Officers could
not maintaine themselves so well as the old did, and having now such
liberty to doe to the Salvages what they will, the others had not. I more
then wonder they have not five hundred Salvages to worke for them towards
their generall maintenance, and as many more to returne some content and
satisfaction to the Adventurers, that for all their care, charge and
diligence, can heare nor see nothing but miserable complaints; therefore
under your correction to rectifie all, is with all expedition to passe the
authority to them who will releeve them, lest all bee consumed ere the
differences be determined. And except his Majestie undertake it, or by
Act of Parliament some small tax may be granted throughout his Dominions,
as a Penny upon every Poll, called a head-penny; two pence upon every
Chimney, or some such collection might be raised, and that would be
sufficient to give a good stocke, and many servants to sufficient men of
any facultie, and transport them freely for paying onely homage to the
Crowne of England, and such duties to the publike good as their estates
increased reason should require. Were this put in practice, how many
people of what quality you please, for all those disasters would yet
gladly goe to spend their lives there, and by this meanes more good might
be done in one yeere, then all those pety particular undertakings will
effect in twenty.
For the Patent the King may, if he please, rather take it from them that
have it, then from us who had it first, pretending to his Majesty what
great matters they would doe, and how little we did, and for any thing I
can conceive, had we remained still as at first, it is not likely we could
have done much worse; but those oft altering of governments are not
without much charge, hazard and losse. If I be too plaine, I humbly crave
your pardon; but you requested me, therefore I doe but my duty. For the
Nobility, who knowes not how freely both in [IV.168.] their Purses and
assistances many of them have beene to advance it, committing the managing
of the businesse to inferiour persons, amongst whom questionlesse also
many have done their utmost best, sincerely and truly according to their
conceit, opinion and understanding; yet grosse errors have beene
committed, but no man lives without his fault; for my owne part, I have
so much adoe to amend my owne, I have no leisure to looke into any mans
particular, but those in generall I conceive to be true. And so I humbly
rest
Yours to command, J. S.
ENQUIRY BY KING JAMES
A.D. 1623.
_The King hath pleased to take into his consideration._
Thus those discords, not being to be compounded among themselves, nor yet
by the extraordinary diligences, care and paines or the noble and right
worthy Commissioners, Sir William Jones, Sir Nicholas Fortescue, Sir
Francis Goston, Sir Richard Sutton, Sir Henry Bourgchier and Sir William
Pit; a Corante was granted against Master Deputy Farrar, and 20. or 30.
others of that party to plead their causes before the right Honourable,
the Lords of his Majesties Privy Councell: now notwithstanding all the
Relations, Examinations, and intercepting of all Letters whatsoever came
from thence, yet it seemes they were so farre unsatisfied and desired
to know the truth, as well for the preservation of the Colony, as to give
content and doe all men right, they sent two Commissioners strictly to
examine the true estate of the Colony. Upon whose returne after mature
deliberation, it pleased his royall Majesty to suppresse the course of the
Court at Deputy Farrars, and that for the present ordering the affaires of
Virginia, untill he should make a more full settlement thereof, the Lord
Viscount Mandevile, Lord President of his Majesties Privie Councell, and
also other Privy Councellors, with many understanding Knights and
Gentlemen, should every Thursday in the afternoone meet at Sir Thomas
Smiths in Philpot lane, where all men whom it should concerne may repaire,
to receive such directions and warrant for their better security, as more
at large you may see in the Proclamation to that effect, under the great
Seale of England, dated the 15. of July, 1624. But as for the relations
last returned, what numbers they are, how many Cities, Corporations,
townes, and houses, cattle and horse they have, what fortifications or
discoveries they have made, or revenge upon the Salvages; who are their
friends or foes, or what commodities they have more then Tobacco, & their
present estate or what is presently to be put in execution, in that the
Commissioners are not yet fully satisfied in the one, nor resolved in the
other, at this present time when this went to the Presse, I must intreat
you pardon me till I be better assured.
Thus far I have travelled in this Wildernesse of Virginia, not being
ignorant for all my paines this discourse will be wrested, tossed and
turned as many waies as there is leaves; that I have writ too much of
some, too little of others, and many such like objections. To such I must
answer, in the Companies name I was requested to doe it, if any have
concealed their approved experiences from my knowledge, they must excuse
me: as for every fatherles or stolne relation, or whole volumes of
sofisticated rehearsals, I leave them to the charge of them that desire
them. I thanke God I never under-tooke any thing yet any could tax me of
carelesnesse or dishonesty, and what is hee to whom I am indebted or
troublesome? Ah! were these my accusers but to change cases and places
with me but 2. yeeres, or till they had done but so much as I, it may be
they would judge more charitably of my imperfections. But here I must
leave all to the triall of time, both my selfe, Virginia's preparations,
proceedings and good events, praying to that great God the protector of
all goodnesse to send them as good successe as the goodnesse of the action
and Country deserveth, and my heart desireth.
FINIS.
A.D. 1623.
THE FIFTH BOOKE. [V.169.]
The Generall Historie
of the Bermudas, now called the Summer Iles,
from their beginning in the yeere of our
Lord 1593. to this present 1624.
with their proceedings,
accidents and present
estate.
_The description of the Iles._
Before we present you the matters of fact, it is fit to offer to your
view the Stage whereon they were acted, for as Geography without History
seemeth a carkasse without motion, so History without Geography, wandreth
as a Vagrant without a certaine habitation. Those Ilands lie in the huge
maine Ocean, and two hundred leagues from any continent, situated in 32.
degrees and 25. minutes, of Northerly latitude, and distant from England
West South-West, about 3300. miles, some twenty miles in length, and not
past two miles and a halfe in breadth, environed with Rocks, which to the
North-ward, West-ward, and South-East, extend further then they have bin
yet well discovered: by reason of those Rocks the Country is naturally
very strong, for there is but two places, & scarce two, unlesse to them
who know them well, where shipping may safely come in, and those now are
exceeding well fortified, but within is roome to entertaine a royall
Fleet: the Rocks in most places appeare at a low water, neither are they
much covered at a high, for it ebbs and flowes not past five foot; the
shore for most part is a Rocke, so hardened with the sunne, wind and sea,
that it is not apt to be worne away with the waves, whose violence is also
broke by the Rocks before they can come to the shore: it is very uneven,
distributed into hills and dales; the mold is of divers colours, neither
clay nor sand, but a meane betweene; the red which resembleth clay is the
worst, the whitest resembling sand and the blackest is good, but the
browne betwixt them both which they call white, because there is mingled
with it a white meale is the best: under the mould two or three foot deep,
and sometimes lesse, is a kinde of white hard substance which they call
the Rocke: the trees usually fasten their roots in it; neither is it
indeed rocke or stone, or so hard, though for most part more harder then
Chalke; nor so white, but pumish-like and spungy, easily receiving and
containing much water. In some places Clay is found under it, it seemes to
be ingendred with raine water, draining through the earth, and drawing
with it of his substance unto a certaine depth where it congeales; the
hardest kinde of it lies under the red ground like quarries, as it were
thicke slates one upon another, through which the water hath his passage,
so that in such places there is scarce found any fresh water, for all or
the most part of the fresh water commeth out of the Sea draining through
the sand, or that substance called the Rocke, leaving the salt behinde, it
becomes fresh: sometimes we digged wells of fresh water which we finde in
most places, and but three or foure paces from the Sea side, some further,
the most part of them would ebbe and flow as the Sea did, and be levell or
little higher then the superficies of the sea, and in some places very
strange, darke and cumbersome Caves.
CLIMATE OF THE ISLANDS
A.D. 1623.
_The clime, temper and fertility._
The aire is most commonly cleere, very temperate, [V.170.] moist, with a
moderate heat, very healthfull and apt for the generation and nourishing
of all things, so as many things transported from hence yeeld a farre
greater increase, and if it be any living thing it becomes fatter and
better; by this meanes the country is so replenished with Hens and
Turkies, within the space of three or foure yeeres, that many of them
being neglected, forsake the houses and become wilde, and so live in
great abundance; the like increase there is in Hogs, tame Conies, and
other Cattle according to their kindes. There seemes to be a continuall
Spring, which is the cause some things come not to that maturity and
perfection as were requisite; and though the trees shed their leaves, yet
they are alwaies full of greene; the Corne is the same they have in
Virginia, and the West-Indies: of this and many other things without
plowing or much labour, they have two Harvests every yeere, for they set
about March, which they gather in July; and againe in August, which they
reape in December; and little slips of Fig-trees and Vines doe usually
beare fruit within the yeere, and sometimes in lesse; but we finde not the
Grapes as yet come to any perfection; the like fertility it hath in
Oranges and Limons, Pomgranates, and other things. Concerning the serenity
and beauty of the skie, it may as truly be said of those Ilands as ever it
was said of the Rhodes, that there is no one day throughout the 12.
moneths, but that in some houre thereof, the sun lookes singularly &
cleere upon them: for the temperature it is beyond all others most
admirable; no cold there is beyond an English Aprill, nor heat much
greater then an ordinary July in France, so that frost and snow is never
seene here, nor stinking and infectious mists very seldome, by reason of
the maine Ocean, there is some wind stirring that cooles the aire: the
winter they have observes the time with ours, but the longest daies and
nights are shorter then ours almost by two houres.
_Trees and Fruits._
_The Prickell Peare._ {MN-1}
_The Poison weed._ {MN-2}
_The red weed._ {MN-3}
We found it at first all overgrowne with weeds, and plants of severall
kinds, as many tall and goodly Cedars, infinite store of Palmetoes,
numbers of Mulberies, wild Olive-trees store, with divers others unknowne
both by name and nature, so that as yet they become lost to many usefull
imployments, which time and industry no doubt will one day discover, and
even already certaine of the most notorious of them have gotten them
appellations from their apparent effects, {MN-1} as the Prickell-peare
which growes like a shrub by the ground, with broad thick leaves, all
over-armed with long and sharpe dangerous thornes, the fruit being in
forme not much unlike a small greene Peare, and on the outside of the
same colour, but within bloud red, and exceeding full of juice; with
graines not much unlike the Pomgranat, and colouring after its nature.
{MN-2} The poysoned weed is much in shape like our English Ivy, but being
but touched, causeth rednesse, itching, and lastly blisters, the which
howsoever after a while passe away of themselves without further harme,
yet because for the time they are somewhat pain-full, it hath got it
selfe an ill name, although questionlesse of no ill nature. {MN-3} Here is
also frequently growing a certaine tall Plant, whose stalke being all over
covered with a red rinde, is thereupon termed the red weed, the root
whereof being soked in any liquor, or but a small quantity of the Juice
drunke alone, procures a very forcible vomit, and yet is generally used by
the people, and found very effectuall against the paines and distempers
of the stomacke.
_The purging Beane._ {MN-1}
_The costive tree._ {MN-2}
_Red Pepper._ {MN-3}
_The Sea Feather._ {MN-4}
_Fruits transported._ {MN-5}
{MN-1} A kinde of Wood-bind there is likewise by the Sea very commonly to
bee found, which runnes upon trees twining it selfe like a Vine: the fruit
somewhat resembles a Beane, but somewhat flatter, the which any way eaten
worketh excellently in the nature of a purge, and though very vehemently,
yet without all perill. {MN-2} Contrary to this, another small tree there
is, which causeth costivenesse; there is also a certaine Plant like a
bramble bush, which beares a long yellow fruit, having the shell very
hard, and within it a hard berry, that beaten and taken inwardly purgeth
gently. {MN-3} There is another fruit much like our Barberies, which being
beaten or brused betweene the teeth, sets all the mouth on an extreme heat
very terrible for the time, to avoid which they are swallowed downe whole,
and found of the same or better operation then [V.171.] the red Pepper,
and thence borroweth the name. {MN-4} In the bottome of the Sea there is
growing upon the Rocks a large kinde of Plant in the forme of a Vine
leafe, but far more spread with veines in colour of a pale red, very
strangely interlaced & woven one into another, which we call the Feather,
but the vertue thereof is altogether unknowne, but only regarded for the
rarity. Now besides these naturall productions, providences & paines
since the Plantation, have offered divers other seeds & plants, which the
soile hath greedily imbraced & cherished, {MN-5} so that at this present
1623. there are great abundance of white, red and yellow coloured
Potatoes, Tobacco, Sugar-canes, Indicos, Parsnips, exceeding large
Radishes, the American bread, the Cassado root, the Indian Pumpian, the
Water-millon, Musk-millon, & the most delicate Pine-apples, Plantans, and
Papawes, also the English Artichoke, Pease, &c. briefly whatsoever else
may be expected for the satisfaction either of curiosity, necessity or
delight.
_Birds._
_Egge-birds._ {MN}
Neither hath the aire for her part been wanting with due supplies of many
sorts of Fowles, as the gray and white Hearne, the gray and greene Plover,
some wilde Ducks and Malards, Coots and Red-shankes, Sea-wigions,
Gray-bitterns, Cormorants, numbers of small Birds like Sparrowes and
Robins, which have lately beene destroyed by the wilde Cats, Wood-pickars,
very many Crowes, which since this Plantation are kild, the rest fled or
seldome scene except in the most uninhabited places, from whence they are
observed to take their flight about sun set, directing their course
towards the North-west, which makes many conjecture there are some more
Ilands not far off that way. Sometimes are also seene Falcons &
Jar-falcons, Ospraies, a Bird like a Hobby, but because they come seldome,
they are held but as passengers; but above all these, most deserving
observation and respect are those two sorts of Birds, the one for the tune
of his voice, the other for the effect, called the Cahow, {MN} and
Egge-bird, which on the first of May, a day constantly observed, fall a
laying infinite store of Eggs neere as big as Hens, upon certaine small
sandie baies especially in Coupers Ile; and although men sit downe amongst
them when hundreds have bin gathered in a morning, yet there it hath
stayed amongst them till they have gathered as many more: they continue
this course till Midsummer, and so tame & feareles, you must thrust them
off from their Eggs with your hand; then they grow so faint with laying,
they suffer them to breed & take infinite numbers of their yong to eat,
which are very excellent meat.
_Cahowes._ {MN-1}
_The Tropicke Bird and the Pemblicos presagements._ {MN-2}
{MN-1} The Cahow is a bird of the night, for all the day she lies hid in
holes in the Rocks, where they and their young are also taken with as much
ease as may be, but in the night if you but whoop and hollow, they will
light upon you, that with your hands you may chuse the fat and leave the
leane; those they have only in winter: their Eggs are as big as hens, but
they are speckled, the other white. Mr. Norwood hath taken twenty dozen of
them in three or foure houres, and since there hath beene such havocke
made of them, they were neere all destroyed, till there was a strict
inhibition for their preservation. {MN-2} The Tropicke bird is white, as
large as a Pullet, with one onely long Feather in her taile, and is
seldome seene far distant from other of the Tropicks: another small Bird
there is, because she cries Pemblyco they call her so, she is seldome
seene in the day but when she sings, as too oft she doth very clamorously;
too true a Prophet she proves of huge winds and boysterous weather: there
were a kinde of small Owles in great abundance, but they are now all
slaine or fled: some tame Ducks, Geese and Pigeons there are, but the two
latter prosper not.
