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Title: A Book of American Explorers
Author: Higginson, Thomas Wentworth
Language: English
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A BOOK OF
AMERICAN EXPLORERS
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Illustration: COLUMBUS AT THE MOUTH OF THE ORINOCO.
Young Folks’ Series.
A BOOK OF
AMERICAN EXPLORERS
BY
THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON
AUTHOR OF “YOUNG FOLKS’ HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES,” ETC.
BOSTON
LEE AND SHEPARD
1877
COPYRIGHT.
THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON.
1877.
_Electrotyped and Printed by
Rand, Avery, and Company,
117 Franklin Street,
Boston._
_DEDICATION._
TO
GEORGE BARRELL EMERSON,
WITHOUT WHOSE COUNSEL AND WHOSE EFFICIENT KINDNESS THIS
HISTORICAL SERIES WOULD NEVER HAVE BEEN UNDERTAKEN,
THIS VOLUME
IS RESPECTFULLY AND AFFECTIONATELY
INSCRIBED.
PREFACE.
IT has always seemed to me that the narratives of the early discoverers
and explorers of the American coast were as interesting as “Robinson
Crusoe,” and were, indeed, very much like it. This has led me to make a
series of extracts from these narratives, selecting what appeared to me
the most interesting parts, and altering only the spelling. The grammar
is not always correct; but it would be impossible to alter that without
changing the style of writing too much: so it has not been changed at
all. Wherever it has seemed necessary, I have put a word of my own in
brackets [thus]; but all else is the very language of the old writers,
or their translators. Whenever any thing has been omitted, great or
small, the place is marked by dots.... Some of the hardest words have
been explained by footnotes.
One great thing which I have wished my readers to learn is the charm of
an original narrative. We should all rather hear a shipwreck described
by a sailor who was on board the ship than to read the best account of
it afterwards prepared by the most skilful writer. What I most desire
is, that those who have here acquired a taste for these old stories
should turn to the books from which the extracts are taken, and follow
up the study for themselves. Then they can go with renewed interest to
the pages of Bancroft and Parkman, or at least to my own “Young Folks’
History,” for the thread on which these quaint narratives may be strung.
The explorers of various nations are represented in this book.
There are Northmen, Italians, Englishmen, Frenchmen, Spaniards, and
Dutchmen. Where the original narrative was in some foreign language,
that translation has been chosen which gives most of the spirit of the
original; and Mr. Cabot’s versions of the Norse legends were especially
selected for this reason. It seemed proper to begin the book with these;
and it is brought down to the time when the Virginia and Massachusetts
colonies, with that of the New Netherlands, were fairly planted on the
American shore.
Possibly, at some future time, I may recommence with the Massachusetts
colonies, and tell their story, down to the Revolution; either in a
book of extracts, like this, or in my own words.
T. W. H.
NEWPORT, R.I., March 1, 1877.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
I. THE LEGENDS OF THE NORTHMEN (985‒1008)
1. How the Northmen discovered North America
2. The Voyage of Leif the Lucky
3. Leif finds Vines, and goes back to Greenland
4. Thorvald, Leif’s Brother, goes to Vinland
5. Karlsefni’s Adventures
II. COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS (1492‒1503)
1. The First Letter from Columbus
2. The Second Voyage of Columbus
3. Columbus reaches the Mainland
4. Columbus at the Mouth of the Orinoco
5. Columbus thinks himself near the Earthly Paradise
6. Daring Deed of Diego Mendez
7. How Diego Mendez got Food for Columbus
8. How Diego Mendez saved Columbus
9. Appeal of Columbus in his Old Age
III. CABOT AND VERRAZZANO (1497‒1524)
1. First News of John and Sebastian Cabot
2. Sebastian Cabot’s Voyage
3. Verrazzano’s Letter to the King
IV. THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CABEZA DE VACA (1528‒1533)
1. The Strange Voyage
2. Cabeza de Vaca saved by Indians
3. Cabeza de Vaca’s Captivity
4. The Indians of the Gulf of Mexico
5. Cabeza de Vaca’s Escape
V. THE FRENCH IN CANADA (1534‒1536)
1. Cartier’s Visit to Bay of Chaleur
2. Cartier sets up a Cross
3. Cartier ascends the St. Lawrence
4. How the Indians tried to frighten Cartier
5. How Cartier reached Hochelaga, now Montreal
6. The Festivities at Hochelaga
VI. ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO (1538‒1542)
1. How De Soto set sail
2. De Soto attacks the Indians, and finds a Fellow
Countryman
3. The Story of John Ortiz
4. De Soto discovers the Mississippi
5. De Soto’s Vain Attempts to reach the Sea
6. Death and Burial of De Soto
VII. THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA (1562‒1565)
1. Jean Ribaut in Florida
2. Alone in the New World
3. Laudonnière’s Search for the Colonists
4. Capture of Fort Caroline by the Spaniards
VIII. SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT (1583)
IX. THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA (1584‒1590)
1. The First Voyage to Virginia
2. Visit to an Indian Princess
3. Adventures of the First Virginia Colony
4. The Second English Colony in Virginia
5. Search for the Lost Colony
X. UNSUCCESSFUL NEW ENGLAND SETTLEMENTS (1602‒1607)
1. Gosnold’s Fort at Cuttyhunk
2. Captain Waymouth explores the Penobscot
3. The Popham Colony on the Kennebec
4. Captain Gilbert’s Adventure with Indians
XI. CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH (1606‒1631)
1. The Virginia Colony
2. The Colonists
3. Captain Smith’s Capture by Indians
4. Captain Smith and Pocahontas
5. King Powhatan
6. A Virginia Princess
7. An Indian Dance in Virginia
8. Indian Children
9. “The Planter’s Pleasure and Profit”
10. The Glories of Fishing
11. Visit of Pocahontas to London
12. First Buildings of the Virginia Colonists
13. Captain Smith’s Recollections
XII. CHAMPLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH (1609)
XIII. HENRY HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS (1609‒1626)
1. Discovery of the Hudson River
2. Indian Traditions of Hudson’s Arrival
3. Hudson’s Last Voyage, and how he was set adrift in
the Ice
4. Dutch Settlement of the New Netherlands
XIV. THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH (1620‒1621)
1. Sailing of the Pilgrims
2. Miles Standish at Cape Cod
3. The First Encounter
4. The Landing on Plymouth Rock
5. Plymouth Village founded
6. “Welcome, Englishmen!”
XV. THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY (1629‒1631)
1. Voyage of the Massachusetts Colonists
2. The Puritans in Salem Harbor
3. The Four Elements in New England
4. A Sea-Adventure of the Puritans
5. Governor Winthrop’s Night out of Doors
6. The Privations of the Puritans
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
DESIGNED AND ENGRAVED UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF
GEORGE T. ANDREW.
1. Columbus at the Mouth of the Orinoco
2. A Norse Ship
3. Esquimau Boat
4. Dutch Man-of-War
5. Reception of Columbus by Ferdinand and Isabella
6. Fleet of Columbus
7. Ship of the Fifteenth Century
8. Portrait of Verrazzano
9. Verrazzano in Newport Harbor
10. Indians making Canoes
11. Cabeza de Vaca building the Boat
12. Portrait of Jacques Cartier
13. Cartier raising a Cross on the St. Charles River
14. Indians trying to frighten Cartier
15. Portrait of De Soto
16. Landing of De Soto
17. Burial of De Soto
18. Indians in Canoe
19. Ribaut’s Pillar decorated by Indians
20. Fort Caroline
21. Portrait of Menendez
22. Indian Village in Virginia
23. Baptism of First Child in Virginia
24. The Explorers looking at the Tree
25. Palisaded Town
26. Gosnold’s Fort
27. Captain Weymouth sailing up the Penobscot
28. Portrait of James I.
29. Old Print of Smith’s Capture
30. Facsimile Illustration of Pocahontas saving the Life of Smith
31. Indian Dance
32. Cod-Fishing
33. Portrait of Pocahontas
34. Portrait of Champlain
35. Champlain on the War-Path
36. Hudson in the Highlands
37. Indians on Board “The Half-Moon”
38. Settlement on the Hudson River
39. Delph’s Haven
40. “The Mayflower” in Provincetown
41. Portrait of Governor Winslow
42. Sword of Standish
43. Sunday on Clark’s Island
44. Landing of Mary Chilton
45. Meeting of Captain Standish and Massasoit
46. Governor Carver’s Chair
47. Portrait of Francis Higginson
48. Governor Endicott
49. First Church in Salem
50. Old Planter’s House at Salem
51. Portrait of Governor Winthrop
52. Famine among the Pilgrims
BOOK I.
THE LEGENDS OF THE NORTHMEN.
(A.D. 985‒1008.)
THESE extracts are taken from two Icelandic works called _Tháttr
Eireks Rauda_ (the piece about Eirek the Red) and _Graenlendinga
Thátt_ (the piece about the Greenlanders). These passages were
translated by J. Elliot Cabot, Esq., and were published in “The
Massachusetts Quarterly Review” for March, 1849.
It is now the general belief of historians, that these legends
are mainly correct; and that the region described as Vinland
was a part of the North-American Continent. Beyond this we do
not know. The poet Whittier has written thus of these early
explorers, in his poem called “The Norsemen:”――
“What sea-worn barks are those which throw
The light spray from each rushing prow?
Have they not in the North Sea’s blast
Bowed to the waves the straining mast?
Their frozen sails the low, pale sun
Of Thule’s night has shone upon;
Flapped by the sea-wind’s gusty sweep,
Round icy drift and headland steep.
Wild Jutland’s wives and Lochlin’s daughters
Have watched them fading o’er the waters,
Lessening through driving mist and spray,
Like white-winged sea-birds on their way.
Onward they glide; and now I view
Their iron-armed and stalwart crew:
Joy glistens in each wild blue eye
Turned to green earth and summer sky:
Each broad, seamed breast has cast aside
Its cumbering vest of shaggy hide:
Bared to the sun, and soft warm air,
Streams back the Norseman’s yellow hair.
I see the gleam of axe and spear;
The sound of smitten shields I hear,
Keeping a harsh and fitting time
To Saga’s chant and Runic rhyme.”
THE LEGENDS OF THE NORTHMEN.
I.――HOW THE NORTHMEN DISCOVERED NORTH AMERICA.
[About the year 860, a Danish sailor named Gardar was driven
upon the shores of Iceland, after which that island was settled
by a colony from Norway. About a hundred years later, Greenland
was settled from Iceland; Eirek the Red being the first to make
the voyage. With him went one Heriulf, whose son Biarni had been
in the habit of passing every other winter with his father, and
then sailing on distant voyages. Then happened what follows.]
THAT same summer (985 or 986) came Biarni with his ship to Eyrar
(Iceland), in the spring of which his father had sailed from the island.
These tidings seemed to Biarni weighty, and he would not unload his
ship. Then asked his sailors[1] what he meant to do. He answered, that
he meant to hold to his wont,[2] and winter with his father; “and I
will bear for Greenland, if you will follow me thither.” All said they
would do as he wished. Then said Biarni, “Imprudent they will think our
voyage, since none of us has been in the Greenland Sea.”
Illustration: A NORSE SHIP.
Yet they bore out to sea as soon as they were bound,[3] and sailed
three days, till the land was sunk.[4] Then the fair wind fell off, and
there arose north winds and fogs, and they knew not whither they fared;
and so it went for many days. After that, they saw the sun, and could
then get their bearings. Then they hoisted sail, and sailed that day
before they saw land; and they counselled with themselves what land
that might be. But Biarni said he thought it could not be Greenland.
They asked him whether he would sail to the land, or not. “This is my
counsel, to sail nigh to the land,” said he. And so they did, and soon
saw that the land was without fells,[5] and wooded, and small heights
on the land; and they left the land to larboard, and let the foot of
the sail look towards land.[6] After that, they sailed two days before
they saw another land. They asked if Biarni thought this was Greenland.
He said he thought it no more Greenland than the first; “for the
glaciers are very huge, as they say, in Greenland.” They soon neared
the land, and saw that it was flat land, and overgrown with wood.[7]
Then the fair wind fell. Then the sailors said that it seemed prudent
to them to land there; but Biarni would not. They thought they needed
both wood and water. “Of neither are you in want,” said Biarni; but he
got some hard speeches for that from his sailors. He bade them hoist
sail, and so they did; and they turned the bows from the land, and
sailed out to sea with a west-south wind three days, and saw a third
land; but that land was high, mountainous, and covered with glaciers.[8]
They asked then if Biarni would put ashore there; but he said he would
not, “for this land seems to me not very promising.” They did not lower
their sails, but held on along this land, and saw that it was an island;
but they turned the stern to the land, and sailed seawards with the
same fair wind. But the wind rose; and Biarni bade them shorten sail,
and not to carry more than their ship and tackle would bear. They
sailed now four days, then saw they land the fourth. Then they asked
Biarni whether he thought that was Greenland, or not. Biarni answered,
“That is likest to what is said to me of Greenland; and we will put
ashore.” So they did, and landed under a certain ness[9] at evening
of the day. And there was a boat at the ness, and there lived Heriulf,
the father of Biarni, on this ness; and from him has the ness taken
its name, and is since called Heriulfsness. Now fared[10] Biarni to
his father, and gave up sailing, and was with his father whilst Heriulf
lived, and afterwards lived there after his father.
II.――THE VOYAGE OF LEIF THE LUCKY.
[After Biarni had reached the Greenland settlement, and told
his story, he was blamed for not having explored these unknown
lands more carefully; and Leif the Lucky bought Biarni’s vessel,
and set sail with thirty-five companions, to see what he could
discover.]
(A.D. 999.) First they found the land which Biarni had found last.
Then sailed they to the land, and cast anchor, and put off a boat, and
went ashore, and saw there no grass. Mickle[11] glaciers were over all
the higher parts; but it was like a plain of rock from the glaciers
to the sea, and it seemed to them that the land was good for nothing.
Then said Leif, “We have not done about this land like Biarni, not to
go upon it: now I will give a name to the land, and call it Helluland
(flat-stone land).”[12] Then they went to their ship. After that they
sailed into the sea, and found another land, sailed up to it, and cast
anchor; then put off a boat, and went ashore. This land was flat, and
covered with wood and broad white sands wherever they went, and the
shore was low. Then said Leif, “From its make[13] shall a name be given
to this land; and it shall be called Markland (Woodland).”[14] Then
they went quickly down to the vessel. Now they sailed thence into the
sea with a north-east wind, and were out two days before they saw land;
and they sailed to land, and came to an island that lay north of the
land; and they went on to it, and looked about them in good weather,
and found that dew lay upon the grass;[15] and that happened that they
put their hands in the dew, and brought it to their mouths, and they
thought they had never known any thing so sweet as that was. Then they
went to their ship, and sailed into that sound that lay between the
island and a ness[16] which went northward from the land, and then
steered westward past the ness. There were great shoals at ebb-tide;
and their vessel stood up;[17] and it was far to see from the ship to
the sea. But they were so curious to fare to the land, that they could
not bear to bide till the sea came under their ship, and ran ashore
where a river flows out from a lake. But, when the sea came under their
ship, then took they the boat, and rowed to the ship, and took it up
into the river, and then into the lake, and there cast anchor, and bore
from the ship their skin-cots,[18] and made their booths.
Afterwards they took counsel to stay there that winter, and made there
great houses. There was no scarcity of salmon in the rivers and lakes,
and larger salmon than they had before seen. There was the land so
good, as it seemed to them, that no cattle would want fodder for the
winter. There came no frost in the winter, and little did the grass
fall off there. Day and night were more equal there than in Greenland
or Iceland.... But when they had ended their house-building, then said
Leif to his companions, “Now let our company be divided into two parts,
and the land kenned;[19] and one half of the people shall be at the
house at home, but the other half shall ken the land, and fare not
further than that they may come home at evening, and they shall not
separate.” Now so they did one time. Leif changed about, so that he
went with them (one day) and (the next) was at home at the house. Leif
was a mickle[20] man and stout, most noble to see, a wise man, and
moderate in all things.
III.――LEIF FINDS VINES, AND GOES BACK TO GREENLAND.
ONE evening it chanced that a man was wanting of their people; and this
was Tyrker, the Southerner.[21] Leif took this very ill; for Tyrker had
been long with his parents, and loved Leif much in his childhood. Leif
now chid his people sharply, and made ready to fare forth to seek him,
and twelve men with him. But when they had gone a little way, there
came Tyrker to meet them, and was joyfully received. Leif found at once
that his old friend was somewhat out of his mind: he was bustling and
unsteady-eyed, freckled in face, little and wizened in growth, but a
man of skill in all arts. Then said Leif to him, “Why wert thou so late,
my fosterer,[22] and separated from the party?” He talked at first a
long while in German, and rolled many ways his eyes, and twisted his
face; but they skilled not what he said. He said then in Norse, after a
time, “I went not very far; but I have great news to tell. I have found
grape-vines and grapes.”――“Can that be true, my fosterer?” quoth Leif.
“Surely it is true,” quoth he; “for I was brought up where there is no
want of grape-vines or grapes.” Then they slept for the night; but in
the morning Leif said to his sailors, “Now we shall have two jobs: each
day we will either gather grapes, or hew grape-vines, and fell trees,
so there will be a cargo for my ship;” and that was the counsel taken.
It is said that their long boat was filled with grapes. Now was hewn a
cargo for the ship; And when spring came they got ready, and sailed off;
and Leif gave a name to the land after its sort, and called it Vinland
(Wine-Land). They sailed then afterwards into the sea, and had a fair
wind until they saw Greenland, and the fells[23] under the glaciers....
After that he was called Leif the Lucky. Leif was now both well to do
and honored....
Now there was a great talk about Leif’s Vinland voyage; and Thorvald,
his brother, thought the land had been too little explored. Then said
Leif to Thorvald, “Thou shalt go with my ship, brother, if thou wilt,
to Vinland.”[24]
IV.――THORVALD, LEIF’S BROTHER, GOES TO VINLAND.
NOW Thorvald made ready for this voyage with thirty men, with the
counsel thereon of Leif, his brother. Then they fitted out their ship,
and bore out to sea (A.D. 1002): and there is nothing told of their
voyage before they came to Vinland, to Leif’s booths; and they laid up
their ship, and dwelt in peace there that winter, and caught fish for
their meat. But in the spring, Thorvald said they would get ready their
ship, and send their long-boat, and some men with it, along to the
westward of the land, and explore it during the summer. The land seemed
to them fair and woody, and narrow between the woods and the sea, and
of white sand. There were many islands and great shoals. They found
neither man’s abode nor beast’s; but, on an island to the westward,
they found a corn-shed of wood. More works of men they found not; and
they went back, and came to Leif’s booths in the fall. But the next
summer fared Thorvald eastward with the merchant-ship, and coasted to
the northward. Here a heavy storm arose as they were passing one of two
capes, and drove them up there, and broke the keel under the ship; and
they dwelt there long, and mended their ship. Then said Thorvald to his
companions, “Now will I that we raise up here the keel on the ness,[25]
and call it Keelness;”[26] and so they did.
After that, they sailed thence, and coasted to the eastward, and
into the mouths of the firths[27] that were nearest to them, and to a
headland that stretched out. This was all covered with wood: here they
brought the ship into harbor, and shoved a bridge on to the land, and
Thorvald went ashore with all his company. He said then, “Here it is
fair, and here would I like to raise my dwelling.” They went then to
the ship, and saw upon the sands within the headland three heights;
and they went thither, and saw there three skin-boats, and three men
under each. Then they divided their people, and laid hands on them all,
except one that got off with his boat. They killed these eight, and
went then back to the headland, and looked about them there, and saw
in the firth some heights, and thought they were dwellings. After that
there came a heaviness on them so great that they could not keep awake;
and all slumbered. Then came a call above them, so that they all awoke.
Thus said the call, “Awake, Thorvald, and all thy company, if thou
wilt keep thy life; and fare thou to thy ship, and all thy men, and
fare from the land of the quickest.”[28] Then came from the firth
innumerable skin-boats, and made toward them.
Thorvald said then, “We will set up our battle-shields, and guard
ourselves the best we can, but fight little against them.” So they did,
and the Skraelings[29] shot at them for a while, but then fled, each as
fast as he could. Then Thorvald asked his men if any of them was hurt:
they said they were not hurt. “I have got a hurt under the arm,” said
he; “for an arrow flew between the bulwarks and the shield under my arm;
and here is the arrow, and that will be my death. Now I counsel that ye
make ready as quickly as may be to return; but ye shall bear me to the
headland which I thought the likeliest place to build. It may be it
was a true word I spoke, that I should dwell there for a time. There
ye shall bury me, and set crosses at my head and feet, and call it
Krossanes[30] henceforth.” Greenland was then Christianized; but Eirek
the Red had died before Christianity came thither.
Now Thorvald died; but they did every thing according as he had said,
and then went and found their companions, and told each other the news
they had to tell, and lived there that winter, and gathered grapes and
vines for loading the ship. Then in the spring they made ready to sail
for Greenland, and came with their ship to Eireksfirth, and had great
tidings to tell to Leif.
V.――KARLSEFNI’S ADVENTURES.
[Karlsefni, a rich Norwegian, came to Greenland, staid at
Leif’s house, married a wife, and was finally persuaded to bring
a colony of sixty men and five women to Vinland.]
THIS agreement made Karlsefni and his seamen, that they should have
even handed[31] all that they should get in the way of goods. They had
with them all sorts of cattle, as they thought to settle there if they
might. Karlsefni begged Leif for his house in Vinland; but he said
he would lend him the house, but not give it. Then they bore out to
the sea with the ship, and came to Leif’s booths, hale and whole, and
landed there their cattle. There soon came into their hands a great and
good prize; for a whale was driven ashore, both great and good; then
they went to cut up the whale, and had no scarcity of food. The cattle
went up into the country; and it soon happened that the male cattle
became wild and unruly. They had with them a bull. Karlsefni had wood
felled, and brought to the ship, and had the wood piled on the cliff to
dry. They had all the good things of the country, both of grapes, and
of all sorts of game and other things.
Illustration: ESQUIMAU BOAT.
After the first winter came the summer; then they saw appear the
Skraelings, and there came from out the wood a great number of men.
Near by were their neat-cattle; and the bull took to bellowing, and
roared loudly, whereat the Skraelings were frightened, and ran off
with their bundles. These were furs and sable-skins, and skin-wares
of all kinds. And they turned toward Karlsefni’s booths, and wanted to
get into the house; but Karlsefni had the doors guarded. Neither party
understood the other’s language. Then the Skraelings took down their
bags, and opened them, and offered them for sale, and wanted, above all,
to have weapons for them. But Karlsefni forbade them to sell weapons.
He took this plan: he bade the women bring out their dairy-stuff[32]
for them; and, so soon as they saw this, they would have that, and
nothing more. Now this was the way the Skraelings traded: they bore
off their wares in their stomachs. But Karlsefni and his companions had
their bags and skin-wares, and so they parted. Now hereof is this to
say, that Karlsefni had posts driven strongly round about his booths,
and made all complete. At this time Gudrid, the wife of Karlsefni,
bore a man-child, and he was called Snorri. In the beginning of the
next winter the Skraelings came to them again, and were many more than
before; and they had the same wares as before. Then Karlsefni said to
the women, “Now bring forth the same food that was most liked before,
and no other.” And, when they saw it, they cast their bundles in over
the fence.... [But one of them being killed by one of Karlsefni’s men,
they all fled in haste, and left their garments and wares behind.]
“Now I think we need a good counsel,” said Karlsefni; “for I think
they will come for the third time in anger, and with many men. Now we
must do this: ten men must go out on that ness,[33] and show themselves
there; but another party must go into the wood, and hew a place for our
neat-cattle when the foe shall come from the wood; and we must take the
bull, and let him go before us.” But thus it was with the place where
they thought to meet, that a lake was on one side, and the wood on the
other. Now it was done as Karlsefni had said. Now came the Skraelings
to the place where Karlsefni had thought should be the battle; and now
there was a battle, and many of the Skraelings fell.
There was one large and handsome man among the Skraelings; and
Karlsefni thought he might be their leader. Now one of the Skraelings
had taken up an axe, and looked at it a while, and struck at one of his
fellows, and hit him, whereupon he fell dead; then the large man took
the axe, and looked at it a while, and threw it into the sea as far
as he could. But after that they fled to the wood, each as fast as he
could; and thus ended the strife. Karlsefni and his companions were
there all that winter; but in the spring Karlsefni said he would stay
there no longer, and would fare to Greenland. Now they made ready for
the voyage, and bare thence much goods, namely, grape-vines and grapes
and skin-wares. Now they sailed into the sea, and came whole with their
ships to Eireksfirth, and were there that winter.
Illustration: DUTCH MAN-OF-WAR.
BOOK II.
COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS.
(A.D. 1492‒1503.)
Illustration: RECEPTION OF COLUMBUS BY FERDINAND AND ISABELLA.
The following passages are taken from “Select Letters of
Christopher Columbus,” published by the Hakluyt Society, London,
1847, pp. 1‒17, 20‒22, 27, 33‒36, 40‒42, 114‒121, 129‒138,
200‒202, 205‒210, 214‒225. These letters were translated by
R. H. Major, Esq., of the British Museum.
COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS.
I.――THE FIRST LETTER FROM COLUMBUS.
[This letter was written on board ship, by Columbus, March 14,
1493, “to the noble Lord Raphael Sanchez, Treasurer to their
most invincible Majesties, Ferdinand and Isabella, King and
Queen of Spain.” It was written in Spanish, but the original
is supposed to be lost. Latin translations of it were made and
published in different cities; and a poetical translation was
made in Italian, and was sung about the streets of Italy.]
KNOWING that it will afford you pleasure to learn that I have
brought my undertaking to a successful termination, I have decided upon
writing you this letter to acquaint you with all the events which have
occurred in my voyage, and the discoveries which have resulted from
it. Thirty-three days after my departure from Cadiz, I reached the
Indian Sea,[34] where I discovered many islands, thickly peopled, of
which I took possession, without resistance, in the name of our most
illustrious Monarch, by public proclamation and with unfurled banners.
To the first of these islands, which is called by the Indians Guanahani,
I gave the name of the blessed Saviour (San Salvador), relying upon
whose protection I had reached this as well as the other islands. To
each of these I also gave a name, ordering that one should be called
Santa Maria de la Concepcion; another, Fernandina; the third, Isabella;
the fourth, Juana; and so with all the rest respectively. As soon
as we arrived at that, which, as I have said, was named Juana,[35] I
proceeded along its coast a short distance westward, and found it to be
so large, and apparently without termination, that I could not suppose
it to be an island, but the continental province of Cathay.[36] Seeing,
however, no towns or populous places on the seacoast, but only a few
detached houses and cottages, with whose inhabitants I was unable to
communicate, because they fled as soon as they saw us, I went further
on, thinking, that, in my progress, I should certainly find some city
or village.
At length, after proceeding a great way, and finding that nothing new
presented itself, and that the line of coast was leading us northwards,
I resolved not to attempt any further progress, but rather to turn back,
and retrace my course to a certain bay that I had observed, and from
which I afterwards despatched two of our men to ascertain whether there
were a king or any cities in that province. These men reconnoitred
the country for three days, and found a most numerous population, and
great numbers of houses, though small, and built without any regard to
order; with which information they returned to us. In the mean time, I
had learned from some Indians whom I had seized, that that country was
certainly an island; and therefore I sailed towards the east, coasting
to the distance of three hundred and twenty-two miles, which brought us
to the extremity of it: from this point I saw lying eastwards another
island, fifty-four miles distant from Juana, to which I gave the name
of Española.[37]...
All these islands are very beautiful, and distinguished by a diversity
of scenery. They are filled with a great variety of trees of immense
height, and which I believe to retain their foliage in all seasons;
for when I saw them they were as verdant and luxuriant as they usually
are in Spain in the month of May,――some of them were blossoming,
some bearing fruit, and all flourishing in the greatest perfection,
according to their respective stages of growth, and the nature and
quality of each: yet the islands are not so thickly wooded as to be
impassable. The nightingale and various birds were singing in countless
numbers, and that in November, the month in which I arrived there....
None of them,[38] as I have already said, are possessed of any iron;
neither have they weapons, being unacquainted with, and, indeed,
incompetent to use, them; not from any deformity of body――for they are
well formed,――but because they are timid, and full of fear. They carry,
however, in lieu[39] of arms, canes dried in the sun, on the ends of
which they fix heads of dried wood sharpened to a point: and even these
they dare not use habitually; for it has often occurred, when I have
sent two or three of my men to any of the villages to speak with the
natives, that they have come out in a disorderly troop, and have fled
in such haste, at the approach of our men, that the fathers forsook
their children, and the children their fathers.
This timidity did not arise from any loss or injury that they had
received from us; for, on the contrary, I gave to all I approached
whatever articles I had about me, such as cloth, and many other things,
taking nothing of theirs in return: but they are naturally timid and
fearful. As soon, however, as they see that they are safe, and have
laid aside all fear, they are very simple and honest, and exceedingly
liberal with all that they have, none of them refusing any thing he
may possess when he is asked for it, but, on the contrary, inviting us
to ask them. They exhibit great love towards all others in preference
to themselves: they also give objects of great value for trifles, and
content themselves with very little, or nothing, in return. I, however,
forbade that these trifles and articles of no value――such as pieces
of dishes, plates and glass, keys, and leather straps――should be given
to them, although, if they could obtain them, they imagined themselves
to be possessed of the most beautiful trinkets in the world. It even
happened that a sailor received for a leather strap as much gold as
was worth three golden nobles; and for things of more trifling value
offered by our men, especially newly coined _blancas_,[40] or any gold
coins, the Indians would give whatever the seller required; as, for
instance, an ounce and a half or two ounces of gold, or thirty or forty
pounds of cotton; with which commodity they were already acquainted.
Thus they bartered, like idiots, cotton and gold for fragments of
bows, glasses, bottles, and jars; which I forbade, as being unjust,
and myself gave them many beautiful and acceptable articles which I
had brought with me, taking nothing from them in return. I did this in
order that I might the more easily conciliate them, that they might be
led to become Christians, and be inclined to entertain a regard for the
king and queen, our princes, and all Spaniards; and that I might induce
them to take an interest in seeking out, and collecting, and delivering
to us, such things as they possessed in abundance, but which we greatly
needed.
They practise no kind of idolatry, but have a firm belief that all
strength and power, and indeed all good things, are in heaven, and
I had descended from thence with these ships and sailors; and under
this impression was I received after they had thrown aside their fears.
Nor are they slow or stupid, but of very clear understanding; and
those men who have crossed to the neighboring islands give an admirable
description of every thing they observed: but they never saw any people
clothed, nor any ships like ours.
On my arrival at that sea, I had taken some Indians by force from
the first island that I came to, in order that they might learn our
language, and communicate to us what they knew respecting the country;
which plan succeeded excellently, and was a great advantage to us; for
in a short time, either by gestures and signs, or by words, we were
enabled to understand each other. These men are still travelling with
me, and, although they have been with us now a long time, they continue
to entertain the idea that I have descended from heaven; and on our
arrival at any new place they publish this, crying out immediately with
a loud voice to the other Indians, “Come! come and look upon beings
of a celestial race;” upon which both women and men, children and
adults, young men and old, when they got rid of the fear they at first
entertained, would come out in throngs, crowding the roads to see
us, some bringing food, others drink, with astonishing affection and
kindness.
Each of these islands has a great number of canoes, built of solid wood,
narrow, and not unlike our double-banked boats in length and shape,
but swifter in their motion: they steer them only by the oar. These
canoes are of various sizes; but the greater number are constructed
with eighteen banks[41] of oars: and with these they cross to the other
islands, which are of countless number, to carry on traffic with the
people. I saw some of these canoes that held as many as seventy-eight
rowers. In all these islands there is no difference of physiognomy, of
manners, or of language; but they all clearly understand each other....
There are in the western part of the island two provinces which I
did not visit: one of these is called by the Indians Anam, and its
inhabitants are born with tails.[42]...
Finally, to compress into few words the entire summary of my voyage and
speedy return, and of the advantages derivable therefrom, I promise,
that, with a little assistance afforded me by our most invincible
sovereigns, I will procure them as much gold as they need, as great a
quantity of spices, of cotton, and of mastic, which is only found at
Chios, and as many men for the service of the navy, as their Majesties
may require. I promise, also, rhubarb, and other sorts of drugs, which
I am persuaded the men whom I have left in the aforesaid fortress have
found already, and will continue to find. I myself have tarried nowhere
longer than I was compelled to do by the winds, except in the city
of Navidad, while I provided for the building of the fortress, and
took the necessary precautions for the perfect security of the men
I left there. Although all I have related may appear to be wonderful
and unheard of, yet the results of my voyage would have been more
astonishing, if I had had at my disposal such ships as I required....
Thus it has happened to me in the present instance, who have
accomplished a task to which the powers of mortal man have never
hitherto attained; for, if there have been those who have anywhere
written or spoken of these islands, they have done so with doubts and
conjectures; and no one has ever asserted that he has seen them, on
which account their writings have been looked upon as little else than
fables. Therefore let the king and queen, our princes and their most
happy kingdoms, and all the other provinces of Christendom, render
thanks to our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who has granted us so
great a victory, and such prosperity. Let processions be made, and
sacred feasts be held, and the temples be adorned with festive boughs.
Let Christ rejoice on earth, as he rejoices in heaven, in the prospect
of the salvation of the souls of so many nations hitherto lost. Let us
also rejoice, as well on account of the exaltation of our faith, as on
account of the increase of our temporal prosperity, of which not only
Spain, but all Christendom, will be partakers.
Such are the events which I have briefly described.
Farewell. Christopher Columbus,
_Admiral of the Fleet of the Ocean_.
LISBON, the 14th of March.
II.――SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS.
[This description is taken from a letter by Dr. Chanca,
physician to the fleet of Columbus, to the authorities of
Seville, Dr. Chanca’s residence.]
ON the first Sunday after All Saints, namely, the 3d of November
[1493], about dawn, a pilot of the ship “Capitana” cried out, “The
reward! I see the land!” The joy of the people was so great, that it
was wonderful to hear their cries and exclamations of pleasure. And
they had good reason to be delighted; for they had become so wearied of
bad living, and of working the water out of the ships, that all sighed
most anxiously for land....
On the morning of the aforesaid Sunday, we saw lying before us an
island;[43] and soon on the right hand another appeared: the first was
high and mountainous, on the side nearest to us; the other flat, and
very thickly wooded. As soon as it became lighter, other islands began
to appear on both sides; so that on that day there were six islands to
be seen lying in different directions, and most of them of considerable
size. We directed our course towards that which we had first seen; and,
reaching the coast, we proceeded more than a league in search of a port
where we might anchor, but without finding one. All that part of the
island which we could observe appeared mountainous, very beautiful,
and green even up to the water, which was delightful to see; for at
that season there is scarcely any thing green in our own country.
When we found that there was no harbor there, the admiral decided that
we should go to the other island, which appeared on the right, and
which was at four or five leagues distance: one vessel, however, still
remained on the first island all that day, seeking for a harbor, in
case it should be necessary to return thither. At length, having found
a good one, where they saw both people and dwellings, they returned
that night to the fleet, which had put into harbor at the other
island;[44] and there the admiral, accompanied by a great number of men,
landed with a royal banner in his hands, and took formal possession in
behalf of their Majesties....
On this first day of our landing, several men and women came on the
beach up to the water’s edge, and gazed at the boats in astonishment at
so novel a sight; and, when a boat pushed on shore to speak with them,
they cried out, “_Tayno, tayno!_” which is as much as to say, “Good,
good!” and waited for the landing of the sailors, standing by the boat
in such a manner that they might escape when they pleased. The result
was, that none of the men could be persuaded to join us; and only two
were taken by force, who were secured, and led away....