_Of Vermine._
_Note._ {MN}
Concerning vermine and noisome creatures, there are not many, but onely
Rats and Cats, there increased since the Plantation, but how they agree
together you shall heare hereafter. The Musketas and Flies are also too
busie, with a certaine India Bug, called by the Spaniards a Cacarootch,
the which creeping into Chests they eat and defile with their ill-sented
dung: also the little Ants in summer time are so troublesome, they are
forced to dry their figs upon high frames, and anoint their feet with tar,
wherein they sticke, else they would spoile them all ere [V.172.] they
could be dryed: Wormes in the earth also there are, but too many, so that
to keepe them from destroying their Corne and Tobacco, they are forced to
worme them every morning, which is a great labour, else all would be
destroyed. Lizards there were many and very large, but now none, and it is
said they were destroyed by the Cat. {MN} Certaine Spiders also of very
large size are found hanging upon trees, but instead of being any way
dangerous as in other places, they are here of a most pleasing aspect,
all over drest, as it were with Silver, Gold, and Pearle, and their Webs
in the Summer woven from tree to tree, are generally a perfect raw silke,
and that as well in regard of substance as colour, and so strong withall,
that divers Birds bigger than Black-birds, being like Snipes, are often
taken and snared in them as a Net: then what would the Silke-worme doe
were shee there to feede upon the continuall greene Mulbery?
_Fishes._
_The most hurtfull things in those Iles._ {MN}
But above all the rest of the Elements, the Sea is found most abundantly
liberall: hence have they as much excellent Fish, and as much variety as
need be desired. The most of which being unknowne to our Northerne parts,
got there new names, either for their shapes or conditions; as the large
Rocke-fish from his like hew, and haunting amongst the Rocks, the fat
Hog-fish from his swinelike shape and snout: for this is not the old
knowne Hog-fish with brussels on his backe; the delicate Amber-fish from
his taste and smell, Angell-fish, Cony-fish, the small yellow taile from
that naturall painting; the great Growper from his odde and strange
grunting, some of them yet knowne to the Americans, as the Purgoose, the
Cavallo, the Gar-fish, Flying-fish and Morerayes: the rest are common to
other Continents; as the Whale in great numbers, the Sharke, the
Pilot-fish, the Sea-Breame, the Oyster and Lobster, with divers others;
twenty Tortoises have beene taken in a day, and some of them will affoord
halfe a bushell of Egges, and suffice to feed forty men at a meale. And
thus have you briefely epitomized Mother Natures benefits to this little,
yet danty spot of earth, neither were it ingenuity to conceale wherein
shee inclineth to the Stepdame, especially since the particulars are so
few, as rather requisite Antidotes against idlenesse to rouse up industry,
then any great cause of much distaste, much lesse despaire: {MN} and of
those to speake troth, there are onely two: viz. the Winds, and the
Wormes, especially in the Spring and Autumne; and thus conditioned as yet
we will let rest these small Ilands, in the midst of this mightie and
maine Ocean, so invironed on every side, by infinite numbers of
uncertaine scattered Rocks, lying shallowly hid under the surface of the
water, a league, two, three, foure, or five, to Sea, to the which
advantages added by art, as hereafter you shall heare at large, and
finde described in the Map. It may well be concluded to be the most
impregnable place in the world, and although the Amber Greece, Pearles,
nor Tobacco, are of that quantity and certainty to be relied upon to
gaine wealth; yet by practise and experience they finde, by Silke,
Saffron, Indico, Madar, Sugar-canes, Wine, Oile, and such like great
profit may be expected: yet were those hopelesse in regard of their
conveniency to nourish and maintaine themselves, and releeve them shall
visit them with wood, water, and other necessaries, besides what an
eye-sore they are already becommed to them that have them not, and how
deare and pretious to them that have them, I thinke none will deny but
they are well worth the keeping: and so we will proceed to the accidents
that befell the first finders; also the proceedings of the first Planters
and their successors, Master Norrod, Thomas Sparkes, and divers others.
A.D. 1593.
A briefe relation of the shipwracke of
Henry May.
_How it is supposed they were called the Bermudas._
How these Iles came by the name of Bermudas, or the infinite number of
blacke Hogs, or so fearefull to the world, that many called them the Ile
of Devils, that all men did shun as Hell and perdition; I will not
expostulate, nor trouble your patiences with those uncertaine antiquities
further then thus; our men found [V.173.] divers crosses, peeces of
Spanish monies here and there. Two or three wracks also they found, by
certaine inscriptions to bee some Spanish, some Dutch, some French; but
the greatest rumour is, that a Spanish ship called Bermudas was there cast
away, carrying Hogges to the West-Indies that swam a shore, and there
increased: how the Spaniards escaped is uncertaine: but they say, from
that ship those Iles were first called Bermudas, which till then for six
thousand yeares had beene namelesse.
But the first English-man that was ever in them, was one Henry May, a
worthy Mariner that went with Captaine Lancaster to the East-Indies 1591.
and in their returne by the West-Indies, being in some distresse, sent
this Henry May for England by one Mounsier de la Barbotier, to acquaint
the Merchants with their estate. The last of November, saith May, we
departed from Laguna in Hispaniola, and the seventeenth of December
following, we were cast away upon the North-west of the Bermudas; the
Pilots about noone made themselves Southwards of the Iles twelve leagues,
and demanded of the Captaine their Wine of hight as out of all danger,
which they had: but it seemes they were either drunke, or carelesse of
their charge; for through their negligences a number of good men were
cast away. I being but a stranger amongst fiftie and odde French-men, it
pleased God to appoint me to be one of them should be saved. In this
extremity we made a raft, which we towed with our Boat, there were but six
and twentie of us saved; and I seeing scarce roome for the one halfe,
durst not passe in amongst them till the Captaine called me along with
him, leaving the better halfe to the seas mercy: that day we rowed till
within two houres of night ere we could land, being neere dead with
thirst, every man tooke his way to seeke fresh water, at length, by
searching amongst many weeds, we found some raine water, but in the maine
are many faire Baies, where we had enough for digging.
_The building and calking their Barke._
Now it pleased God before our ship split we saved our Carpenters tooles,
some Nailes, Sailes, and Tacklings, wherewith we went roundly to worke,
and built a Barke of eighty tunnes: In stead of Pitch, we made Lime, mixed
with Tortoise oyle, and as the Carpenters calked her, I and another paied
the seames with this plaster, which being in Aprill, became quickly dry,
and as hard as a stone.
_His returne for England._
In Aprill it was so hot, we feared our water would faile, two great Chests
wee made which we calked as our ship; those we stowed on each side our
maine Mast, filled them with water and thirtie live Tortoises: wee found
many Hogges, but so leane wee could not eat them; the tops of the
Palmetaberries was our bread, and the juyce we got out of the trees we cut
downe our drinke, and of the leaves, which are more then an Ell long, we
covered our Cabens, & made our beds, and found many of those provisions as
is related, but little foule weather. The eleventh of May it pleased God
to set us cleere of the Ile, after wee had lived there five moneths: and
the twentieth wee fell with Cape Britton, neere New found Land, where
refreshing our selves with wood and water, and such things as we could get
of the Salvages, it seemed a good Countrey, but we staied not past foure
houres before we set saile for the banke of New found land, where wee met
many ships, but not any would take in a man of us, untill it pleased God
we met a Barke of Fawmothe, which received us for a little time, and with
her we tooke a French ship, wherein I left Captaine de la Barbotier, my
deare friend, and all his Company: and in August arrived at Falmouth in
this honest English Barke, 1594.
Written by me Henry May.
SIR GEORGE SOMERS
AD. 1609.
The 6 first English ship knowne to have beene cast [V.174.]
away upon the Bermudas 1609. From the relation of Mr. Jordan,
Master John Evens, Master Henry Shelly, and divers others.
_A most desperate estate by a storm._ {MN}
You have heard, that when Captaine Smith was Governor of Virginia, there
were nine ships sent with Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Somers, and
Captaine Nuport with five hundred people, to take in the old Commission,
and rectifie a new government: they set saile in May, and in the height of
thirty degrees of Northerly latitude, {MN} they were taken with an extreme
storme, or rather a part of Hericano, upon the five and twentieth of July,
which as they write, did not onely separate them from the Fleet, but with
the violent working of the Seas, their ship became so shaken, torne, and
leake, she received so much water as covered two tire of Hogs-heads above
the ballace, that they stood up to the middles, with Buckets, Baricos, and
Kettles, to baile out the water. Thus bailing and pumping three daies and
three nights without intermission, and yet the water seemed rather to
increase then diminish, in so much that being all utterly spent with
labour, were even resolved without any hope to shut up the hatches, and
commit themselves to the mercy of the Sea, which is said to be mercilesse,
or rather to the mercy of Almighty God, whose mercy farre exceeds all his
workes; seeing no sense or hope in mans apprehension, but presently to
sinke: some having some good and comfortable waters, fetched them and
dranke one to another, as taking their last leaves untill a more happy,
and a more joyfull meeting in a more blessed world, when it pleased God
out of his most gracious and mercifull providence, so to direct and guide
their ship for her most advantage.
_The care and judgements of Sir George Somers._
_An evident token of Gods mercy._ {MN}
That Sir George Somers all this time sitting upon the poupe, scarce taking
leisure to eat nor sleepe, coving the ship to keepe her as upright as he
could, otherwaies she must long ere that needs have foundered, most
wishedly and happily descried land; whereupon he most comfortably
incouraged them to follow their worke, many of them being fast asleepe:
this unlocked for welcome newes, as if it had bin a voice from heaven,
hurrieth them all above hatches, to looke for that they durst scarce
beleeve, so that improvidently forsaking that taske which imported no
lesse then their lives, they gave so dangerous advantage to their greedy
enemy the salt water, which still entred at the large breaches of their
poore wooden castle, as that in gaping after life, they had well-nigh
swallowed their death. Surely it is impossible any should now be urged to
doe his best, and although they knew it, that place all men did so shun,
yet they spread all the saile they could to attaine them: {MN} for not
long it was before they strucke upon a rocke, till a surge of the sea cast
her from thence, and so from one to another, till most luckily at last so
upright betwixt two, as if she had beene in the stocks, till this they
expected but every blow a death: But now behold, suddenly the wind gives
place to a calme, and the billowes, which each by overtaking her, would
in an instant have shivered her in peeces, become peaceable and still, so
that with all conveniency and ease, they unshipped all their goods,
victuall, and persons into their Boats, and with extreme joy, even almost
to amazednesse, arrived in safetie, though more then a league from the
shore, without the losse of a man; yet were they in all one hundred and
fiftie: yet their deliverance was not more strange in falling so happily
upon the land, as their feeding and preservation was beyond their hopes;
for you have heard, it hath beene to the Spaniards more fearefull then an
Utopian Purgatory, and to all Sea-men no lesse terrible then an inchanted
den of Furies and Devils, the most dangerous, unfortunate, and forlorne
place in the world, and they found it the richest, healthfullest and
pleasantest they ever saw, as is formerly said.
_Sir George Somers his first ranging the land._
Being thus safe on shore, they disposed themselves to [V.175.] search the
Iles for food and water; others to get a shore what they could from the
ship; not long Sir George wandred but found such a fishing, that in halfe
an houre with a hooke and line, he tooke so many as sufficed the whole
company, in some places they were so thicke in the Coves, and so great,
they durst not goe in lest they should bite them, and these rocke fish are
so great two will load a man, and fatter nor better fish cannot be. Mr.
Shelly found a Bay neere a quarter of a mile over, so full of Mullets, as
none of them before had ever seene or heard of the like: the next day
seeking to kill them with fis-gigs, they strucke so many the water in many
places was red with bloud, yet caught not one, but with a net they caught
so many as they could draw a shore, with infinite number of Pilchards and
divers other sorts; great craw-fishes in a night by making a fire they
have taken in great quantity. Sir George had twice his hooke and line
broke out of his hand, but the third time he made it so strong he caught
the same fish, which had pulled him into the Sea had not his men got hold
of him, whereby he had his three hookes againe were found in her belly.
At their first hunting for hogs they found such abundance, they killed 32
and this hunting & fishing was appointed to Captaine Robert Walsingham,
and Mr. Henry Shelly for the company in general: they report they killed
at least 500. besides Pigs, and many that were killed by divers others;
for the birds in their seasons, the facility to make their cabens of
Palmeta leaves, caused many of them utterly forget or desire ever to
returne from thence, they lived in such plenty, peace and ease.
_What meanes they made to send to Virginia._
But let us remember how the Knights began to resolve in those desperat
affaires: many projects they had, but at last it was concluded, to decke
their long boat with their ship hatches; which done, with all expedition
they sent Master Raven, a very sufficient Mariner, with eight more in her
to Virginia, to have shipping from thence to fetch them away; three weekes
or a moneth they expected her returne, but to this day she was never more
heard of; all this time was spent in searching the Iles: now although God
still fed them with this abundance of plenty, yet such was the malice of
envy or ambition, for all this good service done by Sommers, such a great
difference fell amongst their Commanders, that they lived asunder in this
distresse, rather as meere strangers then distressed friends: but
necessity so commanded, patience had the victory.
_A mariage and two children borne._
Two ships at this time by those severall parties were a building; in the
meane time two children were borne, the Boy was called Bermudas, the Girle
Bermuda, and amongst all those sorrowes they had a merry English mariage;
the forme of those Iles you may see at large in the Map of Mr. Norwood,
where you may plainly see no place knowne hath better walls, nor a broader
ditch. But having finished and rigged their two new Cedar ships with such
provisions they saved from the Sea-adventurer they left amongst the Rocks,
they called the one the Patience, the other the Deliverance; they used
Lime and Oile, as May did for Pitch and Tar. Sir George Summers had in his
Barke no Iron at all but one bolt in her Keele; now having made their
provisions of victuall and all things ready, they set saile the tenth of
May 1610. onely leaving two men behinde them, called Christopher Carter
and Edward Waters, that for their offences, or the suspition they had of
their judgements, fled into the woods, and there rather desired to end
their daies then stand to their trials and the event of Justice; for one
of their consorts was shot to death, and Waters being tied to a tree also
to be executed, had by chance a Knife about him, and so secretly cut the
Rope, he ran into the woods where they could not finde him. There were two
Salvages also sent from Virginia by Captain Smith, the one called
Namuntack, the other Matchumps, but some such differences fell betweene
them, that Matchumps slew Namuntack, and having made a hole to bury him,
because it was too short, he cut of his legs and laid them by him, which
murder he concealed till he was in Virginia.
A.D. 1610
_Their arrivall in Virginia._
The foure and twentieth of the same moneth they arrived in Virginia at
James towne, where they found but threescore persons, as you may reade at
large in the History of Virginia, of the five hundred left by Captaine
Smith, also of the arrivall of the Lord Laware, that met [V.176.] them
thus bound for England, returned them backe, and understanding what plenty
there was of hogs and other good things in the Bermudas, was desirous to
send thither to supply his necessary occasions; whereupon Sir George
Summers, the best acquainted with the place, whose noble minde ever
regarded a generall good more then his owne ends, though above threescore
yeeres of age, and had meanes in England sutable to his ranke, offered
himselfe by Gods helpe to performe this dangerous voyage againe for the
Bermudas, which was kindly accepted, so upon the 19. of June, he imbarked
in his Cedar ship, about the burthen of thirty tunnes, and so set saile.
_Sir George Somers his return to the Bermudas._
Much foule and crosse weather he had, and was forced to the North parts of
Virginia, where refreshing himselfe upon this unknowne coast, he could not
bee diverted from the search of the Bermudas, where at last with his
company he safely arrived: but such was his diligence with his
extraordinary care, paines and industry to dispatch his businesse, and the
strength of his body not answering the ever memorable courage of his
minde, having lived so long in such honourable services, the most part of
his well beloved and vertuous life, God and nature here determined, should
ever remaine a perpetuall memory of his much bewailed sorrow for his
death: finding his time but short, after he had taken the best course he
could to settle his estate, like a valiant Captaine he exhorted them with
all diligence to be constant to those Plantations, and with all expedition
to returne to Virginia. In that very place which we now call Saint Georges
towne, this noble Knight died, whereof the place taketh the name. But his
men, as men amazed, seeing the death of him who was even as the life of
them all, embalmed his body and set saile for England, being the first
that ever went to seeke those Ilands, which have beene ever since called
Summers Iles, in honour of his worthy memory, leaving three men behind
them, that voluntarily stayed, whose names were Christopher Carter, Edward
Waters, there formerly left as is said, and Edward Chard. This Cedar ship
at last with his dead body arrived at Whit-Church in Dorsetshire, where by
his friends he was honourably buried, with many vollies of shot, and the
rites of a Souldier, and upon his tombe was bestowed this Epitaph.
_His Epitaph._
Hei mihi Virginia quod tam cito praeterit AEstas,
Autumnus sequitur, saeviet inde & hiems;
At ver perpetuum nascetur, & Anglia laeta,
Decerpit flores florida terra tuas.
In English thus:
Alas Virginia's Summer so soone past,
Autumne succeeds and stormy Winters blast,
Yet Englands joyfull Spring with joyfull showers,
O Florida, shall bring thy sweetest flowers.
_The proceedings of the three men._
_A peece of Amber-greece of_ 80. _pound weight._ {MN}
The honour of this resulution belongs principally to Carter, for through
his importunity, not to leave such a place abandoned, Chard & Waters were
moved to stay with him, and the rest promised with all the speed they
could againe to revisit them. But the ship once out of sight, those three
Lords, the sole inhabitants of all those Ilands, began to erect their
little common wealth for a while with brotherly regency, repairing the
ground, planting Corne, and such seeds and fruits as they had, building a
house, &c. Then making privy search amongst the crevises and corners of
those craggy Rocks, what this maine Ocean since the worlds creation had
throwne amongst them, {MN} at last they chanced upon the greatest peece of
Amber-greece was ever seene or heard or in one lumpe, being in weight
fourescore pound, besides divers other small Peeces.
But now being rich, they grew so proud and ambitious, [V.177.] contempt
tooke such place, they fell out for superiority, though but three forlorne
men, more then three thousand miles from their native Country, and but
small hope ever to see it againe. Notwithstanding, they sometimes fell
from words to blowes about meere trifles: in one of which fights, one of
them was bitten with his owne dog, as if the dumbe beast would reprove
them of their folly; at last Chard and Waters, the two greater spirits,
must try it out in the field, but Carter wisely stole away their weapons,
affecting rather to live amongst his enemies, then by being rid of them
live alone; and thus those miserable men lived full two yeeres, so that
all their clothes were neere worne cleane from their backs, and their
hopes of any forraine releefe as naked as their bodies. At last they began
to recover their wits, yet in a fashion perhaps would have cost them
dearer then when they were mad; for concluding a tripartite peace of their
Matachin warre, they resolved to frame as good a Boat as they could, and
therein to make a desperate attempt for Virginia, or New found Land; but
no sooner were they entred into that resolution, but they descried a saile
standing in for the shore, though they neither knew what she was, nor what
she would, they were so over-joyed, with all possible speed they went to
meet her, and according to their hearts desire she proved an English-man,
whom they safely conducted into their harbour.
A.D. 1611
_How they were supplied._
Now you are to understand, that Captaine Matthew Somers, Nephew and heire
to Sir George, that returned with his dead body, though both he and his
Company did their utmost in relating all those passages to their
Countrey-men and adventurers, their relations were beleeved but as
travellers tales, till it came to be apprehended by some of the Virginia
Company, how beneficiall it might be, and helpfull to the Plantation in
Virginia, so that some one hundred and twentie of them bought the
pretended right of all the Company, and had sent this ship to make a
triall; but first they had obtained Letters Patents of the Kings most
excellent Majestie. Sir Thomas Smith was elected Treasurer and Governor
heere, and Master Richard More to be Governor of the Iles and Colony
there.
A.D. 1612.
The first beginning of a Colonie in the Somer Iles, under the command
of Master Richard More, extracted out of a plot of Master Richard
Norwood Surveior, and the relations of divers others.
1612.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
_The arrivall of Master More._
Master More thus finding those three men not onely well and lusty, but
well stored with divers sorts of provisions, as an Acre of Corne ready to
be gathered, numbers of Pumpions and Indian Beanes, many Tortoises ready
taken, good store of hogs flesh salted, and made in flitches of Bacon,
were very good, and so presently landed his goods and sixty persons
towards the beginning of July 1612. upon the South side of Smiths Ile.
_Their differences about the Amber-greece._
Not long after his arrivall, More having some private intelligence of this
Amber-greece, tooke first Chard in examination, he being one of the three
the most masterfull spirit, what Amber-greece, Pearle, Treasure, or other
Commodities they had found. Chard no lesse witty then resolute, directly
answered; Not any thing at all but the fruits of the Ile, what his
fellowes had done he knew not, but if they had, he doubted not but to
finde it out, and then hee should know it certainly. This he spake onely
to win time to sweare his Consorts to secrecy, and he would finde the
meanes how they should all returne in that ship with it all for England,
otherwise they should be deceived of all. Till this was effected they
thought every houre an age; now for the better conveiance of it aboord,
they acquainted it to Captaine Davis, master of the ship, and one Master
Edwin Kendall, that for their secrecy and transportation should
participate with them: Without further ceremony the match was accepted,
and absolutely concluded, the plot laid, time and place set downe to have
it aboord. But Carter, were it for feare the Governor at last should know
of it, to whom so oft [V.178.] they had denied it; or that the rest should
deceive him, is uncertaine; but most certaine it is, he revealed all the
plot to Master More: To get so much wealth he knew would please them in
England, though it did displease all his Company, and to lose such a prize
he would not for hazarding a mutiny. So first hee revealed himselfe to
Kendall in faire tearmes, reproving his dishonesty, but not being answered
according to his expectation, he committed both Chard and him to person.
The next Sabboath day Davis comming on shore, More also taxed with very
hard language and many threats, to lay him fast also if he mended not his
manners; Davis for the present replied little, but went with him to the
place of praier: but in the midst of divine service he goeth away,
commanding all his Sea-men to follow him presently aboord, where he
encourageth them to stand to him like men, and hee would free the
Prisoners, have all the Amber-greece for themselves, and so be gone.
_Chard in danger of hanging._
The Governor hearing of this resolution, prepares with his company to
repulse force with force, so that a generall expectance or a civill
uncivill warre possessed every man; but this threatning gust passed over
more calmlier then was expected; for Davis having better advised with
himselfe, repented his rashnesse, and desired a reconcilement with the
Governor. Peace thus concluded, Kendall was set at libertie, but Chard was
condemned, and upon the ladder to be hanged for his obstinacy; yet upon
better consideration More reprived him, but kept him a prisoner all the
time he staied in the Country, which was generally thought a very bad
reward for his great desert, and that there was more of this Amber-greece
imbeziled, then would have contented all the finders, that never had any
consideration at all. The greatest part though More thus recovered, yet
Davis and Kendall had so much, either by the ignorance or connivency of
the Governors, that arriving in England, they prepared themselves for a
new voiage; at last they two falling out, the Company having notice
thereof, so tormented them both, they gave over their voiage, and durst
not be seene a long time after.
_Master Mores industry in fortifying and planting._
The Governor thus rid of the ship and those discontents, removed his seat
from Smiths Ile to Saint Georges, after he had fitted up some small
Cabbens of Palmata leaves for his wife and family, in that valley where
now stands their prime towne called S. Georges, hee began to apply
himselfe to fortifie the Countrey, and training his men in the exercise of
armes. For although he was but a Carpenter, he was an excellent Artist, a
good Gunner, very witty and industrious: he built and laid the foundation
of eight or nine Forts, called the Kings Castle, Charles Fort, Pebrook's
Fort, Smiths Fort, Pagits Fort, Gates Fort, Warwicks Castle, Saint
Katharines Fort, &c. mounting in them all the Ordnance he had, preparing
the ground to build Houses, plant Corne, and such Fruits as they had.
_A contention of the Minister against the Governor._
Being thus busied, and as the necessitie of the time required, keeping his
men somewhat hard at wok, Master Keath his Minister, were it by the
secret provocation of some drones, that grew weary or their taskes, or
his affection to popularity is not certaine: But he begins to tax the
Governor in the Pulpit, hee did grinde the faces of the poore, oppressing
his Christian brethren with Pharoahs taxes. More finding this in short
time, might breed ill bloud, called the Company together and also the
Minister, urging them plainly, to tell him wherein he had deserved those
hard accusations: whereupon, with an universall cry they affirmed the
contrary, so that Keath downe of his knees to aske him forgivenesse. But
Master More kindly tooke him up, willing him to kneele to God, and
hereafter be more modest and charitable in his speeches; notwithstanding
two other discontents so upbraided More with that doctrine, and stood to
maintaine it, he impaneled a Jury, with a great deale of seeming much adoe
he would hang them being condemned, one of them with the very feare, fell
into a dead Palsie; so that the other was set at libertie, and proved
after a very good labourer.
_Two peeces weighed out of the Sea Adventure._
Many conclusions he tried about the Sea-venture, the [V.179.] wracke of
Sir George Somers, but he got onely for his paines but two peece of
Ordnance. Having framed a Church of timber, it was blowne downe by a
tempest, so that he built another in a more closer place with Palmeta
leaves.
_The first supply._
Before this yeere was expired, the adventurers sent them an adviso with
thirtie Passengers and good provisions, to prepare with all expedition for
their defence against the Spaniard, whom they understood ere long would
visit them: This occasioned him to keepe all his men together in that Ile
so hard at worke, that wanting libertie to goe abroad for food, living
onely on that they had, and expected daily to receive from England, they
were so over-toiled, many fell sicke, but none died. Very earnest this
ship was to have all the Amber-greece, which M. More perceiving, was the
chiefest cause of their comming, and that it was the onely loadstone to
draw from England still more supplies; for all the expresse command sent
from the Company, he returned this ship but with the one third part; so
from thence she went to Virginia, and not long; after arrived safely in
England.
A.D. 1613.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
_The second supply._
_A strange increase of Potatoes._ {MN-1}
_The attempt of two Spanish ships._ {MN-2}
But before her returne the Company sent the Martha with sixtie Passengers
more; they arrived in June with one Master Bartlet to survey the Iland,
and the estate of the Colonie, with expresse command for all the
Amber-greece: but More perceiving him not as he would have him, and that
the Company began to mistrust him, would send no more but another third
part, wherewith they returned, leaving a French-man to make triall of the
Mulberies for Silke, but he did not bring any thing to perfection;
excusing himselfe, they were not the right Mulberies he expected. About
this time they were in hope of a small crop of Tobacco, but it was most
spoiled for want of knowledge to use it. Now in England Master More became
amongst the Merchants marvelous distastfull, for the detaining so long the
Amber-greece; which delaies they so much abhorred, they forthwith
dispatched the Elizabeth the second time and forty Passengers, much
rebuking More for so long detaining the Amber-greece: for the which,
having now no more colourable excuses, he delivered it, wherewith the
ship went to Virginia, & thence home. {MN-1} In this ship was brought the
first Potato roots, which flourished exceedingly for a time, till by
negligence they were almost lost (all but two cast-away roots) that so
wonderfully have increased, they are a maine releefe to all the
Inhabitants. {MN-2} This ship was not long gone but there came two Spanish
ships, sounding with their Boat, which attempted to come in: but from the
Kings Castle Master More made but two shot, which caused them presently
depart. Marke here the handy-worke of the divine providence, for they had
but three quarters of a barrell of powder, and but one shot more, and the
powder by carelesnesse was tumbled downe under the mussels of the two
peeces were discharged, yet not touched with fire when they were
discharged.
This feare thus past, appeares another much worse, which was the extremity
of famine; in this extremity God sent Captaine Daniel Elfrid with a
carvell of meale which a little relieved them, but brought withall so many
Rats, that within two yeeres after neere ruined all; now though Elfrid had
deceived his friend Fisher of this Carvell in the West-Indies they
revenged Fishers injury, for Elfrid had his passage for England, and they
made use of all he had. Some two moneths after, came in the Blessing with
an hundred Passengers; and two daies after the Starre with a hundred and
fourescore more, amongst which were many Gentlemen, as Master Lower for
Marshall, Master Barret, Master Felgate, and divers others; but very
unproper for what they undertooke. Within foureteene daies after came in
the Margaret and two Frygats, and in them one hundred and threescore
Passengers; also Master Bartlet came now expresly to divide the Country
into Tribes, and the Tribes into shares. But Master More finding no
mention made of any part for himselfe nor all them with him, as he was
promised in England, by no meanes would admit of any division, nor suffer
his men from finishing their fortifications, which was so necessary, it
was his maine ambition to see that accomplished; but such unkindnesse grew
betwixt this Master Bartlet and the Governour, that the rude [V.180.]
multitude with all the disdaine they could devise caused Bartlet returne
for England as he came. About this time William Millington was drawne into
the Sea by a fish, but never after ever seene.
A.D. 1614.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
_A great famine and mortalitie._
The neglect of this division was very hardly conceited in England, so that
Master More grew more and more in dislike with the company;
notwithstanding he followed the building of these Forts so earnestly,
neglecting planting of Corne, till their store was neere all consumed,
whereby they became so feeble and weake, some would not, others could not
goe abroad to seeke releefe, but starved in their houses, and many that
went abroad, through weaknesse were subject to be suddenly surprized with
a disease called the Feauges, which was neither paine nor sicknesse, but
as it were the highest degree of weaknesse, depriving them of power and
ability from the execution of any bodily exercises, whether it were
working, walking, or what else, being thus taken, if any presently gave
them food many times they straight recovered, yet some after a little rest
would bee able to walke, but if they found not present succour, died.