Another day, at the dinner-hour, we arrived at an island[45] which
seemed to be worth finding; for, judging by the extent of cultivation
in it, it appeared very populous. We went thither, and put into harbor,
when the admiral immediately sent on shore a well-manned barge to hold
speech with the Indians, in order to ascertain what race they were,
and also because we considered it necessary to gain some information
respecting our course; although it afterwards plainly appeared that
the admiral, who had never made that passage before, had taken a
very correct route. But, since doubtful questions ought always by
investigation to be reduced as nearly to a certainty as possible, he
wished that communication should be held with the natives at once;
and some of the men who went in a barge leaped on shore, and went up
to a village, whence the inhabitants had already withdrawn, and hidden
themselves. They took in this island five or six women and some boys,
most of whom were captives, like those in the other island. We learned
from the women whom we had brought with us, that the natives of this
place also were Caribbees. As this barge was about to return to the
ships with the capture which they had taken, a canoe came along the
coast, containing four men, two women, and a boy; and, when they saw
the fleet, they were so stupefied with amazement, that for a good hour
they remained motionless at the distance of nearly two gunshots from
the ships. In this position they were seen by those who were in the
barge, and also by all the fleet. Meanwhile, those in the barge moved
towards the canoe, but so close in shore, that the Indians, in their
perplexity and astonishment as to what all this could mean, never saw
them until they were so near that escape was impossible; for our men
pressed on them so rapidly, that they could not get away, although they
made considerable effort to do so.
When the Caribbees saw that all attempt at flight was useless, they
most courageously took to their bows, both women and men: I say most
courageously, because they were only four men and two women, and our
people were twenty-five in number. Two of our men were wounded by the
Indians, one with two arrow-shots in his breast, and another with one
in his side; and if it had not happened that they carried shields and
wooden bucklers, and that they got near them with the barge, and upset
their canoe, most of them would have been killed with their arrows.
After their canoe was upset, they remained in the water, swimming and
occasionally wading――for there were shallows in that part,――still using
their bows as much as they could; so that our men had enough to do to
take them: and, after all, there was one of them whom they were unable
to secure till he had received a mortal wound with a lance, and whom,
thus wounded, they took to the ships. The difference between these
Caribbees and the other Indians, with respect to dress, consists in
their wearing their hair very long; while the others have it clipped
irregularly, and paint their heads with crosses and a hundred thousand
different devices, each according to his fancy, which they do with
sharpened reeds. All of them, both the Caribbees and the others, are
beardless; so that it is a rare thing to find a man with a beard. The
Caribbees whom we took had their eyes and eyebrows stained, which I
imagine they do from ostentation, and to give them a more formidable
appearance....
The country[46] is very remarkable, and contains a vast number of large
rivers, and extensive chains of mountains, with broad open valleys; and
the mountains are very high. It does not appear that the grass is ever
cut throughout the year. I do not think they have any winter in this
part; for near Navidad (at Christmas) were found many birds’-nests,
some containing the young birds, and others containing eggs. No
four-footed animal has ever been seen in this or any of the other
islands, except some dogs of various colors, as in our own country, but
in shape like large house-dogs; and also some little animals, in color,
size, and fur like a rabbit, with long tails, and feet like those of
a rat. These animals climb up the trees; and many who have tasted them
say they are very good to eat.[47] There are not any wild beasts. There
are great numbers of small snakes, and some lizards, but not many;
for the Indians consider them as great a luxury as we do pheasants:
they are of the same size as ours, but different in shape. In a small
adjacent island, close by a harbor called Monte Christo, where we staid
several days, our men saw an enormous kind of lizard,[48] which they
said was as large round as a calf, with a tail as long as a lance,
which they often went out to kill; but, bulky as it was, it got into
the sea, so that they could not catch it. There are, both in this
and the other islands, an infinite number of birds like those in our
own country, and many others such as we had never seen. No kind of
domestic fowl has been seen here, with the exception of some ducks in
the houses in Zuruquia: these ducks were larger than those of Spain,
though smaller than geese,――very pretty, with tufts on their heads,
most of them as white as snow, but some black.
III.――COLUMBUS REACHES THE MAINLAND.
[From his narrative of his third voyage, 1498.]
I THEN gave up our northward course, and put in for the land. At the
hour of complines[49] we reached a cape, which I called Cape Galea,[50]
having already given to the island the name of Trinidad; and here we
found a harbor, which would have been excellent, but that there was no
good anchorage. We saw houses and people on the spot; and the country
around was very beautiful, and as fresh and green as the gardens of
Valencia in the month of March....
The next day I set sail in the same direction, in search of a harbor
where I might repair the vessels, and take in water, as well as improve
the stock of provisions which I had brought out with me. When we had
taken in a pipe of water, we proceeded onwards till we reached the cape;
and there finding good anchorage, and protection from the east wind,
I ordered the anchors to be dropped, the water-cask to be repaired,
a supply of water and wood to be taken in, and the people to rest
themselves from the fatigues which they had endured for so long a time.
I gave to this point the name of Sandy Point (Punta del Arenal).
All the ground in the neighborhood was filled with footmarks of animals,
like the impression of the foot of a goat; but, although it would have
appeared from this circumstance that they were very numerous, only one
was seen, and that was dead. On the following day a large canoe came
from the eastward, containing twenty-four men, all in the prime of life,
and well provided with arms, such as bows, arrows, and wooden shields.
They were all, as I have said, young, well-proportioned, and not dark
black, but whiter than any other Indians that I had seen,――of very
graceful gesture and handsome forms, wearing their hair long and
straight, and cut in the Spanish style. Their heads were bound round
with cotton scarfs elaborately worked in colors, which resembled the
Moorish head-dresses. Some of these scarfs were worn round the body,
and used as a covering in lieu of trousers. The natives spoke to us
from the canoe while it was yet at a considerable distance; but none of
us could understand them. I made signs to them, however, to come nearer
to us; and more than two hours were spent in this manner: but if, by
any chance, they moved a little nearer, they soon pushed off again.
I caused basins and other shining objects to be shown to them to
tempt them to come near; and, after a long time, they came somewhat
nearer than they had hitherto done; upon which, as I was very anxious
to speak with them, and had nothing else to show them to induce them
to approach, I ordered a drum to be played upon the quarter-deck, and
some of our young men to dance, believing the Indians would come to
see the amusement. No sooner, however, did they perceive the beating
of the drum, and the dancing, than they all left their oars, and
strung their bows, and, each man laying hold of his shield, they
commenced discharging their arrows at us; upon this the music and
dancing soon ceased, and I ordered a charge[51] to be made from some
of our cross-bows: they then left us, and went rapidly to the other
caravel,[52] and placed themselves under its poop. The pilot of that
vessel received them courteously, and gave to the man who appeared to
be their chief a coat and hat; and it was then arranged between them
that he should go to speak with him on shore. Upon this the Indians
immediately went thither, and waited for him; but, as he would not go
without my permission, he came to my ship in the boat, whereupon the
Indians got into their canoe again, and went away, and I never saw any
more of them, or of any of the other inhabitants of the island.
When I reached the Point of Arenal, I found that the Island of Trinidad
formed with the land of Gracia,[53] a strait of two leagues width from
east to west; and, as we had to pass through it to go to the north,
we found some strong currents which crossed the strait, and which
made a great roaring, so that I concluded there must be a reef of sand
or rocks, which would preclude our entrance: and behind this current
was another and another, all making a roaring noise like the sound
of breakers against the rocks. I anchored there, under the said Point
of Arenal, outside of the strait, and found the water rush from east
to west with as much impetuosity as that of the Guadalquiver at its
conflict with the sea; and this continued constantly day and night, so
that it appeared to be impossible to move backwards for the current, or
forwards for the shoals.
IV.――COLUMBUS AT THE MOUTH OF THE ORINOCO.
[ ‡ See Frontispiece for illustration.]
IN the dead of night, while I was on deck, I heard an awful roaring
that came from the south towards the ship. I stopped to observe what it
might be, and I saw the sea rolling from west to east, like a mountain
as high as the ship, and approaching by little and little. On the top
of this rolling sea came a mighty wave, roaring with a frightful noise;
and with all this terrific uproar were other conflicting currents,
producing, as I have already said, a sound as of breakers upon the
rocks. To this day I have a vivid recollection of the dread I then felt,
lest the ship might founder under the force of that tremendous sea; but
it passed by, and reached the mouth of the before-mentioned passage,
where the uproar lasted for a considerable time. On the following day I
sent out boats to take soundings, and found that in the strait, at the
deepest part of the _embouchure_,[54] there were six or seven fathoms
of water, and that there were constant contrary currents,――one running
inwards, and the other outwards. It pleased the Lord, however, to give
us a favorable wind; and I passed through the middle of the strait,
after which I recovered my tranquillity. The men happened at this time
to draw up some water from the sea, which, strange to say, proved to
be fresh. I then sailed northwards till I came to a very high mountain,
at about twenty-six leagues from the Punta del Arenal: here two lofty
headlands appeared,――one towards the east,[55] and forming part of the
Island of Trinidad; and the other on the west,[56] being part of the
land which I have already called Gracia. We found here a channel[57]
still narrower than that of Arenal, with similar currents, and a
tremendous roaring of water: the water here also was fresh.
Illustration: FLEET OF COLUMBUS.
Hitherto I had held no communication with any of the people of this
country, although I very earnestly desired it. I therefore sailed along
the coast westwards; and, the farther I advanced, the fresher and more
wholesome I found the water; and, when I had proceeded a considerable
distance, I reached a spot where the land appeared to be cultivated....
I then anchored at the mouth of a river; and we were soon visited by
a great number of the inhabitants, who informed us that the country
was called Paria, and that farther westward it was more fully peopled.
I took four of these natives, and proceeded on my westward voyage;
and, when I had gone eight leagues farther, I found on the other side
of a point, which I called the Needle,[58] one of the most lovely
countries in the world, and very thickly peopled. It was three o’clock
in the morning when I reached it; and, seeing its verdure and beauty, I
resolved to anchor there, and communicate with the inhabitants. Some of
the natives came out to the ship in canoes, to beg me, in the name of
their king, to go on shore. And, when they saw that I paid no attention
to them, they came to the ship in their canoes in countless number;
many of them wearing pieces of gold on their breasts, and some with
bracelets of pearl on their arms.
V.――COLUMBUS THINKS HIMSELF NEAR THE EARTHLY PARADISE.
[From the same narrative. It was generally believed, in the time
of Columbus, that the Garden of Eden, or earthly paradise, still
existed somewhere on the globe. Irving’s Columbus (appendix)
gives an account of these views.]
I HAVE always read, that the world comprising the land and water was
spherical, as is testified by the investigations of Ptolemy and others,
who have proved it by the eclipses of the moon, and other observations
made from east to west, as well as by the elevation of the pole from
north to south. But I have now seen so much irregularity, as I have
already described, that I have come to another conclusion respecting
the earth; namely, that it is not round, as they describe, but of the
form of a pear, which is very round except where the stalk grows, at
which part it is most prominent.... Ptolemy, and the others who have
written upon the globe, had no information respecting this part of the
world, which was then unexplored: they only established their arguments
with respect to their own hemisphere, which, as I have already said,
is half of a perfect sphere. And, now that your Highnesses have
commissioned me to make this voyage of discovery, the truths which I
have stated are evidently proved.... I do not find, nor have ever found,
any account by the Romans or Greeks, which fixes in a positive manner
the site of the terrestrial paradise; neither have I seen it given in
any _mappe-monde_,[59] laid down from authentic sources. Some placed
it in Ethiopia, at the sources of the Nile; but others, traversing all
these countries, found neither the temperature, nor the altitude of
the sun, correspond with their ideas respecting it; nor did it appear
that the overwhelming waters of the deluge had been there. Some Pagans
pretended to adduce arguments to establish that it was in the Fortunate
Islands, now called the Canaries, &c.....
I have already described my ideas concerning this hemisphere and its
form; and I have no doubt, that if I could pass below the equinoctial
line, after reaching the highest point of which I have spoken, I should
find a much milder temperature, and a variation in the stars and in the
water; not that I suppose that elevated point to be navigable, nor even
that there is water there: indeed, I believe it is impossible to ascend
thither, because I am convinced that it is the spot of the earthly
paradise, whither no one can go but by God’s permission. But this land
which your Highnesses have now sent me to explore is very extensive;
and I think there are many countries in the south, of which the world
has never had any knowledge.
I do not suppose that the earthly paradise is in the form of a rugged
mountain, as the descriptions of it have made it appear, but that it is
on the summit of the spot which I have described as being in the form
of the stalk of a pear. The approach to it from a distance must be by
a constant and gradual ascent; but I believe, that, as I have already
said, no one could ever reach the top. I think, also, that the water
I have described may proceed from it, though it be far off, and that,
stopping at the place which I have just left, it forms this lake.
There are great indications of this being the terrestrial paradise; for
its site coincides with the opinion of the holy and wise theologians
whom I have mentioned. And, moreover, the other evidences agree with
the supposition; for I have never either read or heard of fresh water
coming in so large a quantity, in close conjunction with the water
of the sea. The idea is also corroborated by the blandness of the
temperature. And, if the water of which I speak does not proceed from
the earthly paradise, it appears to be still more marvellous; for I do
not believe that there is any river in the world so large or so deep.
VI.――DARING DEED OF DIEGO MENDEZ.
[Taken from the last will of Diego Mendez. These adventures
happened on the fourth voyage of Columbus, in 1502.]
WHEN we were shut in at the mouth of the River Belen, or Yebra,
through the violence of the sea, and the winds which drove up the sand,
and raised such a mountain of it as to close up the entrance of the
port, his lordship[60] being there greatly afflicted, a multitude of
Indians collected together on shore to burn the ships, and kill us all,
pretending that they were going to make war against other Indians....
Upon his consulting me as to the best manner of proceeding so as
clearly to ascertain what was the intention of the people, I offered to
go to them with one single companion; and this task I undertook, though
more certain of death than of life in the result.
After journeying along the beach up to the River of Veragua, I found
two canoes of strange Indians, who related to me more in detail, that
these people were indeed collected together to burn our ships, and kill
us all, and that they had forsaken their purpose in consequence of the
boat which had come up to the spot, but that they intended to return
after two days to make the attempt once more. I then asked them to
carry me in their canoes to the upper part of the river, offering to
remunerate them if they would do so. But they excused themselves, and
advised me by no means to go, for that both myself and my companion
would certainly be killed.
At length, in spite of their advice, I prevailed upon them to take me
in their canoes to the upper part of the river, until I reached the
villages of the Indians, whom I had found in order of battle. They,
however, would not, at first, allow me to go to the principal residence
of the cacique, till I pretended that I was come as a surgeon to cure
him of a wound that he had in his leg. Then, after making them some
presents, they suffered me to proceed to the seat of royalty, which was
situated on the top of a hillock, surmounted by a plain, with a large
square surrounded by three hundred heads of the enemies he had slain
in battle. When I had passed through the square, and reached the royal
house, there was a great clamor of women and children at the gate, who
ran into the palace screaming. Upon this, one of the chief’s sons came
out in a high passion, uttering angry words in his own language; and
laying hands upon me, with one push he thrust me far away from him. In
order to appease him, I told him I was come to cure the wound in his
father’s leg, and showed him an ointment that I had brought for that
purpose; but he replied, that on no account whatever should I go in
to the place where his father was. When I saw that I had no chance of
appeasing him in that way, I took out a comb, a pair of scissors, and a
mirror, and caused Escobar, my companion, to comb my hair, and then cut
it off. When the Indian, and those who were with him, saw this, they
stood in astonishment; upon which I prevailed on him to suffer his own
hair to be combed and cut by Escobar. I then made him a present of the
scissors, with the comb and the mirror; and thus he became appeased.
After this, I begged him to allow some food to be brought, which was
soon done; and we ate and drank in love and good-fellowship, like very
good friends.
I then left him, and returned to the ships, and related all this to my
lord the admiral, who was not a little pleased when he heard all these
circumstances, and the things that had happened to me. He ordered a
large stock of provisions to be put into the ships, and into certain
straw houses that we had built there, with a view that I should remain,
with some of the men, to examine and ascertain the secrets of the
country. The next morning his lordship called me to ask my advice
as to what ought to be done. My opinion was, that we ought to seize
that chief and all his captains, because, when they were taken, great
numbers of the people would submit. His lordship was of the same
opinion. I then submitted the stratagem and plan by which this might
be accomplished; and his lordship ordered that the _adelantado_,[61]
his brother, and I, accompanied by eighty men, should go to put it
into execution. We went; and our Lord gave us such good fortune, that
we took the cacique, and most of his captains, his wives, sons, and
grandsons, with all the princes of his race; but in sending them to
the ships, thus captured, the cacique extricated himself from the too
slight grasp of the man who held him,――a circumstance which afterwards
caused us much injury. At this moment it pleased God to cause it to
rain very heavily, occasioning a great flood, by which the mouth of
the harbor was opened, and the admiral enabled to draw out the ships to
sea, in order to proceed to Spain; I, meanwhile, remaining on land as
accountant of his Highness, with seventy men, and the greater part of
the provisions of biscuit, wine, oil, and vinegar being left with me.
VII.――HOW DIEGO MENDEZ GOT FOOD FOR COLUMBUS.
[Also taken from the last will of Diego Mendez.]
ON the last day of April, in the year fifteen hundred and three,
we left Veragua, with three ships, intending to make our passage
homeward to Spain; but, as the ships were all pierced and eaten by
the teredo,[62] we could not keep them above water. We abandoned one
of them after we had proceeded thirty leagues: the two which remained
were even in a worse condition than that; so that all the hands were
not sufficient, with the use of pumps and kettles and pans, to draw
off the water that came through the holes made by the worms. In this
state, with the utmost toil and danger, we sailed for thirty-five
days, thinking to reach Spain; and at the end of this time we arrived
at the lowest point of the island of Cuba, at the province of Homo,
where the city of Trinidad now stands; so that we were three hundred
leagues farther from Spain than when we left Veragua for the purpose
of proceeding thither,――and this, as I have said, with the vessels
in very bad condition, unfit to encounter the sea, and our provisions
nearly gone. It pleased God that we were enabled to reach the island
of Jamaica, where we drove the two ships on shore, and made of them
two cabins, thatched with straw, in which we took up our dwelling; not,
however, without considerable danger from the natives, who were not yet
subdued, and who might easily set fire to our habitation in the night,
in spite of the greatest watchfulness. It was there that I gave out the
last ration of biscuit and wine.
I then took a sword in my hand, three men only accompanying me, and
advanced into the island; for no one else dared go to seek food for
the admiral and those who were with him. It pleased God that I found
some people who were very gentle, and did us no harm, but received
us cheerfully, and gave us food with hearty good-will. I then made a
stipulation with the Indians who lived in a village called Aguacadiba,
and with their cacique, that they should make cassava bread, and
that they should hunt and fish to supply the admiral every day with
a sufficient quantity of provisions, which they were to bring to the
ships, where I promised there should be a person ready to pay them
in blue beads, combs and knives, hawks-bells and fish-hooks, and
other such articles, which we had with us for that purpose. With this
understanding, I despatched one of the Spaniards whom I had brought
with me to the admiral, in order that he might send a person to pay
for the provisions, and secure their being sent. From thence I went
to another village, at three leagues’ distance from the former, and
made a similar agreement with the natives and their cacique, and then
despatched another Spaniard to the admiral, begging him to send another
person with a similar object to this village. After this I went farther
on, and came to a great cacique named Huarco, living in a place which
is now called Melilla, thirteen leagues from where the ships lay. I
was very well received by him. He gave me plenty to eat, and ordered
all his subjects to bring together, in the course of three days, a
great quantity of provisions, which they did, and laid them before him,
whereupon I paid him for them to his full satisfaction. I stipulated
with him that they should furnish a constant supply, and engaged that
there should be a person appointed to pay them.
Having made this arrangement, I sent the other Spaniard to the admiral,
with the provisions they had given me, and then begged the cacique to
allow me two Indians to go with me to the extremity of the island,――one
to carry the hammock in which I slept, and the other carrying the
food. In this manner I journeyed eastward to the end of the island,
and came to a cacique who was named Ameyro, with whom I entered into
close friendship. I gave him my name, and took his, which, amongst this
people, is regarded as an evidence of brotherly attachment. I bought
of him a very good canoe, and gave him in exchange an excellent brass
helmet that I carried in a bag, a frock, and one of the two shirts that
I had with me: I then put out to sea in this canoe, in search of the
place that I had left, the cacique having given me six Indians to
assist in guiding the canoe.
When I reached the spot to which I had despatched the provisions, I
found there the Spaniards whom the admiral had sent; and I loaded them
with the victuals which I had brought with me, and went myself to the
admiral, who gave me a very cordial reception. He was not satisfied
with seeing and embracing me, but asked me respecting every thing that
had occurred in the voyage, and offered up thanks to God for having
delivered me in safety from so barbarous a people. The men rejoiced
greatly at my arrival; for there was not a loaf left in the ships
when I returned to them with the means of allaying their hunger. This,
and every day after that, the Indians came to the ships, loaded with
provisions from the places where I had made the agreements; so that
there was enough for the two hundred and thirty people who were with
the admiral.
VIII.――HOW DIEGO MENDEZ SAVED COLUMBUS.
[From the same narrative.]
TEN days after this, the admiral called me aside, and spoke to me of
the great peril he was in, addressing me as follows: “Diego Mendez,
my son, not one of those whom I have here with me has any idea of the
great danger in which we stand, except myself and you; for we are but
few in number, and these wild Indians are numerous, and very fickle and
capricious; and whenever they may take it into their heads to come and
burn us in our two ships, which we have made into straw-thatched cabins,
they may easily do so by setting fire to them on the land side, and so
destroy us all. The arrangement you have made with them for the supply
of food, to which they agreed with such good-will, may soon prove
disagreeable to them; and it would not be surprising, if, on the morrow,
they were not to bring us any thing at all. In such case, we are not
in a position to take it by main force, but shall be compelled to
accede to their terms. I have thought of a remedy, if you consider
it advisable; which is, that some one should go out in the canoe that
you have purchased, and make his way in it to Española, to purchase a
vessel with which we may escape from the extremely dangerous position
in which we now are. Tell me your opinion.” To which I answered, “My
lord, I distinctly see the danger in which we stand, which is much
greater than would be readily imagined. With respect to the passage
from this island to Española in so small a vessel as a canoe, I look
upon it not merely as difficult, but impossible; for I know not who
would venture to encounter so terrific a danger as to cross a gulf of
forty leagues of sea, and amongst islands where the sea is so impetuous,
and scarcely ever at rest.”
His lordship did not agree with the opinion that I expressed, but
adduced strong arguments to show that I was the person to undertake
the enterprise. To which I replied, “My lord, I have many times put
my life in danger to save yours and the lives of all those who are
with you, and God has marvellously preserved me. In consequence of
this, there have not been wanting murmurers, who have said that your
lordship intrusts every honorable undertaking to me, while there are
others amongst them who would perform them as well as I. My opinion is,
therefore, that your lordship would do well to summon all the men, and
lay this business before them; to see if, amongst them all, there is
one who will volunteer to undertake it, which I certainly doubt; and,
if all refuse, I will risk my life in your service, as I have many
times already.”
On the following day his lordship caused all the men to appear together
before him, and then opened the matter to them in the same manner as
he had done to me. When they heard it, they were all silent, until some
said that it was out of the question to speak of such a thing; for it
was impossible, in so small a craft, to cross a boisterous and perilous
gulf of forty leagues’ breadth, and to pass between those two islands,
where very strong vessels had been lost in going to make discoveries,
not being able to encounter the force and fury of the currents.
I then arose, and said, “My lord, I have but one life, and I am
willing to hazard it in the service of your lordship, and for the
welfare of all those who are here with us; for I trust in God, that,
in consideration of the motive which actuates me, he will give me
deliverance, as he has already done on many other occasions.” When the
admiral heard my determination, he arose and embraced me, and, kissing
me on the cheek, said, “Well did I know that there was no one here but
yourself who would dare to undertake this enterprise. I trust in God,
our Lord, that you will come out of it victoriously, as you have done
in the others which you have undertaken.”
On the following day I drew my canoe on to the shore, fixed a false
keel on it, and pitched and greased it: I then nailed some boards upon
the poop and prow, to prevent the sea from coming in, as it was liable
to do from the lowness of the gunwales. I also fixed a mast in it,
set up a sail, and laid in the necessary provisions for myself, one
Spaniard, and six Indians, making eight in all, which was as many as
the canoe would hold. I then bade farewell to his lordship and all the
others, and proceeded along the coast of Jamaica up to the extremity
of the island, which was thirty-five leagues from the point whence
we started. Even this distance was not traversed without considerable
toil and danger; for on the passage I was taken prisoner by some Indian
pirates, from whom God delivered me in a marvellous manner. When we
had reached the end of the island, and were remaining there in the
hope of the sea becoming sufficiently calm to allow us to continue
our voyage across it, many of the natives collected together, with the
determination of killing me, and seizing the canoe with its contents;
and they cast lots for my life, to see which of them should carry their
design into execution.
As soon as I became aware of their project, I betook myself secretly
to my canoe, which I had left at three leagues’ distance from where
I then was, and set sail for the spot where the admiral was staying,
and reached it after an interval of fifteen days from my departure.
I related to him all that had happened, and how God had miraculously
rescued me from the hands of those savages. His lordship was very
joyful at my arrival, and asked me if I would recommence my voyage.
I replied that I would, if I might be allowed to take some men to
be with me at the extremity of the island until I should find a fair
opportunity of putting to sea to prosecute my voyage. The admiral gave
me seventy men, and with them, his brother the _adelantado_, to stay
with me until I put to sea, and to remain there three days after my
departure. With this arrangement, I returned to the extremity of the
island, and remained there four days.
Finding the sea become calm, I parted from the rest of the men with
much mutual sorrow. I then commended myself to God and our Lady of
Antigua, and was at sea five days and four nights without laying
down the oar from my hand, but continued steering the canoe while
my companions rowed. It pleased God, that, at the end of five days,
I reached the Island of Española at Cape San Miguel, having been two
days without eating or drinking; for our provisions were exhausted.
I brought my canoe up to a very beautiful part of the coast, to which
many of the natives soon came, and brought with them many articles
of food; so that I remained there two days to take rest. I took six
Indians from this place, and, leaving those that I had brought with me,
I put off to sea again, moving along the coast of Española; for it was
a hundred and thirty leagues from the spot where I landed to the city
of San Domingo, where the governor dwelt....
When that expedition was finished, I went on foot to San Domingo, a
distance of seventy leagues, and waited in expectation of the arrival
of ships from Spain, it being now more than a year since any had come.
In this interval, it pleased God that three ships arrived, one of which
I bought, and loaded it with provisions,――bread, wine, meat, hogs,
sheep, and fruit,――and despatched it to the place where the admiral
was staying, in order that he might come over in it with all his people
to San Domingo, and from thence sail for Spain. I myself went on in
advance with the two other ships in order to give an account to the
king and queen of all that had occurred in this voyage.
I think I should now do well to say somewhat of the events which
occurred to the admiral and to his family during the year that they
were left on the island. A few days after my departure, the Indians
became refractory, and refused to bring food, as they had hitherto done.
The admiral, therefore, caused all the caciques to be summoned, and
expressed to them his surprise that they should not send food as they
were wont to do, knowing, as they did, and as he had already told them,
that he had come there by the command of God. He said that he perceived
that God was angry with them, and that he would that very night give
tokens of his displeasure by signs that he would cause to appear in
the heavens; and as, on that night, there was to be an almost total
eclipse of the moon, he told them that God caused that appearance, to
signify his anger against them for not bringing the food. The Indians,
believing him, were very frightened, and promised that they would
always bring him food in future; and so, in fact, they did, until
the arrival of the ship which I had sent loaded with provisions. The
admiral, and those who were with him, felt no small joy at the arrival
of this ship. And his lordship afterwards informed me in Spain, that in
no part of his life did he ever experience so joyful a day; for he had
never hoped to have left that place alive. And in that same ship he set
sail, and went to San Domingo, and thence to Spain.
IX.――APPEAL OF COLUMBUS IN HIS OLD AGE.
[To the King and Queen of Spain. Taken from his letter (1503)
describing his fourth voyage.]
SUCH is my fate, that the twenty years of service through which I
have passed with so much toil and danger have profited me nothing, and
at this very day I do not possess a roof in Spain that I can call my
own. If I wish to eat or sleep, I have nowhere to go but to the inn or
tavern, and most times lack wherewith to pay the bill. Another anxiety
wrung my very heart-strings, which was the thought of my son Diego,
whom I had left an orphan in Spain, and stripped of the honor and
property which were due to him on my account, although I had looked
upon it as a certainty that your Majesties, as just and grateful
princes, would restore it to him in all respects with increase....
For seven years was I at your royal court, where every one to whom
the enterprise was mentioned treated it as ridiculous; but now there
is not a man, down to the very tailors, who does not beg to be allowed
to become a discoverer. There is reason to believe that they make the
voyage only for plunder, and that they are permitted to do so to the
great disparagement of my honor, and the detriment of the undertaking
itself. It is right to give God his due, and to receive that which
belongs to one’s self. This is a just sentiment, and proceeds from just
feelings. The lands in this part of the world, which are now under your
Highnesses’ sway, are richer and more extensive than those of any other
Christian power; and yet, after that I had, by the divine will, placed
them under your high and royal sovereignty, and was on the point of
bringing your Majesties into the receipt of a very great and unexpected
revenue; and while I was waiting for ships to convey me in safety,
and with a heart full of joy, to your royal presence, victoriously to
announce the news of the gold that I had discovered, I was arrested,
and thrown with my two brothers, loaded with irons, into a ship,
stripped, and very ill treated, without being allowed any appeal to
justice....
I was twenty-eight years old when I came into your Highnesses’ service,
and now I have not a hair upon me that is not gray: my body is infirm,
and all that was left to me, as well as to my brothers, has been taken
away and sold, even to the frock that I wore, to my great dishonor.
I cannot but believe that this was done without your royal permission.
The restitution of my honor, the reparation of my losses, and the
punishment of those who have inflicted them, will redound to the honor
of your royal character. A similar punishment also is due to those who
have plundered me of my pearls, and who have brought a disparagement
upon the privileges of my admiralty. Great and unexampled will be the
glory and fame of your Highnesses, if you do this; and the memory of
your Highnesses, as just and grateful sovereigns, will survive as a
bright example to Spain in future ages. The honest devotedness I have
always shown to your Majesties’ service, and the so unmerited outrage
with which it has been repaid, will not allow my soul to keep silence,
however much I may wish it. I implore your Highnesses to forgive my
complaints. I am indeed in as ruined a condition as I have related.
Hitherto I have wept over others: may Heaven now have mercy upon me,
and may the earth weep for me!
BOOK III.
CABOT AND VERRAZZANO.
(A.D. 1497‒1524.)
Illustration: SHIP OF THE 15TH CENTURY.
The first of these extracts in regard to the Cabots may be found
in one of the Hakluyt Society’s volumes, entitled “Henry Hudson
the Navigator, edited by G. M. Asher,” London, 1860, p. lxix.
The extracts which follow are from another volume of the same
series, entitled “Hakluyt’s Divers Voyages,” London, 1850,
pp. 23‒26.
Verrazzano’s narrative is taken from “Hakluyt’s Divers Voyages,”
same edition, pp. 55‒71. Another translation, by J. G. Cogswell,
may be found, with the original Italian narrative, in the
Collections of the New York Historical Society, second series,
vol. 1.
CABOT AND VERRAZZANO.
I.――FIRST NEWS OF JOHN AND SEBASTIAN CABOT.
[From a letter written by Lorenzo Pasqualigo, from London, to
his brothers in Venice, and dated Aug. 23, 1497.]
THIS Venetian of ours, who went with a ship from Bristol in quest of
new islands, is returned, and says that seven hundred leagues hence
he discovered “terra firma,”[63] which is the territory of the Grand
Cham.[64] He coasted for three hundred leagues, and landed. He saw no
human being whatsoever; but he has brought hither to the king certain
snares which had been set to catch game, and a needle for making nets;
he also found some felled trees: wherefore he supposed there were
inhabitants, and returned to his ship in alarm.
He was three months on the voyage, it is quite certain; and, coming
back, he saw two islands to starboard, but would not land, time being
precious, as he was short of provisions. The king is much pleased with
this intelligence. He says that the tides are slack, and do not flow
as they do here.
The king has promised, that, in the spring, he shall have ten ships
armed according to his own fancy; and, at his request, he has conceded
to him all the prisoners, except such as are confined for high treason,
to man them with. He has also given him money wherewith to amuse
himself till then; and he is now at Bristol with his wife, who is a
Venetian woman, and with his sons. His name is Zuan[65] Cabot; and they
call him the great admiral. Vast honor is paid him, and he dresses in
silk; and these English run after him like mad people, so that he can
enlist as many of them as he pleases, and a number of our own rogues
besides.
The discoverer of these places planted on his new-found land a large
cross, with one flag of England, and another of St. Mark, by reason of
his being a Venetian; so that our banner has floated very far afield.
II.――SEBASTIAN CABOT’S VOYAGE.
[The following notes, preserved in “Hakluyt’s Voyages,” give the
earliest authentic information about Sebastian Cabot.]
A NOTE of Sebastian Cabot’s Voyage of Discovery, taken out of an old
Chronicle written by Robert Fabian, sometime Alderman of London, which
is in the custody of John Stowe, Citizen, a diligent searcher and
preserver of Antiquities.
This year[66] the King[67]――by means of a Venetian which made himself
very expert and cunning in knowledge of the circuit of the world and
islands of the same, as by a card and other demonstrations reasonable
he showed,――caused to man and victual a ship at Bristol, to search for
an island which he said he knew well was rich and replenished with rich
commodities. Which ship thus manned and victualled at the King’s cost,
divers merchants of London ventured in her small stocks, being in her
as chief patron, the said Venetian. And in the company of the said
ship sailed also out of Bristol three or four small ships fraught with
slight and gross merchandises, as coarse cloth, caps, laces, points,
and other trifles, and so departed from Bristol in the beginning of May:
of whom in this Mayor’s time returned no tidings.
* * * * *
Of three savage men which he brought home, and presented unto the King
in the seventeenth year of his reign.
This year also were brought unto the King three men taken in the new
found island, that before I spake of in William Purchas’ time, being
Mayor. These were clothed in beast’s skins, and ate raw flesh, and
spake such speech that no man could understand them, and in their
demeanor like to brute beasts, whom the King kept a time after. Of the
which upon two years past after, I saw two apparelled after the manner
of Englishmen, in Westminster Palace, which at that time I could not
discern from Englishmen, till I was learned what they were. But as for
speech, I heard none of them utter one word.