_A strange being of Ravens._
About this time or immediatly before, came in a company of Ravens, which
continued amongst them all the time of this mortality and then departed,
which for any thing knowne, neither before nor since were ever seene or
heard of: this with divers other reasons caused Master More to goe out to
Sea, to see if he could discover any other Ilands, but he went not farre
ere ill weather forced him backe; and it were a noble adventure of him
would undertake to make more perfect all the dangers are about the Summer
Iles.
_All workes abandoned to get only victuals._
Thus famine and misery caused Governour More leave all his workes, and
send them abroad to get what they could; one hundred and fifty of the most
weake and sicke he sent to Coupers Ile, where were such infinite numbers
of the Birds called Cahowes, which were so fearelesse they might take so
many as they would, and that admired abundance of fish, that the extremity
of their hunger, and their gluttony was such, those heavenly blessings
they so consumed and wasted by carelesnesse and surfetting, many of them
died upon those silly Birds that offered themselves to the slaughter,
which the Governour understanding, caused them for change of aire to be
removed to Port-royall, and a Company of Fishers with a Boat to releeve
them with fish, but the Gange grew so lazie the poore weaklings still
died; they that remained killed the Cattle they found in the Ile, faining
the heat caused them to runne into the Sea and so were drowned; so that
the Governour sent againe for them home, but some obtained leave still to
live abroad; one amongst the rest hid himselfe in the Woods, and lived
onely on Wilkes and land Crabs, fat and lusty many moneths, but most of
them being at Saint Georges, ordinarily was taken one hundred and fifty or
two hundred great fishes daily for their food; for want of hookes and
lines, the Smith made hookes of old swords, and lines of old ropes, but
finding all those poore Engines also decay, they sent one of the two
Frigats last left with them for England, to tell them of this misery. All
which was now attributed to Master Mores perversnesse, who at first when
he got the Amber-Greece had not such a generall applause, but now all the
worst could possibly be suggested was too good for him; yet not knowing
for the present how to send a better, they let him continue still, though
his time was neere expired, and with all speed sent the Welcome fraught
with provision, where shee well arrived, and proved her selfe as welcome
in deed as in name; for all those extremities, Master Lewes Hues writeth,
not one of all those threescore that first beganne this Plantation was
dead, which shewes it was not impossible, but industry might have
prevented a great part of the others sluggish carelesnesse.
_A supply and M. Mores returne._
This ship much refreshed this miserable Colony, but Master More seeing
they sent not for him, his time being now expired, understanding how badly
they reputed him in England, and that his imploiment now was more for
their owne ends then any good for himselfe, resolved directly to returne
with this ship. Having setled all things in the best order he could, left
the government to the charge of the counsell of six to succeed each other
[V.181.] monethly, till they had further directions from England; whose
names were Captaine Miles Kendall, Captaine John Mansfield, Thomas Knight,
Charles Caldycot, Edward Waters, and Christopher Carter, with twelve
others for their assistances. More thus taking leave of those Ilands,
arrived in England, much wrangling they had, but at last they confirmed
him according to promise eight shares of Land, and so he was dismissed of
his charge, with shew of favour and much friendship.
The rule of the six Governors.
A.D. 1615.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
The first thing they did was casting of lots, who should rule first, which
lot lighted upon Master Caldicot. This last supply somewhat abated the
extremitie of their miseries, and the better in that their fortifications
being finished, they had the more leasure to goe abroad with that meanes
was brought to that purpose to fish. Chard as you have heard, whom all
this while More had kept Prisoner, they set at libertie: now by reason of
their former miseries, little or nothing could be done; yet this Governour
having thus concluded his moneth, and prepared a Frigot and two and
thirtie men, hee imbarked himselfe with two other of his fellow
counsellers; namely, Knight and Waters for the West-Indies, to get Fruits
and Plants, Goats, young Cattle, and such like. But this poore vessell,
whether through ill weather, or want of Mariners, or both, in stead of the
Indies fell with the Canaries, where taking a poore Portugall, the which
they manned with ten of their owne people, as soone after separated from
her in a storme, & the next day was taken by a French Pickaroune, so that
the Frigot out of hope of her prize, makes a second time for the
West-Indies, where she no sooner arrived, but foundred in the sea; but the
men in their Boat recovered a desolate Ile, where after some few moneths
stay, an English Pyrat tooke them in, and some of them at last got for
England, and some few yeares after returned to the Somer Iles.
Captaine John Mansfield his moneth.
The Frigot thus gone, Captaine Mansfield succeeded. Then was contrived a
petition, as from the generalitie, unto the triumverat Governors; wherein
they supplicated, that by no meanes they should resigne the government to
any should come from England, upon what tearmes soever, untill six moneths
after the returne of their ship sent to the West-Indies: about this
unwarrantable action, Master Lewes Hues their Preacher was so violent in
suppressing it, that such discontents grew betwixt the Governors and him,
and divisions among the Company, he was arraigned, condemned, and
imprisoned, but not long detained before released. Then the matter fell so
hotly againe to be disputed betwixt him and one Master Keath a Scotch-man,
that professed schollership, that made all the people in a great
combustion: much adoe there was, till at last as they sate in the Church
and ready to proceed to a judicary course against Master Hues, suddenly
such an extreme gust of wind and weather so ruffled in the trees and
Church; some cried out a miracle; others, it was but an accident common in
those Iles, but the noise was so terrible it desolved the assembly:
notwithstanding, Master Hues was againe imprisoned, and as suddenly
discharged; but those factions were so confused, and their relations so
variable, that such unnecessary circumstances were better omitted then any
more disputed.
_Master Carter. Captaine Kendall. Capt. Mansfield._
This mans moneth thus ended, begins Master Carter, which was altogether
spent in quietnesse, and then Captaine Miles Kendall had the rule, whose
moneth was also as quietly spent as his Predecessors. Then Captaine
Mansfield begins his second moneth, when the ship called the Edwin arrived
with good supplies. About this time divers Boats going to sea were lost,
and some men drowned; and many of the Company repaired to Master [V.182.]
Hues, that there might bee a Councell according to Master Mores order
of six Governours, and twelve Assistants, whereupon grew as many more such
silly brawles as before, which at last concluded with as simple a
reconciliation. In the interim happened to a certaine number of private
persons as miserable and lamentable an accident, as ever was read or heard
of, and thus it was:
_A wonderful accident._
In the month of March, a time most subject of all others to such tempests;
on a Friday there went seven men in a boat of two or three tunnes to fish.
The morning being faire, so eager they were of their journey, some went
fasting: neither carried they either meat or drinke with them, but a few
Palmeta berries, but being at their fishing place some foure leagues from
the shoare, such a tempest arose, they were quickly driven from the sight
of land in an overgrowne Sea, despairing of all hope, onely committing
themselves to Gods mercy, let the boat drive which way shee would. On
Sunday the storme being somewhat abated, they hoysed saile as they thought
towards the Island. In the evening it grew starke calme; so that being too
weake to use their oares, they lay a drift that night. The next morning
Andrew Milliard, for now all his companions were past strength either to
helpe him or themselves: before a small gale of wind spred his saile
againe. On Tuesday one died, whom they threw over board. On Wednesday
three. And on Thursday at night the sixt. All these but the last were
buried by Hilliard in the Sea, for so weake hee was growne hee could not
turne him over as the rest, whereupon hee stripped him, ripping his belly
with his knife, throwing his bowels into the water, hee spread his body
abroad tilted open with a sticke, and so lets it lie as a cisterne to
receive some lucky raine-water, and this God sent him presently after, so
that in one small shoure hee recovered about foure spoonefuls of raine
water to his unspeakeable refreshment; he also preserved neere halfe a
pint of blood in a shooe, which he did sparingly drinke of to moist his
mouth: two severall daies he fed on his flesh, to the quantity of a pound,
on the eleventh day from his losing the sight of land, two flying fishes
fals in his boat, whose warme jucie blood hee sucked to his great comfort.
But within an houre after to his greater comfort you will not doubt, he
once againe descried the land, and within foure houres after was cast upon
a rocke neere to Port royall, where his boat was presently split in
pieces, but himselfe, though extreamly weake, made shift to clamber up so
steepe and high a rocke, as would have troubled the ablest man in the Ile
to have done that by day hee did by night.
Being thus astride on a rocke, the tumbling Sea had gotten such possession
in his braines, that a good while it was before his giddy head would
suffer him to venture upon the forsaking it: towards the morning he
craules a shore, and then to his accomplished joy descernes where hee is,
and travels halfe a day without any refreshment then water, whereof wisely
and temperately he stinted him selfe, otherwise certainely hee had drunke
his last. In which case hee attaines a friends house: where at the first
they tooke him for a ghost, but at last acknowledged and received him with
joy, his story after some houres of recovery of strength to tell it, heard
out with admiration: he was not long after conveyed to the towne, where he
received his former health, and was living in the yeere 1622.
_Treasure found in the Summer Iles._
The next newes that happened in this time of ease, was, that a merry
fellow having found some few Dollars against Flemish wracke, the bruit
went currant the treasure was found, and they all made men. Much adoe
there was to prevent the purloining of it, before they had it: where after
they had tyred themselves with searching, that they found, amounted not to
above twenty pounds starling, which is not unlike but to be the remainder
of some greater store, washed from some wracke not farre from the shore.
_A new Governour chosen._
The company by the Edwin receiving newes of the revels were kept in Sommer
Iles, resolved to make choice of a new Governour, called Master Daniel
Tuckar, that a long time had bin a planter in Virginia in the government
of Captaine Smith. All things being furnished for [V.183.] his voyage; hee
set saile in the George, consorted with the Edwin, with many passengers,
which being discovered by them in those Iles, they supposed them the
Frigot sent to the West Indies; but when they understood what they were,
much preparation they made to resist the new Governour. Many great
ostentations appeared on both sides, but when the quondam Governour did
see his men for most part forsake him; all was very well and quietly
compounded, and with much kindnesse received and welcomed a shore, where
his Commission was no sooner read, then they accepted and acknowledged him
for their Governour.
A.D. 1616.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
The Government of Captaine Daniel Tuckar.
About the midst of May arrived this Governor, where finding the
Inhabitants both abhorring all exacted labour, as also in a manner
disdaining and grudging much to be commanded by him; it could not but
passionate any man living. But at last according to the Virginia order,
hee set every one was with him at Saint Georges, to his taske, to cleere
grounds, fell trees, set corne, square timber, plant vines and other
fruits brought out of England. These by their taske Masters by breake a
day repaired to the wharfe, from thence to be imployed to the place of
their imployment, till nine of the clocke, and then in the after-noone
from three till Sunne-set. Beside meat, drinke and cloaths, they had for
a time a certaine kinde of brasse money with a hogge on the one side, in
memory of the abundance of hogges was found at their first landing.
_Captaine Tuckars proceedings._
This course thus squared, imitating divers orders used in Virginia, by Sir
Tho. Dale: he began by them to looke into his instructions given by the
Company. Whereupon by one Mr. Richard Norwood a Survayor, sent over for
that purpose, in the time of Master Moore, hee began to lay out the eight
tribes in the maine, which were to consist of fifty shares to a tribe; and
twenty five acers to every share. He also began to plant some Colony men
on some of the especiall shares. He swore also certaine of the chiefe men
of every tribe to bee Bailiffes thereof; and appointed as many men as hee
was able for all supplied shares. The goods landed in the store houses hee
sent from thence, and dispersed it to his workemen in generall: some Boats
also began to be builded; but the pinace called the Thomas suspected might
make an escape, was laid up in a docke, where shee yet remaineth.
_A Barke sent to the West Indies._
In the beginning of the second moneth of his government, he directed
warrants to all the Bailiffes, for the holding of a generall Assise at
Saint Georges, and appointed Master Stokes Lieutenant of the Kings Castle
at the Gurnets head. The Edwin came with him he sent to the West Indies by
directions from England, to trade with the natives, for cattell, corne,
plants, and other commodities. A course of great importance, which had
it been pursued, would certainly have produced more hopefull effects for
the good of the Colony, then all the supplies and Magazines from England
hath or will in a long time.
_The Assises._
Presently after her departure began the Assises, executed by his Deputy.
The chiefe matter handled was the hanging one John Wood a French man, for
speaking many distastefull and mutinous speeches against the Governour, to
shew the rest by that example, the power of his authority, which after
with his owne hands he so oft executed with a bastinado amongst the poorer
sort; many tearmed it a cruelty, not much lesse then tyranny: but the
sequell is more then strange.
_The strange adventure of five men in a boat._
So it was that five of them, seeing by no meanes they could get passage
for England, resolved to undergoe all hazards but they would make an
escape from such servitude. The chiefe mariner and plotter of this
businesse, was Richard Sanders and his confederates, William Goodwin a
ship Carpenter, Thomas Harison a Joyner; James Barker a Gentleman, and
Henry Puet. These repairing to the Governour, and with pleasing
insinuations told him, if hee would allow them but things [V.184.]
necessary, they would build him a boat of two or three tunnes, with a
close decke, should goe a fishing all weathers. The Governour halfe proud
that hee had brought his men to so good a passe, as he conceived, to offer
themselves to so necessary a worke; instantly with all willingnesse
furnished them with all things they could desire, and many faire promises
to incourage them to performe it with all expedition. Having made choise
of a place most fit from molestation, they went forward with that
expedition, that in a short time shee was brought to perfection. By this
time, the ship that brought the Governour, being ready to depart, hee
sends a lusty gange to goe fetch his new boat to carry him aboard, but
arriving at the place where she was built, they could heare no more of
her, but she was gone the last evening to Sea, to try how shee would
saile. Much search and dispute was where this boat should be: but at last
they found divers letters in the cabbins, to this effect, directed to the
Governour, and other their friends: that their hard and bad usage was so
intolerable, and their hope so small ever againe to see their Countrey, or
be delivered from such servitude, they did rather chuse to put themselves
to that desperate hazard to goe for England, in which if they miscaried,
as it was much to be mistrusted, their lives and bloods should be required
at their hands was the cause. A compasse Diall Barker had borrowed of
Master Hues, to whom he writ that as hee had oft perswaded them to
patience, and that God would pay them though none did: hee must now bee
contented with the losse of his Diall, with his owne doctrine. Such
leasure they found to bee merry when in the eye of reason they were
marching into a most certaine ruine. The Governour being thus satisfied of
their escape, extreamly threatned them no lesse then a hanging, but the
stormes of the Ocean they now more feared then him; good provision by
bartering they had got from the ship, where Goodwin in a bravado told the
Mariners, though he could not be permitted to goe with them, yet
peradventure hee might be in England before them, whereat the Master and
his Mate laughed merrily. But having beene now under saile three weekes,
the winds so favoured them, they felt nothing of what they had cause to
feare: then a blustering gale blowing in their teeth, put them to much
extremity for divers dayes, then becomming more gentle away they past
prosperously some eight or ten dayes more, till meeting a French
Piccaroune of whom they desired succour, hee like himselfe tooke from them
what hee liked, leaving them not so much as a crosse-staffe to observe
withall, and so cast them off: their course still they continued till
their victuall began to fall to the lowest ebbe; and the very knees of
their small vessell were halfe hewed away for fire wood. At last to their
infinit joy they arrived in Ireland, where the Earle of Tomund honorably
entertained them, and caused the boat to be hung up for a Monument, and
well she might, for shee had sailed more then 3300. miles by a right line
thorow the maine Sea, without any sight of land, and I thinke since God
made the world, the like navigation was never done, nor heard of. This
fortunate Sanders going to the East Indies, in the rifling some ships
there tooke, it was his chance to buy an old chest, for three or foure
shillings, but because it wanted a key hee repented his bargaine, and
would gladly have sold it againe for lesse. A certaine time it lay tossed
to and fro as a thing hee little regarded, but at last having little to
doe, hee broke it open, where he found a thousand pounds starling, or so
much gold as bought him in England a good estate, which leaving with his
wife he returned againe to the East Indies.