* * * * *
John Baptista Ramusius, in his Preface to the third volume of the
Navigations, writeth thus of Sebastian Gabot:[68]――
In the latter part of this volume are put certain relations of John
De Verarzana,[69] a Florentine, and of a great captain, a Frenchman,
and the two voyages of Jaques Cartier, a Briton,[70] who sailed into
the land set in fifty degrees of latitude to the north, which is called
New France: and the which lands hitherto it is not thoroughly known
whether they do join with the firm land of Florida and Nova Hispania,
or whether they be separated and divided all by the Sea as Islands: and
whether by that way one may go by sea into the country of Cathaio:[71]
as many years past it was written unto me by Sebastian Gabot, our
countryman Venetian, a man of great experience, and very rare in the
art of Navigation and the knowledge of Cosmography: who sailed along
and beyond this land of New France, at the charges of King Henry the
seventh, King of England. And he told me that having sailed a long time
West and by North beyond these islands unto the latitude of sixty-seven
degrees and a half under the North Pole, and at the 11 day of June,
finding still the open sea without any manner of impediment, he thought
verily by that way to have passed on still the way to Cathaio, which is
in the East and would have done it, if the mutiny of the shipmaster and
mariners had not rebelled, and made him to return homewards from that
place. But it seemeth that God doth yet reserve this great enterprise
for some great Prince to discover this voyage of Cathaio by this
way: which for the bringing of the spiceries from India into Europe
were the most easy and shortest of all other ways hitherto found out.
And, surely, this enterprise would be the most glorious, and of most
importance of all other, that can be imagined, to make his name great,
and fame immortal, to all ages to come, far more than can be done by
any of all these great troubles and wars, which daily are used in
Europe among the miserable Christian people.
This much concerning Sebastian Gabot’s discovery may suffice for a
present cast: but shortly, God willing, shall come out in print, all
his own maps and discourses, drawn and written by himself, which are
in the custody of the worshipful master William Worthington, one of
her Majesty’s Pensioners, who――because so worthy monuments should not
be buried in perpetual oblivion,――is very willing to suffer them to be
overseen and published in as good order as may be, to the encouragement
and benefit of our countrymen.[72]
III.――VERRAZZANO’S LETTER TO THE KING.
[This letter is said to have been written at Dieppe, July 8,
1524, being addressed to King Francis I. of France.
This narrative, if authentic, is the earliest original account
of the Atlantic coast of the United States. Its authenticity
has been doubted; and Mr. Bancroft, in the new edition of his
History, does not refer to it at all. But, as the question is
still unsettled, the letter is included here.]
Illustration: VERRAZZANO.
I WROTE not to your Majesty (most Christian king), since the time
we suffered the tempest in the north parts, of the success of the four
ships which your Majesty sent forth to discover new lands by the ocean,
thinking your Majesty had been already duly informed thereof. Now
by these presents I will give your Majesty to understand how, by the
violence of the winds, we were forced with the two ships, the “Norman”
and the “Dolphin,” in such evil case as they were, to land in Brittany.
Where after we had repaired them in all points as was needful, and
armed them very well, we took our course along by the coast of Spain.
Afterwards, with the “Dolphin” alone, we determined to make discovery
of new countries, to prosecute the navigation we had already begun;
which I purpose at this present to recount unto your Majesty, to make
manifest the whole proceeding of the matter. The 17th of January, the
year 1524, by the grace of God we departed from the dishabited rock,[73]
by the Isle of Madeira, appertaining to the King of Portugal, with
fifty men, with victuals, weapon, and other ship munition very well
provided and furnished for eight months. And, sailing westwards with
a fair easterly wind, in twenty-five days we ran five hundred leagues;
and the 20th of February we were overtaken with as sharp and terrible
a tempest as ever any sailors suffered: whereof, with the divine help
and merciful assistance of Almighty God, and the goodness of our ship,
accompanied with the good hap of her fortunate name, we were delivered,
and with a prosperous wind followed our course west by north. And in
other twenty-five days we made about four hundred leagues more, where
we discovered a new land[74] never before seen of any man, either
ancient or modern. And at the first sight it seemed somewhat low; but,
being within a quarter of a league of it, we perceived, by the great
fires that we saw by the seacoast, that it was inhabited, and saw that
the land stretched to the southwards....
While we rode[75] upon that coast, partly because it had no harbor,
and for that we wanted water, we sent our boat ashore with twenty-five
men, where, by reason of great and continual waves that beat against
the shore, being an open coast, without succor none of our men could
possibly go ashore without losing our boat. We saw there many people
which came unto the shore making divers signs of friendship, and
showing that they were content we should come a-land; and by trial
we found them to be very courteous and gentle, as your Majesty shall
understand by the success. To the intent we might send them of our
things, which the Indians commonly desire and esteem, as sheets of
paper, glasses, bells, and such like trifles, we sent a young man, one
of our mariners, ashore, who swimming towards them, and being within
three or four yards off the shore, not trusting them, cast the things
upon the shore. Seeking afterwards to return, he was with such violence
of the waves beaten upon the shore, that he was so bruised that he lay
there almost dead, which the Indians perceiving, ran to catch him, and,
drawing him out, they carried him a little way off from the sea. The
young man, perceiving they carried him, being at the first dismayed,
began then greatly to fear, and cried out piteously. Likewise did
the Indians, which did accompany him, going about to cheer him and
give him courage; and then setting him on the ground at the foot of a
little hill against the sun, began to behold him with great admiration,
marvelling at the whiteness of his flesh. And, putting off his clothes,
they made him warm at a great fire, not without our great fear, which
remained in the boat, that they would have roasted him at that fire and
have eaten him. The young man having recovered his strength, and having
staid a while with them, showed them by signs that he was desirous to
return to the ship. And they with great love, clapping him fast about
with many embracings, accompanying him unto the sea, and, to put him in
more assurance, leaving him alone, went unto a high ground, and stood
there, beholding him until he was entered into the boat. This young man
observed, as we did also, that these are of color inclining to black,
as the others were, with their flesh very shining, of mean stature,
handsome visage, and delicate limbs, and of very little strength, but
of prompt wit; farther we observed not....
Illustration: VERRAZZANO IN NEWPORT HARBOR.
Departing from hence, following the shore, which trended somewhat
toward the north, in fifty leagues’ space we came to another land,
which showed much more fair, and full of woods, being very great, where
we rode at anchor; and, that we might have some knowledge thereof, we
sent twenty men a-land,[76] which entered into the country about two
leagues, and they found that the people were fled to the woods for fear.
They saw only one old woman with a young maid of eighteen or twenty
years old, which, seeing our company, hid themselves in the grass for
fear. The old woman carried two infants on her shoulders, and behind
her neck a child of eight years old. The young woman was laden likewise
with as many. But, when our men came unto them, the old woman made
signs that the men were fled into the woods as soon as they saw us. To
quiet them, and to win their favor, our men gave them such victuals as
they had with them to eat, which the old woman received thankfully; but
the young woman disdained them all, and threw them disdainfully on the
ground. They took a child from the old woman to bring into France; and
going about to take the young woman, which was very beautiful, and of
tall stature, could not possibly, for the great outcries that she made,
bring her to the sea; and especially having great woods to pass through,
and being far from the ship, we purposed to leave her behind, bearing
away the child only. We found those folks to be more white than those
that we found before, being clad with certain leaves that hang on the
boughs of trees, which they sew together with threads of wild hemp.
Their heads were trussed up after the same manner as the former were.
Their ordinary food is of pulse,[77] whereof they have great store,
differing in color and taste from ours, of good and pleasant taste.
Moreover they live by fishing and fowling, which they take with
gins[78] and bows made of hard wood, the arrows of canes being headed
with the bones of fish and other beasts. The beasts in these parts are
much wilder than in our Europe, by reason they are continually chased
and hunted.
We saw many of their boats, made of one tree, twenty feet long and four
feet broad, which are not made of iron, or stone, or any other kind of
metal, because that in all this country, for the space of two hundred
leagues which we ran, we never saw one stone of any sort. They help
themselves with fire, burning so much of the tree as is sufficient for
the hollowness of the boat: the like they do in making the stern and
forepart, until it be fit to sail upon the sea....
Illustration: INDIANS MAKING CANOES.
And we came to another land,[79] being fifteen leagues distant from the
island, where we found a passing good haven, wherein being entered, we
found about twenty small boats of the people, which, with divers cries
and wonderings, came about our ship. Coming no nearer than fifty paces
towards us, they staid and beheld the artificialness of our ship, our
shape, and apparel, that they all made a loud shout together, declaring
that they rejoiced. When we had something animated[80] them, using
their gestures, they came so near us, that we cast them certain bells
and glasses and many toys, which when they had received, they looked
on them with laughing, and came without fear aboard our ship. There
were amongst these people two kings of so goodly stature and shape as
is possible to declare: the eldest was about forty years of age; the
second was a young man of twenty years old. Their apparel was on this
manner: the elder had upon his naked body a hart’s[81] skin, wrought
artificially with divers branches like damask. His head was bare, with
the hair tied up behind with divers knots. About his neck he had a
large chain garnished with divers stones of sundry colors. The young
man was almost apparelled after the same manner. This is the goodliest
people, and of the fairest conditions, that we have found in this our
voyage. They exceed us in bigness. They are of the color of brass, some
of them incline more to whiteness: others are of a yellow color, of
comely visage, with long and black hair, which they are very careful
to trim and deck up....
There are also of them which wear on their arms very rich skins of
leopards: they adorn their heads with divers ornaments made of their
own hair, which hangs down before on both sides their breasts: others
use other kind of dressing themselves, like unto the women of Egypt and
Syria. These are of the elder sort; and, when they are married, they
wear divers toys,[82] according to the usage of the people of the East,
as well men as women....
Among whom we saw many plates of wrought copper, which they esteem more
than gold, which for the color they make no account of, for that among
all other it is counted the basest. They make the most account of azure
and red. The things that they esteemed most of all those which we gave
them were bells, crystal of azure color, and other toys to hang at
their ears or about their neck. They did not desire cloth of silk or
gold, much less of any other sort; neither cared they for things made
of steel and iron, which we often showed them in our armor, which they
made no wonder at; and, in beholding them, they only asked the art
of making them. The like they did at our glasses,[83] which when they
beheld, they suddenly laughed, and gave them us again....
And oftentimes one of the two kings coming with his queen, and many
gentlemen for their pleasure, to see us, they all staid on the shore,
two hundred paces from us, sending a small boat to give us intelligence
of their coming, saying they would come to see our ship. This they
did in token of safety; and, as soon as they had answer from us,
they came immediately, and, having staid awhile to behold it, they
wondered at hearing the cries and noise of the mariners. The queen
and her maids staid in a very light boat, at an island a quarter of
a league off, while the king abode a long space in our ship, uttering
divers conceits[84] with gestures, viewing with great admiration
all the furniture of the ship, demanding the property of every thing
particularly. He took likewise great pleasure in beholding our apparel,
and in tasting our meats, and so courteously taking his leave departed.
And sometimes our men staying for two or three days on a little island
near the ship for divers necessaries,――as it is the use of seamen,――he
returned with seven or eight of his gentlemen to see what we did, and
asked of us ofttimes if we meant to make any long abode there, offering
us of their provision; then the king, drawing his bow, and running up
and down with his gentlemen, made much sport to gratify our men....
We found another land[85] high, full of thick woods, the trees
whereof were firs, cypresses, and such like as are wont to grow in cold
countries. The people differ much from the other, and look! how much
the former seemed to be courteous and gentle, so much were these full
of rudeness and ill manners, and so barbarous, that by no signs that
ever we could make, we could have any kind of traffic with them. They
clothe themselves with bears’ skins, and leopards’, and seals’, and
other beasts’ skins. Their food, as far as we could perceive, repairing
often unto their dwellings, we suppose to be by hunting and fishing,
and of certain fruits, which are a kind of roots which the earth
yieldeth of her own accord. They have no grain, neither saw we any kind
or sign of tillage; neither is the land, for the barrenness thereof,
apt to bear fruit or seed. If, at any time, we desired by exchange to
have any of their commodities, they used to come to the seashore upon
certain craggy rocks, and, we standing in our boats, they let down
with a rope what it pleased them to give us, crying continually that
we should not approach to the land, demanding immediately the exchange,
taking nothing but knives, fish-hooks, and tools to cut withal; neither
did they make any account of our courtesy. And when we had nothing left
to exchange with them, when we departed from them, the people showed
all signs of discourtesy and disdain as was possible for any creature
to invent. We were, in despite of them, two or three leagues within the
land, being in number twenty-five armed men of us. And, when we went
on shore, they shot at us with their bows, making great outcries, and
afterwards fled into the woods....
Having now spent all our provision and victuals, and having discovered
about seven hundred leagues and more of new countries, and being
furnished with water and wood, we concluded to return into France.
BOOK IV.
THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CABEZA DE VACA.
(A.D. 1528‒1533.)
These extracts are taken from “The Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca,
translated by Buckingham Smith,” Washington, 1851, pp. 30‒99.
See, also, Henry Kingsley’s “Tales of Old Travel.”
THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CABEZA DE VACA.
I.――THE STRANGE VOYAGE.
[Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca sailed for Florida in June, 1527,
as treasurer of a Spanish _armada_, or armed fleet. In Cuba
they encountered a hurricane, which delayed them; but they at
last reached the coast of Florida in February, 1528, probably
landing at what is now called Charlotte Harbor. A portion of the
party left their ships, and marched into the interior, reaching
a region which they called Apalache, probably in what is now
Alabama. Then they were driven back to the seashore, amid great
hardships, losing one-third of their number before they reached
Aute, now the Bay of St. Mark’s. Near this they came to the sea;
and here the narrative begins.]
IT was a piteous and painful thing to witness the perplexity and
distress in which we were. At our arrival, we saw the little means
there were of our advancing farther: there was not anywhere to go,
and, if there had been, the people could not move forward, because the
greater part of them were sick, and there were few that could be of any
use....
The governor called them all to him, and of each by himself he asked
his advice what to do to get out of a country so miserable, and seek
elsewhere that remedy which could not here be found, a third part
of the people being very sick, and the number increasing every hour;
for we regarded it as certain that we should all become so, and out
of it we could only pass through death; which, from its coming in
such a place, was to us only the more terrible. These and many other
embarrassments considered, and entertaining many plans, we coincided
in one great project, extremely difficult to put in operation, and that
was, to build vessels in which we might go away. This to all appeared
impossible; for we knew not how to build, nor were there tools, nor
iron, nor forge, nor tow, nor resin, nor rigging; finally, no one thing
of so many that are necessary, nor any man who had a knowledge of their
manufacture. And, above all, there was nothing to eat the while they
were making, nor any knowledge in those who would have to perform the
labor. Reflecting on all this, we agreed to think of the subject with
more deliberation; and the discourse dropped for that day, each going
his way, commending our course to God, our Lord, that he should direct
it as would best serve him.
Illustration: CABEZA DE VACA BUILDING THE BOAT.
The next day, it was His will that one of the company should come,
saying that he could make some pipe out of wood, which, with deer-skins,
might be made into bellows; and, as we lived in a time when any thing
that had the semblance of relief appeared well, we told him to set
himself to work. We assented to the making of nails, saws, axes, and
other tools, of which there was such need, from the stirrups, spurs,
cross-bows, and the other things of iron that there were; and we said,
that, for support while the work was going on, we would make four
entries into Aute, with all the horses and men that were able to go;
and that every third day a horse should be killed, which should be
divided among those that had labored on the work of the boats, and
those that were sick. The forays were made with the people and horses
that were of any use, and in them were brought back as many as four
bushels of maize; but these were not got without quarrels and conflicts
with the Indians. We caused to be collected many palmettos for the
benefit of the woof or covering, twisting and preparing it for use in
the place of tow for the boats.
We commenced to build on the 4th, with the one only carpenter in
the company; and we proceeded with so great diligence, that, on the
twentieth day of September, five boats were finished, of twenty-two
cubits in length each, calked with the fibre of the palmetto. We
pitched them with a certain resin, which was made from pine-trees,
by a Greek named Don Theodoro; and from the same husk of the palmettos,
and from the tails and manes of the horses, we made ropes and rigging;
and from our shirts, sails; and from the savins[86] that grew there, we
made the oars that appeared to us to be requisite.
And such was the country in which our sins had cast us, that with very
great trouble we could find stone for ballast and anchors to the boats,
since in all of it we had not seen one. We flayed the horses, and took
off the skins of their legs entire, and tanned them, to make bottles in
which we might carry water.
During this time, some went gathering shell-fish in the coves and
creeks of the sea, at which the Indians twice attacked them, and killed
ten of our men in sight of the camp, without our being able to afford
them succor. We found them traversed from side to side by the arrows;
and, although some had on good armor, it did not afford sufficient
protection against the nice and powerful archery, of which I have
spoken before.... Before we embarked, there died, without enumerating
those destroyed by the Indians, more than forty men, of disease and
hunger. By the 22d of the month of September, the horses had been
consumed, one only remaining; and on that day we embarked in the
following order,――in the boat of the governor there went forty-nine
men; in another, which he gave to the controller and the commissary,
went others as many. The third he gave to Capt. Alonzo del Castillo
and Andres Dorantes, with forty-eight men; and another he gave to
two captains, Tellez and Beñalosa, with forty-seven men. The last he
gave to the assessor and me, with forty-nine men. After the provision
and clothes had been taken in, there remained not over a span of the
gunwales[87] above the water; and, more than this, we went so crowded,
we could not move. So much can necessity do, which drove us to hazard
our lives in this manner, running into a sea so turbulent, with not a
single one that went there having a knowledge of navigation.
The haven we left has for its name La Baya de Cavallos.[88] We
passed waist-deep in water through sounds for seven days, without
seeing any point of the coast; and at the close of them we came to an
island near the land. My boat went first; and from her we saw Indians
coming in five canoes, which they abandoned, and left in our hands. The
other boats, seeing us go towards them, passed ahead, and stopped at
some houses on the island, where we found many mullet and mullet-roes
dried,――a great relief to the distress in which we were. After taking
these, we went on, and, two leagues thence, we discovered a strait
the island makes with the land, which we named San Miguel, from having
passed through it on his day.[89]
Having come out, we went to the coast, where, with the five canoes
I had taken from the Indians, we somewhat improved the boats, making
waist-boards, and securing them so that the sides rose two palms
above the waters. With this we turned to travel along the coast in
the direction of the River Palmas, every day increasing our hunger and
thirst; for the provisions were very scant, and getting near their end,
and the water was gone, because the bottles we made from the legs of
the horses soon rotted, and were useless. Sometimes we entered coves
and creeks that lay far in, and found them all shallow and dangerous.
Thus we travelled thirty days among them, where we sometimes found
Indian fishermen, a poor and miserable people.
At the end of this time, while the want of water was extreme, going
near the coast at night, we heard the approach of a canoe; and as we
saw it we waited its arrival: but it would not meet us, and, although
we called, it would not return, nor wait for us. As the night was dark,
we did not follow it, but kept on our way. When the sun rose, we saw
a small island, and went to it, to see if we could find water: but our
labor was vain; for it had none. Being there at anchor, a heavy storm
overtook us, that detained us six days, without our daring to go to sea:
and, as it was now five days in which we had not drunk, our thirst was
so excessive, that it put us to the extremity of drinking salt water;
and some of the men so greatly crazed themselves by it, that directly
we had four of them to die. I state this thus briefly, because I do not
believe there is any necessity for particularly relating the sufferings
and toils in which we found ourselves; for considering the place we
were in, and the little hope we had of relief, every one may conceive
much of what would have passed there.
Although the storm had not ceased, and we found that our thirst
increased, and the water killed us, we resolved to commend ourselves to
God our Lord, and venture the peril of the sea, [rather] than await the
certainty of death which thirst imposed. Accordingly, we went out by
the way in which we had seen the canoe the night we came there. On this
day, we ourselves were many times overwhelmed by the waves, and in such
jeopardy, that there was not one who did not suppose his death certain.
I return thanks to our Lord, that, in the greatest dangers, he should
have shown us his favor; for at sunset we doubled a point made by the
sand, and found great calm and shelter.
So we sailed that day until the middle of the afternoon, when my boat,
which was first, discovered a point made by the land, and, against a
cape opposite, a broad river passed. I anchored by a little island
which forms the point, to await the arrival of the other boats. The
governor did not choose to come up, but entered a bay near by, in which
were a great many islets. We came together there, and took fresh water
from the sea; for the stream entered it impetuously.[90] To parch some
of the corn we had brought with us, since we had eaten it raw for two
days past, we went on the island; but, as we found no wood, we agreed
to go to the river behind the point, which was one league off. We were
unable to get there by any efforts, so violent was the current on the
way, which drove us from the land while we contended, and strove to
gain it. The north wind, which came from the shore, began to blow so
strongly, that it drove us to sea without our being able to overcome it.
Half a league out we sounded, and found, that, with thirty fathoms, we
could not get the bottom; but we could not be satisfied that the river
was not the cause of our failure to reach it.
Toiling in this manner to fetch the land, we navigated two days, and
at the end of the time, a little while before the sun rose, we saw
many smokes along the shore. While attempting to reach them, we found
ourselves in three fathoms of water; and, it being dark, we dared
not come to land; for, as we had seen so many smokes, we thought some
danger might surprise us, and the obscurity leave us at a loss what to
do. So we determined to wait until the morning. When it came, the boats
had all lost sight of each other. I found myself in thirty fathoms; and,
keeping my course until the hour of vespers, I observed two boats, and,
as I drew near to them, I found that the first I approached was that
of the governor, who asked me what I thought we should do. I told him
we ought to join that boat which went in the advance, and by no means
to leave her; and, the three being together, that we should keep on our
way to where God should be pleased to direct us. He answered me, saying
it could not be done, because the boat was far to sea, and he wished
to reach the shore; that, if I wished to follow him, I should order
the persons of my boat to take the oars, and work, as it was only by
strength of arm that the land could be gained.
He was advised to this course by a captain he had with him named
Pantoja, who told him, that, if he did not fetch the land that day,
in six days more they would not reach it; and in that time they must
inevitably famish. I, seeing his will, took my oar; and the same did
all who were in my boat, to obey it. We rowed until near sunset; but,
as the governor carried in his boat the healthiest men there were among
the whole, we could not by any means hold with or follow her. Seeing
this, I asked him to give me a rope from his boat, that I might be
enabled to keep up with him; but he answered me that he would do no
little,[91] if they, as they were, should be able to reach the land
that night. I said to him, that, since he saw the little strength we
had to follow him and do what he had commanded, he should tell me what
he would that I should do. He answered me, that it was no longer a
time in which one should command another, but that each should do what
he thought best to save his own life; that he so intended to act; and,
saying this, he departed with his boat. As I could not follow him,
I steered to the other boat at sea, which waited for me; and, having
come up with her, I found her to be the one commanded by the captains
Beñalosa and Tellez.
Thus we continued in company, eating a daily ration of half a handful
of raw maize, until the end of four days, when we lost sight of each
other in a storm; and such was the weather, that it was only by divine
favor that we did not all go down. Because of the winter and its
inclemency, the many days we had suffered hunger, and the heavy beating
of the waves, the people began the next day to despair in such a manner,
that, when the sun went down, all who were in my boat were fallen one
on another, so near to death, that there were few among them in a state
of sensibility. Among them all at this time there were not five men on
their feet; and, when the night came, there were left only the master
and myself who could work the boat. At the second hour of the night,
he said to me that I must take charge of her, for that he was in such
condition he believed that night he should die. So I took the paddle;
and after midnight I went to see if the master was alive, and he said
to me that he was better, and that he would take the charge until day.
I declare that in that hour I would have more willingly died than seen
so many people before me in such condition. After the master took the
direction of the boat, I lay down a little while, but without repose;
for nothing at that time was farther from me than sleep.
Near the dawn of day, it seemed to me that I heard the tumbling of the
sea; for, as the coast was low, it roared loudly. Surprised at this,
I called to the master, who answered me that he believed we were near
the land. We sounded, and found ourselves in seven fathoms. He thought
we should keep the sea until sunrise; and accordingly I took an oar,
and pulled on the side of the land until we were a league distant; and
we then gave her stern to the sea. Near the shore, a wave took us that
knocked the boat out of the water to the distance of the throw of a
crowbar; and by the violence of the blow nearly all of the people who
were in her like dead were roused to consciousness. Finding themselves
near the shore, they began to move on hands and feet, and crawled to
land in some ravines. There we made fire, parching some of the maize we
brought with us, and where we found rain-water. From the warmth of the
fire the people recovered their faculties, and began somewhat to exert
themselves.[92] The day on which we arrived here was the 6th of
November.
II.――CABEZA DE VACA SAVED BY INDIANS.
AFTER the people had eaten, I ordered Lope de Oviedo, who had more
strength, and was stouter, than any of the rest, to go to some trees
that were near, and, having climbed into one of them, to survey the
country in which we were, and endeavor to get some knowledge of it.
He did as I bade him, and made out that we were on an island. He saw
that the ground was pawed up in the manner that the land is wont to be
where cattle range; and hence it appeared to him that this should be
the country of Christians, and thus he reported to us. I ordered him
to return to examine much more particularly, and see if there were
any roads in it that were worn, and without going far, because of the
danger there might be. He went, and, coming to a path, he took it for
the distance of half a league, and found some huts without any tenants,
for the Indians had gone into the woods. He took from them an earthen
pot, a little dog, some few mullets, and thus returned. It appearing to
us that he was long absent, we sent two others, that they should look
and see what might have befallen him.
They met him near by, and saw that three Indians with bows and
arrows followed, and were calling to him; and he, in the same way,
was beckoning them on. Thus they arrived where we were; the Indians
remaining a little way back, seated on the same bank. Half an hour
after, they were supported by fifty other Indian bowmen, whom, whether
large or not, our fears made giants. They stopped near us with the
three first. It were idle to think that there were any among us who
could make defence; for it would have been difficult to find six that
could raise themselves from the ground. The assessor and I went and
called them, and they came to us. We endeavored the best we could to
recommend ourselves to their favor, and secure their good-will. We gave
them beads and hawk-bells; and each one of them gave me an arrow, which
is a pledge of friendship. They told us by signs that they would return
in the morning, and bring us something to eat, as at that time they had
nothing.
The next day at sunrise, the time the Indians had appointed, they
came as they had promised, and brought us a large quantity of fish,
and certain roots that are eaten by them, of the size of walnuts, some
a little larger, others a little smaller, the greater part of them got
from under the water, and with much labor. In the evening they returned,
and brought us more fish, and some of the roots. They sent their women
and children to look at us, who returned rich with the hawk-bells and
beads that we gave them; and they came afterward on other days in the
same way. As we found that we had been provisioned with fish, roots,
water, and other things for which we asked, we determined to embark
again, and pursue our course. We dug out our boat from the sand in
which it was buried; and it became necessary that we should all strip
ourselves, and go through great exertion to launch her, for we were
in such state, that things very much lighter sufficed to make us much
labor.
Thus embarked, at the distance of two cross-bow shots in the sea we
shipped a wave that wet us all. As we were naked, and the cold was very
great, the oars loosened in our hands; and the next blow the sea struck
us capsized the boat. The assessor and two others held fast to her
for preservation; but it happened to be for far otherwise, as the boat
carried them over, and they drowned under her. As the surf near the
shore was very high, a single roll of the sea threw the remainder into
the waves, and half drowned us on the shore of the island, without our
losing any more than the boat had taken under. Those of us who survived
escaped naked as we were born, losing all that we had; and, although
the whole was of little value, at that time it was worth much.
As it was then in the month of November, the cold severe, and our
bodies so emaciated that the bones might have been counted with little
difficulty, we had become perfect figures of death. For myself, I can
say, that, from the month of May past, I had not eaten other thing than
maize, and sometimes I found myself obliged to eat it unparched; for,
although the horses were slaughtered while the boats were being built,
I never could eat of them, and I did not eat fish ten times. I state
this to avoid giving excuses, and that every one may judge in what
condition we were. After all these misfortunes, there came a north wind
upon us, from which we were nearer to death than life. Thanks be to our
Lord, that, looking among the brands that we had used there, we found
sparks from which we made great fires. And thus we were asking mercy of
him, and pardon for our transgressions, shedding many tears, and each
regretting, not his own fate alone, but that of his comrades about him.
At sunset, the Indians, thinking that we had not gone, came to seek us,
and bring us food; but when they saw us thus, in a plight so different
from what it was formerly, and so extraordinary, they were alarmed, and
turned back. I went toward them, and called to them; and they returned
much frightened. I gave them to understand by signs how that our boat
had sunk, and three of our number been drowned. There, before them,
they saw two of the departed; and those that remained were near joining
them. The Indians, at sight of the disaster that had befallen us, and
our state of suffering and melancholy destitution, sat down amongst
us; and from the sorrow and pity they felt for us, they all began to
lament, and so earnestly, that they might have been heard at a distance;
and they continued so doing more than half an hour. It was strange
to see these men, so wild and untaught, howling like brutes over our
misfortunes. It caused in me, as in others, an increase of feeling, and
a livelier sense of our calamity.
Their cries having ceased, I talked with the Christians, and said, that,
if it appeared well to them, I would beg these Indians to take us to
their houses. Some who had been in New Spain said that we ought not to
think of it; for, if we should do so, they would sacrifice us to their
idols. But seeing no better course, and that any other led to nearer
and more certain death, I disregarded what was said, and besought the
Indians to take us to their dwellings. They signified that it would
give them great delight, and that we should tarry a little, that we
might do what we asked. Presently, thirty of them loaded themselves
with wood, and started for their houses, which were far off, and we
remained with the others until near night, when, holding us up, they
carried us with all haste. Because of the extreme coldness of the
weather, lest any one should die or fail by the way, they caused four
or five large fires to be placed at intervals; and at each one of them
they warmed us, and, when they saw that we had regained some strength
and warmth, they took us to the next so swiftly that they hardly
permitted us to put our feet to the ground. In this manner, we went
as far as their habitations, where we found that they had made a house
for us with many fires in it. An hour after our arrival, they began to
dance, and hold great rejoicing, which lasted all night, although for
us there was no joy, appetite, or sleep, awaiting the time they should
make us victims. In the morning, they again gave us fish and roots, and
showed us such hospitality, that we were re-assured, and lost somewhat
the fear of the sacrifice.[93]
III.――CABEZA DE VACA’S CAPTIVITY.
[The eighty men taken by the Indians were soon reduced by death
to fifteen. These were made slaves, and were severely treated.]
I WAS obliged to remain with the people of the island more than a
year; and because of the hard work they put upon me, and their harsh
treatment, I determined to flee from them, and go to those of Charruco,
who inhabit the forests and country of the main; for the life I led
was insupportable. Beside much other labor, I had to get out roots from
below the water, and from among the cane where it grew in the ground.
From this employment I had my fingers so worn, that, did a straw but
touch them, it would draw blood. Many of the canes were broken, so that
they often tore my flesh; and I had to go in the midst of them with
only the clothing on me I have mentioned.
Accordingly, I put myself to work to get over to the other Indians;
and afterward, while I was with them, affairs changed for me somewhat
more favorably. I set myself to trafficking, and strove to turn my
employment to profit in the ways I could best contrive; and by this
means I got from the Indians food and good treatment. They would beg me
to go from one part to another for things of which they have need; for,
in consequence of continual hostilities, they cannot travel the country,
nor make many exchanges. With my merchandise and trade I went into the
interior as far as I pleased; and I travelled along the coast forty or
fifty leagues. The chief of my wares was pieces of sea-snails and their
cones, conches, that are used for cutting,[94] and a fruit like a bean,
of the highest value among them, which they use as a medicine, and
employ in their dances and festivities. There are sea-beads also, and
other articles. Such were what I carried into the interior; and, in
barter for them, I brought back skins, ochre, with which they rub and
color their faces, and flint for arrow-points, cement and hard canes,
of which to make arrows, and tassels that are made of the hair of deer,
ornamented, and dyed red.
This occupation suited me well; for the travel gave me liberty to
go where I wished. I was not obliged to work, and was not a slave.
Wherever I went, I received fair treatment; and the Indians gave me to
eat for the sake of my commodities. My leading object, while journeying
in this business, was to find out the way by which I should have to go
forward; and I became well known to the inhabitants. They were pleased
when they saw me, and I had brought for them what they wanted; and
those that did not know me sought and desired my acquaintance for my
reputation. The hardships that I underwent in this it were long to
tell, as well of peril and privation, as of storms and cold. Many of
them found me in the wilderness and alone; but I came forth from them
all, by the great mercy of God our Lord. Because of them, I ceased to
pursue the business in winter; for it is a season in which the natives
themselves retire to their villages and huts, sluggish, and incapable
of exertion.
I was in this country nearly six years,[95] alone among the
Indians, and naked like them. The reason why I remained so long
was, that I might take with me from the island the Christian Lope de
Oviedo. De Alaniz, his companion, who had been left with him by Alonzo
del Castillo, Andres Dorantes, and the rest, died soon after their
departure; and, to get the survivor out from there, I went over to
the island every year, and entreated him that we should go, in the way
we could best contrive, in quest of Christians. He put me off every
year, saying that in the next coming we would go. At last I got him
off, crossing him over the bay, and over four rivers there are in the
coast, as he could not swim. In this way we went on with some Indians,
until coming to a bay a league in width, and everywhere deep. From its
appearance, we supposed it to be that which they call Espiritu Santo.
We met some Indians on the other side of it, who came to visit ours;
and they told us that beyond them there were three men like us, and
gave their names. And we asked them for the others; and they told us
that they were all dead of cold and hunger; that the Indians farther
on, of whom they were, had for their diversion killed Diego Dorantes,
Valdevieso, and Diego de Huelva, because they left one house for
another; and that other Indians, their neighbors, with whom Captain
Dorantes now was, had, in consequence of a dream, killed Esquivel and
Mendez. We asked them how the living were situated; and they answered
us that they were very ill used; for that the boys and some of the
Indian men were very idle, and of cruelty gave them severe kicks, cuffs,
and blows with sticks, and that such was the life they led among them.
We desired to be informed of the country ahead, and of the subsistence
in it; and they said there was nothing in it to eat, and [it] was
thin of people, who suffered of cold, having no skins or other thing
to cover them. They told us, also, if we wished to see those three
Christians, two days from that time the Indians who had them would come
to eat walnuts a league from there, on the margin of that river; and,
that we might know what they had told us of the ill usage to be true,
they slapped my companion, and beat him with a stick, and I was not
left without my portion. They frequently threw fragments of mud at us;
and every day they put their arrows to our hearts, saying that they
were inclined to kill us in the way they had destroyed our friends.
Lope Oviedo, my comrade, in fear, said that he wished to go back with
the women who had crossed the bay with us, the men having remained some
distance behind. I contended strongly with him against his returning,
and I urged many objections; but in no way could I keep him. So he went
back, and I remained alone with those savages.
IV.――THE INDIANS OF THE GULF OF MEXICO.
THESE are the most watchful in danger of any people I have ever seen.
If they fear an enemy, they are awake the night long, with each a bow
by his side, and a dozen arrows. He that sleeps tries his bow; and, if
it is not strung, he gives the turn necessary to the cord. They often
come out from their houses, bending to the ground in such manner, that
they cannot be seen, and look and watch on all sides to catch every
object. If they perceive any thing about, they are all in the bushes
with their bows and arrows, and there they remain until day, running
from place to place where it is useful to be, or where they think their
enemies are. When the light has come, they unbend their bows until they
go out to hunt. The strings are of the sinews of deer.
The method they have of fighting is lying low to the earth; and,
whilst they shoot, they move about, speaking, and leaping from one
point to another, screening themselves from the shafts of their
enemies. So effectual is this manœuvring, that they can receive very
little injury from cross-bow or arquebuse;[96] but they rather scoff at
them: for these arms are of little value employed in open field, where
the Indians go loosely. They are proper for defiles, and in water:
everywhere else the horses will be found the most effective, and are
what the natives universally fear. Whosoever would fight against them
must be cautious to show no weakness or desire for any thing that is
theirs; and, whilst war exists, they must be treated with the utmost
severity; for, if they discover any timidity or covetousness, they are
a race that well discern the opportunities for vengeance, and gather
strength from the fear of their adversaries. When they use arrows in
battle, and exhaust their store, each returns by his own way without
the one party following the other, although the one be many and the
other few; for such is their custom. Oftentimes their bodies are
traversed from side to side by arrows; and they do not die of the
wounds, but soon become well, unless the entrails or the heart be
struck.
I believe they see and hear better, and have keener senses, than any
people there are in the world. They are great in the endurance of
hunger, thirst, and cold, as if they were made for these more than
others by habit and nature. Thus much I have wished to say beyond the
gratification of that desire which men have to learn the customs and
manners of each other, that those who hereafter at some time find
themselves amongst these people may be intelligent in their usages and
artifice, the value of which they will not find inconsiderable in such
event.
V.――CABEZA DE VACA’S ESCAPE.
[After getting away from his first captors, he came among
Indians who thought that he and his comrades must have come from
heaven, because of their superior knowledge. He thus describes
them.]
WE left these, and travelled through so many sorts of people, of such
diverse languages, that the memory fails to recall them. They ever
plundered each other; and those that lost, like those that gained, were
fully content. We drew so many followers after us, that we had not use
for their services. While on our way through these vales, each of the
Indians carried a club three palms in length, and kept himself on the
alert. On raising a hare, which are abundant, they surround it directly;
and numerous clubs are thrown at it, and with a precision astonishing
to see. In this way they cause it to run from one to another; so that,
according to my thinking, it is the most pleasing sport that can be
conceived of, as oftentimes the animal runs into the hand. So many
of them did they give us, that at night, when we stopped, each one of
us had eight or ten back-loads. Those who had bows were not with us,
but dispersed about the ridge in quest of deer; and, when they came
at night, they brought five or six for each of us, besides birds, the
quail, and other game. Indeed, all that they found or killed they put
before us, without themselves daring to take any thing until we had
blessed it, though they should be dying of hunger; for they had so
established the custom since marching with us.
The women carried many mats, of which the men made us houses, each of
us having a separate one with all his attendants. After these were put
up, we ordered the deer and hares to be roasted, with the rest that had
been taken. This was soon done by means of certain ovens made for the
purpose. We took a little of each; and the remainder we gave to the
principal personages that came with us, directing them to divide them
among the rest. Every one brought his portion to us, that we should
give it our benediction; for not until then dared they to eat of it.
Frequently we were accompanied by three or four thousand persons; and
as we had to breathe upon and sanctify the food and drink for each, and
give them permission to do the many things they would come to ask, it
may be seen how great to us were the trouble and annoyance. The women
first brought us the pears, spiders, worms, and whatever else they
could gather; for, even if they were famishing, they would eat nothing
unless we gave it to them.
In company with these we crossed a great river coming from the north;
and, passing over some plains thirty leagues in extent, we found many
persons who came from a great distance to receive us; and they met us
on the road over which we had to travel, and received us in the manner
of those we had left....
We told them to conduct us toward the north; and they answered us as
they had done before, saying, that, in that direction, there were no
people, except afar off; that there was nothing to eat, nor could water
be found. Notwithstanding all this, we persisted, and said that in that
course we desired to go; and they still tried to excuse themselves in
the best manner possible. At this we became offended: and one night
I went out to sleep in the woods, apart from them; but they directly
went to where I was, and remained there all night without sleeping, and
in great fear, talking to me, and telling me how terrified they were,
beseeching us to be no longer angry, and that though they knew they
should die on the way, they would nevertheless lead us in the direction
we desired to go.
Whilst we still feigned to be displeased, that their fright might not
leave them, there happened a remarkable circumstance, which was, that
on this same day many of them became ill, and the next day eight men
died. Abroad in the country wheresoever this became known, there was
such dread, that it seemed as if the inhabitants at sight of us would
die of fear. They besought us that we would not remain angered, nor
require that many of them should die. They believed that we caused
their death by only willing it; when in truth it gave us so much pain
that it could not be greater; for, beyond the loss of them that died,
we feared they might all die, or abandon us out of fear, and all other
people thenceforward should do the same, seeing what had come to these.
We prayed to God our Lord, that he would relieve them; and thenceforth
all those that were sick began to get better....
From that place onward there was another usage, that those who knew
of our approach did not come out to receive us on the roads, as the
others had done, but we found them in their houses, and others they had
made for our reception. They were all seated with their faces turned
to the wall, their heads down, and the hair brought before their eyes,
and their property placed in a heap in the middle of their houses. From
this place forward they began to give us many blankets of skin, and
they had nothing that they did not give to us. They have the finest
persons of any that we saw, and of the greatest activity and strength,
and [were those] who best understood us, and intelligently answered
our inquiries. We called them _los de las vacas_, the cow nation, because
most of the cattle that are killed are destroyed in their neighborhood;
and along up that river over fifty leagues they kill great numbers.
[Cabeza de Vaca crossed the Mississippi, or passed its mouth,
many years before De Soto reached it. Having finally arrived
at the city of Mexico, he was sent home to Europe, and reached
Lisbon Aug. 15, 1537. His later adventures will be found in
Southey’s Hist. of Brazil, chap. V.]
BOOK V.
THE FRENCH IN CANADA.
(A.D. 1534‒1536.)
THE extracts from Cartier’s narratives are taken from an old
translation, to be found in Hakluyt’s “Voyages” (edition of
1810), vol. 3, pp. 250, 257, 259, 266‒269, 271‒274.
A most interesting description of Cartier’s adventures,
including those here described, may be found in Parkman’s
“Pioneers of France in the New World,” p. 81. Another account
of the same events, illustrated by the maps of the period, will
also be found in Kohl’s valuable “History of the Discovery of
the East Coast of North America” (Maine Historical Society, 2d
series, vol. 1), p. 320.
THE FRENCH IN CANADA.
I.――CARTIER’S VISIT TO BAY OF CHALEUR.
[Jacques Cartier was born in 1494, at St. Malo, a principal port
of Brittany, France. He was bred to the sea; and, having made
fishing-voyages to the Grand Banks of Labrador, he desired to
make an exploration farther west. For this purpose an expedition
was fitted out by King Francis I. of France, as is described
below.]
THE first relation[97] of Jacques Cartier of St. Malo, of the new
land called New France,[98] newly discovered in the year of our Lord
1534....
After that, Sir Charles of Mouy, Knight, Lord of Meilleraie, and
Vice-Admiral of France, had caused the captains, masters, and mariners
of the ships to be sworn to behave themselves faithfully in the service
of the most Christian King of France. Under the charge of the said
Cartier, we departed from the Port of St. Malo with two ships of
threescore tons’ apiece burden, and sixty-one well-appointed men in
each one....
[Cartier sailed first to Newfoundland, and then made further
discoveries.]
Illustration: JACQUES CARTIER.
Upon Thursday, being the 8th of the month,[99] because the wind was
not good to go out with our ships, we set our boats in a readiness to
go and discover the said bay; and that day we went twenty-five leagues
within it. The next day, the wind and weather being fair, we sailed
until noon, in which time we had notice of a great part of said bay,
and how that over the low lands, there were other lands with high
mountains: but, seeing that there was no passage at all, we began to
turn back again, taking our way along the coast; and, sailing, we saw
certain wild men that stood upon the shore of a lake, that is among
the low grounds, who were making fires and smoke. We went thither, and
found that there was a channel of the sea that did enter into the lake;
and, setting our boats at one of the banks of the channel, the wild men
with one of their boats came unto us, and brought up pieces of seals
ready sodden,[100] putting them upon pieces of wood; then retiring
themselves, they would make signs unto us that they did give them us.
We sent two men unto them with hatchets, knives, beads, and other such
like ware, whereat they were very glad; and by and by in clusters they
came to the shore where we were, with their boats, bringing with them
skins and other such things as they had, to have of our wares.
They were more than three hundred men, women, and children. Some of
the women which came not over we might see stand up to the knees in
water, singing and dancing. The other that had passed the river where
we were came very friendly to us, rubbing our arms with their own
hands; then would they lift them up towards heaven, showing many signs
of gladness. And in such wise were we assured one of another, that we
very familiarly began to traffic for whatsoever they had, till they had
nothing but their naked bodies, for they gave us all whatsoever they
had; and that was but of small value. We perceived that this people
might very easily be converted to our religion. They go from place to
place. They live only with fishing. They have an ordinary[101] time
to fish for their provision. The country is hotter than the country of
Spain, and the fairest that can possibly be found, altogether smooth
and level. There is no place, be it never so little, but it hath some
trees, yea, albeit it be sandy; or else is full of wild corn, that hath
an ear like unto rye. The corn is like oats, and small peas as thick
as if they had been sown and ploughed, white and red gooseberries,
strawberries, blackberries, white and red roses, with many other
flowers of very sweet and pleasant smell. There be also many goodly
meadows full of grass, and lakes wherein great plenty of salmons be.
They call a hatchet in their tongue, _cochi_; and a knife _bacon_: we
named it the bay of heat.[102]
II.――CARTIER SETS UP A CROSS.
UPON the 24th of the month,[103] we caused a fair high cross to be
made of the height of thirty feet, which was made in the presence of
many of them, upon the point of the entrance of the said haven,[104]
in the midst whereof we hanged up a shield with three fleur-de-lis[105]
in it; and in the top was carved in the wood with antique letters this
posy,[106] _Vive le Roi de France_. Then before them all we set it upon
the said point. They with great heed[107] beheld both the making and
setting of it up. So soon as it was up, we all together kneeled down
before them, with our hands toward heaven, yielding God thanks; and
we made signs unto them, showing them the heavens, and that all our
salvation dependeth only on Him which in them dwelleth: whereat they
showed a great admiration, looking first one at another, and then upon
the cross. And, after we were returned to our ships, their captain,
clad with an old bear’s-skin, with three of his sons and a brother of
his with him, came unto us in one of their boats; but they came not so
near us as they were wont to do. There he made a long oration unto us,
showing us the cross we had set up, and making a cross with his two
fingers. Then did he show us all the country about us, as if he would
say that all was his, and that we should not set up any cross without
his leave.
Illustration: CARTIER RAISING A CROSS ON THE ST. CHARLES RIVER.
His talk being ended, we showed him an axe, feigning that we would
give it him for his skin, to which he listened, for by little and
little he came near our ships. One of our fellows that was in our boat
took hold on theirs, and suddenly leaped into it, with two or three
more, who enforced them to enter into our ships, whereat they were
greatly astonished. But our captain did straightway assure them that
they should have no harm, nor any injury offered them at all, and
entertained them very friendly, making them eat and drink. Then did we
show them with signs, that the cross was only set up to be as a light
and leader which ways to enter into the port,[108] and that we would
shortly come again, and bring good store of iron-wares and other things;
but that we would take two of his children with us, and afterward bring
them to the said port again. And so we clothed two of them in shirts
and colored coats, with red caps, and put about every one’s neck a
copper chain, whereat they were greatly contented. Then gave they their
old clothes to the fellows that went back again; and we gave to each
one of those three that went back, a hatchet and some knives, which
made them very glad. After these were gone, and had told the news unto
their fellows, in the afternoon there came to our ships six boats of
them, with five or six men in every one, to take their farewells of
those two we had detained to take with us, and brought them some fish,
uttering many words which we did not understand, making signs that they
would not remove the cross we had set up.
III.――CARTIER ASCENDS THE ST. LAWRENCE AS FAR AS QUEBEC.
[This took place on Cartier’s second voyage. He sailed from St.
Malo, May 19, 1535, and reached the mouth of the St. Lawrence,
which he ascended, hoping to find a passage to the west.]
OUR captain then caused our boats to be set in order, that with the
next tide he might go up higher into the river to find some safe harbor
for our ships; and we passed up the river, against the stream, about
ten leagues, coasting the said island, at the end whereof we found a
goodly and pleasant sound, where is a little river and haven, where,
by reason of the flood, there is about three fathoms water. This place
seemed very fit and commodious to harbor our ships therein; and so we
did very safely. We named it the Holy Cross;[109] for on that day we
came thither. Near unto it there is a village, whereof Donnacona is
lord; and there he keepeth his abode: it is called Stadacona,[110] as
goodly a plot of ground as possibly may be seen, and therewithal very
fruitful, full of goodly trees even as in France, as oaks, elms, ashes,
walnut trees, maple-trees, citrons, vines, and white-thorns, that bring
forth fruit as big as any damsons, and many other sorts of trees, under
which groweth as fair tall hemp as any in France, without any seed,
or any man’s work or labor at all. Having considered the place, and
finding it fit for our purpose, our captain withdrew himself on purpose
to return to our ships. But behold! as we were coming out of the river,
we met coming against us one of the lords of said village of Stadacona,
accompanied with many others, as men, women, and children, who, after
the fashion of their country, in sign of mirth and joy, began to make
a long oration, the women still singing and dancing, up to the knees
in water. Our captain, knowing their good-will and kindness toward
us, caused the boat wherein they were to come unto him, and gave them
certain trifles, as knives, and beads of glass, whereat they were
marvellous glad; for being gone about three leagues from them, for the
pleasure they conceived of our coming, we might hear them sing, and see
them dance, for all they were so far....
The next day, we departed with our ships, to bring them to the place
of the Holy Cross; and on the 14th of that month[111] we came thither;
and the Lord Donnacona, Taignoagny, and Domagaia,[112] with twenty-five
boats full of those people, came to meet us, coming from the place
whence we were come, and going toward Stadacona, where their abiding
is. And all came to our ships, showing sundry and divers gestures
of gladness and mirth, except those two that we had brought; to wit,
Taignoagny and Domagaia,[112] who seemed to have altered and changed
their mind and purpose; for by no means they would come unto our ships,
albeit sundry times they were earnestly desired to do it, whereupon we
began to distrust somewhat. Our captain asked them, if, according to
promise, they would go with him to Hochelaga.[113] They answered yea,
for so they had purposed; and then each one withdrew himself. The next
day, being the 15th of the month, our captain went on shore, to cause
certain poles and piles to be driven into the water, and set up, that
the better and safelier we might harbor our vessels there....
The day following, we brought our two great ships within the river and
harbor, where the waters, being at the highest, are three fathoms
deep, and, at the lowest, but half a fathom. We left our pinnace[114]
without the road, to the end we might bring it to Hochelaga. So soon as
we had safely placed our ships, behold! we saw Donnacona, Taignoagny,
and Domagaia, with more than five hundred persons, men, women, and
children; and the said lord, with ten or twelve of the chiefest of the
country, came aboard of our ships, who were all courteously received,
and friendly entertained both of our captain and of us all; and divers
gifts of small value were given them.
Then did Taignoagny tell our captain that his lord did greatly sorrow
that he would go to Hochelaga, and that he would not by any means
permit that any of them should go with him, because the river was of
no importance. Our captain answered him, that, for all his saying,
he would not leave off his going thither, if, by any means, it were
possible; for that he was commanded by his king to go as far as
possibly he could; and that if he――that is to say, Taignoagny――would
go with him, as he had promised, he should be very well entertained:
beside that, he should have such a gift given him as he should well
content himself; for he should do nothing else but go with him to
Hochelaga, and come again. To whom Taignoagny answered, that he would
not by any means go; and thereupon they suddenly returned to their
houses. The next day, being the 17th of September, Donnacona and his
company returned even as at the first....
After that, our captain caused the said children to be put in our
ships, and caused two swords and copper basins――the one wrought, the
other plain――to be brought unto him; and them he gave to Donnacona,
who was therewith greatly contented, yielding most hearty thanks unto
our captain for them. And presently, upon that, he commanded all his
people to sing and dance, and desired our captain to cause a piece of
artillery to be shot off, because Taignoagny and Domagaia made great
brags of it, and had told them marvellous things, and also, because
they had never heard nor seen any before. To whom our captain answered
that he was content. And by and by he commanded his men to shoot off
twelve cannons charged with bullets into the wood that was hard by
those people and ships, at whose noise they were greatly astonished
and amazed; for they thought that heaven had fallen upon them, and
put themselves to flight, howling and crying and shrieking; so that
it seemed hell was broken loose.
IV.――HOW THE INDIANS TRIED TO FRIGHTEN CARTIER.
Illustration: INDIANS TRYING TO FRIGHTEN CARTIER.
THE next day, being the 18th of September, these men still endeavored
themselves to seek all means possible to hinder and let our going
to Hochelaga, and devised a pretty guile,[115] as hereafter shall
be showed. They went and dressed three men like devils, wrapped in
dogs’ skins, white and black, their faces besmeared as black as any
coals, with horns on their heads more than a yard long, and caused them
secretly to be put in one of their boats, but came not near our ships,
as they were wont to do. For they lay hidden within the wood for the
space of two hours, looking for the tide, to the end the boat wherein
the devils were might approach and come near us, which, when [the]
time was, came, and all the rest issued out of the wood coming to us,
but yet not so near as they were wont to do. Then began Taignoagny to
salute our captain, who asked him if he would have the boat to come for
him. He answered, not for that time, but after a while he would come
unto our ships. Then presently came that boat rushing out, wherein the
three counterfeit devils were, with such long horns on their heads; and
the middlemost came, making a long oration, and passed along our ships
without turning, or looking toward us, but, with the boat, went toward
the land. Then did Donnacona with all his people pursue them, and lay
hold on the boat and devils, who, so soon as the men were come to them,
fell prostrate in the boat, even as if they had been dead. Then were
they taken up, and carried into the wood, being but a stone’s cast off.
Then every one withdrew himself into the wood, not one staying behind
with us, where being they began to make a long discourse, so loud, that
we might hear them in our ships, which lasted about half an hour. And,
being ended, we began to espy Taignoagny and Domagaia coming towards
us, holding their hands upward, joined together, carrying their hats
under their upper garment, showing a great admiration. And Taignoagny,
looking up to heaven, cried three times, “Jesus, Jesus, Jesus!” and
Domagaia, doing as his fellow had done before, cried, “Jesus Maria,
James Cartier.”
Our captain, hearing them, and seeing their gestures and ceremonies,
asked of them what they ailed, and what was happened or chanced anew.
They answered, that there were very ill tidings befallen, saying in
French, “_Nenni est il bon_;” that is to say, it was not good. Our
captain asked them again what it was. Then answered they, that their
god Cudruaigny had spoken in Hochelaga; and that he had sent those
three men to show unto them that there was so much ice and snow in that
country, that whosoever went thither should die; which words when we
heard, we laughed and mocked them, saying, that their god Cudruaigny
was but a fool and a noddy; for he knew not what he did or said. Then
bade we them show his messengers from us, that Christ would defend
them from all cold, if they would believe in him. Then did they ask
of our captain if he had spoken with Jesus. He answered, No; but that
his priests had, and that he had told them he should have fair weather;
which words when they had heard, they thanked our captain, and departed
toward the wood to tell those news unto their fellows, who suddenly
came, all rushing out of the wood, seeming to be very glad for those
words that our captain had spoken. And to show that thereby they had
had and felt great joy, so soon as they were before our ships, they all
together gave out three great shrieks, and thereupon began to sing and
dance as they were wont to do. But, for a resolution[116] of the matter,
Taignoagny and Domagaia told our captain that their Lord Donnacona
would by no means that any of them should go with him to Hochelaga,
unless he would leave him some hostage to stay with him. Our captain
answered them, that, if they would not go with him with a good will,
they should stay; and that for all them he would not leave off his
journey thither.
V.――HOW CARTIER REACHED HOCHELAGA, NOW MONTREAL, AT LAST.
SO soon as we were come near to Hochelaga, there came to meet us
about a thousand persons, men women, and children, who afterward did
as friendly and merrily entertain and receive us as any father would
do his child which he had not of long time seen,――the men dancing on
one side, the women on another, and likewise the children on another.
After that [they] brought us great store of fish, and of their bread
made of millet, casting them into our boats so thick, that you would
have thought it to fall from heaven; which when our captain saw,
he, with many of his company, went on shore. So soon as ever we were
a-land,[117] they came clustering about us, making very much of us,
bringing their young children in their arms only to have our captain
and his company to touch them, making signs and shows of great mirth
and gladness, that lasted more than half an hour. Our captain, seeing
their loving-kindness and entertainment of us, caused all the women
orderly to be set in array, and gave them beads made of tin, and other
such small trifles; and to some of the men he gave knives. Then he
returned to the boats to supper; and so passed that night, all which
while all those people stood on the shore, as near our boats as they
might, making great fires, and dancing very merrily, still crying,
“_Aguiaze_,” which in their tongue signifieth mirth and safety.
Our captain, the next day, very early in the morning, having very
gorgeously attired himself, caused all his company to be set in order
to go to see the town and habitation of those people, and a certain
mountain that is somewhat near the city; with whom went also five
gentlemen and twenty mariners, leaving the rest to keep and look to our
boats. We took with us three men of Hochelaga to bring us to the place.
All along, as we went, we found the way as well beaten and frequented
as can be; the fairest and best country that possibly can be seen, full
of as goodly great oaks as are in any wood in France, under which the
ground was all covered over with fair acorns. After we had gone about
four or five miles, we met by the way one of the chiefest lords of the
city, accompanied with many more, who, so soon as he saw us, beckoned,
and made signs upon us, that we must rest us in that place where
they had made a great fire; and so we did. After that we had rested
ourselves there a while, the said lord began to make a long discourse,
even as we have said above they are accustomed to do, in sign of
mirth and friendship, showing our captain and all his company a joyful
countenance and good-will, who gave him two hatchets, a pair of knives,
and a cross, which he made him to kiss, and then put it about his neck,
for which he gave our captain hearty thanks. This done, we went along;
and, about a mile and a half farther, we began to find goodly and
large fields, full of such corn as the country yieldeth. It is even
as the millet of Brazil, as great and somewhat bigger than small peas,
wherewith they live even as we do with ours.
In the midst of those fields is the city of Hochelaga, placed near, and
as it were joined, to a great mountain, that is tilled round about very
fertile, on the top of which you may see very far. We named it Mount
Royal.[118] The city of Hochelaga is round, compassed about with timber,
with three course of rampires,[119] one within another, framed like a
sharp spire, but laid across above. The middlemost of them is made and
built as a direct line, but perpendicular. The rampires are framed and
fashioned with pieces of timber, laid along on the ground, very well
and cunningly joined together after their fashion. This enclosure is in
height about two rods. It hath but one gate or entry thereat, which is
shut with piles, stakes, and bars. Over it, and also in many places of
the wall, there be places to run along, and ladders to get up, all full
of stones for the defence of it.
There are in the town about fifty houses about fifty paces long, and
twelve or fifteen broad, built all of wood, covered over with the bark
of the wood as broad as any boards, very finely and cunningly joined
together. Within the said houses there are many rooms, lodgings, and
chambers. In the midst of every one there is a great court, in the
middle whereof they make their fire. They live in common together:
then do the husbands, wives, and children, each one retire themselves
to their chambers. They have also on the top of their houses certain
garrets, wherein they keep their corn to make their bread withal. They
call it _carraconny_, which they make as hereafter shall follow. They
have certain pieces of wood, made hollow like those whereon we beat our
hemp; and with certain beetles of wood they beat their corn to powder;
then they make paste of it, and of the paste, cakes or wreaths. Then
they lay them on a broad and hot stone, and then cover it with hot
stones; and so they bake their bread, instead of ovens.
VI.――THE FESTIVITIES AT HOCHELAGA.
SO soon as we were come near the town, a great number of the
inhabitants thereof came to present themselves before us, after their
fashion, making very much of us. We were by our guides brought into
the midst of the town. They have in the middlemost part of their houses
a large square place, being from side to side a good stone’s-cast,
whither we were brought, and there with signs were commanded to stay.
Then suddenly all the women and maidens of the town gathered themselves
together, part of which had their arms full of young children; and as
many as could came to rub our faces, our arms, and what part of the
body soever they could touch, weeping for very joy that they saw us,
showing us the best countenance that possibly they could, desiring us
with their signs that it would please us to touch their children. That
done, the men caused the women to withdraw themselves back; then they
every one sat down on the ground round about us, as if they would have
shown and rehearsed some comedy or other show; then presently came
the women again, every one bringing a large square mat, in manner of
carpets; and, spreading abroad on the ground in that place, they caused
us to sit upon them.
That done, the lord and king of the country was brought upon
nine or ten men’s shoulders,――whom in their tongue they call
Agouhanna,――sitting upon a great stag’s skin; and they laid him down
upon the foresaid mats, near to the captain, every one beckoning unto
us that he was their lord and king. This Agouhanna was a man about
fifty years old: he was no whit better apparelled than any of the rest,
only except he had a certain thing made of the skins of hedgehogs, like
a red wreath; and that was instead of his crown. He was full of the
palsy; and his members shrunk together. After he had with certain signs
saluted our captain and all his company, and by manifest tokens bid
all welcome, he showed his legs and arms to our captain, and with signs
desired him to touch them; and so he did, rubbing them with his own
hands. Then did Agouhanna take the wreath or crown he had about his
head, and gave it unto our captain; that done, they brought before him
divers diseased men,――some blind, some cripple, some lame and impotent,
and some so old that the hair of their eyelids came down, and covered
their cheeks,――and laid them all along before our captain, to the end
they might of him be touched; for it seemed unto them that God was
descended and come down from heaven to heal them.
Our captain, seeing the misery and devotion of this poor people,
recited the Gospel of St. John, that is to say, “In the beginning was
the Word,” touching every one that were diseased, praying to God that
it would please him to open the hearts of this poor people, and to
make them know his holy word, and that they might receive baptism and
Christendom. That done, he took a service-book in his hand, and with a
loud voice read all the passion[120] of Christ, word by word, that all
the standers-by might hear him; all which while this poor people kept
silence, and were marvellously attentive; looking up to heaven, and
imitating us in gestures. Then he caused the men all orderly to be set
on one side, the women on another, and likewise the children on another;
and to the chiefest of them he gave hatchets; to the other, knives;
and to the women, beads, and such other small trifles. Then, where
the children were, he cast rings, counters, and brooches made of tin,
whereat they seemed to be very glad. That done, our captain commanded
trumpets and other musical instruments to be sounded, which when they
heard, they were very merry.
Then we took our leave, and went to our boat. The women, seeing that,
put themselves before, to stay us, and brought us out of their meats
that they had made ready for us, as fish, pottage, beans, and such
other things, thinking to make us eat and dine in that place. But,
because the meats had no savor at all of salt, we liked them not, but
thanked them, and with signs gave them to understand that we had no
need to eat. When we were out of the town, divers of the men and women
followed us, and brought us to the top of the foresaid mountain, which
we named Mount Royal: it is about a league from the town. When as we
were on the top of it, we might discern and plainly see thirty leagues
about. On the north side of it there are many hills to be seen, running
west and east, and as many more on the south, amongst and between the
which the country is as fair and as pleasant as possibly can be seen;
being level, smooth, and very plain, fit to be husbanded and tilled.
And in the midst of these fields we saw the river, farther up, a great
way, than where we had left our boats, where was the greatest and the
swiftest fall of water that anywhere hath been seen, and as great, wide,
and large as our sight might discern, going south-west along three fair
and round mountains that we saw, as we judged, about fifteen leagues
from us.
Those which brought us thither told and showed us, that, in the said
river, there were three such falls of water more, as that was where we
had left our boats; but, because we could not understand their language,
we could not know how far they were one from another. Moreover, they
showed us with signs, that, the said three falls being past, a man
might sail the space of three months more alongst that river; and
that along the hills that are on the north side there is a great river,
which――even as the other――cometh from the west: we thought it to be the
river that runneth through the country of Saguenay.
[Cartier afterwards returned to the harbor of the Holy Cross,
where he and his men passed the winter of 1535‒36 with much
suffering. They were the first Europeans to pass the winter
in the northern part of North America. The French claim to
the possession of this continent was founded on Cartier’s
discoveries. The expedition reached St. Malo, on its return,
July 16, 1536.]
BOOK VI.
THE ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO.
(A.D. 1538‒1542.)
These extracts are taken from “The Worthy and Famous History
of the Travels, Discovery, and Conquest of Terra Florida,
accomplished and effected by that worthy General and Captain,
Don Ferdinando de Soto, and six hundred Spaniards his followers.”
(Reprinted by Hakluyt Society, 1851.) Pages 9‒16, 27‒32, 89‒92,
120‒122, 125‒127. This is a translation, made by Hakluyt in
1609, of a narrative by one of the companions of De Soto, first
published in 1557.
THE ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO.
I.――HOW DE SOTO SET SAIL.
Illustration: DE SOTO.
CAPTAIN SOTO was the son of a squire of Xerez of Badajos. He went into
the Spanish Indies when Peter Arias of Avila was governor of the West
Indies. And there he was without any thing else of his own, save his
sword and target. And, for his good qualities and valor, Peter Arias
made him captain of a troop of horsemen; and, by his commandment, he
went with Fernando Pizarro to the conquest of Peru, where (as many
persons of credit reported, which were there present) ... he passed all
other captains and principal persons. For which cause, besides his part
of the treasure of Atabalipa, he had a good share; whereby in time he
gathered an hundred and fourscore ducats together, with that which fell
to his part, which he brought into Spain.... The emperor made him the
governor of the Isle of Cuba, and _adelantado_ or president of Florida,
with a title of marquis of certain part of the lands that he should
conquer....
When Don Ferdinando had obtained the government, there came a gentleman
from the Indies to the court, named Cabeza de Vaca, which had been with
the governor Pamphilo de Narvaez, which died in Florida,――who reported
that Narvaez was cast away at sea, with all the company that went with
him, and how he with four more escaped, and arrived in New Spain; and
he brought a relation in writing of that which he had seen in Florida,
which said in some places, “In such a place I have seen this; and the
rest which here I saw, I leave to confer of between his Majesty and
myself.”...
And he informed them, “that it was the richest country in the world.”
Don Ferdinand de Soto was very desirous to have him with him, and made
him a favorable offer; and after they were agreed, because Soto gave
him not a sum of money which he demanded to buy a ship, they broke off
again....
The Portuguese departed from Elvas the 15th of January, and came to
Seville the 19th of the same month, and went to the lodging of the
governor, and entered into a court, over the which there were certain
galleries where he was, who came down, and received them at the stairs
whereby they went up into the galleries. When he was come up, he
commanded chairs to be given them to sit on. And Andrew de Vasconcelos
told him who he and the other Portuguese were, and how they all were
come to accompany him, and serve him in his voyage. He gave him thanks,
and made show of great contentment for his coming and offer. And, the
table being already laid, he invited them to dinner. And, being at
dinner, he commanded his steward to seek a lodging for them near unto
his own, where they might be lodged. The _adelantado_ departed from
Seville to Saint Lucar with all the people which were to go with him.
And he commanded a muster to be made, at the which the Portuguese
showed themselves armed in very bright armor, and the Castilians very
gallant with silk upon silk, with many pinkings and cuts. The governor,
because these braveries[121] in such an action did not like[122] him,
commanded that they should muster another day, and every one should
come forth with his armor; at the which the Portuguese came, as at the
first, with very good armor. The governor placed them in order near
unto the standard which the ensign-bearer carried. The Castilians, for
the most part, did wear very bad and rusty shirts of mail, and all of
them head-pieces and steel caps, and very bad lances; and some of them
sought to come among the Portuguese.
So those passed, and were counted and enrolled, which Soto liked and
accepted of, and did accompany him into Florida, which were in all six
hundred men. He had already bought seven ships, and had all necessary
provision aboard them. He appointed captains, and delivered to every
one his ship, and gave them in a roll what people every one should
carry with them....
In the year of our Lord 1538, in the month of April, the _adelantado_
delivered his ships to the captains which were to go in them; and took
for himself a new ship, and good of sail, and gave another to Andrew
de Vasconcelos, in which the Portuguese went. He went over the bar
of San Lucar on Sunday, being San Lazarus day, in the morning, of the
month and year aforesaid, with great joy, commanding his trumpets to
be sounded, and many shots of the ordnance to be discharged.
II.――DE SOTO ATTACKS THE INDIANS, AND FINDS A FELLOW-COUNTRYMAN.
FROM the town of Ucita,[123] the governor sent the alcalde mayor,
Baltasar de Gallegos, with forty horsemen and eighty footmen, into the
country, to see if they could take any Indians; and the captain, John
Rodriguez Lobillo, another way, with fifty footmen. The most of them
were swordmen and targetiers;[124] and the rest were shot and crossbow
men. They passed through a country full of bogs, where horses could not
travel. Half a league from the camp, they lighted upon certain cabins
of Indians near a river. The people that were in them leaped into the
river; yet they took four Indian women: and twenty Indians charged us,
and so distressed us, that we were forced to retire to our camp, being,
as they are, exceeding ready with their weapons.
Illustration: LANDING OF DE SOTO.
It is a people so warlike and so nimble, that they care not a whit
for any footmen; for, if their enemies charge them, they run away; and,
if they turn their backs, they are presently upon them; and the thing
they most flee is the shot of an arrow. They never stand still, but are
always running and traversing[125] from one place to another, by reason
whereof neither crossbow nor arquebuse can aim at them: and, before
one crossbow-man can make one shot, an Indian will discharge three or
four arrows; and he seldom misseth what he shooteth at. An arrow, where
it findeth no armor, pierceth as deeply as a crossbow. Their bows are
very long; and their arrows are made of certain canes like reeds, very
heavy, and so strong, that a sharp cane passeth through a target. Some
they arm in the point with a sharp bone of a fish like a chisel; and in
others they fasten certain stones like points of diamonds. For the most
part, when they light upon an armor, they break in the place where they
are bound together. Those of cane do split and pierce a coat of mail,
and are more hurtful than the other.
John Rodriguez Lobillo returned to the camp with six men wounded,
whereof one died, and brought the four Indian women which Baltasar
Gallegos had taken in the cabins or cottages. Two leagues from the town,
coming into the plain field, he espied ten or eleven Indians, among
whom was a Christian, which was naked and scorched with the sun, and
had his arms razed,[126] after the manner of the Indians, and differed
nothing at all from them. And, as soon as the horsemen saw them, they
ran toward them. The Indians fled, and some of them hid themselves in
a wood; and they overtook two or three of them which were wounded. And
the Christian, seeing an horseman run upon him with his lance, began to
cry out, “Sirs, I am a Christian! Slay me not, nor these Indians; for
they have saved my life.” And straightway he called them, and put them
out of fear; and they came forth of the wood unto them. The horsemen
took both the Christian and the Indians up behind them, and toward
night came into the camp with much joy; which thing being known by the
governor and them that remained in the camp, they were received with
the like.[127]
III.――THE STORY OF JOHN ORTIZ.
THIS Christian’s name was John Ortiz; and he was born in Seville in
worshipful parentage.[128] He was twelve years in the hands of the
Indians. He came into this country with Pamphilo de Narvaez, and
returned in the ships to the Island of Cuba, where the wife of the
governor, Pamphilo de Narvaez, was; and by his commandment, with
twenty or thirty in a brigantine, returned back again to Florida. And
coming to the port in the sight of the town, on the shore they saw a
cane sticking in the ground, and riven[129] at the top, and a letter
in it. And they believed that the governor had left it there to give
advertisement[130] of himself when he resolved to go up into the land;
and they demanded it of four or five Indians which walked along the
seashore; and they bade them by signs to come on shore for it, which,
against the will of the rest, John Ortiz and another did.