_Plants from the West Indies._ {MN-1}
_The exploits of Captaine Powell._ {MN-2}
The George setting saile three dayes after this escape, the Governour
seazed and confiscated all that those fugitives left behinde them. {MN-1}
Within a weeke after returned the Edwin from the West Indies, furnished
with figges, pynes, sugar-canes, plantaines, papanes and divers other
plants, which were presently replanted, and since increased into greater
numbers, also an Indian and a Negar, and so much ligna vitae as defrayed
all the charge. The Governor thus busied amongst his plants, making hedges
of Figtrees, and Pomgranets, and severall divisions by Palizadoes for the
defence of their guarding [V.185.] and keeping their cattell, for in such
husbandry qualities he well deserved great commendations. The Adventurers
to supply him sent with all speed they could the Hopewell, a small Barke,
but an excellent sailer, {MN-2} and in her one Captaine Powell an
excellent Mariner, and well acquainted in the Indies where he was to goe
trade, after he had landed his passengers in the Summer lies: but in his
journey at the Westerne Iles meeting a Brasile man, hee liked the suger
and passengers so well, hee mand the Carvill with his owne men, and
continued his course, but bethinking himself how this would be entertained
at the Summer lies, hee found such doubts, hee went directly for the West
Indies to take time to resolve what to doe: arriving there hee met a
French rover, one every way as cunning as himselfe, but much more
trecherous. A great league of kindnesse is soone made betweene them, upon
confidence whereof, Powell and some of the chiefe with him being invited
aboord him, is easily entised, and in the midst of their cups both hee and
his company treacherously made prisoners; and thus was forced to give him
their prise, or hang at the yards arme with all his company. Having set
them a shore, away goes the French man; Powels ship being but hard by,
presently fetcht them all a boord, but finding his victuall neere spent,
and no hope at all to recover his prize, set his Portugales on shore, and
set saile for the Summer Iles; where safely arriving, hee declared the
whole passage to the Governour, lest some other in telling might make it
worse, of which the Governour seemed well enough to approve.
_The second Assises._
This Governour still spent his time in good husbandry, although some of
the snarling sort here in England, whom nothing will please, writ to him
hee was fitter to be a Gardiner then a Governour: some time he spent in
digging of a great pond, but that worke proved altogether unprofitable:
about that time was held the second Assise. The greatest matter passed,
was a Proclamation against the spoile of Cahowes, but it came too late,
for they were most destroyed before: a platforme hee caused to be erected
by Pagits Fort, where a good Fort were very necessary. Captaine Powell not
having performed his service in the West Indies, he conditioned with the
Company, is sent thither againe by this Governour, and thirteene or
fourteene of his best men, furnished with all things necessary. In the
meane time the Company understanding, that in January, February and March,
there are many Whales, for which fishing they sent the Neptune, a tall
ship well provided with every thing fitting for that purpose. But before
she arrived, Captaine Tuckar, who had brought also with him most
provisions for that imploiment, sent three good Shalops to try what could
be done, but whether it was the swiftnes of the Whale in swimming, or the
condition of the place, certaine it is for all their labour and hazard,
they could kill none, though they strucke many.
A.D. 1617.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
_The third Assise._
To begin his second yeere, he called the third Assise, where divers were
punished as their faults deserved: three were condemned to die; two were
reprived, but the third was hanged: the next day there was also a levy for
the repairing two Forts; but that labour tooke not such effect as was
intended, for want of good directions.
_The country neere devoured with rats._
But the great God of heaven being angry at somewhat happened in those
proceedings, caused such an increase of silly rats, in the space of two
yeeres so to abound, before they regarded them, that they filled not onely
these places where they were first landed, but swimming from place to
place, spread themselves into all parts of the Countrey, insomuch that
there was no Iland but it was pestered with them; and some fishes have
beene taken with rats in their bellies, which they caught in swimming
from Ile to Ile: their nests they had almost in every tree, and in most
places their burrowes in the ground like conies: they spared not the
fruits of the plants, or trees, nor the very plants themselves, but ate
them up. When they had set their corne, the rats would come by troupes in
the night and scratch it out of the ground. If by diligent watch any
escaped till it came to earing, it should then very hardly escape them:
and they became noysome even to the very persons of men. They used all the
diligence they could for the destroying of them, [V.186.] nourishing cats
both wilde and tame, for that purpose; they used rats-bane, and many times
set fire on the woods, that oft ran halfe a mile before it was extinct;
every man was enjoyned to set twelve traps, and some of their owne accord
have set neere an hundred, which they ever visited twice or thrice in a
night; they also trained up their dogges to hunt them, wherein they became
so expert, that a good dog in two or three houres would kil forty or
fifty. Many other devices they used to destroy them, but could not
prevaile, finding them still increasing against them: nay they so devoured
the fruits of the earth, that they were destitute of bread for a yeere or
two; so that when they had it afterwards, they were so wained from it,
they easily neglected to eat it with their meat. Besides they endevoured
so much for the planting Tobacco for present gaine, that they neglected
many things might more have prevailed for their good, which caused amongst
them much weaknesse and mortality, since the beginning of this vermine.
_A strange confusion of rats._
At last it pleased God, but by what meanes it is not well knowne, to take
them away; in so much that the wilde cats and many dogs which lived on
them, were famished, and many of them leaving the woods, came downe to
their houses, and to such places where they use to garbish their fish, and
became tame. Some have attributed the destruction of them to the encrease
of wild cats, but that is not likely they should be so suddenly encreased
rather at that time, then foure yeeres before; and the chiefe occasion of
this supposition was, because they saw some companies of them leave the
woods, and slew themselves for want of food. Others by the coldnesse of
winter, which notwithstanding is never so great there, as with us in
March, except it be in the wind: besides the rats wanted not the fethers
of young birds and chickins, which they daily killed, and Palmeta mosse
to build themselves warme nests out of the wind, as usually they did;
neither doth it appeare that the cold was so mortall to them, seeing they
would ordinarily swimme from place to place, and bee very fat even in the
midst of winter. It remaineth then, that as God doth sometimes effect his
will without subordinate and secondary causes, so wee need not doubt, but
that in the speedy encrease of this vermine; as also by the preservation
of so many of them by such weake meanes as they then enjoyed, and
especially in the so sudden removall of this great annoyance, there was
joyned with and besides the ordinary and manifest meanes, a more mediate
and secret worke of God.
About this time Henry Long, with seven others in an extreame storme were
cast away, but three of them escaped. One of them being asked what hee
thought in the worst of that extremity, answered, he thought nothing but
gallowes claime thy right, and it seemes God well heard his prayer, and
rewarded his ingratitude; for he was hanged within halfe a yeere after. In
that March also five men went to Sea, but as yet was never heard of, and
three more drowned in a boat. By Hilliards house grew a very faire Cedar,
which by a thunder clap was rent almost to small shivers, and a man stood
by him, and Samuel Tanton, most fearfully blasted, yet neither they, the
house, nor a little childe, yet a paire of racks in the house was all
torne to fitters. The Neptune not long after arriving to fish for whale,
her fortune proved no better then the Governours, yet some are of opinion,
profit might be made by them.
_The returne of M. Powel from the Indies._
In May they discried foure saile, so that manning all their Forts, they
stood two daies in Armes, expecting what they were; at last they found it
Master Powell returned from the West-Indies in the Hopewell, where missing
such trade as he expected, these three Frigots comming in his way, he
could not chuse but take them; Meale, Hides and Munition was their lading:
Faire weather the Governor made with Powell till he had got all the goods
into his owne possession, and then called Powell to a strict account for
doing such an unwarrantable act; much a doe then was betwixt the taker and
receiver; but Powell was glad to be excused to answer it in England,
leaving all hee had taken behinde him in the Iles: The Neptune also
returned with him, but noble Powell lost all his pay and pillage for this
yeeres worke. For which the Company [V.187.] sent for to Tuckar, so that
he also lost his part as well as Powell: Notwithstanding, the Governour by
this meanes being strong in shipping, fitted the Carvill with twelve men,
under the command of Edward Waters formerly spoken of, and sent them to
Virginia about such businesse as hee had conceived. Arriving there, they
obtained some goates, and hogs, & what they could spare, and so returned
for the Summer Iles; but whether they could not finde the Iles for want of
skill, or beaten off by ill weather, or the ill will they bare the
Governor, it matters not much: but they bare up again for Virginia, where
they all remained, and would returne no more to Summer lies.
_A supposed mutiny by M. Pollard, and M. Rich._
The Governour thinking to make some use of the hides, set some that
professed themselves Tanners, to make tryall of their skill; but they lost
their labours and spoiled the hides. Also he called another Assise
concerning a poore fellow called Gabriel, for concealing some speeches M.
Pollard and M. Rich should use, tending to the dis-reputation of the
Governour, and his injustice and cruelties; which being brought within the
compasse of sedition and mutiny, though a yeere agoe; many were called in
question about it, although every one ordinarily had spoke as much. Yet
Gabriel for example sake was condemned to bee hanged, and was upon the
ladder, but reprieved. The other two M. Pollard, and M. Rich were
imprisoned, but upon better consideration the fact appeared so small and
ridiculous, upon their submission they were pardoned, and restored to
their places.
The division of the Summer lies into Tribes, by
Master Richard Norwood, Surveyor.
A.D. 1618.
_Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer._
_The division of the Iles into Tribes._
According to the directions of the Councell and company as they had
determined by lot, M. Norwood tooke a plot of the Ile, and divided it with
as much faithfulnes as he could, assigning to every Adventurer his share
or proportion, as namely, to lay out a large proportion, to bee called the
generall land, and imployed for publike uses, as for the maintenance of
the Governour, Ministers, Commanders of Forts, souldiers, and such like:
and to this end was assigned S. Georges Iland, S. Davids Iland,
Longbridge Iland, Smiths Iland, Coopers Iland, Cony Iland, Nonesuch Iland,
part of the maine, and sundry other small Iles. The rest was to be divided
into eight parts, each part to be called a tribe, and to have his
denomination of some principall person that was Adventurer therein: and
accordingly the first Tribe to bee Eastward, was then called Bedfords
Tribe, now Hamiltons: the second, Smiths: Tribe the third, Cavendish, now
Devonshires: the fourth, Pembrooks: the fift, Pagits: the sixt, Mansils,
now Warwicks: the seventh, Southampton: the eighth, Sands: in the honours
of the Right honorable the Marquis Hamilton, Sir Thomas Smith, the Earle
of Devonshire, the Earle of Pembrooke, the Lord Pagit, the Earle of
Warwicke, the Earle of Southampton, and Sir Edwin Sands. Againe each of
those Tribes were to bee divided into fifty parts, called shares; and
every Adventurer to have his shares in these tribes as was determined, by
casting lots in England, the manner of it appeares by the Map, and more
largely by his Booke of the Survay of the Countrey, which is in the
Records of the Colony. And then began this which was before as you have
heard, but as an unsetled and confused Chaos, to receive a disposition,
forme, and order, and become indeed a Plantation.
The names of the Adventurers, and their shares in [V.188]
every Tribe, according to the survey, and the
best information yet ascertained, of any of
their alterations.
Hamiltons Tribe.
Shares. Shares.
James L. Marquis Hamil. 6 M. John Gearing. 2
Sir Edward Harwood. 4 M. Cleophas Smith. 2
M. John Delbridge. 3 Robert Earle of Warwick. 4
M. John Dike. 3 M. Thomas Covell. 3
M. Ellis Roberts. 2 M. Greenwels assignes 1
M. Robert Phips. 1 M. Cley. 1
M. Ralph King. 1 M. Powlson. 1
M. Quicks assignes. 2 M. John Dike. 1 1/2
M. William Cannig. 4 Common land for
M. William Cannig. 1 conveniency. 25
M. William Web. 1 M. John Dike. 1 1/2
M. John Bernards assignes. 2 M. George Thorps
M. Elias Roberts Jun. 1 assignes. 1
2. Smiths Tribe
Shares. Shares.
Sir Dudley Digs assignes. 2 Sir Edwin Sands. 5
M. Richard Edwards. 2 Sir Thomas Smith. 5
M. William Pane. 4 M. Richard More. 4
M. Robert Smith. 2 M. Ad. Brumfield. 2
M. George Barkley M. Rob. Johnson
assignes. 5 Alderman. 5
Sir Samuel Sands. 1 M. John Wroth. 3
M. Anthony Pennistone. 4 M. George Smith. 4
3. Devonshire Tribe.
Shares. Shares.
M. Anth. Penistone. 2 M. Edw. Ditchfield. 4
M. John Dike. 1 M. Will. Nicols. 2
M. John Dike. 1 M. Edw. Ditchfield. 1
M. John Bernards heires. 2 M. John Fletcher. 2
Robert Earle of Warwick. 2 M. Gedion Delawne. 2
M. Francis West. 2 M. Anth. Pennistone. 3
Will. Lord Cavendish. 5 M. Best. 2
Will. Earle of Devonshire. 5 M. Edw. Luckin. 2
M. Edw. Luckin. 5 M. Richard Rogers. 2
M. Edw. Ditchfield. 1 M. Will. Palmer. 4
4. Pembrookes Tribe
Shares. Shares.
M. George Smith. 4 M. Nicholas Farrar. 1
Gleab land. 2 M. Nicholas Farrar. 1
M. Nicholas Hide. 1 M. Will. Canning. 2
Sir Lawrence Hide. 1 M. Richard Martin. 2
M. Thomas Indwyn. 2 M. Moris Abbot. 2
Will. Earle of Pemb. 10 M. Rich. Caswell. 1
M. Richard Edwards. 1 M. Rich. Caswell. 2
M. Harding. 1 M. Will. Caswell. 1
M. Rich. Edwards. 1 M. Rich. Edwards. 2
M. Elias Roberts. 1 M. Rich. Caswell. 1
M. Rich. Edwards. 1 M. Rich Edwards. 1
Jacobsons assignes. 1 M. George Sands assignes. 2
John Farrar. 1 M. Will Paine. 2
5. Pagits Tribe.
Shares. Shares.