And as soon as they were on land, from the houses of the town issued
a great number of Indians, which compassed them about, and took them
in a place where they could not flee; and the other, which sought to
defend himself, they presently killed upon the place, and took John
Ortiz alive, and carried him to Ucita, their lord. And those of the
brigantine sought not to land, but put themselves to sea, and returned
to the Island of Cuba. Ucita commanded to bind John Ortiz hand and foot
upon four stakes aloft upon a raft, and to make a fire under him, that
there he might be burned. But a daughter of his desired him that he
would not put him to death, alleging that one only Christian could do
him neither hurt nor good, telling him that it was more for his honor
to keep him as a captive. And Ucita granted her request, and commanded
him to be cured of his wounds; and, as soon as he was whole, he gave
him the charge of the keeping of the temple, because that by night the
wolves did carry away the dead bodies out of the same; who commended
himself to God, and took upon him the charge of his temple.
One night the wolves got from him the body of a little child, the son
of a principal Indian; and, going after them, he threw a dart at one
of the wolves, and struck him[131] that carried away the body, who,
feeling himself wounded, left it, and fell down dead near the place;
and he, not wotting[132] what he had done, because it was night, went
back again to the temple. The morning being come, and finding not the
body of the child, he was very sad. As soon as Ucita knew thereof,
he resolved to put him to death, and sent by the track which he said
the wolves went, and found the body of the child, and the wolf dead
a little beyond: whereat Ucita was much contented with the Christian,
and with the watch which he kept in the temple, and from thence-forward
esteemed him much.
Three years after he fell into his hands, there came another lord,
called Mocoço, who dwelleth two days’ journey from the port, and burned
his town. Ucita fled to another town that he had in another seaport.
Thus John Ortiz lost his office and favor that he had with him. These
people, being worshippers of the devil, are wont to offer up unto
him the lives and blood of their Indians, or of any other people they
can come by; and they report, that, when he will have them do that
sacrifice unto him, he speaketh with them, and telleth them that he is
athirst, and willeth them to sacrifice unto him. John Ortiz had notice
by the damsel that had delivered him from the fire, how her father was
determined to sacrifice him the day following, who willed him to flee
to Mocoço, for she knew that he would use him well; for she heard say
that he had asked for him, and said he would be glad to see him. And,
because he knew not the way, she went with him half a league out of the
town by night, and set him in the way, and returned, because she would
not be discovered.
John Ortiz travelled all that night, and by the morning came unto a
river which is in the territory of Mocoço; and there he saw two Indians
fishing. And because they were in war with the people of Ucita, and
their languages were different, and he knew not the language of Mocoço,
he was afraid――because he could not tell them who he was, nor how he
came thither; nor was able to answer any thing for himself――that they
would kill him, taking him for one of the Indians of Ucita. And, before
they espied him, he came to the place where they had laid their weapons;
and, as soon as they saw him, they fled toward the town; and although
he willed them to stay, because he meant to do them no hurt, yet they
understood him not, and ran away as fast as ever they could. And as
soon as they came to the town, with great outcries, many Indians came
forth against him, and began to compass[133] him to shoot at him. John
Ortiz, seeing himself in so great danger, shielded himself with certain
trees, and began to shriek out, and cry very loud, and to tell them
that he was a Christian, and that he was fled from Ucita, and was come
to see and serve Mocoço, his lord.
It pleased God, that at that very instant there came thither an
Indian that could speak the language, and understood him, and pacified
the rest, who told them what he said. Then ran from thence three or
four Indians to bear the news to their lord, who came forth a quarter
of a league from the town to receive him, and was very glad of him.
He caused him presently to swear, according to the custom of the
Christians, that he would not run away from him to any other lord, and
promised him to entreat[134] him very well, and that, if at any time
there came any Christians into that country, he would freely let him
go, and give him leave to go, to them; and likewise took his oath to
perform the same according to the Indian custom. About three years
after, certain Indians which were fishing at sea, two leagues from the
town, brought news to Mocoço that they had seen ships; and he called
John Ortiz, and gave him leave to go his way; who, taking his leave
of him, with all the haste he could, came to the sea; and, finding no
ships, he thought it to be some deceit, and that the cacique[135] had
done the same to learn his mind: so he dwelt with Mocoço nine years,
with small hope of seeing any Christians.
As soon as our governor arrived in Florida, it was known to Mocoço;
and straightway he signified to John Ortiz that Christians were lodged
in the town of Ucita. And he thought he had jested with him, as he
had done before, and told him, that by this time he had forgotten
the Christians, and thought of nothing else but to serve him. But
he assured him that it was so, and gave him license to go unto them,
saying unto him, that if he would not do it, and if the Christians
should go their way, he should not blame him; for he had fulfilled that
which he had promised him. The joy of John Ortiz was so great, that he
could not believe that it was true; notwithstanding, he gave him thanks,
and took his leave of him. And Mocoço gave him ten or eleven principal
Indians to bear him company. And, as they went to the port where the
governor was, they met with Baltasar de Gallegos, as I have declared
before.
IV.――DE SOTO DISCOVERS THE MISSISSIPPI.
THE next day, when the governor expected the cacique, there came many
Indians with their bows and arrows, with a purpose to set upon[136]
the Christians. The governor had commanded all the horsemen to be
armed and on horseback, and in a readiness. When the Indians saw that
they were ready, they stayed a crossbow-shot from the place where the
governor was, near a brook. And, after half an hour that they had stood
there still, there came to the camp six principal Indians, and said
they came to see what people they were; and that long ago they had
been informed by their forefathers that a white people should subdue
them, and therefore they would return to their cacique, and bid him
come presently, to obey and serve the governor. And, after they had
presented him with six or seven skins and mantles which they brought,
they took their leave of him, and returned with the other, which waited
for them by the brookside. The cacique never came again, nor sent other
message.
And, because in the town where the governor lodged there was
small store of maize, he removed to another half a league from Rio
Grande,[137] where they found plenty of maize. And he went to see the
river, and found that near unto it was great store of timber to make
barges, and good situation of ground to encamp in. Presently he removed
himself thither. They made houses, and pitched their camp in a plain
field, a crossbow-shot from the river. And thither was gathered all the
maize of the towns which they had lately passed. They began presently
to cut and hew down timber, and to saw planks for barges. The Indians
came presently down the river: they leaped on shore, and declared to
the governor that they were subjects of a great lord, whose name was
Aquixo, who was lord of many towns, and governed many people on the
other side of the river; and came to tell him, on his behalf, that the
next day he, with all his men, would come to see what it would please
him to command him.
The next day, with speed, the cacique came with two hundred canoes full
of Indians, with their bows and arrows, painted, and with great plumes
of white feathers, and many other colors, with shields in their hands,
wherewith they defended the rowers on both sides; and the men-of-war
stood from the head to the stern, with their bows and arrows in their
hands. The canoe wherein the cacique was had a tilt[138] over the stern;
and he sat under the tilt: and so were other canoes of the principal
Indians. And from under the tilt, where the chief man sat, he governed
and commanded the other people. All joined together, and came within a
stone’s-cast of the shore.
From thence the cacique said to the governor, which walked along
the river’s side with others that waited on him, that he was come
thither to visit, to honor, and to obey him, because he knew he was
the greatest and mightiest lord on the earth: therefore he would see
what he would command him to do. The governor yielded him thanks, and
requested him to come on shore, that they might the better communicate
together. And, without any answer to that point, he sent him three
canoes, wherein was great store of fish, and loaves made of the
substance of prunes,[139] like unto bricks. After he had received all,
he thanked him, and prayed him again to come on shore. And, because
the cacique’s purpose was to see if with dissimulation he might
do some hurt, when they saw that the governor and his men were in
readiness, they began to go from the shore; and, with a great cry, the
crossbow-men which were ready shot at them, and slew five or six of
them. They retired with great order. None did leave his oar, though the
next to him were slain; and, shielding themselves, they went farther
off. Afterward they came many times, and landed; and, when any of us
came toward them, they fled unto their canoes, which were pleasant to
behold, for they were very great, and well made, and had their awnings,
plumes, shields, and flags; and, with the multitude of people that were
in them, they seemed to be a fair army of galleys.
In thirty days’ space, while the governor remained there, they made
four barges, in three of which he commanded twelve horsemen to enter
(in each of them four), in a morning, three hours before day,――men
which he trusted would land in despite of the Indians, and make sure
the passage, or die; and some footmen, being crossbow-men, went with
them, and rowers to set them on the other side. And in the other barge
he commanded John de Guzman to pass with the footmen, which was made
captain instead of Francisco Maldonado. And, because the stream was
swift, they went a quarter of a league up the river, along the bank,
and, crossing over, fell down with the stream, and landed right over
against the camps.
Two stones’-cast before they came to land, the horsemen went out of
the barges on horseback, to a sandy plot of very hard and clear ground,
where all of them landed without any resistance. As soon as those that
passed first were on land on the other side, the barges returned to
the place where the governor was; and, within two hours after sunrising,
all the people were over.[140] The river was almost half a league broad.
If a man stood still on the other side, it could not be discerned
whether he were a man or no. The river was of great depth, and of a
strong current. The river was always muddy. There came down the river
continually many trees and timber, which the force of the water and
stream brought down. There was great store of fish in it, of sundry
sorts, and the most of it differing from the fresh-water fish of Spain,
as hereafter shall be shown.
V.――DE SOTO’S VAIN ATTEMPTS TO REACH THE SEA.
THAT day came an Indian to the governor from the cacique of Guachoya,
and said that his lord would come the next day. The next day they saw
many canoes come up the river; and on the other side of the great river
they assembled together in the space of an hour. They consulted whether
they should come or not; and at length concluded to come, and crossed
the river. In them came the cacique of Guachoya, and brought with him
many Indians, with great store of fish, dogs, deer’s skins, and mantles.
And, as soon as they landed, they went to the lodging of the governor,
and presented him their gifts. And the cacique uttered these words:――
“Mighty and excellent lord, I beseech your lordship to pardon me
the error which I committed in absenting myself, and not tarrying in
this town to have received your lordship.... But I feared that which
I needed not to have feared, and so did that which was not reason to
do.”...
The governor received him with much joy, and gave him thanks for his
present and offer. He asked him whether he had any notice of the sea.
He answered, No, nor of any towns down the river on that side, save
that two leagues from thence was one town of a principal Indian, a
subject of his; and on the other side of the river, three days’ journey
from thence down the river, was the province of Quigalta, which was
the greatest lord that was in that country. The governor thought that
the cacique lied unto him to rid[141] him out of his own towns, and
sent John Danusco, with eight horsemen, down the river to see what
habitation there was, and to inform himself if there were any notice of
the sea. He travelled eight days; and at his return he said, that, in
all that time, he was not able to go above fourteen or fifteen leagues,
because of the great creeks that came out of the river, and groves of
canes and thick woods that were along the banks of the river, and that
he had found no habitation.
The governor fell into great dumps to see how hard it was to get to the
sea, and worse because his men and horses every day diminished, being
without succor to sustain themselves in the country; and with that
thought he fell sick. But, before he took his bed, he sent an Indian to
the cacique of Quigalta, to tell him that he was the child of the sun;
and that, all the way that he came, all men obeyed and served him; that
he requested him to accept of his friendship, and come unto him, for he
would be very glad to see him; and, in sign of love and obedience, to
bring something with him of that which in his country was most esteemed.
The cacique answered by the same Indian,――
“That whereas he said he was the child of the sun, if he would dry up
the river, he would believe him. And touching the rest, that he was
wont to visit none; but, rather, that all those of whom he had notice
did visit him, served, obeyed, and paid him tributes, either willingly
or perforce: therefore, if he desired to see him, it were best that he
should come thither; that, if he came in peace, he would receive him
with special goodwill; and, if in war, in like manner he would attend
him in the town where he was; and that for him, or any other, he would
not shrink one foot back.”
By that time the Indian returned with this answer, the governor had
betaken himself to bed, being evil handled[142] with fevers, and was
much aggrieved that he was not in case to pass presently the river,
and to seek him, to see if he could abate that pride of his,[143]
considering the river went now very strongly in those parts; for it was
near half a league broad, and sixteen fathoms deep, and very furious,
and ran with a great current; and on both sides there were many Indians;
and his power[144] was not now so great, but that he had need to help
himself rather by sleights than by force. The Indians of Guachoya came
every day with fish in such numbers, that the town was full of them.
The cacique said, that, on a certain night, he of Quigalta would come
to give battle to the governor, which the governor imagined that he had
devised to drive him out of his country, and commanded him to be put
in hold;[145] and that night, and all the rest, there was good watch
kept. He asked him wherefore Quigalta came not. He said that he came;
but that he saw him prepared, and therefore durst not give the attempt.
And all night the horsemen went the round; and two and two of every
squadron rode about, and visited the scouts that were without the town
in their standings by the passages, and the crossbow-men that kept the
canoes in the rivers.
VI.――DEATH AND BURIAL OF DE SOTO.
THE next day, being the 21st of May, 1542, departed out of this life
the valorous, virtuous, and valiant captain, Don Ferdinando de Soto,
governor of Cuba, and _adelantado_ of Florida, whom fortune advanced,
as it used to do others, that he might have the higher fall. He
departed in such a place and at such a time, as [that] in his sickness
he had but little comfort; and the danger wherein all his people were
of perishing in that country, which appeared before their eyes, was
cause sufficient why every one of them had need of comfort, and why
they did not visit nor accompany him as they ought to have done.
Luys de Moscoso determined to conceal his death from the Indians,
because Ferdinando de Soto had made them believe that the Christians
were immortal, and also because they took him to be hardy, wise, and
valiant; and, if they should know that he was dead, they would be bold
to set upon[146] the Christians, though they lived peaceably by them.
In regard to their disposition, and because they were nothing constant,
and believed all that was told them, the _adelantado_ made them believe
that he knew some things that passed in secret among themselves,
without their knowledge how or in what manner he came by them; and that
the figure which appeared in a glass[147] which he showed them did tell
him whatsoever they practised and went about; and therefore neither in
word nor deed durst they attempt any thing that might be prejudicial
unto him.
Illustration: THE BURIAL OF DE SOTO.
As soon as he was dead, Luys de Moscoso commanded to put him secretly
in a house, where he remained three days; and, removing him from thence,
commanded him to be buried in the night at one of the gates of the
town within the wall. And as the Indians had seen him sick, and missed
him, so did they suspect what might be. And passing by the place where
he was buried, seeing the earth moved, they looked and spake one to
another. Luys de Moscoso, understanding of it, commanded him to be
taken up by night, and to cast a great deal of sand into the mantles
wherein he was winded up, wherein he was carried in a canoe, and thrown
into the midst of the river.
The cacique of Guachoya inquired for him, demanding what was become
of his brother and lord, the governor. Luys de Moscoso told him that
he was gone to heaven, as many other times he did; and, because he was
to stay there certain days, he had left him in his place. The cacique
thought with himself that he was dead, and commanded two young and
well-proportioned Indians to be brought thither, and said that the use
of that country was, when any lord died, to kill Indians to wait upon
him, and serve him by the way; and for that purpose, by his commandment,
were those come thither; and prayed Luys de Moscoso to command them
to be beheaded, that they might attend and serve his lord and brother.
Luys de Moscoso told him that the governor was not dead, but gone
to heaven, and that of his own Christian soldiers he had taken such
as he needed to serve him; and prayed him to command those Indians
to be loosed, and not to use any such bad custom from thenceforth.
Straightway he commanded them to be loosed, and to get them home to
their houses. And one of them would not go, saving that he would not
serve him that without desert had judged him to death; but that he
would serve him, as long as he lived, which had saved his life.
[After the death of De Soto, his companions descended the
Mississippi to its mouth.]
BOOK VII.
THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA.
(A.D. 1562‒1565.)
Illustration: INDIANS IN CANOE.
Ribaut’s personal narrative is here reprinted from Hakluyt’s
“Divers Voyages” (London, Hakluyt Society, 1850), pp. 91‒115.
These extracts from Laudonnière’s narrative are reprinted
from Hakluyt’s translation in his “Voyages” (edition of 1810),
vol. iii. pp. 371‒373, 378‒384, 386, 387, 423‒427.
Parkman tells the story of these adventures in the first half of
his “Pioneers of France in the New World.” There is a memoir of
Ribaut by Jared Sparks, in his “American Biography,” vol. xvii.
THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA.
I.――JEAN RIBAUT IN FLORIDA.
[“Dedicated to a great nobleman[148] of France, and translated
into English by one Thomas Hackit.”]
WHEREAS, in the year of our Lord God 1562, it pleased God to move
your Honor to choose and appoint us to discover and view a certain
long coast of the West India, from the head of the land called La
Florida, drawing toward the north part, unto the head of Britons,[149]
distant from the said head of La Florida nine hundred leagues, or
thereabout, to the end we might certify you, and make true report of
the temperature, fertility, ports, havens, rivers, and generally of all
the commodities that be seen and found in that land, and also to learn
what people were there dwelling....
Thursday, the last of April, at the break of the day, we discovered and
clearly perceived a fair coast, stretching of a great length, covered
with an infinite number of high and fair trees; we being not past seven
or eight leagues from the shore....
Where finding thirty-six fathom water [we] entered into a goodly and
great river,[150] which, as we went, found to increase still in depth
and largeness, boiling and roaring through the multitude of all kind of
fish. This being entered, we perceived a great number of the Indians,
inhabitants there, coming along the sands and sea-banks, coming near
unto us, without any taking of fear or doubt, showing unto us the
easiest landing-place, and thereupon, we, giving them also on our parts,
thanks of assurance and friendliness. Forthwith, one of appearance
out of the best among them,[151] brother unto one of their kings or
governors, commanded one of the Indians to enter into the water, and
to approach our boats, to show us the coast’s landing-place. We, seeing
this, without any more doubting or difficulty landed; and the messenger,
after we had rewarded him with some looking-glass and other pretty
things of small value, ran incontinently toward his lord, who forthwith
sent me his girdle in token of assurance and friendship, which girdle
was made of red leather, as well covered and colored as was possible.
And, as I began to go toward him, he set forth and came and received
me gently, and raised[152] after his manner, all his men following with
great silence and modesty; yea, more than our men did. And after we
had awhile with gentle usage congratulated with him, we fell to the
ground a little way from them, to call upon the name of God, and to
beseech him to continue still his goodness towards us, and bring to the
knowledge of our Saviour Christ this poor people. While we were thus
praying, they――sitting upon the ground, which was strewed and dressed
with bay-boughs――beheld and harkened unto us very attentively, without
either speaking or moving; and as I made a sign unto their king,
lifting up mine arm, and stretching forth one finger, only to make them
look up to heavenward, he likewise, lifting up his arm toward heaven,
put forth two fingers, whereby it seemed that he made us to understand
that they worshipped the sun and moon for gods; as afterwards we
understood it so. In the mean time their numbers increased; and thither
came the king’s brother that was first with us, their mother, wives,
sisters, and children; and, being thus assembled, they caused a great
number of bay-boughs to be cut, and therewith a place to be dressed
for us, distant from theirs two fathom. For it is their manner to talk
and bargain, sitting, and the chief of them to be apart from the meaner
sort, with a show of great obedience to their kings, superiors, and
elders. They be all naked, and of a goodly stature, mighty, and as
well shapen and proportioned of body, as any people in the world, very
gentle, courteous, and of a good nature....
After we had tarried in this north side of the river the most part of
the day,――which river we have called May, for that we discovered the
same the first day of the month,――we congratulated, made alliance, and
entered into amity with them, and presented the king and his brethren
with gowns of blue cloth garnished with yellow fleur-de-luces. And it
seemed that they were sorry for our departure; so that the most part of
them entered into the water up to the neck, to set our boats afloat....
Soon after this came thither the king with his brethren, and others
with bows and arrows in their hands, using therewithal a goodly and
a grave fashion, with their behavior right soldierlike, and [of] as
warlike boldness as may be. They were naked and painted, as the other,
their hair likewise long, and trussed up――with a lace made of herbs――to
the top of their heads; but they had neither their wives nor children
in their company. After we had a good while lovingly entertained and
presented them with like gifts of habersher[153] wares, cutting-hooks,
and hatchets, and clothed the king and his brethren with like robes
as we had given to them on the other side, we entered and viewed
the country thereabouts, which is the fairest, fruit-fullest, and
pleasantest of all the world, abounding in honey, venison, wild fowl,
forests, woods of all sorts, palm-trees, cypress, and cedars, bays the
highest and greatest, with also the fairest vines in all the world,
with grapes according, which without natural art, and without man’s
help or trimming, will grow to tops of oaks and other trees that be
of a wonderful greatness and height. And the sight of the fair meadows
is a pleasure not able to be expressed with tongue; full of herns,
curlews, bitterns, mallards, egrets, woodcocks, and all other kind of
small birds, with harts, hinds, bucks, wild swine, and all other kinds
of wild beasts, as we perceived well, both by their footing there,
and also afterwards, in other places, by their cry and roaring in the
night....
The next day, in the morning, we returned to land again, accompanied
with the captains, gentlemen, and soldiers, and others of our small
troop, carrying with us a pillar or column of hard stone, our king’s
arms granted therein, to plant and set the same in the entrance of
the port in some high place, where it might be easily seen. And, being
come thither before the Indians were assembled, we espied, on the
south side of the river, a place very fit for that purpose upon a
little hill, compassed with cypress, bays, palms, and other trees, with
sweet-smelling and pleasant shrubs, in the middle whereof we planted
the first bound[154] or limit of his Majesty....
The 20th of May, we planted another column or pillar, graven with the
king’s arms, on the south side, in a high place at the entrance of a
great river, which we called Libourne,[155] where there is a lake of
fresh water very good.... There we saw the fairest and the greatest
vines with grapes according, and young trees and small woods, very
well smelling, that ever were seen; whereby it appeareth to be the
pleasantest and most commodious dwelling of all the world. Wherefore,
my lord, trusting you will not think it amiss, considering the
commodities that may be brought thence, if we leave a number of men
there, which may fortify and provide themselves of things necessary;
for, in all new discoveries, it is the chiefest thing that may be
done, at the beginning to fortify and people the country. I had not so
soon[156] set this forth to our company, but many of them offered to
tarry there, yet with such a good-will and jolly courage, that such a
number did thus offer themselves, that we had much ado to stay their
importunity. And namely of our shipmates and principal pilots, and
such as we could not spare. Howbeit, we left there but to the number
of thirty in all, gentlemen, soldiers, and mariners, and that at their
own suit and prayer, and of their own free wills, and by the advice
and deliberation of the gentlemen sent on the behalf of the prince and
yours.
And have left unto the fore-head[157] and rulers, following therein
your good-will, Capt. Albert de la Pierria, a soldier of long
experience, and the first that from the beginning did offer to tarry.
And further, by their advice, choice, and will, installed them in
an island[158] on the north side, a place of strong situation and
commodious, upon a river which we named Chenonceau, and the habitation
and fortress Charlesfort. The next day we determined to depart from
this place, being as well contented as was possible that we had so
happily ended our business, with good hope, if occasion would permit,
to discover perfectly the River of Jordan. For this cause, we hoisted
our sails about ten of the clock in the morning. After we were ready
to depart, Capt. Ribaut commanded to shoot off our ordnance to give
a farewell to our Frenchmen, which failed not to do the like on their
part. This being done, we sailed toward the north; and then we named
this river Port Royal because of the largeness and excellent fairness
of the same.
[The remains of this fortress of Charlesfort are undoubtedly
those still to be seen on “Old Fort Plantation,” near Beaufort,
S.C., at the junction of Beaufort River with Battery Creek.
The compiler of this book was encamped on this plantation
for several months during the civil war, and visited the
fortifications very frequently. They are built of a kind of
concrete made with oyster-shells, and called _coquina_, this
being the material also employed in Spanish buildings of
the same period at St. Augustine. There is another similar
fortification a little farther up Beaufort River.]
II.――ALONE IN THE NEW WORLD.
[The thirty Frenchmen left behind at Port Royal by Ribaut
were probably the first Europeans who deliberately undertook to
remain without ships upon the Atlantic shore of North America.
Parkman says of them, “Albert and his companions might watch
the receding ships.... They were alone in those fearful solitudes.
From the north pole to Mexico there was no Christian denizen but
they.”――PIONEERS OF FRANCE, p. 35.
The following is from the narrative of their adventures written
by Laudonnière, who afterwards came to search for them, but did
not arrive till they had gone.]
OUR men, after our departure, never rested, but night and day did
fortify themselves, being in good hope, that, after their fort was
finished, they would begin to discover farther up within the river. It
happened one day, as certain of them were in cutting of roots in the
groves, that they espied, on the sudden, an Indian that hunted the deer,
which, finding himself so near upon them, was much dismayed; but our
men began to draw near unto him, and to use him so courteously, that
he became assured, and followed them to Charlesfort, where every man
sought to do him pleasure. Capt. Albert was very joyful of his coming,
which after he had given him a shirt, and some other trifles, he asked
him of his dwelling. The Indian answered him, that it was farther
up within the river, and that he was vassal of King Audusta: he also
showed him with his hand the limits of his habitation. After much other
talk, the Indian desired leave to depart, because it drew toward night,
which Capt. Albert granted him very willingly....
[They afterward went to a feast among these Indians.]
When the feast, therefore, was finished, our men returned unto
Charlesfort, where having remained but a while, their victuals began to
wax short, which forced them to have recourse unto their neighbors, and
to pray them to succor them in their necessity, which gave them part of
all the victuals which they had, and kept no more unto themselves than
would serve to sow their fields. They told them further, that, for this
cause, it was needful for them to retire themselves into the woods, to
live of mast[159] and roots until the time of harvest, being as sorry
as might be that they were not able further to aid them. They gave
them, also, counsel to go towards the country of King Couexis, a man
of might and renown in this province, which maketh his abode toward
the South, abounding at all seasons, and replenished with such quantity
of mill,[160] corn, and beans, that by his only succor they might be
able to live a very long time. But, before they should come into his
territories, they were able to repair unto a king, called Ouade, the
brother of Couexis, which in mill, beans, and corn, was no less wealthy,
and withal very liberal, and would be very joyful if he might but once
see them. Our men, perceiving the good relation which the Indians made
them of those two kings, resolved to go thither; for they felt already
the necessity which oppressed them. Therefore they made request unto
King Maccou, that it would please him to give them one of his subjects
to guide them the right way thither: whereupon he condescended very
willingly, knowing, that, without his favor, they should have much ado
to bring their enterprise to pass....
Behold, therefore, how our men behaved themselves very well
hitherto, although they had endured many great mishaps. But misfortune,
or, rather, the just judgment of God, would have it, that those which
could not be overcome by fire nor water should be undone by their own
selves....
They entered, therefore, into partialities and dissensions, which
began about a soldier named Guernache, which was a drummer of the
French bands, which, as it was told me, was very cruelly hanged by
his own captain,[161] and for a small fault; which captain also using
to threaten the rest of his soldiers which staid behind under his
obedience, and peradventure, as it is to be presumed, were not so
obedient to him as they should have been, was the cause that they
fell into a mutiny, because that many times he put his threatenings
in execution, whereupon they so chased him, that at the last they put
him to death. And the principal occasion that moved them thereunto
was because he degraded another soldier named La Chère, which he had
banished, and because he had not performed his promise; for he had
promised to send him victuals from eight days to eight days,[162] which
thing he did not, but said, on the contrary, that he would be glad to
hear of his death. He said, moreover, that he would chastise others
also, and used so evil sounding speeches, that honesty[163] forbiddeth
me to repeat them.
The soldiers, seeing his madness to increase from day to day, and
fearing to fall into the dangers of the other, resolved to kill him.
Having executed their purpose, they went to seek the soldier that was
banished, which was in a small island distant from Charlesfort about
three leagues, where they found him almost half dead for hunger. When
they were come home again, they assembled themselves together to choose
one to be governor over them, whose name was Nicolas Barré, a man
worthy of commendation, and one which knew so well to quit himself of
his charge, that all rancor and dissension ceased among them, and they
lived peaceably one with another.
During this time they began to build a small pinnace, with hope to
return into France, if no succor came unto them, as they expected
from day to day. And though there were no man among them that had
any skill, notwithstanding, necessity, which is the mistress of all
sciences, taught them the way to build it. After that it was finished,
they thought of nothing else, save how to furnish it with all things
necessary to undertake the voyage. But they wanted those things that
of all other were most needful, as cordage and sails, without which the
enterprise could not come to effect. Having no means to recover these
things, they were in worse case than at the first, and almost ready
to fall into despair; but that good God, which never forsaketh the
afflicted, did succor them in their necessity.
As they were in these perplexities, King Audusta and Maccou came to
them, accompanied with two hundred Indians, at the least, whom our
Frenchmen went forth to meet withal, and showed the king in what need
of cordage they stood; who promised them to return within two days, and
to bring so much as should suffice to furnish the pinnace with tackling.
Our men, being pleased with these good news and promises, bestowed upon
them certain cutting-hooks and shirts. After their departure, our men
sought all means to recover resin in the woods, wherein they cut the
pine-trees round about, out of which they drew sufficient reasonable
quantity to bray[164] the vessel. Also they gathered a kind of moss
which groweth on the trees of this country, to serve to calk the same
withal.
There now wanted nothing but sails, which they made of their own shirts
and of their sheets. Within few days after, the Indian kings returned
to Charlesfort with so good store of cordage, that there was found
sufficient for tackling of the small pinnace. Our men, as glad as might
be, used great liberality towards them, and, at their leaving of the
country, left them all the merchandise that remained, leaving them
thereby so fully satisfied, that they departed from them with all the
contentation[165] of the world. They went forward, therefore, to finish
the brigantine, and used so speedy diligence, that, within a short time
afterward, they made it ready furnished with all things. In the mean
season the wind came so fit for their purpose, that it seemed to invite
them to put to the sea; which they did without delay, after they had
set all their things in order.
But, before they departed, they embarked their artillery, their forge,
and other munitions of war which Capt. Ribaut had left them, and then
as much mill as they could gather together. But being drunken with
the too excessive joy which they had conceived for their returning
into France, or, rather, deprived of all foresight and consideration,
without regarding the inconstancy of the winds, which change in a
moment, they put themselves to sea, and with so slender victuals, that
the end of their enterprise became unlucky and unfortunate.
For, after they had sailed the third part of their way, they were
surprised with calms, which did so much hinder them, that in three
weeks they sailed not above five and twenty leagues. During this
time, their victuals consumed, and became so short, that every man was
constrained to eat not past twelve grains of mill by the day, which may
be in value as much as twelve peas. Yea, and this felicity lasted not
long; for their victuals failed them altogether at once, and they had
nothing for their more assured refuge, but their shoes and leather
jerkins, which they did eat....
Beside this extreme famine, which did so grievously oppress them, they
fell every minute of an hour out of all hope ever to see France again,
insomuch that they were constrained to cast the water continually out,
that on all sides entered into their bark. And every day they fared
worse and worse; for, after they had eaten up their shoes and leather
jerkins, there arose so boisterous a wind, and so contrary to their
course, that, in the turning of a hand, the waves filled their vessel
half full of water, and bruised it upon the one side. Being now more
out of hope than ever to escape out of this extreme peril, they cared
not for casting out of the water, which now was almost ready to drown
them. And, as men resolved to die, every one fell down backward, and
gave themselves over altogether unto the will of the waves. When as one
of them, a little having taken heart unto him, declared unto them how
little way they had to sail, assuring them, that, if the wind held,
they should see land within three days, this man did so encourage them,
that, after they had thrown the water out of the pinnace, they remained
three days without eating or drinking, except it were of the seawater.
When the time of his promise was expired, they were more troubled than
they were before, seeing they could not descry any land....
After so long and tedious travels, God, of his goodness, using
his accustomed favor, changed their sorrow into joy, and showed unto
them the sight of land. Whereof they were so exceeding glad, that
the pleasure caused them to remain a long time as men without sense;
whereby they let the pinnace float this and that way, without holding
any right way or course. But a small English bark boarded the vessel,
in the which there was a Frenchman which had been in the first voyage
into Florida, who easily knew them, and spake unto them, and afterward
gave them meat and drink. Incontinently they recovered their natural
courages, and declared unto him at large all their navigation. The
Englishmen consulted a long time what were best to be done; and in fine
they resolved to put on land those that were most feeble, and to carry
the rest unto the Queen of England, which purposed at that time to send
into Florida.
[They finally reached England, having doubtless made the
first voyage across the Atlantic ever accomplished in an
American-built vessel.]
III.――LAUDONNIÈRE’S SEARCH FOR THE COLONISTS.
[Laudonnière sailed with three ships, April 22, 1564, on an
expedition in search of the men whom Ribaut had left at Port
Royal nearly two years before. He reached the St. John’s River
a little more than two months later.]
The second voyage into Florida, made and written by Capt. Laudonnière,
which fortified and inhabited there two summers and one whole winter....
THE next day, the 23d of this month,[166]――because that toward the
south I had not found any commodious place for us to inhabit, and to
build a fort,――I gave commandment to weigh anchor, and to hoist our
sails to sail toward the River of May,[167] where we arrived two days
after, and cast anchor. Afterward going on land with some number of
gentlemen and soldiers, to know for a certainty the singularities of
this place, we espied the _paracoussey_[168] of the country, which came
towards us,――this was the very same that we saw in the voyage of Capt.
John Ribaut. Which, having espied us, cried very far off, “_Antipola,
antipola!_” And, being so joyful that he could not contain himself, he
came to meet us, accompanied with two of his sons, as fair and mighty
persons as might be found in all the world, which had nothing in their
mouths but this word, “_Ami, ami;_” that is to say, “Friend, friend!”
Yea; and, knowing those which were there in the first voyage, they went
principally to them to use this speech unto them. There was in their
train a great number of men and women, which still made very much of
us, and by evident signs made us understand how glad they were of our
arrival. This good entertainment passed, the _paracoussey_ prayed me to
go see the pillar which we had erected in the voyage of John Ribaut――as
we have declared heretofore――as a thing which they made great account
of.
Illustration: RIBAUT’S PILLAR DECORATED BY INDIANS.
(From a design by Lemoyne, one of Laudonnière’s
companions.)
Having yielded unto him, and being come to the place where it was
set up, we found the same crowned with crowns of bay, and at the foot
thereof many little baskets full of mill,[169] which they call in their
language _tapaga tapola_. Then, when they came thither, they kissed
the same with great reverence, and besought us to do the like, which
we would not deny them, to the end we might draw them to be more in
friendship with us. This done, the _paracoussey_ took me by the hand,
as if he had desire to make me understand some great secret, and
by signs showed me very well up within the river the limits of his
dominion, and said that he was called _Paracoussey_ Satouriona, which
is as much as King Satouriona. His children have the selfsame title of
_paracoussey_. The eldest is named Athore,――a man, I dare say, perfect
in wisdom, beauty, and honest sobriety; showing by his modest gravity
that he deserveth the name which he beareth, besides that he is gentle
and tractable. After we had sojourned a certain space with them, the
_paracoussey_ prayed one of his sons to present unto me a wedge of
silver, which he did, and that with a good will; in recompense whereof
I gave him a cutting-hook and some other better present, wherewith he
seemed to be very well pleased. Afterward we took our leave of them,
because the night approached, and then returned to lodge in our ships.
Being allured with this good entertainment, I failed not the next
day to embark myself again with my lieutenant, Ottigny, and a number
of soldiers, to return toward the _paracoussey_ of the River of May,
which of purpose waited for us in the same place where, the day before,
we conferred with him. We found him under the shadow of an arbor,
accompanied with fourscore Indians at the least, and apparelled at that
time after the Indian fashion; to wit, with a great hart’s skin dressed
like chamois, and painted with devices of strange and divers colors,
but of so lively a portraiture, and representing antiquity with rules
so justly compassed, that there is no painter so exquisite that could
find fault therewith. The natural disposition of this strange people
is so perfect and well guided, that, without any aid and favor of arts,
they are able, by the help of Nature only, to content the artisans,[170]
yea, even of those which by their industry are able to aspire unto
things most absolute.
Then I advertised _Paracoussey_ Satouriona that my desire was to
discover farther up into the river, but that it should be with such
diligence that I would come again unto him very speedily; wherewith he
was content, promising to stay for me in the place where he was; and,
for an earnest of his promise, he offered me his goodly skin, which I
refused then, and promised to receive it of him at my return. For my
part, I gave him certain small trifles, to the intent to retain him in
our friendship.
IV.――THE CAPTURE OF FORT CAROLINE BY THE SPANIARDS.
[Laudonnière built a fort on the St. John’s River, just
above St. John’s Bluff, and named it Fort Caroline, but partly
destroyed it, meaning to build vessels with the materials.
Don Pedro Menendez came to the Florida coast with a Spanish
fleet, and founded the town of St. Augustine. Ribaut took most
of Laudonnière’s soldiers, with his ships, and went to attack the
ships of Menendez. Meanwhile the Spaniards marched by land, five
hundred in number, through swamps and across streams, guided
by a French deserter, to attack the fort. Laudonnière thus
describes what took place after Ribaut’s departure.]
THE very day that he departed, which was the 10th of September,[171]
there rose so great a tempest, accompanied with such storms, that the
Indians themselves assured me that it was the worst weather that ever
was seen on the coast. Whereupon, two or three days after, fearing lest
our ships might be in some distress, I sent for Monsieur Du Lys unto
me, to take order to assemble the rest of our people to declare unto
them what need we had to fortify ourselves; which was done accordingly.
And then I gave them to understand the necessity and inconvenience
whereinto we were like to fall, as well by the absence of our ships, as
by the nearness of the Spaniards, at whose hands we could look for no
less than an open and sufficient proclaimed war, seeing they had taken
land, and fortified themselves so near unto us. And, if any misfortune
were fallen unto our men which were at sea, we ought to make full
account with ourselves that we were to endure many great miseries,
being in so small number, and so many ways afflicted as we were.
Illustration: FORT CAROLINE.
Thus every one promised me to take pains; and therefore, considering
that their proportion of victuals was small, and that, so continuing,
they would not be able to do any great work, I augmented their
allowance; although that after the arrival of Captain Ribaut my portion
of victuals was allotted unto me as unto a common soldier, neither was
I able to give so much as a part of a bottle of wine to any man which
deserved it. For I was so far from having means to do so, that the
captain himself took two of my boats wherein the rest of the meal was,
which was left me of the biscuits which I caused to be made to return
into France. So that, if I should say that I received more favor at the
hands of the Englishmen[172] being strangers unto me, I should say but
a truth. We began, therefore, to fortify ourselves, and to repair that
which was broken down, principally toward the waterside, where I caused
threescore foot of trees to be planted, to repair the palisade with
the planks which I caused to be taken of the ship which I had builded.
Nevertheless, notwithstanding all our diligence and travail, we were
never able fully to repair it, by reason of the storms, which commonly
did us so great annoy, that we could not finish our enclosure.
Perceiving myself in such extremity, I took a muster of the men which
Captain Ribaut had left me, to see if there were any that wanted weapon.
I found nine or ten of them, whereof not past two or three had ever
drawn sword out of a scabbard, as I think. Let them which have been
bold to say that I had men enough left me, so that I had means to
defend myself, give ear a little now unto me, and, if they have eyes in
their heads, let them see what men I had. Of the nine, there were four
but young striplings, which served Captain Ribaut, and kept his dogs:
the fifth was a cook. Among those that were without the fort, and which
were of the foresaid company of Captain Ribaut, there was a carpenter
of threescore years old, one a beer-brewer, one old crossbow-maker,
two shoe-makers, and four or five men that had their wives, a player
on the virginals,[173] two servants of Monsieur Du Lys, one of Monsieur
De Beauhaire, one of Monsieur De la Grange; and about fourscore and
five or six in all, counting as well lackeys as women and children.
Behold the goodly troop so sufficient to defend themselves, and so
courageous as they have esteemed them to be! And, for my part, I leave
it to others’ consideration to imagine whether Captain Ribaut would
have left them with me to have borrowed my men, if they had been such.
Those that were left me of mine own company were about sixteen or
seventeen that could bear arms, and all of them poor and lean: the rest
were sick and maimed in the conflict which my lieutenant had against
Utina.
This view being thus taken, we set our watches, whereof we made
two sentinels, that the soldiers might have one night free. Then we
bethought ourselves of those which might be most sufficient, among whom
we chose two, one of whom was named Monsieur Saint Cler, and the other
Monsieur De la Vigne, to whom we delivered candles and lanterns to go
round about the fort to view the watch, because of the foul and foggy
weather. I delivered them also a sand-glass or clock,[174] that the
sentinels might not be troubled more one than another. In the mean
while, I ceased not, for all the foul weather, nor my sickness which
I had, to oversee the _corps de garde_.[175]
The night between the 19th and 20th of September, La Vigne kept watch
with his company, wherein he used all endeavor, although it rained
without ceasing. When the day was therefore come, and that he saw that
it rained still worse than it did before, he pitied the sentinels, so
too [much] moyled[176] and wet. And, thinking the Spaniards would not
have come in such a strange time, he let them depart, and, to say the
truth, he himself went unto his lodging.
In the mean while, one which had something to do without the fort,
and my trumpet,[177] which went up unto the rampart, perceived a
troop of Spaniards which came down from a little knappe,[178] where
incontinently they began to cry alarm, and the trumpeter also; which as
soon as ever I understood, forthwith I issued out, with my target and
sword in my hand, and gat me in the midst of the court, where I began
to cry upon my soldiers.
Some of them, which were of the forward sort, went toward the breach,
which was on the south side, and where the munitions of the artillery
lay, where they were repulsed and slain. By the selfsame place two
ensigns[179] entered, which immediately were planted on the walls. Two
other ensigns also entered on the other side toward the west, where
there was another breach; and those which were lodged in this quarter,
and which showed themselves, were likewise defeated. As I went to
succor them which were defending the breach on the south-west side, I
encountered, by chance, a great company of Spaniards, which had already
repulsed our men, and were now entered, which drove me back unto the
court of the fort. Being there, I espied with them one called Francis
Jean, which was one of the mariners which stole away my barks, and had
guided and conducted the Spaniards thither. As soon as he saw me, he
began to say, “This is the captain.”
Illustration: MENENDEZ.
This troop was led by a captain, whose name, as I think, was Don
Pedro Menendez. These made certain pushes at me with their pikes,
which lighted on my target. But perceiving that I was not able to
withstand so great a company, and that the court was already won, and
their ensigns planted on the ramparts, and that I had never a man about
me, saving one only, whose name was Bartholomew, I entered into the
yard of my lodging, into which they followed me; and, had it not been
for a tent that was set up, I had been taken. But the Spaniards which
followed me were occupied in cutting off the cords of the tent; and, in
the mean while, I saved myself by the breach which was on the west side,
near unto my lieutenant’s lodging, and got away into the woods, where
I found certain of my men which had escaped, of which number there were
three or four which were sore hurt.
Then spake I thus unto them, “Sirs, since it hath pleased God that this
mischance is happened unto us, we must needs take the pains to get over
the marshes unto the ships, which are at the mouth of the river.” Some
would needs go to a little village which was in the woods: the rest
followed me through the reeds in the water; where, being able to go
no farther, by reason of my sickness which I had, I sent two of my men
which were with me, which could swim well, unto the ships, to advertise
them of that which had happened, and to send them word to come and help
me. They were not able that day to get unto the ships to certify them
thereof: so I was constrained to stand in the water up to my shoulders
all that night long, with one of my men which would never forsake me.
The next day morning, being scarcely able to draw my breath any more,
I betook me to my prayers, with the soldier which was with me, whose
name was John du Chemin; for I felt myself so feeble, that I was afraid
I should die suddenly. And in truth, if he had not embraced me in
both his arms, and so held me up, it had not been possible to save me.
After we had made an end of our prayers, I heard a voice, which, in my
judgment, was one of theirs which I had sent, which were over against
the ships, and called for the ship-boat; which was so indeed. And
because those of the ships had understanding of the taking of the fort
by one called John de Hais, master carpenter, which fled unto them in a
shallop, they had set sail to run along the coast, to see if they might
save any: wherein, doubtless, they did very well their endeavor. They
went straight to the place where the two men were which I had sent, and
which called them.
As soon as they had received them in, and understood where I was, they
came and found me in a pitiful case. Five or six of them took me, and
carried me into the shallop; for I was not able by any means to go on
foot. After I was brought into the shallop, some of the mariners took
their clothes from their backs to lend them me, and would have carried
me presently to their ships to give me a little _aqua vitae_.[180]
Howbeit I would not go thither until I had first gone with the boat
along the reeds to seek out the poor souls which were scattered abroad,
where we gathered up eighteen or twenty of them. The last that I took
in was the nephew of the treasurer, Le Beau. After we were all come to
the ships, I comforted them as well as I could, and sent back the boat
again with speed, to see if they could find yet any more.
For mine own part, I will not accuse nor excuse any: it sufficeth me
to have followed the truth of the history, whereof many are able to
bear witness which were there present. I will plainly say one thing,
that the long delay that Captain John Ribaut used in his embarking,
and the fifteen days that he spent in roving along the coast of Florida
before he came to our Fort Caroline, were the cause of the loss that we
sustained. For he discerned the coast the 15th of August, and spent the
time in going from river to river, which had been sufficient for him to
have discharged his ships in, and for me to have embarked myself, to
return into France....
He was no sooner departed from us than a tempest took him, which, in
fine, wrecked him upon the coast, where all his ships were cast away,
and he with much ado escaped drowning, to fall into their hands, which
cruelly massacred him and all his company.
[The fate of Ribaut at the hands of Menendez, and the terrible
vengeance taken on the Spaniards by another Frenchman, Dominic
de Gourgues, may be found described in Parkman’s interesting
book, “Pioneers of France in the New World.”]
BOOK VIII.
SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT.
(A.D. 1583.)
Eastward from Campobello
Sir Humphrey Gilbert sailed:
Three days or more seaward he bore,
Then, alas! the land-wind failed.
Alas! the land-wind failed,
And ice-cold grew the night;
And nevermore, on sea or shore,
Should Sir Humphrey see the light.
He sat upon the deck,
The Book was in his hand:
“Do not fear! Heaven is as near,”
He said, “by water as by land!”
In the first watch of the night,
Without a signal’s sound,
Out of the sea, mysteriously,
The fleet of Death rose all around.
The moon and the evening star
Were hanging in the shrouds;
Every mast, as it passed,
Seemed to rake the passing clouds.
They grappled with their prize,
At midnight black and cold:
As of a rock was the shock;
Heavily the ground-swell rolled.
Longfellow.
SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT.
THE DEATH OF SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT.
[Sir Humphrey Gilbert sailed from England for Newfoundland with
a fleet of five vessels. The largest of these (two hundred tons),
fitted out by Sir Walter Raleigh, soon returned to England; the
next in size was lost; and the three others were the “Golden
Hind,” forty tons; the “Swallow,” of the same size; and the
“Squirrel,” of only ten tons,――merely a sail-boat. The loss of
their largest vessel, or “admiral,” discouraged the crews very
much; and they finally insisted on returning, as appears in the
narrative which follows. The original account is in Hakluyt’s
Voyages (edition of 1810), vol. iii. p. 199.]
OUR people lost courage daily after this ill-success, the weather
continuing thick and blustering, with increase of cold, winter drawing
on, which took from them all hope of amendment, settling an assurance
of worse weather to grow upon us every day. The lee-side[181] of us lay
full of flats and dangers inevitable, if the wind blew hard at south.
Some, again, doubted[182] we were ingulfed in the Bay of St. Lawrence,
the coast full of dangers, and unto us unknown. But, above all,
provision waxed scant, and hope of supply was gone with loss of our
admiral.[183]
Those in the frigate[184] were already pinched with spare allowance,
and want of clothes chiefly. Whereupon they besought the general[185]
to return for England before they all perished. And to them of the
“Golden Hind” they made signs of their distress, pointing to their
mouths, and to their clothes thin and ragged. Then immediately they
also of the “Golden Hind” grew to be of the same opinion, and desire
to return home.
The former reasons having also moved the general to have compassion
of his poor men, in whom he saw no want of good-will, but of means fit
to perform the action they came for, [he] resolved upon retire;[186]
and, calling the captain and master of the “Hind,” he yielded them many
reasons enforcing this unexpected return, withal protesting himself
greatly satisfied with that he had seen and knew already.
Reiterating these words, “Be content: we have seen enough, and take no
care of expense past. I will set you forth royally the next spring, if
God send us safe home. Therefore, I pray you, let us no longer strive
here, where we fight against the elements.”...
How unwillingly the captain and master of the “Hind” conceded to this
motion, his own company can testify; yet comforted with the general’s
promise of a speedy return at spring, and induced by other apparent
reasons proving an impossibility to accomplish the action at that time,
it was concluded on all hands to retire.
So, upon Saturday, in the afternoon, the 31st of August, we changed our
course, and returned back for England, at which very instant, even in
winding about, there passed along between us and the land which we now
forsook, a very lion, to our seeming, in shape, hair, and color; not
swimming after the manner of a beast, by moving of his feet, but rather
sliding upon the water with his whole body――not excepting the legs――in
sight; neither yet diving under, and again rising above the water, as
the manner is of whales, dolphins, tunnies, porpoises, and all other
fish, but confidently showing himself above water without hiding,
notwithstanding we presented ourselves in open view and gestures to
amaze him, as all creatures will be commonly at a sudden gaze and sight
of men. Thus he passed along, turning his head to and fro, yawning and
gaping wide, with ugly demonstration of long teeth and glaring eyes;
and to bid us a farewell, coming right against the “Hind,” he sent
forth a horrible voice, roaring or bellowing as doth a lion; which
spectacle we all beheld so far as we were able to discern the same,
as men prone to wonder at every strange thing, as this doubtless was,
to see a lion in the ocean sea, or fish in the shape of a lion. What
opinion others had thereof, and chiefly the general himself, I forbear
to deliver; but he took it for _bonum omen_,[187] rejoicing that he was
to war against such an enemy, if it were the devil....
Leaving the issue of this good hope unto God, who knoweth the truth
only, and can at his good pleasure bring the same to light, I will
hasten to the end of this tragedy, which must be knit up in the person
of our general. And as it was God’s ordinance upon him, even so the
vehement persuasion and entreaty of his friends could nothing avail to
divert him from a wilful resolution of going through in his frigate,
which was over-charged upon the decks with fights,[188] nettings, and
small artillery, too cumbersome for so small a boat that was to pass
through the ocean sea at that season of the year, when by course we
might expect much storm of foul weather, whereof indeed we had enough.
But when he was entreated by the captain, master, and other his
well-willers of the “Hind,” not to venture in the frigate, this was
his answer: “I will not forsake my little company going homeward, with
whom I have passed so many storms and perils.” And in very truth he
was urged to be so over hard by hard reports given of him that he
was afraid of the sea; albeit this was rather rashness, than advised
resolution, to prefer the wind of a vain report to the weight of his
own life. Seeing he would not bend to reason, he had provision out of
the “Hind” such as was wanting aboard his frigate. And so we committed
him to God’s protection to set him aboard his pinnace; we being more
than three hundred leagues onward of our way home.
By that time, we had brought the islands of Azores south of us, yet
we then keeping much to the north until we had got into the height and
elevation of England, met with very foul weather, and terrible seas,
breaking short and high, pyramid-wise. The reason whereof seemed to
proceed either of hilly grounds, high and low, within the sea,――as we
see hills and dales upon the land,――upon which the seas do mount and
fall; or else the cause proceedeth of diversity of winds, shifting
often in sundry points: all which having power together to move the
great ocean, which again is not presently settled, so many seas do
encounter together as there had been diversity of winds. Howsoever it
cometh to pass, men which all their lifetime had occupied the sea never
saw more outrageous seas. We had also upon our mainyard an apparition
of a little fire by night, which seamen do call Castor and Pollux;[189]
but we had only one, which they take an evil sign of more tempest: the
same is usual in storms.
Monday, the 9th of September, in the afternoon, the frigate was near
cast away, oppressed by waves; yet at that time recovered, and giving
forth signs of joy, the general, sitting abaft, with a book in his
hand, cried out to us in the “Hind,”――so oft as we did approach within
hearing,――“We are as near to heaven by sea as by land,” reiterating the
same speech, well beseeming a soldier resolute in Jesus Christ, as I
can testify he was.
The same Monday night, about twelve of the clock, or not long after,
the frigate being ahead of us in the “Golden Hind,” suddenly her lights
were out, whereof, as it were in a moment, we lost the sight; and
withal our watch cried [that] the general was cast away, which was too
true; for in that moment the frigate was devoured and swallowed up of
the sea....
Thus have I delivered the contents of the enterprise and last action of
Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Knight, faithfully, for so much as I thought meet
to be published; wherein may always appear, though he be extinguished,
some sparks of his virtue; he remaining firm and resolute in a purpose,
by all pretence honest and godly as was this, to discover, possess, and
to reduce unto the service of God and Christian piety, those remote and
heathen countries of America not actually possessed by Christians, and
most rightly appertaining unto the crown of England.
BOOK IX.
THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA.
(A.D. 1584‒1590.)
These extracts from the early Virginia narratives may be found
in Hakluyt’s Voyages (ed. 1810), vol. iii. pp. 301‒305, 323,
340‒346, 354‒355.
THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA.
I.――THE FIRST VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA.
THE first voyage made to the coasts of America, with two barks,
wherein were Captains M. Philip Amadas and M. Arthur Barlowe, who
discovered part of the country now called Virginia, Anno 1584. Written
by one of the said captains, and sent to Sir Walter Raleigh Knight, at
whose charge and direction the said voyage was set forth.
The twenty-seventh day of April, in the year of our redemption,[190]
1584, we departed [from] the west of England, with two barks well
furnished with men and victuals, having received our last and perfect
directions by your letters, confirming the former instructions and
commandments, delivered by yourself at our leaving the River of
Thames....
The 2d of July we found shoal water, where we smelt so sweet and so
strong a smell, as if we had been in the midst of some delicate garden
abounding with all kind of odoriferous flowers, by which we were
assured that the land could not be far distant. And keeping good watch,
and bearing but slack sail, the 4th of the same month we arrived upon
the coast, which we supposed to be a continent and firm land; and we
sailed along the same a hundred and twenty English miles before we
could find any entrance or river issuing into the sea. The first that
appeared unto us, we entered, though not without some difficulty, and
cast anchor about three arquebuse-shot within the haven’s mouth on
the left-hand of the same. And, after thanks given to God for our safe
arrival thither, we manned our boats, and went to view the land next
adjoining, and “to take possession of the same in the right of the
Queen’s most excellent Majesty, as rightful queen and princess of the
same,” and after[191] delivered the same over to your use, according
to her Majesty’s grant, and letters-patent, under her Highness’ great
seal....
We passed from the seaside towards the tops of those hills next
adjoining, being but of mean height; and from thence we beheld the
sea on both sides to the north, and to the south, finding no end any
of both ways. This land lay stretching itself to the west, which after
we found to be but an island of twenty miles long, and not about six
miles broad.[192] Under the bank or hill whereon we stood, we beheld
the valleys replenished with goodly cedar-trees; and, having discharged
our arquebuse-shot, such a flock of cranes――the most part white――arose
under us, with such a cry, redoubled by many echoes, as if an army of
men had shouted all together.
We remained by the side of this island two whole days before we saw any
people of the country. The third day we espied one small boat rowing
towards us, having in it three persons. This boat came to the island
side, four arquebuse-shot from our ships; and there, two of the people
remaining, the third came along the shore-side toward us; and we,
being then all within board,[193] he walked up and down upon the point
of land next unto us. Then the master and pilot of the admiral,[194]
Simon Ferdinando, and the captain, Philip Amadas, myself, and others,
rowed to the land, whose coming this fellow attended, never making
any show of fear or doubt. And, after he had spoken of many things not
understood by us, we brought him, with his own good liking, aboard the
ships, and gave him a shirt, a hat, and some other things, and made him
taste of our wine and our meat, which he liked very well; and, after
having viewed both barks, he departed, and went to his own boat again,
which he had left in a little cove or creek adjoining. Soon as he was
two bow-shot into the water, he fell to fishing; and in less than half
an hour he had laden his boat as deep as it could swim, with which he
came again to the point of the land; and there he divided his fish into
two parts, pointing[195] one part to the ship, and the other to the
pinnace; which after he had, as much as he might, requited the former
benefits received, departed out of our sight.
The next day, there came unto us divers boats, and in one of them the
king’s brother, accompanied with forty or fifty men, very handsome and
goodly people, and in their behavior as mannerly and civil as any of
Europe. His name was Granganimeo, and the king is called Wingina; the
country, Wingandacoa; and now, by her Majesty, Virginia. The manner
of his coming was in this sort: he left his boats all together, as the
first man did, a little from the ships by the shore, and came along to
the place over against the ships, followed with forty men. When he came
to the place, his servants spread a long mat upon the ground, on which
he sat down; and at the other end of the mat four others of his company
did the like: the rest of his men stood round about him somewhat afar
off. When we came to the shore to him with our weapons, he never moved
from his place, nor any of the other four, nor never mistrusted any
harm to be offered from us; but, sitting still, he beckoned us to come
and sit by him, which we performed; and, being set, he made all signs
of joy and welcome, striking on his head and his breast, and afterwards
on ours, to show we all were one, smiling and making show, the best
he could, of all love and familiarity. After he had made a long speech
unto us, we presented him with divers things, which he received very
joyfully and thankfully. None of the company durst speak one word all
the time: only the four which were at the other end spoke one in the
other’s ear very softly.
A day or two after this, we fell to trading with them, exchanging
some things that we had for chamois, buff, and deer skins. When we
showed him[196] all our packet of merchandise, of all things that he
saw, a bright tin dish most pleased him, which he presently took up,
and clapped it before his breast, and, after, made a hole in the brim
thereof, and hung it about his neck, making signs that it would defend
him against his enemies’ arrows; for these people maintain a deadly and
terrible war with the people and king adjoining. We exchanged our tin
dish for twenty skins, worth twenty crowns, or twenty nobles; and a
copper kettle for fifty skins, worth fifty crowns. They offered us good
exchange for our hatchets and axes and for knives, and would have given
any thing for swords; but we would not depart[197] with any.
After two or three days, the king’s brother came aboard the ships, and
drank wine, and ate of our meat and our bread, and liked exceedingly
thereof; and, after a few days overpassed, he brought his wife with
him to the ships, his daughter, and two or three children. His wife was
very well favored, of mean stature, and very bashful. She had on her
back a long cloak of leather, with the fur side next to her body, and
before her a piece of the same; about her forehead she had a band of
white coral, and so had her husband many times; in her ears she had
bracelets of pearl hanging down to her middle,――whereof we delivered
your Worship a little bracelet,――and those were of the bigness of good
peas. The rest of her women of the better sort had pendants of copper
hanging in either ear; and some of the children of the king’s brother,
and other noblemen, have five or six in either ear. He himself had upon
his head a broad plate of gold, or copper; for, being unpolished, we
knew not what metal it should be; neither would he by any means suffer
us to take it off his head; but feeling it, it would bow[198] very
easily. His apparel was as his wife’s; only the women wear their hair
long on both sides, and the men but on one. They are of color yellowish,
and their hair black, for the most part; and yet we saw children that
had very fine auburn and chestnut colored hair.
After that these women had been there, there came down from all parts
great store of people, bringing with them leather, coral, divers kind
of dyes, very excellent, and exchanged with us. But when Granganimeo,
the king’s brother, was present, none durst trade but himself, except
such as wear red pieces of copper on their heads like himself; for that
is the difference between the noblemen and the governors of countries,
and the meaner sort. And we both noted there, and you have understood
since by these men which we brought home, that no people in the world
carry more respect to their king, nobility, and governors, than these
do. The king’s brother’s wife, when she came to us,――as she did many
times,――was followed with forty or fifty women always; and, when
she came into the ship, she left them all on land, saving her two
daughters, her nurse, and one or two more. The king’s brother always
kept this order: as many boats as he would come withal to the ships,
so many fires would he make on the shore afar off, to the end we might
understand with what strength and company he approached.
Their boats are made of one tree, either of pine or of pitch trees,
a wood not commonly known to our people, nor found growing in England.
They have no edge-tools to make them withal: if they have any, they
are very few, and those it seems they had twenty years since, which, as
those two men declared, was out of a wreck, which happened upon their
coast, of some Christian ship, being beaten that way by some storm and
outrageous weather, whereof none of the people were saved, but only the
ship, or some part of her, being cast upon the sand, out of whose sides
they drew the nails and the spikes, and with those they made their best
instruments.
The manner of making their boats is thus: they burn down some great
tree, or take such as are windfallen, and, putting gum and resin upon
one side thereof, they set fire into it, and, when it hath burned it
hollow, they cut out the coal with their shells, and ever, where they
would burn it deeper or wider, they lay on gums which burn away the
timber; and by this means they fashion very fine boats, and such as
will transport twenty men.[199] Their oars are like scoops; and many
times they set[200] with long poles, as the depth serveth.
The king’s brother had great liking of our armor, a sword, and divers
other things which we had, and offered to lay a great box of pearls in
gage[201] for them; but we refused it for this time, because we would
not make them know that we esteemed thereof, until we had understood in
what places of the country the pearl grew; which now your Worship doth
very well understand.
He was very just of his promise, for many times we delivered him
merchandise upon his word; but ever he came within the day, and
performed his promise. He sent us every day a brace or two of fat
bucks, conies, hares, fish, the best in the world.
II.――VISIT TO AN INDIAN PRINCESS.
Illustration: INDIAN VILLAGE IN VIRGINIA.
THE evening following, we came to an island, which they call Roanoke,
distant from the harbor by which we entered seven leagues; and at the
north end thereof was a village of nine houses, built of cedar, and
fortified round about with sharp trees, to keep out their enemies,
and the entrance into it made like a turnpike very artificially. When
we came towards it, standing near unto the water’s side, the wife of
Granganimeo, the king’s brother, came running out to meet us, very
cheerfully and friendly: her husband was not then in the village. Some
of her people she commanded to draw our boat on shore, for the beating
of the billow: others she appointed to carry us on their backs to the
dry ground; and others to bring our oars into the house, for fear of
stealing. When we were come into the outer room,――having five rooms in
her house,――she caused us to sit down by a great fire, and after took
off our clothes, and washed them, and dried them again. Some of the
women plucked off our stockings, and washed them: some washed our
feet in warm water; and she herself took great pains to see all things
ordered in the best manner she could, making great haste to dress some
meat for us to eat.
After we had thus dried ourselves, she brought us into the inner room,
where she set on the board standing along the house some wheat like
frumenty,[202] sodden[203] venison and roasted, fish sodden, boiled,
and roasted, melons raw and sodden, roots of divers kinds, and divers
fruits. Their drink is commonly water; but, while the grape lasteth,
they drink wine: and, for want of casks to keep it, all the year
after they drink water, but it is sodden, with ginger in it, and
black cinnamon, and sometimes sassafras, and divers other wholesome
and medicinal herbs and trees. We were entertained with all love and
kindness, and with as much bounty, after their manner, as they could
possibly devise. We found the people most gentle, loving, and faithful,
void of all guile and treason, and such as live after the manner of
the golden age. The people only care how to defend themselves from
the cold in their short winter, and to feed themselves with such meat
as the soil affordeth. Their meat is very well sodden, and they make
broth very sweet and savory. Their vessels are earthen pots, very large,
white, and sweet: their dishes are wooden platters of sweet timber.
Within the place where they feed was their lodging, and within that
their idol which they worship, of whom they speak incredible things.
While we were at meat, there came in at the gates two or three men,
with their bows and arrows, from hunting, whom when we espied, we
began to look one towards another, and offered to reach our weapons.
But, as soon as she[204] espied our mistrust, she was very much moved,
and caused some of her men to run out, and take away their bows and
arrows, and break them, and, withal, beat the poor fellows out of the
gate again. When we departed in the evening, and would not tarry all
night, she was very sorry, and gave us into our boat our supper half
dressed, pots and all, and brought us to our boat-side, in which we
lay all night, removing the same a pretty distance from the shore. She,
perceiving our jealousy,[205] was much grieved, and sent divers men and
thirty women to sit all night on the bank-side by us, and sent us into
our boats five mats to cover us from the rain, using very many words
to entreat us to remain in their houses. But because we were few men,
and if we had miscarried, the voyage had been in very great danger, we
durst not adventure on any thing, although there was no cause of doubt;
for a more kind and loving people there cannot be found in the world,
as far as we have hitherto had trial.
III.――ADVENTURES OF THE FIRST VIRGINIA COLONY.
IN the year of our Lord 1586, Sir Walter Raleigh, at his own charge,
prepared a ship of an hundred tons, freighted with all manner of things
in most plentiful manner, for the supply and relief of his colony
then remaining in Virginia. But, before they set sail from England,
it was after Easter; so that our colony half despaired of the coming
of any supply; wherefore every man prepared for himself, determining
resolutely to spend the residue of their life in that country. And, for
the better performance of this their determination, they sowed, planted,
and set such things as were necessary for their relief in so plentiful
a manner as might have sufficed them two years, without any further
labor. Thus, trusting to their own harvest, they passed the summer till
the 10th of June, at which time their corn which they had sowed was
within one fortnight of reaping; but then it happened that Sir Francis
Drake, in his prosperous return from the sacking of Saint Domingo,
Cartagena, and Saint Augustine, determined, in his way homeward, to
visit his countrymen, the English colony then remaining in Virginia. So,
passing along the coasts of Florida, he fell with[206] the parts where
our English colony inhabited; and, having espied some of that company,
there he anchored, and went a-land,[207] where he conferred with them
of their state and welfare, and how things had passed with them.
They answered him that they lived all, but hitherto in some scarcity,
and as yet could hear of no supply out of England: therefore they
requested him that he would leave with them some two or three ships,
that, if in some reasonable time they heard not out of England, they
might then return themselves. Which he agreed to. Whilst some were
then writing their letters to send into England, and some others making
reports of the accidents of their travels each to other,――some on land,
some on board,――a great storm arose, and drove most of their fleet from
their anchors to sea; in which ships at that instant were the chiefest
of the English colony. The rest on land, perceiving this, hasted to
those three sails[208] which were appointed to be left there; and, for
fear they should be left behind, they left all things confusedly, as if
they had been chased from thence by a mighty army. And no doubt so they
were; for the hand of God came upon them for the cruelty and outrages
committed by some of them against the native inhabitants of that
country.
Immediately after the departing of our English colony out of this
paradise of the world, the ship above mentioned, sent and set forth
at the charges of Sir Walter Raleigh, and his direction, arrived at
Hatorask;[209] who, after some time spent in seeking our colony up
in the country, and not finding them, returned with all the aforesaid
provision into England.
About fourteen or fifteen days after the departure of the aforesaid
ship, Sir Richard Grenville, general of Virginia, accompanied with
three ships well appointed for the same voyage, arrived there; who, not
finding the aforesaid ship, according to his expectation, nor hearing
any news of our English colony there seated and left by him Anno[210]
1585, himself travelling up into divers places of the country, as
well to see if he could hear any news of the colony left there by
him the year before, under the charge of Master Lane, his deputy, as
also to discover some places of the country. But after some time spent
therein, not hearing any news of them, and finding the places which
they inhabited desolate, yet unwilling to lose the possession of the
country which Englishmen had so long held, after good deliberation he
determined to leave some men behind to retain possession of the country.
Whereupon he landed fifteen men in the Isle of Roanoke, furnished
plentifully with all manner of provision for two years, and so departed
for England.
IV.――THE SECOND ENGLISH COLONY IN VIRGINIA.
IN the year of our Lord 1587, Sir Walter Raleigh, intending to
persevere in the planting of his country of Virginia, prepared
a new colony of one hundred and fifty men to be sent thither, under
the charge of John White, whom he appointed governor; and also
appointed under him twelve assistants, unto whom he gave a charter, and
incorporated them by the name of Governor and Assistants of the City of
Raleigh in Virginia.
Our fleet――being in number three sail, viz., the admiral,[211]
a ship of one hundred and twenty tons, a fly-boat,[212] and a
pinnace――departed the six and twentieth of April from Portsmouth, and
the same day came to an anchor at the Cowes, in the Isle of Wight,
where we staid eight days....
The two and twentieth of July, we arrived safe at Hatorask, where
our ship and pinnace anchored. The governor went aboard the pinnace,
accompanied with forty of his best men, intending to pass up to Roanoke
forthwith, hoping there to find those fifteen Englishmen which Sir
Richard Grenville had left there the year before, with whom he meant
to have conference concerning the state of the country and savages;
meaning, after he had so done, to return again to the fleet, and pass
along the coast to the Bay of Chesapeake, where we intended to make our
seat and fort, according to the charge given us among other directions
in writing, under the hands of Sir Walter Raleigh. But, as soon as
we were put with our pinnace from the ship, a gentleman by the name
of Ferdinando, who was appointed to return for England, called to the
sailors in the pinnace, charging them not to bring any of the planters
back again, but to leave them in the island, except the governor,
and two or three such as he approved, saying that the summer was far
spent, whereupon he would land all the planters in no other place.
Unto this were all the sailors, both in the pinnace and ship, persuaded
by the master; wherefore it booted not[213] the governor to contend
with them, but [we] passed to Roanoke; and the same night at sunset
went a-land[214] on the island, in the place where our fifteen men
were left: but we found none of them, nor any sign that they had been
there, saving only we found the bones of one of those fifteen which the
savages had slain long before.
The three and twentieth of July, the governor, with divers of his
company, walked to the north end of the island, where Master Ralph Lane
had his fort, with sundry necessary and decent dwelling-houses, made
by his men about it the year before, where we hoped to find some signs
or certain knowledge of our fifteen men. When we came thither, we found
the fort razed down, but all the houses standing unhurt, saving that
the nether rooms of them, and also of the fort, were overgrown with
melons of divers sorts, and deer within them feeding on those melons:
so we returned to our company, without hope of ever seeing any of the
fifteen men living.
The same day, order was given that every man should be employed for
the repairing of those houses which we found standing, and also to make
other new cottages for such as should need.
The 25th, our flyboat and the rest of our planters arrived all safe
at Hatorask, to the great joy and comfort of the whole company. But the
master of our admiral,[215] Ferdinando, grieved greatly at their safe
coming; for he purposely left them in the Bay of Portugal, and stole
away from them in the night, hoping that the master thereof, whose
name was Edward Spicer,――for that he never had been in Virginia,――would
hardly find the place, or else, being left in so dangerous place as
that was, by means of so many men-of-war as at that time were abroad,
they should surely be taken, or slain. But God disappointed his wicked
pretences.
The 28th, George Howe, one of our twelve assistants, was slain by
divers savages which were come over to Roanoke, either of purpose
to espy our company, and what number we were, or else to hunt deer,
whereof were many in the island. These savages――being secretly hidden
among high reeds, where oftentimes they find the deer asleep, and so
kill them――espied our man wading in the water alone, almost naked,
without any weapon save only a small forked stick, catching crabs
therewithal, and also being strayed two miles from his company; and
shot at him in the water, where they gave him sixteen wounds with their
arrows; and, after they had slain him with their wooden swords, they
beat his head in pieces, and fled over the water to the main.