M. John Chamberlaine. 5 M. Christop. Barren. 4
M. Tho. Ayres, and } M. John Wodall. 1
M. Rich. Wiseman. } 4 M. John Wodall. 1
M. Rich. Wiseman 1 M. Lewis. 2
Will. Lord Pagit. 10 M. Owen Arthors assignes. 2
M. Will. Palmer. 4 M. George Etheridge. 4
M. Bagnell. 5 2
M. John Bale. 1 Sir Will. Wade. 1
M. Wheatley. 4 M. John Bernards heires. 1
6. Warwicks Tribe.
Shares. Shares.
M. Wheatley. 2 Doctor. Anth. Hunton. 2
Cap. Daniel Tuckar. 2 M. Francis Moverill. 1
M. Will. Felgate. 1 M. Rich. Poulson. 1
Rob. Earle of Warwicke. 5 M. Math. Shephard. 1
M. George Smith. 5 M. George Tuckar. 10
M. Sam. Tickner. 2 M. Ch. Clitheroe. 1
M. Francis Mevell. 1 M. George Swinow. 2
M. Stephen Sparrow. 1 M. Rich. Tomlings. 1
M. Joseph Man. 5 M. Francis Meverill. 1
Cap. Daniel Tuckar. 2 M. John Waters. 2
M. Elias More. 1 M. Martin Bond. 2
7. Southamptons Tribe.
Shares. Shares.
Cap. Dan. Tuckar. 4 M. George Scot. }
M. John Britton. 1 M. Edward Scot. } 6
M. Rich. Chamberland. 3 M. Antho. Abdy. }
M. Leon. Harwods assignes. 1 Hen. Earle of Southampton. 4
M. John Banks. 1 M. And. Broumfield. 2
Sir Nathanael Rich. 12 M. Henry Timbed. 2
Rob. Earle of Warwicke. 3 Sir Tho. Hewet. 2
M. Richard More. 6 M. Perce. 1 [V.189.]
Sir Ralph Winwood. 2
8. Sandys Tribe.
Shares. Shares.
M. George Barcklies heires. 5 M. Robert Gore. 3
Sir Edwin Sands. 5 Sir Edw. Sackvile. 1
M. Jerom Hidon. 10 Sir John Danvers. 1
M. Tho. Millin and } M. Robert Gore. 2
M. John Cuffe. } 2 M. John Delbridge. 1
M. Robert Chamberlaine. 2 M. John Wroth. 1
M. Abr. Chamberlaine. 1 M. John Wests heires. 4
M. George Smith. 2 M. Richard Chamberlaine. 10
Touching the common ground in each Tribe, as also the over-plus, you may
finde that at large in the Booke of Surveyes amongst their Records.
Now though the Countrey was small, yet they could not conveniently have
beene disposed and well setled, without a true description and a survey of
it; and againe, every man being setled where he might constantly abide,
they knew their businesse, and fitted their houshold accordingly: then
they built no more Cabbens, but substantiall houses, they cleered their
grounds, and planted not onely such things as would yeeld them their
fruits in a few moneths, but also such as would affoord them profit within
a few yeares, so that in a short time the Countrey began to aspire, and
neerely approach unto that happinesse and prosperitie, wherein now it
flourisheth, &c.
_The first Magazine._ 1618.
But to follow the History; upon the best plot of ground could be found,
the Governor prevailed so much with the generalitie, they built a faire
house of Cedar, which being done, he appropriated it to himselfe, which
occasioned exceeding much distaste. About this time arrived the Diana with
a good supply of men and provision, and the first Magazin ever seene in
those Iles; which course is not so much commended here, as cursed and
abhorred by reason of enhansements of all the Inhabitants there; six or
seven weeks this ship staied, then having towards her fraught thirtie
thousand weight of Tobacco; which proving good, and comming to a lucky
Market, gave great encouragement to the Adventurers to goe lustily forward
in their Plantation, and without such successe, there is nothing but
grudging and repining. But about the appropriation of this new built
house, many bad discontents grew betwixt the oppressed Colony and the
Governor, especially betwixt him and the Minister, and Lewes, who would
neither be feared with threats nor imprisonment, that their malice
continued till they met in England, of which the Minister made the cause
so plaine, hee very well and honestly it seemes, discharged himselfe.
_Two exploits of desperate Fugitives._
Now in those times of these endlesse uncivill broiles, two desperate men
and a proper Gentlewoman got into a Boat, and thinking to make an escape
to Virginia, as appeared by some Letters they left behinde them were never
more heard on. The very next moneth after the like was attempted by six
others, so desirous they were to be rid of their servitude; but their plot
being discovered by one of their societie, they were apprehended,
arraigned, and condemned to be hanged: the next day being led with halters
about their neckes to the place of execution, one was hanged, and the rest
reprived.
_The arrival of the Blessing._
The Diana arriving well in England, for all the infinite numbers of
complaints, the Tobacco did helpe to sweeten all manner of grievances, yet
it bred a distaste in the opinions of so many, they began to thinke of
another Governor; but for that time it was so qualified by divers of his
friends, they dispatched away the Blessing, which arrived in the Somer
Iles. Though their generall Letter was faire and courteous to the
Governor, yet by the report of the Passengers and divers particular
letters from his friends, it was assured him his cruelty and
covetousnesse, for all his paines and industry was much disliked, nor was
he like to enjoy his house, and that land he had [V.190.] planted for
himselfe, by the extreme oppression of the Comminalty. This caused so many
jelousies to arise in his conceit, that at last he fully resolved to
returne by this ship, that no sooner set saile from England, then they
proceeded to the nomination of a new Governor. Many were presented
according to the affections of those that were to give in their voices,
but it chiefely rested betwixt one Captaine Southwell, and one Mr.
Nathaniel Butler, where wee will leave them a while to the consideration
of the Court and Company. Now Captaine Tuckar having instituted Captaine
Kendall one of the six Governors before spoken of for his substitute,
returned with this ship directly for England, as well to excuse himselfe
of those objections he suspected, as to get assured him the house and land
he had alotted for himselfe, lest it might otherwise be disposed of in
his absence.
Collected out of their Records by N. B. and the
relations of M. Pollard, and divers others.
The Government of Captaine Miles Kendall,
Deputy for Captaine Tuckar.
_The arrival of two ships._
The unexpected returne of Captaine Tuckar, caused a demurre in the
election of the new Governor; some perswading these oft changes were so
troublesome, dangerous, and chargeable, it were best to continue Captaine
Kendall; others againe stood for Captaine Tuckar, but during the time of
these opinions, the Gilliflower was dispatched with a supply. Now I should
have remembred, Tuckar was no sooner out of the harbour, but he met Master
Elfred in a ship called the Treasurer, sent from Virginia to trade: by her
he writ to his Deputy Master Kendall, to have a care of all things, and
beware of too much acquaintance with this ship, which hee suspected was
bound for the West-Indies. Notwithstanding, Elfred received what kindnesse
the Ile could afford; he promised to revisit them at his returne; this
done, because they would not be governlesse when his Deputiship was
expired, there was a generall assembly, and by that Election Kendall was
confirmed to succeed still Governor. Now they began to apply themselves to
the finishing some plat-forme about Smiths Fort, and laying the foundation
of a Church to be built of Cedar, till the Gillyflower arrived with some
private letters to Kendall, how he was elected Governor of those Iles for
three yeeres. During her stay they held their Assises, where for some few
suspected facts three were condemned, and the better to terrifie the rest,
led to the place of execution, but reprieved; divers of the rest had their
faults pardoned, and the Gilliflower set saile for New found land.
_Captain Butler chosen Governour._
The love and kindnesse, honesty and industry of this Captaine Kendall,
hath beene very much commended; by others, somewhat disliked but an
Angell in those imploiments cannot please all men, yet this consideration
bred much ill bloud as well here as there, so that the Company directly
concluded, Captaine Butler should with what expedition they could, goe to
be their Governor: In the Interim they tooke the opportunitie of a ship,
called the Sea-flower, bound for Virginia, and by her sent a Preacher and
his Family, with divers Passengers, and newes of a new Governor. This bred
a great distaste amongst many, that still they should have new officers
and strangers for their Governors they never heard of, and themselves
still kept there whether they would or no, without any preferment, no nor
scarce any of them their inhabiting, to have any land at all of their
owne, but live all as tenants, or as other mens poore servants.
About this time came in Captaine Kerby with a small Barke from the
West-Indies, who having refreshed himselfe, was very kindly used by the
Governor and so [V.191.] departed. Not long after a Dutch Frigot was cast
away upon the Westerne shore, yet by the helpe of the English they saved
the men, though the ship perished amongst the Rocks. A little after one
Ensigne Wood being about the loading of a peece, by thrusting a pike into
the concavitie, grating upon the shot, or somewhat about the powder,
strucke fire within her and so discharged, but wounded him cruelly and
blew him into the Sea, though hee was got out by some that stood by him,
yet hee died of those wounds. Within two or three daies after, Captaine
Elfred now comes in a second time: but of that we shall say more in the
government of Captaine Butler, who presently after arrived with a good
supply, and was kindly entertained by Captaine Kendall and all the Colony.
From a relation of Tho. Sparks, and divers others.
A.D. 1619
The Government of Captaine Nathaniel Butler.
_A plat-forme burnt, and much hurt by a Hericano._
Captaine Butler being arrived the twentieth of October, 1619. some
mutterings there was how to maintaine their election of Captaine Kendall,
but better remembring themselves, that conceit quickly dissolved. The next
day, Kendall, the Ministers, and the Counsell went aboord to salute the
new Governor, where after they had dined with the best entertainment he
could give them; they saw the Redout belonging to the Kings Castle by a
mischance on fire, whither he repaired with all the meanes he could to
quench it; but all the platforme and cariages were consumed before their
faces, and they could not helpe it. Two daies after he went up to the
Towne, had his Commission publikely read, made a short speech to the
Company, and so tooke upon him the government. Then presently he began to
repaire the most necessary defects: The next moneth came in the Garland,
sent from England six or seven weekes before him; so that being seventeene
weeks in her voyage, it was so tedious and grievous to divers of the
Fresh-water Passengers, that such a sicknesse bred amongst them, many died
as well Sailers as Passengers. Having taken the best order he could for
their releefe, passed through all the Tribes, and held his first Assise in
Captaine Tuckars house at the over-plus. Towards the last of this moneth
of Novemb. there arose a most terrible storme or Hericano, that blew up
many great trees by the roots: the Warwick that brought the Governor was
cast away, but the Garland rid by her, saved her selfe by cutting downe
her Masts; and not long after a second storme, no lesse violent then the
first, wherein the Mount which was a frame of wood built by Master More
for a Watch-tower to looke out to Sea, was blowne up by the roots, and all
that Winter crop of corne blasted: And thus was the new Governor welcomed.
_The refortifying the Kings Castle._
_Amber-greece found._ {MN}
With the beginning of the new yeere he began his first peece of
fortification, upon a Rocke which flankers the Kings Castle, and finding
the ship called the Treasurer starke rotten and unserviceable, hee tooke
nine peeces of Ordinance from her to serve other uses. The Garland for
want of meanes, could not make her voiage to Virginia as she was
appointed; wherefore he entertained her to returne to England, with all
the Tabacco they had in the Ile. It was January before she departed, in
which time shee failed not much to have beene twice cast away. But those
strange and unavoidable mischances, rather seemed to quicken the Governors
industry then to dull it. Having finished the Church begun by Captaine
Kendall, with an infinite toile and labour he got three peeces out of the
wracke Warwicke. Having an excellent Dutch Carpinter he entertained of
them that were cast away in the Dutch Frigot; he imploied him in building
of Boats, whereof they were in exceeding great want. In February they
discovered a tall ship beating too and againe, as it seemed by her working
being ignorant of the Coast; some thought her a Spaniard to view their
Forts, which stand most to that part she so neerely [V.192.] approached;
some, English; but the most, some Dutch man of Warre: The wind blew so
high, they durst not send out a Boat, though they much doubted she would
be foule of their Rocks, but at last she bore up rommy for the Sea, and
we heard of her no more. {MN} That evening, a lucky fellow it should seeme
he was, that found a peece of Amber-greece of eight ounces, as he had
twice before, which bringing to the Governor, he had ready money for the
one halfe, after three pound an ounce, according to their order of Court,
to encourage others to looke out for more, and prevent the mischiefe
insueth by concealing of it.
_The arrivall of two Dutch Frigots._
Within a few daies after, they descried two Frigots that came close to the
shore, and sent a Letter to the Governor, writ in Italian, that they were
Hollanders had beene in the West-Indies, and desired but to arrive,
refresh themselves with wood and water, and so be gone. The Governor
forthwith sent them to understand, that being there under his Majestie of
England to command those Iles, he was to carrie himselfe a friend to his
friends, and an enemy to his enemies; if therefore he could shew a lawfull
Commission for his being honestly and nobly emploied, he and his should be
kindly welcome, otherwise they were to adventure at their perills. But his
Commission was so good, he staied there two moneths, and was so well
fitted with Oile & Bacon, they were all glad and happy of this Dutch
Captaine Scoutans arrivall, with many thanks to their old friend Captaine
Powell that had conducted him thither: the Colony being exceedingly in
great want and distresse, bought the most part of it at reasonable rates,
so Captaine Scoutan returned to the West-Indies, and Captaine Powell for
his part in the Low-Countries. Whilest these things were in action, the
Adventurers in England made many a long looke for their ships; at last the
Garland brought them all the newes, but the Tobacco was so spoiled either
in the leaking ship, or the making up, it caused a great suspicion there
could none was good come from those Iles; where (were they but perfit in
the cure) questionlesse it would be much better then a great quantitie of
that they sell for Verinas, and many a thousand of it in London hath beene
bought and sold by that title.
_The differences betwixt the Ministers._
The Governor being cleere of those distractions, falls upon the restoring
of the burnt Redoubt, where he cuts out a new plat-forme, and mounts seven
great peece of Ordnance upon new cariages of Cedar. Now amongst all those
troubles, it was not the least to bring the two Ministers to subscribe to
the Booke of Common Praier, which all the Bishops in England could not
doe. Finding it high time to attempt some conformitie, bethought himselfe
of the Liturgie of Garnsey and Jarse, wherein all those particulars they
so much stumbled at, were omitted. No sooner was this propounded, but it
was gladly imbraced by them both, whereupon the Governor translated it
verbatim out of French into English, and caused the eldest Minister upon
Easter day to begin the use thereof at S. Georges towne, where himselfe,
most of the Councell, Officers and Auditorie received the Sacrament: the
which forme they continued during the time of his government.