On the 30th of July, Master Stafford and twenty of our men passed by
water to the Island of Croatoan,[216] with Manteo, who had his mother
and many of his kindred dwelling in that island; of whom we hoped to
understand some news of our fifteen men, but especially to learn the
disposition of the people of the country towards us, and to renew our
old friendship with them. At our first landing, they seemed as though
they would fight with us; but, perceiving us to begin to march with our
shot[217] towards them, they turned their backs, and fled. Then Manteo
their countryman called to them in their own language, whom as soon
as they heard, they returned, and threw away their bows and arrows;
and some of them came unto us, embracing and entertaining us friendly,
desiring us not to gather or spill any of their corn, for they had
but little. We answered them that neither their corn, nor any thing of
theirs, should be diminished by any of us; and that our coming was only
to renew the old love that was between us and them at the first, and to
live with them as brethren and friends: which answer seemed to please
them well. Wherefore they requested us to walk up to their town, who
there feasted us after their manner, and desired us earnestly that
there might be some token or badges given them of us, whereby we might
know them to be our friends when we met them anywhere out of the town
or island....
We understood by them of Croatoan, how that the fifteen Englishmen left
at Roanoke the year before by Sir Richard Grenville were suddenly set
upon by thirty of the men of Secota, Aquascogoc, and Dasamonguepeuk in
manner following. They conveyed themselves secretly behind the trees,
near the houses where our men carelessly lived. And, having perceived
that of those fifteen they could see but eleven only, two of those
savages appeared to the eleven Englishmen, calling to them by friendly
signs, that but two of their chiefest men should come unarmed to speak
with those two savages, who seemed also to be unarmed. Wherefore two of
the chiefest of our Englishmen went gladly to them; but, whilst one of
those savages traitorously embraced one of our men, the other with his
sword of wood, which he had secretly hidden under his mantle, struck
him on the head, and slew him; and presently the other eight and twenty
savages showed themselves.
The other Englishman, perceiving this, fled to his company, whom the
savages pursued with their bows and arrows so fast, that the Englishmen
were forced to take the house, wherein all their victuals and weapons
were; but the savages forthwith set the same on fire, by means whereof
our men were forced to take up such weapons as came first to hand, and
without order to run forth among the savages, with whom they skirmished
above an hour. In this skirmish, another of our men was shot into the
mouth with an arrow, where[218] he died; and also one of the savages
was shot into the side by one of our men, with a wildfire arrow,[219]
whereof he died presently.
The place where they fought was of great advantage to the savages,
by means of the thick trees, behind which the savages, through their
nimbleness, defended themselves, and so offended our men with their
arrows, that our men, being some of them hurt, retired fighting to the
water-side, where their boat lay, with which they fled towards Hatorask.
By that time they had rowed but a quarter of a mile, they espied their
four fellows coming from a creek thereby, where they had been to fetch
oysters. These four they received into their boat, leaving Roanoke, and
landed on a little island on the right hand of our entrance into the
harbor of Hatorask, where they remained a while, but afterward departed,
whither as yet we know not.
Having now sufficiently despatched our business at Croatoan, the same
day departed friendly, taking our leave, and came aboard the fleet at
Hatorask....
The 18th, Eleanor, daughter to the governor, and wife to Ananias Dare,
one of the assistants, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoke, and the
same was christened there the Sunday following; and, because this child
was the first Christian born in Virginia, she was named Virginia. By
this time, our ships had unladen the goods and victuals of the planters,
and began to take in wood and fresh water, and to new calk and trim
them for England: the planters, also, prepared their letters and tokens
to send back into England....
The next day, the 22d of August, the whole company, both of the
assistants and planters, came to the governor, and with one voice
requested him to return himself into England, for the better and sooner
obtaining of supplies and other necessaries for them; but he refused
it....
Illustration: BAPTISM OF FIRST CHILD IN VIRGINIA.
The governor, being at the last, through their extreme entreating,
constrained to return into England, having then but half a day’s
respite to prepare himself for the same, departed from Roanoke the
seven and twentieth of August, in the morning, and the same day after
midnight came aboard the fly-boat, who already had weighed anchor, and
rode without the bar, the admiral riding by them, who, but the same
morning, was newly come thither again. The same day both the ships
weighed anchor, and set sail for England.
V.――SEARCH FOR THE LOST COLONY.
[It was three years before Governor White returned to the colony
which he had left. He reached the coast of Virginia in August,
1590, and thus describes what followed.]
OUR boats and all things fitted again, we put off from Hatorask, being
the number of nineteen persons in both boats. But, before we could
get to the place where our planters were left, it was so exceeding
dark, that we overshot the place a quarter of a mile: there we espied,
towards the north end of the island, the light of a great fire through
the woods, to the which we presently rowed: when we came right over
against it, we let fall our grapnel near the shore, and sounded with a
trumpet a call, and afterward many English tunes of songs, and called
to them friendly, but we had no answer. We therefore landed at daybreak,
and, coming to the fire, we found the grass and sundry rotten trees
burning about the place. From hence we went through the woods to that
part of the island directly over against Dasamonguepeuk; and from
thence we returned by the water-side round about the north point of
the island, until we came to the place where I left our colony in the
year 1586.[220]
Illustration: THE EXPLORERS LOOKING AT THE TREE.
In all this way we saw in the sand the print of the savages’ feet,
of two or three sorts, trodden [in] the night; and as we entered up
the sandy bank, upon a tree, in the very brow thereof, were curiously
carved these fair Roman letters, C R O: which letters presently we
knew to signify the place where I should find the planters seated,[221]
according to a secret token agreed upon between them and me at my last
departure from them. Which was, that in any ways they should not fail
to write or carve upon the trees or posts of the doors the name of
the place where they should be seated; for at my coming away they were
prepared to remove from Roanoke fifty miles into the main. Therefore
at my departure from them in 1587, I willed them, that, if they should
happen to be distressed in any of those places, then they should carve
over the letters or name a cross ＋ in this form; but we found no such
sign of distress. And, having well considered of this, we passed toward
the place where they were left in sundry houses; but we found the
houses taken down, and the place very strongly enclosed with a high
palisado of great trees, with curtains[222] and flankers,[223] very
fort-like. And one of the chief trees or posts at the right side of
the entrance had the bark taken off; and five feet from the ground, in
fair capital letters, was graven C R O A T O A N, without any cross,
or sign of distress. This done, we entered into the palisado, where
we found many bars of iron, two pigs of lead, four iron fowlers,[224]
iron saker-[224]shot, and such like heavy things, thrown here and there,
almost overgrown with grasses and weeds.
From thence we went along by the water-side, toward the point of the
creek, to see if we could find any of their boats or pinnace; but we
could perceive no sign of them, nor any of the last falcons[225] and
small ordnance which were left with them at my departure from them.
At our return from the creek, some of our sailors, meeting us, told
us they had found where divers chests had been hidden, and long since
digged up again, and broken up, and much of the goods in them spoiled
and scattered about, but nothing left, of such things as the savages
knew any use of, undefaced. Presently Captain Cooke and I went to the
place, which was in the end of an old trench, made two years past by
Captain Amadas, where we found five chests that had been carefully
hidden of the planters, and of the same chests three were my own; and
about the place many of my things spoiled and broken, and my books torn
from the covers, the frames of some of my pictures and maps rotten,
and spoiled with rain, and my armor almost eaten through with rust.
This could be no other but the deed of the savages, our enemies, at
Dasamonguepeuk, who had watched the departure of our men to Croatoan,
and, as soon as they were departed, digged up every place where they
suspected any thing to be buried. But although it much grieved me to
see such spoil of my goods, yet on the other side I greatly joyed that
I had safely found a certain token of their safe being at Croatoan,
which is the place where Manteo was born, and the savages of the island
our friends....
The next morning it was agreed by the captain and myself, with the
master and others, to weigh anchor, and go for the place at Croatoan,
where our planters were, for that then the wind was good for that
place, and also to leave that cask with fresh water on shore in the
island until our return. So then they brought the cable to the captain;
but, when the anchor was almost apeak,[226] the cable broke, by means
whereof we lost another anchor, wherewith we drove so fast into the
shore, that we were forced to let fall a third anchor; which came so
fast home, that the ship was almost aground by Kenrick’s Mounts; so
that we were forced to let slip the cable end for end.... Being thus
clear of some dangers, and gotten into deeper water, but not without
some loss, for we had but one cable and anchor left us of four, and the
weather grew to be fouler and fouler, our victuals scarce, and our cask
and fresh water lost: it was therefore determined that we should go for
St. John, or some other island to the southward, for fresh water.
[No trace of this lost colony has ever been discovered; and
we can only guess at the fate of the first white child born in
America, Virginia Dare. Strachey, the secretary of the Jamestown
(Virginia) colony, twenty years after, was told by the Indians
that seven of the English, “who escaped the slaughter at Roanoke,”
were preserved alive by a certain chief; but neither he nor
Captain John Smith has left on record any thing more.]
Illustration: PALISADED TOWN.
BOOK X.
UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
(A.D. 1602‒1607.)
The narrative of Captain Gosnold’s adventures is taken from
John Brereton’s “Brief and True Relation of the Discovery of
the North Part of Virginia: being a most pleasant, fruitful,
and commodious soil.” Reprinted in the Collections of the
Massachusetts Historical Society, 3d series, vol. viii.
pp. 85‒93.
Waymouth’s narrative is taken from “A True Relation of the
most Prosperous Voyage made this Present Year, 1605, by Captain
George Waymouth, in the discovery of the land of Virginia, where
he discovered, sixty miles up, a most excellent river, together
with a most fertile land. Written by James Rosier, a gentleman
employed in the voyage.” Reprinted in the same volume of the
Massachusetts Historical Collections, pp. 135‒156.
The other two narratives are from Strachey’s “Historie of
Travaile into Virginia” (reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, 1849),
pp. 171‒173, 176‒180.
UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS IN NEW ENGLAND
I.――GOSNOLD’S FORT AT CUTTYHUNK.
[Gosnold was the first Englishman who attempted to found a
colony in New England; and this account of his attempt is by his
companion, John Brereton.]
TO THE HONORABLE SIR WALTER RALEIGH, KNIGHT. _Honorable Sir_,――Being
earnestly requested by a dear friend to put down in writing some
true relation of our late-performed voyage to the north parts of
Virginia,[227] at length I resolved to satisfy his request....
May it please your Lordship, therefore, to understand that upon
the five and twentieth of March, 1602, being Friday, we went from
Falmouth, being in all two and thirty persons, in a small bark of
Dartmouth, called “The Concord,” holding a course for the north part
of Virginia....
On Friday, the 14th of May, early in the morning, we made the land,
being full of fair trees, the land somewhat low, certain hammocks[228]
or hills lying into the land, the shore full of white sand, but very
stony or rocky. And standing fair along by the shore, about twelve
of the clock the same day, we came to an anchor, where eight Indians
in a Basque-shallop,[229] with mast and sail, an iron grapple, and a
kettle of copper, came boldly aboard us, one of them apparelled with
a waistcoat and breeches of black serge, made after our sea fashion,
hose and shoes on his feet: all the rest――saving one that had a pair of
breeches of blue cloth――were naked. These people are of tall stature,
broad and grim visage, of a black, swart complexion, their eyebrows
painted white. Their weapons are bows and arrows. It seemed by some
words and signs they made, that some Basques, or of St. John de
Luz,[230] have fished or traded in this place, being in the latitude
of forty-three degrees.
But riding here, in no very good harbor, and withal doubting the
weather, about three of the clock the same day, in the afternoon, we
weighed, and standing southerly off into sea the rest of that day and
the night following, with a fresh gale of wind, in the morning we found
ourselves embayed with a mighty headland.[231] But coming to an anchor
about nine of the clock the same day, within a league of the shore,
we hoisted out the one-half of our shallop; and Captain Bartholomew
Gosnold, myself, and three others, went ashore, being a white, sandy,
and bold shore; and marching all that afternoon, with our muskets
on our necks, on the highest hills which we saw,――the weather very
hot,――at length we perceived this headland to be parcel of the main,
and sundry islands lying almost round about it. So returning towards
evening to our shallop,――for by that time the other part was brought
ashore, and set together,――we espied an Indian, a young man of proper
stature, and of a pleasing countenance; and, after some familiarity
with him, we left him at the seaside, and returned to our ship, where,
in five or six hours’ absence, we had pestered[232] our ship so with
codfish, that we threw numbers of them overboard again. And surely,
I am persuaded, that in the months of March, April, and May, there
is upon this coast better fishing, and in as great plenty, as in
Newfoundland; for the skulls of mackerel, herrings, cod, and other fish,
that we daily saw as we went and came from the shore, were wonderful.
And besides, the places where we took these cods, and might in a few
days have laden our ship, were but in seven fathoms water, and within
less than a league from the shore; where,[233] in Newfoundland, they
fish in forty or fifty fathoms water, and far off.
From this place we sailed round about this headland almost all the
points of the compass, the shore very bold; but, as no coast is free
from dangers, so I am persuaded this is as free as any. The land
somewhat low, full of goodly woods, but in some places plain. At length
we were come amongst many fair islands, which we had partly discerned
at our first landing, all lying within a league or two one of another,
and the outermost not above five or seven leagues from the main. But
coming to an anchor under one of them,[234] which was about three or
four leagues from the main, Captain Gosnold, myself, and some others,
went ashore; and, going round about it, we found it to be four English
miles in compass, without house or inhabitant, saving a little old
house made of boughs covered with bark, an old piece of a weir of
the Indians to catch fish, and one or two places where they had made
fires. The chiefest trees of this island are beeches and cedars, the
outward parts all overgrown with low, bushy trees three or four feet in
height, which bear some kind of fruits, as appeared by their blossoms;
strawberries, red and white, as sweet and much bigger than ours
in England; raspberries, gooseberries, whortleberries, and such an
incredible store of vines, as well in the woody part of the island,
where they run upon every tree, as on the outward parts, so that we
could not go for treading upon them; also many springs of excellent
sweet water, and a great standing lake of fresh water near the seaside
an English mile in compass, which is maintained with the springs,
running exceeding pleasantly through the woody grounds, which are very
rocky. Here are also in this island great store of deer, which we saw,
and other beasts, as appeared by their tracks; as also divers fowls,
as cranes, hernshaws,[235] bitterns, geese, mallards, teals, and other
fowl in great plenty; also great store of peas, which grow in certain
plots all the island over. On the north side of this island we found
many huge bones and ribs of whales.
From hence we went to another island to the north-west of this, and
within a league or two of the main, which we found to be greater than
before we imagined, being sixteen English miles, at the least, in
compass; for it containeth many pieces or necks of land, which differ
nothing from several islands, saving that certain banks of small
breadth do like bridges join them to this island. On the outside of
this island are many plain places of grass, abundance of strawberries,
and other berries before mentioned. In mid-May we did sow in this
island, for a trial, in sundry places, wheat, barley, oats, and peas,
which in fourteen days were sprung up nine inches, and more. The soil
is fat and lusty, the upper crust of gray color, but a foot or less in
depth, of the color of our hemp-lands in England, and being thus apt
for these and the like grains. The sowing or setting――after the ground
is closed――is no greater labor than if you should set or sow in one
of our best prepared gardens in England. This island is full of high
timbered oaks, their leaves thrice so broad as ours; cedars, straight
and tall; beech, elm, holly, walnut-trees in abundance, the fruit as
big as ours, as appeared by those we found under the trees, which had
lain all the year ungathered; hazelnut-trees, cherry-trees, the leaf,
bark, and bigness not differing from ours in England, but the stalk
beareth the blossoms or fruit at the end thereof, like a cluster of
grapes, forty or fifty in a bunch; sassafras-trees, great plenty all
the island over, a tree of high price and profit; also divers other
fruit-trees, some of them with strange barks of an orange color, in
feeling soft and smooth like velvet: in the thickest parts of these
woods you may see a furlong or more round about.
On the north-west side of this island, near to the seaside, is a
standing lake of fresh water, almost three English miles in compass,
in the midst whereof stands a plot of woody ground, an acre in quantity,
or not above. This lake is full of small tortoises, and exceedingly
frequented with all sorts of fowls, before rehearsed,[236] which breed,
some low on the banks, and others on low trees about this lake, in
great abundance, whose young ones of all sorts we took and ate at our
pleasure; but all these fowls are much bigger than ours in England.
Also in every island, and almost in every part of every island, are
great store of ground-nuts, forty together on a string, some of them
as big as hen’s eggs: they grow not two inches under ground, the
which nuts we found to be as good as potatoes. Also divers sorts of
shell-fish, as scallops, mussels, cockles, lobsters, crabs, oysters,
and whelks, exceeding good and very great....
Illustration: GOSNOLT’S FORT.
Now the next day, we determined to fortify ourselves in a little plot
of ground in the midst of the lake above mentioned, where we built our
house, and covered it with sedge, which grew about this lake in great
abundance; in building whereof we spent three weeks, and more. But, the
second day after our coming from the main, we espied eleven canoes or
boats, with fifty Indians in them, coming toward us from this part of
the main, where we two days before landed; and, being loath they should
discover our fortification, we went out on the seaside to meet them.
And, coming somewhat near them, they all sat down upon the stones,
calling aloud to us, as we rightly guessed, to do the like, a little
distance from them. Having sat a while in this order, Captain Gosnold
willed me to go unto them to see what countenance[237] they would make;
but, as soon as I came up unto them, one of them, to whom I had given
a knife two days before in the main, knew me, whom I also very well
remembered, and, smiling upon me, spake somewhat unto their lord or
captain, which sat in the midst of them, who presently rose up, and
took a large beaver-skin from one that stood about him, and gave
it unto me, which I requited for that time the best I could. But I,
pointing towards Captain Gosnold, made signs unto him that he was our
captain, and desirous to be his friend, and enter league with him,
which, as I perceive, he understood, and made signs of joy. Whereupon
Captain Gosnold, with the rest of his company, being twenty in all,
came up unto them, and after many signs of gratulations,――Captain
Gosnold presenting their lord with certain trifles which they wondered
at and highly esteemed,――we became very great friends, and sent for
meat aboard our shallop, and gave them such meats as we had then ready
dressed; whereof they misliked nothing but our mustard, whereat they
made many a sour face....
So the rest of the day we spent in trading with them for furs, which
are beavers, luzernes, martens, otters, wildcat-skins,――very large and
deep fur,――black foxes, coney skins, of the color of our hares, but
somewhat less, deer-skins very large, seal-skins, and other beasts’
skins, to us unknown. They have also great store of copper, some very
red, and some of a paler color: none of them but have chains, ear-rings,
or collars of this metal. They head some of their arrows herewith,
much like our broad arrow-heads, very workmanly made. Their chains are
many hollow pieces cemented together, each piece of the bigness of one
of our reeds, a finger in length, ten or twelve of them together on
a string, which they wear about their necks. Their collars they wear
about their bodies, like bandoleers,[238] a handful broad, all hollow
pieces like the other, but somewhat shorter, four hundred pieces in
a collar, very fine and evenly set together. Besides these, they have
large drinking-cups made like skulls, and other thin plates of copper,
made much like our boar spear blades, all which they so little esteem
as they offered their fairest collars or chains for a knife or such
like trifle; but we seemed little to regard it. Yet I was desirous
to understand where they had such store of this metal, and made signs
to one of them, with whom I was very familiar, who, taking a piece
of copper in his hand, made a hole with his finger in the ground, and
withal pointed to the main[239] from whence they came....
Thus they continued with us three days, every night retiring themselves
to the furthermost part of our island, two or three miles from our
fort; but the fourth day they returned to the main, pointing five or
six times to the sun, and once to the main, which we understood [to
mean] that, within five or six days, they would come from the main
to us again. But, being in their canoes a little from the shore, they
made huge cries and shouts of joy unto us; and we with our trumpet
and cornet, and casting up our caps into the air, made them the best
farewell we could. Yet six or seven of them remained with us behind,
bearing us company every day into the woods, and helped us to cut and
carry our sassafras, and some of them lay[240] aboard our ship.
These people, as they are exceeding courteous, gentle of disposition,
and well conditioned, exceeding all others that we have seen, so for
shape of body and lovely favor, I think they excel all the people of
America. [They are] of stature much higher than we; of complexion or
color much like a dark olive; their eyebrows and hair black, which
they wear long, tied up behind in knots, whereon they prick feathers of
fowls, in fashion of a coronet. Some of them are black, thin-bearded.
They make beards of the hair of beasts; and one of them offered a beard
of their making to one of our sailors, for his that grew on his face,
which, because it was of a red color, they judged to be none of his own.
They are quick-eyed, and steadfast in their looks, fearless of others’
harms, as intending none themselves; some of the meaner sort given to
filching, which the very name of savages, not weighing their ignorance
in good or evil, may easily excuse. Their garments are of deer-skins;
and some of them wear furs round and close about their necks. They
pronounce our language with great facility; for one of them one day
sitting by me, upon occasion I spake smiling to him these words, “How
now, sirrah, are you so saucy with my tobacco?” which words, without
any further repetition, he suddenly spake so plain and distinctly, as
if he had been a long scholar in the language. Many other such trials
we had, which are here needless to repeat....
But after our bark had taken in so much sassafras,[241] cedar, firs,
skins, and other commodities, as were thought convenient, some of our
company that had promised Captain Gosnold to stay, having nothing but
a saving[242] voyage in their minds, made our company of inhabitants,
which was small enough before, much smaller; so as[243] Captain Gosnold
seeing his whole strength to consist but of twelve men, and they but
meanly provided, determined to return for England, leaving this island,
which he called Elizabeth’s Island,[244] with as many true sorrowful
eyes as were before desirous to see it. So the 18th of June, being
Friday, we weighed, and with indifferent fair wind and weather came
to anchor the 23d of July, being also Friday, in all bare five weeks,
before Exmouth.
Your Lordship’s to command,
John Brereton.
II.――CAPTAIN WAYMOUTH CAPTURES INDIANS,
AND EXPLORES THE PENOBSCOT RIVER.
[Captain George Waymouth, or Weymouth, sailed from England in
1605.]
WEDNESDAY the twenty-ninth day [of May], our shallop being now finished,
and our captain and men furnished to depart with her from the ship, we
set up a cross on the shore-side upon the rocks.
Thursday, the 30th of May, about ten o’clock before noon, our captain,
with thirteen men more, in the name of God, and with all our prayers
for our prosperous discovery and safe return, departed in the shallop;
leaving the ship in a good harbor, which before I mentioned, well
moored, and manned with fourteen men.
This day, about five o’clock in the afternoon, we in the ship espied
three canoes coming towards us, which went to the island adjoining,
where they went ashore, and very quickly had made a fire, about which
they stood beholding our ship, to whom we made signs with our hands
and hats, waving unto them to come unto us, because we had not seen any
of the people yet. They sent one canoe with three men, one of which,
when they came near unto us, spake in his language very loud and very
boldly, seeming as though he would know why we were there; and by
pointing with his oar towards the sea, we conjectured he meant we
should be gone. But when we showed them knives and their use, by
cutting of sticks; and other trifles, as combs and glasses, they came
close aboard our ship, as desirous to entertain our friendship. To
these we gave such things as we perceived they liked, when we showed
them the use,――bracelets, rings, peacock-feathers, which they stuck in
their hair, and tobacco-pipes. After their departure to their company
on the shore, presently came four others in another canoe; to whom we
gave as to the former, using them with as much kindness as we could.
The shape of their body is very proportionable. They are well
countenanced, not very tall nor big, but in stature like to us. They
paint their bodies with black; their faces, some with red, some with
black, and some with blue.
Their clothing is beaver-skins or deer-skins cast over them like a
mantle, and hanging down to their knees, made fast together upon the
shoulder with leather: some of them had sleeves, most had none; some
had buskins of such leather sewed....
The next morning, very early, came one canoe aboard us again, with
three savages, whom we easily then enticed into our ship, and under the
deck, where we gave them pork, fish, bread, and peas, all which they
did eat; and this I noted, they would eat nothing raw, either fish or
flesh. They marvelled much, and much looked upon the making of our can
and kettle, so they did at a head-piece,[245] and at our guns, of which
they are most fearful, and would fall flat down at the report of them.
At their departure, I signed unto them, that, if they would bring me
back such skins as they wear, I would give them knives, and such things
as I saw they most liked, which the chief of them promised to do by
that time the sun should be beyond the midst of the firmament.[246]
This I did to bring them to an understanding of exchange, and that
they might conceive the intent of our coming to them to be for no other
end....
I return now to our savages, who, according to their appointment, about
one o’clock, came with four canoes to the shore of the island right
over against us, where they had lodged the last night, and sent one
canoe to us with two of those savages who had been aboard, and another
who then seemed to have command of them; for though we perceived their
willingness, yet he would not permit them to come aboard; but he,
having viewed us and our ship, signed that he would go to the rest
of the company, and return again. Presently after their departure, it
began to rain, and continued all that afternoon, so as they could not
come to us with their skins and furs, nor we go to them. But, after
an hour or thereabout, the three which had been with us before came
again, whom we had to our fire, and covered them with our gowns. Our
captain bestowed a shirt upon him, whom we thought to be their chief,
who seemed never to have seen any before. We gave him a brooch to hang
about his neck, a great knife, and lesser knives to the two other; and
to every one of them a comb and glass, the use whereof we showed them;
whereat they laughed and took these presents gladly. We victualled[247]
them, and gave them _aqua vitæ_,[248] which they tasted, but would by
no means drink. Our beverage they liked well. We gave them sugar-candy,
which after they had tasted they liked, and desired more, and raisins
which were given them; and some of every thing they would reserve to
carry to their company. Wherefore we, pitying their being in the rain,
and therefore not able to get themselves victual, as we thought, we
gave them bread and fish.
Thus, because we found the land a place answerable to the intent of our
discovery, namely, fit for any nation to inhabit, we used the people
with as great kindness as we could devise, or found them capable of.
The next day being Saturday, and the 1st of June, I traded with the
savages all the forenoon upon the shore, where were eight and twenty of
them; and, because our ship rode nigh, we were but five or six; where,
for knives, glasses, combs, and other trifles, to the value of four or
five shillings, we had forty good beavers’ skins, otters’ skins, sables,
and other small skins which we knew not how to call. Our trade being
ended, many of them came aboard us, and did eat by our fire, and would
be very merry and bold in regard of our kind usage of them. Towards
night, our captain went on shore to have a draught with the seine, or
net. And we carried two of them with us, who marvelled to see us catch
fish with a net. Most of that we caught we gave them and their company.
Then on the shore I learned the names of divers things of them; and,
when they perceived me to note them down, they would of themselves
fetch fish and fruit-bushes, and stand by me to see me write their
names.
Our captain showed them a strange thing, which they wondered at. His
sword and mine, having been touched with the loadstone, took up a knife,
and held it fast when they plucked it away, made the knife turn,――being
laid on a block,――and, touching it with his sword, made that take up
a needle, whereat they much marvelled. This we did to cause them to
imagine some great power in us, and for that to love and fear us....
Our captain had two of them at supper with us in his cabin, to see
their demeanor, and had them in presence at service,[249] who behaved
themselves very civilly, neither laughing nor talking all the time,
and at supper fed not like men of rude education; neither would they
eat or drink more than seemed to content nature. They desired peas to
carry ashore to their women, which we gave them, with fish and bread,
and lent them pewter dishes, which they carefully brought again....
This day, about five o’clock, afternoon, came three other canoes from
the main, of which some had been with us before: and they came aboard
us, and brought us tobacco, which we took with them in their pipes,
which were made of earth, very strong, black, and short, containing a
great quantity. Some tobacco they gave unto our captain, and some to me,
in very civil, kind manner: we requited them with bread and peas, which
they carried to their company on shore, seeming very thankful. After
supper they returned with their canoe, to fetch us ashore, to take
tobacco with them there, with whom six or seven of us went, and carried
some trifles, if peradventure they had any truck,[250] among which
I carried some few biscuits, to try if they would exchange for them,
seeing they so well liked to eat them. When we came at shore, they
most kindly entertained us, taking us by the hands, as they observed
we did to them aboard, in token of welcome, and brought us to sit
down by their fire, where sat together thirteen of them. They filled
their tobacco-pipe, which was then the short claw of a lobster, which
will hold ten of our pipes full, and we drank[251] of their excellent
tobacco as much as we would with them. But we saw not any great
quantity to truck[252] for; and it seemed they had not much left of old,
for they spend a great quantity yearly by their continual drinking. And
they would sign unto us that it was grown yet but a foot above ground,
and would be above a yard high, with a leaf as broad as both their
hands....
About eight o’clock this day, we went on shore with our boats, to fetch
aboard water and wood; our captain leaving word with the gunner in the
ship, by discharging a musket, to give notice, if they espied any canoe
coming; which they did about ten o’clock. He, therefore, being careful
they should be kindly treated, requested me to go aboard, intending
with despatch to make what haste after he possibly could. When I came
to the ship, there were two canoes, and in either of them three savages,
of whom two were below at the fire: the others staid in their canoes
about the ship, and, because we could not entice them aboard, we gave
them a can of peas and bread, which they carried to the shore to eat.
But one of them brought back our can presently, and staid aboard with
the other two; for he, being young, of a ready capacity, and one we
most desired to bring with us into England, had received exceeding kind
usage at our hands, and was therefore much delighted in our company.
When our captain was come, we consulted how to catch the other three
at shore, which we performed thus:――
We manned the light horseman[253] with seven or eight men. One standing
before carried our box of merchandise, as we were wont when I went to
traffic with them, and a platter of peas, which meat[254] they loved.
But, before we were landed, one of them (being so suspiciously fearful
of his own good) withdrew himself into the wood. The other two met us
on the shore-side, to receive the peas, with whom we went up the cliff
to their fire, and sat down with them; and while we were discussing how
to catch the third man, who was gone, I opened the box, and showed them
trifles to exchange, thinking thereby to have banished fear from the
other, and drawn him to return. But, when we could not, we used little
delay, but suddenly laid hands upon them. And it was as much as five or
six of us could do to get them into the light horseman; for they were
strong, and so naked as[255] by far our best hold was by the long hair
on their heads. And we would have been very loath to have done them
any hurt, which of necessity we had been constrained to have done if
we had attempted them in a multitude, which we must and would, rather
than have wanted them, being a matter of great importance for the full
accomplishment of our voyage.
Thus we shipped five savages, two canoes, with all their bows and
arrows.... Tuesday, the 11th of June, we passed up into the river[256]
with our ship about six and twenty miles, of which I had rather not
write than by my relation to detract from the worthiness thereof....
As we passed with a gentle wind up with our ship in this river, any man
may conceive with what admiration we all consented[257] in joy. Many
of our company who had been travellers in sundry countries, and in the
most famous rivers, yet affirmed them not comparable to this they now
beheld. Some that were with Sir Walter Raleigh in his voyage to Guiana,
in the discovery of the River Orenoque,[258] which echoed fame to the
world’s ears, gave reasons why it was not to be compared with this,
which wanteth the danger of many shoals and broken ground, wherewith
that was encumbered. Others before that notable river in the West
Indies called Rio Grande; some before the River of Loire, the River
Seine, and of Bourdeaux, in France, which, although they be great
and goodly rivers, yet it is no detraction from them to be accounted
inferior to this, which not only yieldeth all the aforesaid pleasant
profits, but also appeareth infallibly to us free from all
inconveniences.
Illustration: CAPT. WEYMOUTH SAILING UP THE PENOBSCOT.
I will not prefer it before our River of Thames, because it is
England’s richest treasure; but we all did wish those excellent harbors,
good deeps in a continual convenient breadth, and small tide-gates, to
be as well therein for our country’s good as we found them here――beyond
our hopes――in certain, for those to whom it shall please God to grant
this land for habitation; which if it had, with the other inseparable
adherent commodities here to be found, then I would boldly affirm it
to be the most rich, beautiful, large, and secure harboring river that
the world affordeth.... Further, I have thought fit to add some things
worthy to be regarded, which we have observed from the savages since we
took them.
First, although at the time we surprised them, they made their best
resistance, not knowing our purpose, nor what we were, not how we meant
to use them; yet, after perceiving by their kind usage we intended them
no harm, they have never since seemed discontented with us, but very
tractable, loving, and willing by their best means to satisfy us in
any thing we demand of them, by words or signs for their understanding.
Neither have they at anytime been at the least discord among themselves,
insomuch as we have not seen them angry, but merry, and so kind, as, if
you give any thing to one of them, he will distribute part to every one
of the rest.
We have brought them to understand some English, and we understand much
of their language, so as we are able to ask them many things.
[The Indians thus carried to England were the objects of great
wonder, and crowds of people followed them in the streets. It is
thought that Shakspeare may have referred to them in the Tempest,
written a few years later, about 1610. Trinculo there wishes to
take the monster Caliban to England, and says, “Not a holiday
fool there but would give a piece of silver; there would this
monster make a man; any strange beast there makes a man. When
they will not give a doit to relieve a lame beggar, they will
lay out ten to see a dead Indian.”]
III.――THE POPHAM COLONY ON THE KENNEBEC.
[So much interest was excited by the voyages of Gosnold and
Waymouth, that two companies were formed in England for the
settlement of America,――the London Company and the Plymouth
Company. Each company sent out a colony in 1606; but the ship
sent by the Plymouth Company was taken by a Spanish fleet,
while the other colony reached Virginia. Then in June, 1607, the
Plymouth Company sent another colony, under command of Captain
George Popham, he being in a vessel called “The Gift of God,”
accompanied by “The Mary and John,” Captain Raleigh Gilbert.
They reached the mouth of the River Sachadehoc, or Kennebec,
in August; and the narrative proceeds as follows, as told by
Strachey, secretary of the Virginia Colony.]
CAPTAIN POPHAM, in his pinnace, with thirty persons, and Captain
Gilbert in his long-boat, with eighteen persons more, went early in the
morning from their ship into the River Sachadehoc, to view the river,
and to search where they might find a fit place for their plantation.
They sailed up into the river near forty leagues, and found it to be a
very gallant river, very deep, and seldom less water than three fathom,
... whereupon they proceeded no farther, but, in their return homewards,
observed many goodly islands therein, and many branches of other small
rivers falling into it.
Illustration: JAMES I.
They all went ashore, and there made choice of a place for their
plantation,[259] at the mouth or entry of the river on the west
side,――for the river bendeth itself towards the nor’-east, and by
east,――being almost an island, of a good bigness, being in a province
called by the Indians Sabino, so called of a sagamo, or chief commander,
under the grand Bassaba.[260] As they were ashore, three canoes full
of Indians came to them, but would not come near, but rowed away up the
river.
They all went ashore where they had made choice of their plantation,
and where they had a sermon delivered unto them by their preacher;
and, after the sermon, the president’s commission was read, with the
laws to be observed and kept. George Popham, gent.,[261] was nominated
president. Captain Raleigh Gilbert, James Davies, Richard Lymer,
preacher, Captain Richard Davies, Captain Harlow, the same who brought
away the savages at this time showed in London, from the river of
Canada, were all sworn assistants; and so they returned back again.
Aug. 20. All went to shore again, and there began to intrench and make
a fort, and to build a storehouse....
You may please to understand how, whilst this business was thus
followed here, soon after their first arrival, that [they] had
despatched away Captain Robert Davies, in the “Mary and John,” to
advertise of their safe arrival and forwardness of their plantation
within this River of Sachadehoc, with letters to the lord chief justice,
importuning a supply for the most necessary wants to the subsisting of
a colony to be sent unto them betimes the next year.
After Captain Davies’ departure, they fully finished the fort, trenched
and fortified it with twelve pieces of ordnance, and built fifty houses
therein, besides a church and a storehouse; and the carpenters framed
a pretty pinnace[262] of about some thirty tons, which they called the
“Virginia;” the chief shipwright being one Digby of London.