_The rebuilding the Mount._
Much about this time, in such a faire morning, that had invited many Boats
farre out to the Sea to fish, did rise such a Hericano that much
indangered them all, so that one of them with two Boies were driven to Sea
and never more heard of. The Ministers thus agreed, a Proclamation was
published for keeping of the Sabbath, and all the defective cariages he
endevoured to have renewed, builded a small Boat of Cedar onely to goe
with Ores, to be ready upon any occasion to discover any shipping, and
tooke order every Fort should have the like: Also caused numbers of Cedars
to be brought from divers places in flotes, to rebuild the Mount, which
with an unspeakable toile, was raised seven foot higher then before, and a
Falcon mounted at the foot, to be alwaies discharged for a warning to all
the Forts upon the discovery of any shipping, and this he called Rich
Mount. This exceeding toile and labour, having no Cattle but onely mens
strengths, caused many petitions [V.193.] to the Governour, that all
those generall works might cease till they had reaped their harvests, in
that they were in great distresse for victuall; which hee so well
answered, their owne shames did cause them desist from that importunity,
and voluntarily performe as much as hee required.
_The Tomb, of Sir George Summers._
Finding accidentally a little crosse erected in a by place, amongst a many
of bushes, understanding there was buried the heart and intrailes of Sir
George Summers, hee resolved to have a better memory for so worthy a
Souldier, then that. So finding also a great Marble stone brought out of
England, hee caused it by Masons to bee wrought handsomely and laid over
the place, which hee invironed with a square wall of hewen stone, Tombe
like; wherein hee caused to bee graven this Epitaph he had composed, and
fixed it upon the Marble stone; and thus it was,
In the yeere 1611,
Noble Sir George Summers went hence to heaven;
Whose well tri'd worth that held him still imploid,
Gave him the knowledge of the world so wide.
Hence 't was by heavens decree, that to this place
He brought new guests, and name to mutuall grace.
At last his soule and body being to part,
He here bequeath'd his entrails and his heart.
_Their manner of losses reformed._
Upon the sixt of June began the second Assise, that reduced them to the
direct forme used in England. For besides the Governour and Councell, they
have the Bailiffes of the Tribes, in nature of the Deputy Lieutenants of
the shires in England, for to them are all precepts and warrants directed,
and accordingly answered and respected; they performe also the duties of
Justices of Peace, within their limits. The subordinate Officers to these
in every tribe, are the Constables, Head-borowes, and Church-Wardens;
these are the triers of the Tobacco, which if they allow not to be
marchantable, is burnt: and these are the executioners of their civill and
politicke causes.
_Martiall Officers._
For points of warre and martiall affaires, they have the Governour for
Lieutenant generall, the Sergeant major, Master of Ordinance, Captaines of
Companies, Captaines of Forts, with their severall officers, to traine and
exercise those numbers under their charge, in martiall discipline.
_Civill Offices and Courts._
Concerning their Courts for decision of right and justice, the first,
though last in constitution, is their generall assembly; allowed by the
state in England, in the nature of a Parliament, consisting of about forty
persons; viz. the Governour, the Counsell, the Bailiffes of the tribes,
and two Burgesses of each tribe chosen by voyces in the tribe, besides
such of the Clergie as the Governour thinkes most fit, to be held once a
yeere, as you shal heare more thereof hereafter. The next Court is the
Assise or Jayles of deliverie, held twice every yeere, in Christmas, and
Whitson weeke, for all criminall offenders, and civill causes betwixt
party and party; as actions of debt, trespasse, battery, slander, and the
like: and these are determined by a Jury of twelve men, and above them is
also a grand Jury to examine matters of greater consequence. The last day
of the Assise might also well be held a Court, for hearing the
transgressions in matters of contempt, mis-behaviour towards any
Magistrate, riots, seditious speakers, contemners of warrants, and such
like: there are also as occasion shall require, many matters heard by the
Governor, or his Officers, and oft justice done in severall places, but
those are but as daies of hearing, and as preparatives against their
Courts, &c.
_The second Assise._
At this last Assize eighteene were arrained for criminall causes, a number
very extraordinary considering the place; but now occasioned by reason of
the hard yeere, and the store of ill chosen new commers; of these, some
were censured to the whipping post, some burned in the hand, but two were
condemned to die, yet the one was reprieved, the other hanged; this done,
every man returned to his home: many trials they made againe about the
Warwicke, but to small purpose, her Ordnance being [V.194.] lashed so fast
they could not be unloosed, till the ropes and decks were rotten, yet some
few buttes of beare being flotie they got, which though it had lien six
moneths under water was very good, notwithstanding the next yeere they
recovered five peeces of Ordnance.
_A generall assemblie in manner a Parliament._
Upon the first of August, according to the Companies instructions from
England, began the generall assembly at the towne of Saint George, which
was the first these Iles ever had; consisting is is said, of the
Governour, Councell, Bailiffes, and Burgesses, and a Secretarie to whom
all bils were presented, and by him openly read in the house, also a
Clerke to record the Acts, being thirty two in all; fifteene of which
being sent into England, were by a generall consent received and enacted,
the titles whereof are these following: as for all the reasons for them,
they would be too tedious to recite.
_Their Acts._
The first was against the unjust sale and letting of apprentises and other
servants, and this was especially for the righting the undertakers in
England. The second, concerning the disposing of aged, diseased, and
impotent persons, for it being considered how carelesse many are in
preferring their friends, or sending sometimes any they can procure to
goe, such unserviceable people should be returned back at their charge
that sent them, rather then be burdensome to the poore Inhabitants in the
Iles. The third, the necessary manning the Kings Castle, being the key of
the Ile, that a garison of twelve able men should bee there alwaies
resident: and 3000. eares of corne, and 1000. pounds of Tobacco payed them
by the generality yeerely, as a pension. The fourth, against the making
unmarchantable Tobacco, and Officers sworne to make true trials, & burne
that was naught. The fift, injoyned the erection of certaine publike
bridges, and the maintenance of them. The sixt, for a continuall supply
of victuall for all the Forts, to bee preserved, till some great occasion
to use it. The seventh was, for two fixed dayes every yeere for the
Assises. The eight, commands the making of high-waies, and prohibiting the
passage over mens grounds and planted fields, as well to prevent the
spoyling gardens, conveniencie to answer any alarum. The ninth, for the
preserving young tortoises and birds, that were carelesly destroyed. The
tenth, provided against vagabonds, & prohibited the entertainement of
other mens servants. The eleventh, compelled the setting of a due quantity
of corne for every family. The twelfth, the care corne being set, enjoyned
the keeping up of their poultry till it was past their reaches. The
thirteenth, for the preservation of sufficient fences, & against the
felling of marked trees appointed for bounds. The fourteenth, granted to a
levy for a thousand pound weight of Tobacco, towards the payment of
publike workes, as the the bridges and the mount. The fifteenth, for the
enjoyning as acknowledgement and acception of all resident Governours,
and the warranting him to continue, though his time be expired, till the
arrivall of a legitimate successor from England, to prevent all unmeet
and presumptuous elections, besides it was desired by petition in England,
the new Governour should live two months as a private man after his
arrivall, if his predecessor did stay so long, the better to learne and
observe his course. And these are the contents of those fifteene Acts,
appplied as you may perceive: which the lawes of England could not take
notice of, because every climate hath somewhat to it selfe in that kinde
in particular; for otherwise as it is conceived, it had beene a high
impudency and presumption to have medled with them, or indeed with any
such as these lawes, that had with such great judgement and justice
alwaies provided for.
_The arrivall of the Magazin ship._
70000. _weight of Tobacco._ {MN}
No sooner was this businesse over, but the Magazin ship is discovered, and
that night came into the Harbour, but in a very weake and sickly case,
having cast over board twenty or thirty of her people, and so violent was
the infection, that the most part of the sailers, as well as passengers,
were so sicke, or dismaid, or both, that the Master confessed, had they
stayed it the Sea but a weeke longer, they had all perished. There arrived
with this ship divers Gentlemen of good fashion, with their wives and
families; but many of them crasie by the tediousnesse of the voyage:
howsoever most of them, by the [V.195.] excellent salubrity of the aire,
then which the world hath not a better, soone after recovered; yet some
there were that died presently after they got ashore, it being certainly
the quality of the place, either to kill, or cure quickly, as the bodies
are more or lesse corrupted. By this ship the Company sent a supply of ten
persons for the generality, but of such bad condition that it seemed they
had picked the Males out of Newgate, the Females from Bridewell: As the
Governour found it his best course, to grant out the women to such as were
so greedy of wives, and would needs have them for better for worse; and
the men hee placed in the Kings Castle for souldiers. But this bad, weake,
sickly supply being dispersed for their best reliefe, by the much
imployment of his Boats in remooving them, many of his owne men became
infected, so that for some weekes, they were not able to doe him any
service at all. Strict instructions also they brought for the planting of
Sugar canes, for which the Iland being rockie and dry, is so unproper,
that few as yet have beene seene to prosper: yet there are others hold the
contrary opinion, that there is raine so ordinarily, the Iles are so
moist as produceth all their plants in such infinit abundance: there is no
great reason to suspect this, were it rightly used, more then the rest.
{MN} Seventy thousand weight of Tobacco being prepared towards her
fraught she returned for England. No sooner was shee gone then came in
another, sent by the Company and generalty, well conditioned, but shee
failed not much to have beene cast away amongst those dangerous & terrible
rocks; by her came also expresse command, they should entertaine no other
ships, then were directly sent from the Company: this caused much
grudging, and indeed a generall distraction and exclamation among the
Inhabitants, to be thus constrained to buy what they wanted, and sell what
they had at what price the Magazin pleased, and to debarre true men from
comming to them for trade or reliefe, that were daily received in all the
harbours in England. So long this ship stayed going for fraught and wages,
the Master not caring how long he lay at that rate in a good harbour, the
Governour was ready to send her away by Proclamation. Thus ended the first
yeere of the government of C. Butler.
A.D. 1620.
_The building of three bridges and other works._
With the first of the second yeere were held the Assises, where all the
Bailiffes were fined for not giving a beginning to the building of the
bridges; there was also an order to restraine the excessive wages all
handicrafts men would have: and that the Church-wardens should meet twice
a yeere, to have all their presentments made perfect against the Assises.
The Assises done, all the ablest men were trained in their armes, and then
departed to their owne homes. The towne thus cleered, he made certaine new
carriages for some demy Culverings, and a large new store-house of Cedar
for the yeerely Magazines goods; finished Warwicks Fort begun by Master
More, and made a new platforme at Pagits Fort, also a faire house of lime
and stone for the Townes-house. The three bridges appointed by the
generall assembly, was followed with such diligence, though they were more
then an hundred, or an hundred and twenty foot in length, having the
foundation and arches in the Sea, were raised and accomplished, so that
man or beast with facility might passe them.
_The generall Assises, and the proceedings._
At Whitsonday was held the fourth generall Assise at Saint Georges, where
were tryed twenty severall causes; foure or five were whipped or burnt in
the hand, for breaking of houses: also an order was made, that the party
cast in the triall of any cause, should pay to every of the Jurours foure
pence: moreover, that not past ten leaves at the most should grow upon a
plant of Tobacco, and that also in the making it up, a distinction should
diligently be observed of two kinds, a better and a worse: then they built
a strong stone house for the Captaine of the Kings Castle and corps du
guard; and repaired what defects they could finde in the platformes and
carriages.
Captaine Powell so oft mentioned, having beene in the West-Indies for the
States of Holland, came to an anchor within shot of their Ordnance,
desiring admittance for wood and water, of which hee had great need, but
the Governor would not permit him, so he weighed and [V.196.] departed,
whereat the company were so madded, it was not possible to constraine them
to cease their exclaimations against the Companies inhibition, till they
were weary with exclaming: But still for their better defence, not
thinking themselves sufficiently secure, having finished two new
plat-formes more, arrived the Magazin ship, but her Master was dead, and
many of the Passengers, the rest for most part very sicke; and withall, a
strange and wonderfull report of much complaint made against the Governor
to the Company in England, by some of them returned in the last yeeres
shipping: but it was eight daies before she could get in by reason of ill
weather, being forced againe to Sea; so that time, they kept every night
continually great fires, she might see the Ile as well by night as day;
but at last she arrived, and he plainly understood, he had more cause a
great deale to looke for misconstruction of all his service then an
acknowledgment, much lesse a recompence any better then his predecessors;
but it is no new thing to requite the best desert with the most vildest of
ingratitude.
_A strange deliverence of a Spanish wracke._
The very next daies night after the arrivall of the Magazins ship, newes
was brought the Governor by a dismaied Messenger from Sands his Tribe,
that one hundred Spaniards were landed in that part, and divers ships
discovered at Sea, whereupon he presently manned the Forts, and instantly
made thitherward in person with twentie men, determining as he found cause
to draw together more strength by the way. Being got thither by the
breake of the next day, in stead of an enemy which he expected, he met
onely with a company of poore distressed Portugals and Spaniards, who in
their passage from Carthagena in the West-Indies, in consort with the
Spanish fleet of Plait; by the same storme that had indangered the Magazin
ship, lost theirs upon those terrible Rocks, being to the number of
seventy persons, were strangely preserved; and the manner was thus.
About Sunne-set their ship beating amongst the Rocks, some twenty of the
Sailers got into the Boat with what treasure they could, leaving the
Captaine, the Master, and all the rest to the mercy of the Sea. But a Boy
not past foureteene yeares of age that leaped after to have got into the
Boat, missing that hope, it pleased God he got upon a Chest a drift by
him, whereon they report he continued two daies, and was driven neere to
the cleane contrary part of the Ile, where he was taken up neere dead, yet
well recovered. All this night the ship sticking fast, the poore
distressed in her the next day spying land, made a raft, and were those
gave the alarum first a shore about three of the clocke in the afternoone.
The morning after, about seven of the clocke came in the Boat to a place
called Mangrove Bay; and the same day their Carpenter was driven a shore
upon a Planke neere Hog-Bay. There was a Gentlewoman that had stood wet up
to the middle upon the raft from the ship to the shore, being big with
childe; and although this was upon the thirteenth of September, she tooke
no hurt, and was safely delivered of a Boy within three daies after. The
best comfort could be given them in those extremities they had, although
some of the baser sort had beene rifling some of them before the Governors
arrivall; Also the Spanish Captaine and the chiefe with him, much
complained of the treachery of his men to leave him in that manner, yet
had conveyed with them the most of the money they could come by, which he
easily missed; whereupon hee suddenly caused all them he accused, to be
searched, and recovered to the value of one hundred and fortie pounds
starling, which he delivered into the Captaines hands, to be imploied in a
generall purse towards their generall charge: during their stay in the
Iles, some of the better sort, nine or ten weeks dieted at his owne table,
the rest were billited amongst the Inhabitants at foure shillings the
weeke, till they found shipping for their passage, for which they paied
no more then the English paied themselves; and for the passage of divers
of them, the Governor was glad to stand bound to the Master; some others
that were not able to procure such friendship, were so constrained to stay
in the Iles, till by their labours they [V.197.] had got so much as would
transport them; and thus they were preserved, releeved, and delivered.
_How they solemnized the powder treason,
and the arrival of two ships._
In the moneth insuing arrived the second ship, and she also had lost her
Master, and divers of her Passengers; in her came two Virginian Women to
be married to some would have them, that after they were converted and had
children, they might be sent to their Countrey and kindred to civilize
them. Towards the end of this moneth came in the third ship with a small
Magazin, having sold what she could, caried the rest to Virginia, and
never did any of those Passengers complaine either of their good diet, or
too good usage at sea; but the cleane contrary still occasioned many of
those extremities. The fift of November the damnable plot of the powder
treason was solemnized, with Praiers, Sermons, and a great Feast, whereto
the Governor invited the chiefe of the Spaniards, where drinking the Kings
health, it was honored with a quicke volly of small shot, which was
answered from the Forts with the great Ordnance, and then againe concluded
with a second volley of small shot; neither was the afternoone without
musicke and dancing, and at night many huge bone-fires of sweet wood.
A.D. 1621.
_The Spaniards returne, and in danger againe._
_The English Murderers found in the Spanish wracke._ {MN}
The Spaniards to expresse their thankfulnesse at their departure, made a
deed of gift to the Governor of whatsoever he could recover of the wracked
ship; but the ships as they went out came so dangerously upon a Rock, that
the poore Spaniards were so dismaied, swearing this place was ominous unto
them, especially the women, that desired rather to goe a shore and die
howsoever, than adventure any further in such a labyrinth of dangers, but
at last she got cleere without danger, and well to England; the other went
to Virginia, wherein the Governor sent two great Chests filled with all
such kinds and sorts of Fruits and Plants as their Ilands had; as Figs,
Pomgranats, Oranges, Lemons, Sugar-canes, Plantanes, Potatoes, Papawes,
Cassado roots, red Pepper, the Prickell Peare, and the like. The ships
thus dispatched, hee goeth into the maine, and so out to sea to the
Spanish wracke. He had beene there before presently after her ruine, for
never had ship a more sudden death, being now split in peeces all under
water. He found small hope to recover any thing, save a Cable and an
Anchor, and two good Sacars; {MN} but the wind was so high hee was forced
to returne, being ten miles from the shore, onely with three Murderers,
which were knowne to be the same Captaine Kendall had sold to Captaine
Kerby, whose ship was taken by two men of warre of Carthagena, the most of
his men slaine or hanged, and he being wounded, died in the woods. Now
their Pilot being at this service, got thus those three Murderers to their
ship, and their ship thus to the Bermudas, as the Spaniards remaining
related to the Governor and others.
_Their Aisses, and other passages._
Having raised three small Bulwarkes at Southhamptons Fort, with two
Curtaines, and two Ravilings, which indeed is onely the true absolute
peece of fortification in the Iles; Christmas being come, and the prefixed
day of the Assise; divers were whipped and burnt in the hand, onely three
young boyes for stealing were condemned, and at the very point of hanging
reprived. The Governour then sent his Lieutenant all over the maine to
distribute Armes, to those were found most fit to use them, & to give
order for their randezvous, which were hanged up in the Church. About this
time it chanced a pretty secret to be discovered to preserve their corne
from the fly, or weavell, which did in a manner as much hurt as the rats.
For the yeere before having made a Proclamation that all Corne should be
gathered by a certaine day, because many lazy persons ranne so after the
ships to get Beere and Aquavitae, for which they will give any thing they
have, much had beene lost for want of gathering. This yeare having a very
faire crop, some of the Inhabitants, none of the best husbands, hastily
gathered it for feare of the penaltie, threw it in great heaps into their
houses unhusked, and so let it lie foure or five moneths, which was
thought would have spoiled it: where the good husbands husked it, and with
much labour hung it up, where the Flies did so blow on it, they increased
[V.198.] to so many Weavels, they generally complained of great losse; but
those good fellowes that never cared but from hand to mouth, made their
boasts, that not a graine of theirs had beene touched nor hurt, there
being no better way to preserve it then by letting it lie in its huske,
and spare an infinite labour formerly had beene used. There were also very
luckily about this time found out divers places of fresh water, of which
many of the Forts were very destitute, and the Church-wardens and
Side-men were very busie in correcting the prophaners of the Sabbath,
Drunkards, Gamesters, and such like. There came also from Virginia a small
Barke with many thanks for the presents sent them; much Aquavitae, Oile,
Sacke and Bricks they brought in exchange of more Fruits and Plants,
Ducks, Turkies and Limestone, of which she had plenty, and so returned.
During the aboad of the stay of this ship, the mariage of one of the
Virginia maides was consummated with a husband fit for her, attended with
more then one hundred guests, and all the dainties for their dinner could
be provided; they made also another triall to fish for Whales, but it
tooke no more effect then the former: this was done by the Master of the
Virginia ship that professed much skill that way, but having fraughted his
ship with Lime-stone, with 20000. weight of Potatoes, and such things as
he desired, returned for Virginia.
_A strange Sodomy._
_More trialls about the wracks._ {MN}
Aprill and May were spent in building a strong new prison, and perfecting
some of the Fortifications, and by the labour of twenty men in fourteene
daies was got from the Spanish wracke foure excellent good Sacres, and
mounted them at the Forts. Then began the generall Assize, where not fewer
then fifty civill, or rather uncivill actions were handled, and twenty
criminall prisoners brought to the bar; such a multitude of such vild
people were sent to this Plantation, that he thought himselfe happy his
time was so neere expired: three of the foulest acts were these: the first
for the rape of a married woman, which was acquitted by a senselesse Jury;
the second for buggering a Sow, and the third for Sodomy with a boy, for
which they were hanged; during the time of the imprisonment of this
Buggerer of the Sow, a Dung-hill Cocke belonging to the same man did
continually haunt a Pigge of his also, and to the wonder of all them that
saw it who were many, did so frequently tread the Pigge as if it had beene
one of his Hens, that the Pigge languished and died within a while after,
and then the Cocke resorted to the very same Sow (that this fellow was
accused for) in the very same manner; and as an addition to all this,
about the same time two Chickens were hatched, the one whereof had two
heads, the other crowed very loud and lustily within twelve houres after
it was out of the shell. A desperate fellow being to bee arraigned for
stealing a Turky, rather then he would endure his triall, secretly
conveighed himselfe to Sea in a little Boat, and never since was ever
heard of, nor is he ever like to be, without an exceeding wonder, little
lesse then a miracle. {MN} In June they made another triall about the
Spanish wracke, and recovered another Sacre and a Murderer, also he caused
to be hewed out of the maine Rocke a paire of large staires for the
convenient landing of goods and passengers, a worke much to the beauty and
benefit of the towne. With twenty chosen men, and two excellent Divers,
the Governour went himselfe to the wracke Warwick, but they could recover
but one Murderer, from thence he went to the Sea-adventure, the wracke of
Sir George Summers, the hull though two or three fathomes in the water,
they found unperished and with much a doe weighed a Sacre, her sheat
Anchor, divers barres of Iron and pigs of Lead, which stood the Plantation
in very great stead. Towards the end of July he went to seeke for a
wracke they reported lay under water with her hatches spiked up, but they
could not finde her, but from the Spanish wracke lay there by they weighed
three faire Sacres more, and so returned through the Tribes to Saint
Georges: some were also imployed to seeke out beds of Oisters for Pearle,
some they found, some seed Pearle they got, but out of one little shell
above all the rest they got about 120. small Pearle, but somewhat
defective in their colour.
_The Planters complaints._ {MN}
[V.199.] The time of Captain Butlers government drawing neere an end, the
Colony presented unto him divers grievances, to intreat him to remember to
the Lords and Company in England at his returne: also they appointed two
to be joyned with him, with letters of credence to solicit in their
behalfe those grievances following: {MN} First, they The Planters were
defrauded of the food of their soules: for being not fewer then one
thousand and five hundred people, dispersed in length twenty miles, they
had at that present but one Minister, nor never had but two, and they so
shortned of their promises, that but onely for meere pity they would have
forsaken them. Secondly, neglected in the safety of their lives by wants
of all sorts of munition. Thirdly, they had beene censured contrary to his
Majesties Lawes, and not allowed them the benefit of their booke as they
are in England, but by Captaine Butler. Fourthly, they were frustrated of
many of their covenants, and most extremely pinched and undone by the
extortion of the Magazine, for although their Tobacco was stinted but at
two shillings sixpence the pound, yet they pitched their commodities at
what rate they pleased. Fifthly, their fatherlesse children are left in
little better condition then slaves, for if their Parents die in debt,
their children are made as bondmen till the debt be discharged: these
things being perfected, there grew a great question of one Heriot for
plotting of factions and abusing the Governour, for which he was condemned
to lose his eares, yet he was used so favourably he lost but the part of
one in all.
_The returne of Captaine Butler._
By this time it being growne past the wonted season of the comming in of
ships from England, after a generall longing and expectation, especially
of the Governour, whose Commission being neere upon expiration, gave him
cause to wish for a meane of deliverance from so troublesome and
thanklesse an imploiment as he had hitherto found it; a saile is
discovered, and long it was not before shee arrived in the Kings
Castle-Harbour: this Barke was set out by two or three private men of the
Company, and having landed her supplies, was to goe for Virginia; by her
the Governour received certaine advertisements of the carriage and
behaviour of the Spaniards, which he had relieved as you have heard the
yeere before; that quite contrary both to his merit, their vow, and his
owne expectation, they made clamours against him, the which being seconded
by the Spanish Ambassadour, caused the State to fall in examination about
it; whereupon having fully cleared their ingratefulnesse and impudency,
and being assured of the choice of a successor that was to be expected
within five or six weekes; hee was desirous to take the opportunity of
this Barke, and to visit the Colony in Virginia in his returne for
England: leaving the government to Captaine Felgat, Captaine Stokes,
Master Lewis Hewes, Master Nedom and Master Ginner, but now his time being
fully expired, and the fortifications finished, viz. The Kings Castle
wherein were mounted upon sufficient Platformes sixteene peece of
Ordnances: In Charles Fort two; In Southampton Fort five, betwixt which
and the Castle passeth the Chanell into the Harbour, secured by three and
twenty peeces of good artillery to play upon it. In Cowpers Ile is
Pembrocks Fort, where is two Peeces. The Chanell of Saint George is
guarded by Smiths Fort, and Pagits Fort, in which is eleven peece of
Ordnance. Saint George towne is halfe a league within the Harbour,
commanded by Warwicks Fort, where are three great Peeces, and on the
Wharfe before the Governours house eight more, besides the warning Peece
by the mount, and three in Saint Katharines; so that in all there are ten
Fortresses and two and fifty peeces of Ordnance sufficient and
serviceable: their formes and situations you may see more plainlier
described in the Map; and to defend those, he left one thousand five
hundred persons with neere a hundred boats, and the Ile well replenished
with store of such fruits, provisions and Poultry, as is formerly related;
yet for so departing and other occasions, much difference hath beene
betwixt him and some of the Company, as any of his Predecessors, which I
rather wish were reconciled, then to be a reporter of such unprofitable
dissentions.
[V.200] For
Till trechery and faction, and avarice be gone,
Till envy and ambition, and backbiting be none,
Till perjury and idlenesse, and injury be out,
And truly till that villany the worst of all that rout;
Unlesse those vises banisht be, what ever Forts you have,
A hundred walls together put will not have power to save.
A.D. 1622.
_The Lord Cavendish Treasurer,
Master Nicholas Farrar Deputy._
Master John Barnard sent to be Governour.
To supply this place was sent by the noble adventurers John Bernard, a
Gentleman both of good meanes and quality, who arrived within eight daies
after Butlers departure with two ships, and about one hundred and forty
passengers with armes and all sorts of munition and other provisions
sufficient. During the time of his life which was but six weekes in
reforming all things he found defective, he shewed himselfe so judiciall
and industrious as gave great satisfaction, and did generally promise vice
was in great danger to be suppressed, and vertue and the Plantation much
advanced; but so it hapned that both he and his wife died in such short
time they were both buried in one day and one grave, and Master John
Harrison chosen Governour till further order came from England.
A.D. 1623.
_Sir Edward Sackvil Treasurer,
Master Gabriel Barber Deputy._
What hapned in the government of
Master John Harrison.
They are still much troubled with a great short worme that devours their
Plants in the night, but all the day they lie hid in the ground, and
though early in the morning they kill so many, they would thinke there
were no more, yet the next morning you shall finde as many. The
Caterpillars to their fruits are also as pernicious, and the land Crabs in
some places are as thicke in their Borowes as Conies in a Warren, and doe
much hurt; besides all this, there hapned this yeere a very heavy
disaster, for a ship wherein there had beene much swearing and blaspheming
used all the voyage, and landed what she had to leave in those Iles,
jovially froliking in their Cups and Tobacco, by accident fired the
Powder, that at the very instant blew up the great Cabin, and some one way
and some another, it is a wonder to thinke how they could bee so blowne
out of the gun-roome into the Sea, where some were taken up living, so
pitifully burned, their lives were worse then so many deaths, some died,
some lived, but eighteene were lost at this fatall blast, the ship also
immediatly sunke with threescore barrels of meale sent for Virginia, and
all the other provision in her was thus lost.
_Note._
A.D. 1624.
_Sir Thomas Smith treasurer,
Master Edwards Deputy._ {MN}
Now to consider how the Spaniards, French, and Dutch, have beene lost and
preserved in those invincible Iles, yet never regarded them but as
monuments of miseries, though at this present they all desire them; How
Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Summers being ready to sinke in the sea
were saved, what an incredible abundance of victuall they found, how it
was first planted by the English, the strange increase of Rats, and their
sudden departure, the five men came from England in a boat, the escape of
Hilliard, and the rest of those accidents there hapned, a man would
thinke it a tabernacle of miracles, and the worlds wonder, that from such
a Paradise of admiration who would thinke should spring such wonders of
afflictions as are onely fit to be sacrificed upon the highest altars of
sorrow, thus to be set upon the highest Pinacles of content, and presently
throwne downe to the lowest degree of extremity, as you see have beene
the yeerely succeedings of those Plantations; the which to overcome, as it
is an incomparable honour, so it can be no dishonour if a man doe miscarry
by unfortunate accidents in such honourable actions, the which renowne
and vertue to attaine hath caused so many attempts by divers Nations
besides ours, even to passe through the very amazement of adventures. Upon
the relation of this newes the Company hath sent one Captaine Woodhouse,
a Gentleman of good repute and great experience in the warres, and no
lesse provident then industrious and valiant: then returned report, all
goeth well there. It is too true, in the absence of the noble Treasurer,
Sir Edward Sackvill, now Earle of Dorset, there have beene such complaints
betwixt the Planters and the Company, {MN} that by command the Lords
appointed Sir Thomas Smith againe Treasurer, that since then according to
their order of Court he is also elected, where now we must leave them all
to their good fortune and successe, till we heare further of their
fortunate proceedings.
FINIS.
END OF VOLUME I.
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