Many discoveries, likewise, had been made both to the main and unto
the neighbor rivers, and the frontier nations fully discovered by the
diligence of Captain Gilbert, had not the winter proved so extreme
unseasonable and frosty; for it being in the year 1607, when the
extraordinary frost was felt in most parts of Europe, it was here
likewise as vehement, by which no boat could stir upon any business.
Howbeit, as time and occasion gave leave, there was nothing omitted
which could add unto the benefit or knowledge of the planters, for
which when Captain Davies arrived there in the year following,――set
out from Topsham, the port town of Exeter, with a ship laden full
of victuals, arms, instruments, and tools, &c.,――albeit he found
Mr. George Popham, the president, and some other dead, yet he found all
things in good forwardness, and many kinds of furs obtained from the
Indians by way of trade, good store of sarsaparilla gathered, and the
new pinnace all finished. But by reason that Captain Gilbert received
letters that his brother was newly dead, and a fair portion of land
fallen unto his share, which required his repair[263] home, and no
mines discovered, and no hope thereof,――being the main intended benefit
expected to uphold the charge of this plantation,――and the fear that
all other winters would prove like the first, the company by no means
would stay any longer in the country, especially Captain Gilbert being
to leave them, and Mr. Popham, as aforesaid, dead: therefore they
all embarked in this new arrived ship, and in the new pinnace, the
“Virginia,” and set sail for England. And this was the end of that
northern colony upon the River Sachadehoc.
[This was the first colony that spent a winter in New
England,――thirteen years before the Plymouth Colony arrived.
The winter was an unusually severe one; and, moreover, the chief
promoters of the colony, Sir John Popham and Captain Popham,
died. But for this, it is possible that the colony might have
remained; and, in that case, Maine would have been settled only
a year later than Virginia.]
IV.――CAPTAIN GILBERT’S ADVENTURE WITH THE INDIANS.
[Captain Gilbert, the companion of Captain Popham, went up the
River Kennebec, or Sachadehoc, in a shallop with nineteen men,
and had this adventure with Indians.]
IN the morning there came a canoe unto them, and in her a sagamo[264]
and four savages,――some of those which spoke to them the night before.
The sagamo called his name Lebenoa, and told us how he was lord of
the River Sachadehoc. They entertained him friendly, and took him
into their boat, and presented him with some trifling things, which
he accepted. Howbeit, he desired some one of our men to be put in his
canoe as a pawn of his safety, whereupon Captain Gilbert sent in a man
of his, when presently the canoe rowed away from them, with all the
speed they could make, up the river. They followed with the shallop,
having great care that the sagamo should not leap overboard. The canoe
quickly rowed from them, and landed; and the men made to their houses,
being near a league on the land from the river’s side, and carried our
man with them. The shallop, making good way, at length came to another
downfall,[265] which was so shallow and so swift that by no means they
could pass any farther, for which Captain Gilbert, with nine others,
landed, and took their fare,[266] the savage sagamo, with them, and
went in search after those other savages, whose houses, the sagamo
told Captain Gilbert, were not far off. And, after a good tedious march,
they came indeed at length unto those savages’ houses, where [they]
found near fifty able men, very strong and tall, such as their like
before they had not seen, all newly painted, and armed with their bows
and arrows. Howbeit, after that the sagamo had talked with them, they
delivered back again the man, and used all the rest very friendly, as
did ours the like by them, who showed them their commodities of beads,
knives, and some copper, of which they seemed very fond, and, by way of
trade, made show that they would come down to the boat, and there bring
such things as they had, to exchange them for ours. So Captain Gilbert
departed from them; and, within half an hour after he had gotten to his
boat, there came three canoes down unto them, and in them some sixteen
savages, and brought with them some tobacco, and certain small skins,
which were of no value; which Captain Gilbert perceiving, and that
they had nothing else wherewith to trade, he caused all his men to
come aboard. And, as he would have put from the shore, the savages
perceiving so much, subtly devised how they might put out the fire
in the shallop, by which means they saw they should be free from the
danger of our men’s pieces;[267] and, to perform the same, one of
the savages came into the shallop, and taking the firebrand which one
of our company held in his hand thereby to light the matches, as if
he would light a pipe of tobacco, as soon as he had gotten it into
his hand he presently threw it into the water, and leaped out of the
shallop. Captain Gilbert, seeing that, suddenly commanded his men to
betake them to their muskets, and the targetiers too, from the head of
the boat; and had one of the men before, with his target on his arm,
to step on the shore for more fire. The savages resisted him, and would
not suffer him to take any, and some others holding fast the boat-rope,
that the shallop could not put off. Captain Gilbert caused the
musketeers to present their pieces, the which the savages seeing,
presently let go the boat-rope, and betook them to their bows and
arrows, and ran into the bushes, nocking[268] their arrows, but did not
shoot, neither did ours at them. So the shallop departed from them to
the farther side of the river, where one of the canoes came unto them,
and would have excused the fault of the others. Captain Gilbert made
show as if he were still friends, and entertained them kindly, and so
left them, returning to the place where he had lodged the night before,
and there came to an anchor for that night.
BOOK XI.
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH.
(A.D. 1606‒1631.)
The first four of the following extracts are from Smith’s
“Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer
Isles” (edition of 1626), pp. 39‒49. The next four are from
the “Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia,” by William
Strachey, secretary of the Virginia Colony. Reprinted by the
Hakluyt Society (1849), pp. 49‒52, 57, 58, 80, 81, 110, 111. The
ninth is from the “Generall Historie,” p. 219. The tenth is from
“A Description of New England, by Captain John Smith,” printed
in the Massachusetts Historical Collections, 3d series, vol. vi.
pp. 109, 121. The eleventh is from the “Generall Historie,”
pp. 121‒123. The last two are from “Advertisements for the
Unexperienced Planters of New England or anywhere, by Captaine
John Smith, sometimes Governour of Virginia, and Admirall of
New England.” London, 1631. Reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d
series, vol. iii. pp. 7, 29, 30, 44. There is a memoir of Captain
Smith, by G. S. Hillard, in Sparks’s “American Biography,” vol. ii.
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH.
I.――CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA.
CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLL,[269] one of the first movers of this
plantation, having many years solicited many of his friends, but found
small assistance, at last prevailed with some gentlemen, as Captain
John Smith, Mr. Edward Maria Wingfield, Mr. Robert Hunt, and divers
others, who depended[270] a year upon his projects; but nothing could
be effected, till, by their great charge and industry, it came to be
apprehended by certain of the nobility, gentry, and merchants, so that
his Majesty by his letters-patents gave commission for establishing
councils to direct here, and to govern and to execute there. To
effect this was spent another year; and by that, three ships were
provided,――one of a hundred tons, another of forty, and a pinnace[271]
of twenty. The transportation of the company was committed to Captain
Christopher Newport, a mariner well practiced for the western parts of
America. But their orders for government were put in a box, not to be
opened, nor the governors known, until they arrived in Virginia.
On the 19th of December, 1606, we set sail from Blackwall, but by
unprosperous winds were kept six weeks in the sight of England....
We watered at the Canaries. We traded with the savages at Dominica.
Three weeks we spent in refreshing ourselves among the West India Isles.
In Gaudaloupe we found a bath so hot, as in it we boiled pork as well
as over the fire; and, at a little isle called Monica, we took from
the bushes with our hands, near two hogsheads full of birds in three or
four hours. In Mevis, Mona, and the Virgin Isles, we spent some time,
where, with a loathsome beast like a crocodile, called a gwayn,[272]
tortoises, pelicans, parrots, and fishes, we daily feasted. Gone from
thence in search of Virginia, the company was not a little discomforted,
seeing the mariners had three days passed their reckoning,[273] and
found no land; so that Captain Ratliffe, captain of the pinnace, rather
desired to bear up the helm to return for England than make further
search. But God the guider of all good actions, forcing them by an
extreme storm to hull[274] all night, did drive them by his providence
to their desired port, beyond all their expectation; for never any of
them had seen that coast.
The first land they made they called Cape Henry, where thirty of them,
recreating themselves on shore, were assaulted by five savages, who
hurt two of the English very dangerously. That night was the box opened,
and the orders read, in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, John Smith, Edward
Wingfield, Christopher Newport, John Ratliffe, John Martin, and George
Kendall, were named to be the council, and to choose a president among
them for a year, who, with the council, should govern. Matters of
moment were to be examined by a jury, but determined by the major part
of the council, in which the president had two voices. Until the 13th
of May, they sought a place to plant[275] in; then the council was
sworn, Mr. Wingfield was chosen president, and an oration made[276] why
Captain Smith was not admitted of the council as the rest.
Now falleth every man to work: the council contrive the fort, the
rest cut down trees to make place to pitch their tents, some provide
clapboard to relade the ships, some make gardens, some nets, &c.
The savages often visited us kindly. The president’s overweening
jealousy[277] would admit no exercise at arms, or fortification but
the boughs of trees cast together in the form of a half-moon. By the
extraordinary pains and diligence of Captain Kendall, Newport, Smith,
and twenty others, were sent to discover the head of the river.[278]
By divers small habitations they passed. In six days they arrive at
a town called Powhatan, consisting of some twelve houses pleasantly
seated on a hill, before it three fertile isles, about it many of their
cornfields. The place is very pleasant, and strong by nature. Of this
place the prince is called Powhatan, and his people Powhatans. To this
place the river is navigable; but higher within a mile, by reason of
the rocks and isles, there is not passage for a small boat. This they
call the falls. The people in all parts kindly entreated[279] them,
till, being returned within twenty miles of Jamestown, they gave just
cause of jealousy. But had God not blessed the discoverers otherwise
than those at the fort, there had then been an end of that plantation;
for at the fort, where they arrived the next day, they found seventeen
men hurt, and a boy slain by the savages. And had it not chanced a
cross-bar shot[280] from the ships struck down a bough from a tree
amongst them, that caused them to retire, our men had all been slain,
being securely all at work, and their arms in dry-vats.[281]
Hereupon the president was willing the fort should be palisaded,[282]
the ordnance mounted, his men armed and exercised, for many were
the assaults and ambuscades of the savages; and our men, by their
disorderly straggling, were often hurt, when the savages, by the
nimbleness of their heels, well escaped. What toil we had, with so
small a power to guard our workmen a-days,[283] watch all night, resist
our enemies, and effect our business, to relade the ships, cut down
trees, and prepare the ground to plant our corn, &c. I refer to the
reader’s consideration.
II.――THE VIRGINIA COLONISTS.
BEING, for most part, of such tender educations, and small experience
in martial accidents, because they found [neither] English cities,
nor such fair houses, nor at their own wishes any of their accustomed
dainties, with feather-beds and downy pillows, taverns and alehouses
in every breathing-place, neither such plenty of gold and silver, and
dissolute liberty, as they expected, had little or no care of any thing
but to ... procure their means to return for England. For the country
was to them a misery, a ruin, a death, a hell, and their reports here
and their actions there according.
Some other there were that had yearly stipends[284] to pass to and
again for transportation. And those with their great words deluded
the world with such strange promises as abused the business much worse
than the rest. For the business being builded upon the foundation of
their feigned experience, the planters, the money, and means have still
miscarried; yet they ever returning, and the planters so far absent,
who could contradict their excuses? Which, still to maintain their
vain glory and estimation from time to time, have used such diligence
as made them pass for truths, though nothing more false. And, that
the adventurers might be thus abused, let no man wonder; for the
wisest living is soonest abused by him that hath a fair tongue and
a dissembling heart.
There were many in Virginia merely projecting, verbal and idle
contemplators,[285] and those so devoted to pure idleness, that, though
they had lived two or three years in Virginia, lordly necessity itself
could not compel them to pass the peninsula or palisades of Jamestown;
and those witty spirits, what would they not affirm in behalf of our
transporters[286] to get victual from their ships, or obtain their good
words in England to get their passes! Thus from the clamors and the
influence of false informers are sprung those disasters that sprung in
Virginia; and our ingenious verbalists[287] were no less a plague to us
in Virginia than the locusts to the Egyptians. For the labor of twenty
or thirty of the best only preserved in Christianity by their industry
the idle lives of near two hundred of the rest, who, living near
ten months of such natural means as the country naturally of itself
affordeth. Notwithstanding all this, and the worst fury of the savages,
the extremity of sickness, mutinies, faction, ignorances, and want of
victual, in all that time I lost but seven or eight men, yet subjected
the savages to our desired obedience, and received contribution from
thirty-five of their kings, to protect and assist them against any that
should assault them. In which order they continued true and faithful,
and as subjects to his Majesty, so long after as I did govern there,
until I left the country.
III.――SMITH CAPTURED BY THE INDIANS.
AND now the winter approaching, the rivers became so covered with
swans, geese, ducks, and cranes, that we daily feasted with good
bread, Virginia peas, pumpkins and putchamins,[288] fish, fowl, and
divers sorts of wild beasts as fat as we could eat them: so that none
of our tuftaffatty humorists[289] desired to go for England. But our
comedies never endured long without a tragedy; some idle exceptions
being muttered against Captain Smith for not discovering the head of
Chickahamania[290] River, and taxed by the council to be too slow in so
worthy an attempt. The next voyage he proceeded so far, that, with much
labor by cutting of trees asunder, he made his passage; but, when his
barge could pass no farther, he left her in a broad bay, out of danger
of shot, commanding none should go ashore until his return. Himself,
with two English and two savages, went up higher in a canoe; but he was
not long absent. But his men went ashore, whose want of government gave
both occasion and opportunity to the savages to surprise one George
Cassen, whom they slew, and much failed not[291] to have cut off the
boat and all the rest. Smith, little dreaming of that accident, being
got to the marshes at the river’s head, twenty miles in the desert, had
his two men slain, as is supposed, sleeping by the canoe, while himself,
by fowling, sought them victuals; who finding he was beset with two
hundred savages, two of them he slew, still defending himself with the
aid of a savage, his guide, whom he bound to his arms with his garters,
and used him as a buckler; yet he was shot in his thigh a little, and
had many arrows that stuck in his clothes, but no great hurt till at
last they took him prisoner. When this news came to Jamestown, much
was their sorrow for his loss, few expecting what ensued. Six or seven
weeks those barbarians kept him prisoner, many strange triumphs and
conjurations they made of him; yet he so demeaned himself among them,
as he not only diverted them from surprising the fort, but procured
his own liberty, and got himself and his company such estimation
amongst them, that those savages admired him more than their own
Quiyougkcosoucks.[292] The manner how they used and delivered him is
as followeth.
Illustration: OLD PRINT OF SMITH’S CAPTURE.
The savages having drawn from George Cassen whither Capt. Smith was
gone, prosecuting that opportunity, they followed him with three
hundred bowmen, conducted by the King of Pamaunkee, who in divisions,
searching the turnings of the river, found Robinson and Emry by the
fireside: those they shot full of arrows, and slew. Then finding the
captain, as is said, that used the savage that was his guide as his
shield,――three of them being slain, and divers others so galled,――all
the rest would not come near him. Thinking thus to have returned to his
boat, regarding them, as he marched more than his way, slipped up to
the middle in an oozy[293] creek, and his savage with him; yet durst
they not come to him, till, being near dead with cold, he threw away
his arms. Then according to their composition[294] they drew him forth,
and led him to the fire, where his men were slain. Diligently they
chafed his benumbed limbs.
He demanding for their captain, they showed him Opechankanough, King
of Pamaunkee, to whom he gave a round ivory double compass-dial. Much
they marvelled at the playing of the fly and needle, which they could
see so plainly, and yet not touch it, because of the glass that covered
them. But when he demonstrated by that globe-like jewel the roundness
of the earth and skies, the sphere of the sun, moon, and stars, and
how the sun did chase the night round about the world continually, the
greatness of the land and sea, the diversity of nations, variety of
complexions, and how we were to them antipodes, and many other such
like matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration. Notwithstanding,
without an hour after, they tied him to a tree, and as many as could
stand about him prepared to shoot him; but, the king holding up the
compass in his hand, they all laid down their bows and arrows, and in
a triumphant manner led him to Orapaks, where he was after their manner
kindly feasted, and well used.
Their order in conducting him was thus: drawing themselves all in
file, the king in the midst, had all their pieces and swords borne
before him. Captain Smith was led after him by three great savages,
holding him fast by each arm; and on each side six went in file with
their arrows nocked.[295] But arriving at the town,――which was only
thirty or forty hunting-houses made of mats, which they remove as
they please, as we our tents,――all the women and children staring to
behold him, the soldiers first, all in file, performed the form of
a bissom[296] so well as could be; and on each flank, officers as
sergeants to see them keep their order. A good time they continued this
exercise, and then cast themselves in a ring, dancing in such several
postures, and singing and yelling out such hellish notes and screeches;
being strangely painted, every one his quiver of arrows, and at his
back a club; on his arm a fox or an otter’s skin, or some such matter
for his vambrace;[297] their heads and shoulders painted red with oil
and pocones[298] mingled together, which scarlet-like color made an
exceeding handsome show; his bow in his hand, and the skin of a bird
with her wings abroad dried, tied on his head, a piece of copper, a
white shell, a long feather, with a small rattle growing at the tails
of their snakes tied to it, or some such like toy. All this while,
Smith and the king stood in the midst, guarded, as before is said; and
after three dances they all departed. Smith they conducted to a long
house, where thirty or forty tall fellows did guard him; and ere long
more bread and venison was brought him than would have served twenty
men. I think his stomach[299] at that time was not very good: what he
left they put in baskets, and tied over his head. About midnight, they
set the meat again before him, all this time not one of them would eat
a bit with him, till the next morning they brought him as much more;
and then did they eat all the old, and reserved the new as they had
done the other, which made him think they would fat him to eat him. Yet
in this desperate estate to defend him from the cold, one Maocassater
brought him his gown, in requital of some beads and toys Smith had
given him at his first arrival in Virginia.
IV.――CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND POCAHONTAS.
[This narrative is taken from Smith’s “Generall Historie.” It
was possibly written by Captain Smith, but is now generally
disbelieved by historical students, because it is inconsistent
with an earlier account of the same events, also written by
Smith, and because the incident is not mentioned by Strachey,
who also described the Virginia Colony.]
TWO days after, a man would have slain him――but that the guard
prevented it――for the death of his son, to whom they conducted him to
recover the poor man, then breathing his last. Smith told them that at
Jamestown he had a water would do, if they would let him fetch it. But
they would not permit that, but made all the preparations they could to
assault Jamestown, craving his advice, and, for recompense, he should
have life, liberty, land, and women. In part of a table book[300] he
wrote his mind to them at the fort,――what was intended, how they should
follow that direction to affright the messengers, and without fail
send him such things as he wrote for; and an inventory with them. The
difficulty and danger he told the savages, of the mines, great guns,
and other engines, exceedingly affrighted them; yet, according to his
request, they went to Jamestown in as bitter weather as could be of
frost and snow, and within three days returned with an answer.
But when they came to Jamestown, seeing men sally out, as he had told
them they would, they fled. Yet in the night they came again to the
same place where he had told them they should receive an answer, and
such things as he had promised them; which they found accordingly, and
with which they returned, with no small expedition, to the wonder of
them all that heard it, that he could either divine, or the paper could
speak....
Not long after, early in a morning, a great fire was made in a long
house, and a mat spread on the one side as on the other. On the one
they caused him to sit, and all the guard went out of the house; and
presently came skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted over with
coal, mingled with oil, and many snakes’ and weasels’ skins stuffed
with moss, and all their tails tied together, so as they met on the
crown of his head in a tassel. And round about the tassel was as a
coronet of feathers, the skins hanging round about his head, back, and
shoulders, and in a manner covered his face; with a hellish voice, and
a rattle in his hand. With most strange gestures and passions, he began
his invocation, and environed the fire with a circle of meal; which
done, three more such like devils came rushing in with the like antic
tricks, painted half black, half red; but all their eyes were painted
white, and some red strokes like mustaches along their cheeks. Round
about him those fiends danced a pretty while; and then came in three
more as ugly as the rest, with red eyes, and white strokes over their
black faces. At last they all sat down right against him, three of them
on the one hand of the chief priest, and three on the other. Then all
with their rattles began a song; which ended, the chief priest laid
down five wheat-corns; then straining his arms and hands with such
violence that he sweat, and his veins swelled, he began a short oration:
at the conclusion they all gave a short groan, and then laid down
three grains more. After that began their song again, and then another
oration, ever laying down so many corns as before, till they had twice
encircled the fire. That done, they took a bunch of little sticks
prepared for that purpose, continuing still their devotion; and at
the end of every song and oration they laid down a stick betwixt the
divisions of corn. Till night, neither he nor they did either eat or
drink, and then they feasted merrily, with the best provisions they
could make. Three days they used this ceremony, the meaning whereof,
they told him, was to know if he intended them well or no. The circle
of meal signified their county; the circles of corn, the boundaries
of the sea; and the sticks, his country. They imagined the world to be
flat and round like a trencher, and they in the middle. After this they
brought him a bag of gunpowder, which they carefully preserved until
the next spring, to plant, as they did their corn, because they would
be acquainted with the nature of that seed. Opitchapam, the king’s
brother, invited him to his house, where, with as many platters of
bread, fowl, and wild beasts as did environ him, he bid him welcome;
but not any of them would eat a bit with him, but put up all the
remainder in baskets....
Illustration: FACSIMILE ILLUSTRATION FROM SMITH’S “GENERAL
HISTORY.”
At last they brought him to Meronocomoco,[301] where was Powhatan,
their emperor. Here more than two hundred of those grim courtiers stood
wondering at him, as he had been a monster, till Powhatan and his train
had put themselves in their greatest braveries.[302] Before a fire,
upon a seat like a bedstead, he sat, covered with a great robe made of
raccoon-skins, and all the tails hanging by. On either hand did sit a
young wench of sixteen or eighteen years, and along on each side the
house two rows of men, and behind them as many women, with all their
heads and shoulders painted red, many of their heads bedecked with the
white down of birds; but every one with something; and a great chain of
white beads about their necks. At his entrance before the king, all the
people gave a great shout. The Queen of Appamatuck[303] was appointed
to bring him water to wash his hands; and another brought him a bunch
of feathers, instead of a towel, to dry them. Having feasted him after
the best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held;
but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before Powhatan.
Then as many as could laid hands on him,[304] dragged him to them, and
thereon laid his head; and being ready with their clubs to beat out his
brains, Pocahontas, the king’s dearest daughter, when no entreaty could
prevail, got his head in her arms, and laid her own upon his, to save
him from death.[305] Whereat the emperor was contented he should live
to make him hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper; for they
thought him as well[306] of all occupations as themselves. For the king
himself will make his own robes, shoes, bows, arrows, pots; plant, hunt,
or do any thing so well as the rest....
Two days after, Powhatan, having disguised himself in the most
fearfulest manner he could, caused Captain Smith to be brought forth
to a great house in the woods, and there, upon a mat by the fire, to
be left alone. Not long after, from behind a mat that divided the house
was made the most dolefulest noise he ever heard; then Powhatan, more
like a devil than a man, with some two hundred more as black as himself,
came unto him, and told him now they were friends, and presently he
should go to Jamestown, to send him two great guns and a grindstone,
for which he would give him the country of Capahowosick, and forever
esteem him as his son Nantaquond. So to Jamestown with twelve guides
Powhatan sent him. That night they quartered in the woods, he still
expecting――as he had done all this long time of his imprisonment――every
hour to be put to one death or other, for all their feasting. But
Almighty God by his divine providence had mollified the hearts of
those stern barbarians with compassion. The next morning betimes,
they came to the fort, where Smith, having used the savages with what
kindness he could, he showed Rawhunt, Powhatan’s trusty servant, two
demi-culverins[307] and a millstone, to carry Powhatan. They found
them somewhat too heavy; but when they did see him discharge them,
being loaded with stones, among the boughs of a great tree loaded with
icicles, the ice and branches came so tumbling down, that the poor
savages ran away half dead with fear. But at last we regained some
conference [308] with them, and gave them such toys, and sent to
Powhatan, his women, and children, such presents, as gave them, in
general, full content.
V.――KING POWHATAN.
HE is a goodly old man, not yet shrinking, though well beaten with
many cold and stormy winters, in which he hath been patient of many
necessities and attempts of his fortune to make his name and family
great. He is supposed to be little less than eighty years old, I dare
not say how much more. Others say he is of a tall stature and clean
limbs, of a sad aspect, round, fat-visaged, with gray hairs, but plain
and thin, hanging upon his broad shoulders; some few hairs upon his
chin, and so on his upper lip. He hath been a strong and able savage,
sinewy, and of a daring spirit, vigilant, ambitious, subtile to enlarge
his dominions.... Cruel he hath been, and quarrelsome, as well with his
own _weroances_[309] for trifles, and that to strike a terror and awe
into them of his power and condition, as also with his neighbors, in
his younger days, though now delighted in security and pleasure....
Watchful he is over us, and keeps good espial[310] upon our proceedings,
concerning which he hath his sentinels, that――at what time soever any
of our boats, pinnaces, or ships come in, fall down, or make up the
river――give the alarm, and take it quickly one from the other, until
it reach and come even to the court or hunting-house, wheresoever he
and his _cronoccoes_, that is, councillors and priests, are; and then
he calls to advise, and gives out directions what is to be done....
About his person ordinarily attendeth a guard of forty or fifty of the
tallest men his country do afford. Every night, upon the four quarters
of his house, are four sentinels drawn forth, each standing from other
a flight-shot;[311] and at every half-hour, one from the _corps de
garde_[312] doth halloo, unto whom every sentinel returns answer round
from his stand: if any fail, an officer is presently sent forth that
beateth him extremely. The word _weroance_, which we call and construe
for a king, is a common word, whereby they call all commanders; for
they have but few words in their language, and but few occasions to
use any officers more than one commander, which commonly they call
_weroance_.
It is strange to see with what great fear and adoration all this
people do obey this Powhatan; for at his feet they present whatsoever
he commandeth: and at the least frown of his brow the greatest will
tremble, it may be because he is very terrible and inexorable in
punishing such as offend him.... And sure it is to be wondered at, how
such a barbarous and uncivil prince should take unto him――adorned and
set forth with no great outward ornament and munificence――a form and
ostentation of such majesty as he expresseth, which oftentimes strikes
awe and sufficient wonder in our people presenting themselves before
him.
VI.――A VIRGINIA PRINCESS.
NOR is [she] so handsome a savage woman as I have seen amongst them,
yet with a kind of pride can take upon her a show of greatness; for we
have seen her forbear to come out of her _quintan_, or boat, through
the water, as the other, both maids and married women, usually do,
unless she were carried forth between two of her servants. I was once
early at her house――it being summer time――when she was laid without
doors, under the shadow of a broad-leaved tree, upon a pallet of osiers,
spread over with four or five fine gray mats, herself covered with
a fair white dressed deerskin or two; and, when she rose, she had a
maid who fetched her a frontall[313] of white coral, and pendants of
great but imperfect colored and worse drilled pearls, which she put
into her ears, and a chain with long links of copper, which they call
_tapoantaminais_, and which came twice or thrice about her neck, and
they account a jolly ornament. And sure thus attired, with some variety
of feathers and flowers stuck in their hairs, they seem as debonaire,
quaint, and well pleased as ... a daughter of the house of Austria[314]
decked with all her jewels. Likewise, her maid fetched her a mantle,
which they call _puttawus_, which is like a side cloak, made of blue
feathers, so artificially and thick sewed together, that it seemed
like a deep purple satin, and is very smooth and sleek; and after,
she brought her water for her hands, and then a branch or two of fresh
green ashen leaves, as for a towel to dry them.
VII.――AN INDIAN DANCE IN VIRGINIA.
Illustration: INDIAN DANCE.
AS for their dancing, the sport seems unto them, and the use, almost as
frequent and necessary as their meat and drink, in which they consume
much time, and for which they appoint many and often meetings, and
have therefore, as it were, set orgies[315] or festivals for the same
pastime, as have yet at this day the merry Greeks.... At our colony’s
first sitting down amongst them, when any of our people repaired[316]
to their towns, the Indians would not think they had expressed their
welcome sufficiently enough, until they had showed them a dance, the
manner of which is thus. One of them standeth by, with some fur or
leather thing in his left hand, upon which he beats with his right
hand, and sings withal, as if he began the choir, and kept unto the
rest their just time; when upon a certain stroke or more,――as upon
his cue or time to come in,――one riseth up, and begins to dance. After
he hath danced a while, steps forth another, as if he came in just upon
his rest; and in this order all of them, so many as there be, one after
another, who then dance an equal distance from each other in ring,
shouting, howling, and stamping their feet against the ground with
such force and pain, that they sweat again, and with all varieties of
strange mimic tricks and distorted faces, making so confused a yell and
noise as so many frantic and disquieted bacchanals; and sure they will
keep stroke just with their feet to the time he gives, and just one
with another, but with the hands, head, face, and body, every one hath
a several gesture. And those who have seen the dervishes in their holy
dances, in their mosques, upon Wednesdays and Fridays in Turkey, may
resemble[317] these unto them. You shall find the manner expressed in
the figure.
VIII.――INDIAN CHILDREN IN VIRGINIA.
TO make the children hardy, in the coldest mornings they wash them in
the rivers, and by paintings and ointments so tan their skins, that,
after a year or two, no weather will hurt them. As also, to practise
their children in the use of their bows and arrows, the mothers do
not give them their breakfast in a morning before they have hit a mark
which she appoints them to shoot at; and commonly, so cunning they
will have them, as throwing up in the air a piece of moss, or some such
light thing, the boy must with his arrow meet it in the fall, and hit
it, or else he shall not have his breakfast.
Both men, women, and children have their several names; at first,
according to the several humor of their parents. And for the
men-children, at first, when they are young, their mothers give them a
name, calling them by some affectionate title, or, perhaps, observing
their promising inclination, give it accordingly; and so the great King
Powhatan called a young daughter of his whom he loved well, Pocahontas,
which may signify “little wanton;”[318] howbeit, she was rightly called
Amonate at more ripe years. When they become able to travel into the
woods, and to go forth a hunting, fowling, and fishing with their
fathers, the fathers give him another name, as he finds him apt, and
of spirit to prove toward[319] and valiant, or otherwise, changing the
mother’s [name], which yet in the family is not so soon forgotten. And
if so be, it be by agility, strength, or any extraordinary strain of
wit, he performs any remarkable or valorous exploit in open act of arms,
or by stratagem, especially in the time of extremity in the wars for
the public and common state, upon the enemy, the king, taking notice
of the same, doth then, not only in open view and solemnly, reward
him with some present of copper, or chain of pearl and beads, but doth
then likewise――and which they take for the most eminent and supreme
favor――give him a name answerable to the attempt, not much differing
herein from the ancient warlike encouragement and order of the Romans
to a well-deserving and gallant young spirit.
IX.――“THE PLANTER’S PLEASURE AND PROFIT.”
THERE are who delight extremely in vain pleasure, that take much
more pains in England to enjoy it than I should do here to gain wealth
sufficient: and yet I think they should not have half such sweet
content; for our pleasure here is still gain, in England charges and
loss. Here nature and liberty afford us that freely which in England
we want, or it costeth us dearly. What pleasure can be more than being
tired with any occasion ashore, in planting vines, fruits, or herbs; in
contriving their own ground to the pleasure of their own minds, their
fields, gardens, orchards, buildings, ships, and other works, &c.; to
recreate themselves before their own doors, in their own boats upon
the sea, where man, woman, and child, with a small hook and line, by
angling, may take divers sorts of excellent fish at their pleasures?
And is it not pretty sport to pull up twopence, sixpence, and
twelvepence as fast as you can haul and veer a line? He is a very bad
fisher [who] cannot kill in one day, with his hook and line, one, two,
or three hundred cods; which dressed and dried, if they be sold there
for ten shillings a hundred, though in England they will give more
than twenty, may not both servant, master, and merchant be well content
with this gain? If a man work but three days in seven, he may get more
than he can spend, unless he will be exceedingly excessive. Now that
carpenter, mason, gardener, tailor, smith, sailor, forger, or what
other――may they not make this a very pretty recreation, though they
fish but an hour in a day, to take more than they can eat in a week;
or if they will not eat it, because there is so much better choice, yet
sell it, or change it with the fishermen or merchants, for any thing
you want? And what sport doth yield a more pleasing content, and less
hurt and charge, than angling with a hook, and crossing the sweet air
from isle to isle, over the silent streams of a calm sea, wherein the
most curious may find profit, pleasure, and content?
Thus, though all men be not fishers, yet all men whatsoever may in
other matters do as well, for necessity doth in these cases so rule
a commonwealth, and each in their several functions, as their labors,
in their qualities, may be as profitable, because there is a necessary
mutual use of all.
For gentlemen, what exercise should more delight them than ranging
daily these unknown parts, using fowling and fishing for[320] hunting
and hawking? and yet you shall see the wild hawks give you some
pleasure in seeing them stoop six or seven times after one another, an
hour or two together, at the skults[321] of fish in the fair harbors,
as those ashore at a fowl, and never trouble nor torment yourselves
with watching, mewing,[322] feeding, and attending them, nor kill horse
and man with running, and crying, “See you not a hawk?” For hunting,
also, the woods, lakes, and rivers afford not only chase sufficient for
any that delights in that kind of toil or pleasure, but such beasts to
hunt, that, besides the delicacy of their bodies for food, their skins
are so rich as they will recompense thy daily labor with a captain’s
pay.
X.――THE GLORIES OF FISHING.
Illustration: COD-FISHING.
THE main staple from hence to be extracted, for the present, to produce
the rest, is fish; which, however it may seem a mean and base commodity,
yet who will but truly take the pains, and consider the sequel, I
think will allow it well worth the labor. It is strange to see what
great adventures the hopes of setting forth men-of-war to rob the
industrious innocent would procure.... But who doth not know that
the poor Hollanders, chiefly by fishing, at a great charge and
labor, in all weathers in the open sea, are made a people so hardy
and industrious? and by the sending this poor commodity to the
Easterlings[323] for as mean,[324] which is wood, flax, pitch, tar,
rosin, cordage, and such like,――which they exchange again to the
French, Spaniards, Portuguese, and English, &c., for what they
want,――are made so mighty, strong, and rich, as no state but Venice, of
twice their magnitude, is so well furnished with so many fair cities,
goodly towns, strong fortresses, and that abundance of shipping and
all sorts of merchandise, as well of gold, silver, diamonds, precious
stones, silks, velvets, and cloth-of-gold, as fish, pitch, wood, or
such gross commodities? What voyages and discoveries, east and west,
north and south, yea, about the world, make they! What an army, by sea
and land, have they long maintained in despite of one of the greatest
princes of the world! And never could the Spaniard, with all his mines
of gold and silver, pay his debts, his friends and army, half so truly
as the Hollanders still have done by this contemptible trade of fish....
You shall scarce find any bay, shallow shore, or cove of sand, where
you may not take many clams, or lobsters, or both, at your pleasure,
and in many places load your boat, if you please; nor isles where
you find not fruits, birds, crabs, and mussels, or all of them, for
taking, at a low water. And, in the harbors we frequented, a little
boy might take of cunners and pinnacks,[325] and such delicate fish,
at the ship’s stern, more than six or ten can eat in a day, but with a
casting-net, thousands when we pleased; and scarce any place, but cod,
cusk, halibut, mackerel, skate, or such like, a man may take with a
hook or line what he will. And in divers sandy bays a man may draw
with a net great store of mullets, bass, and divers other sorts of such
excellent fish, as many as his net can draw on shore. No river where
there is not plenty of sturgeon, or salmon, or both; all which are to
be had in abundance, observing but their seasons. But if a man will
go at Christmas to gather cherries in Kent, he may be deceived, though
there be plenty in summer. So here these plenties have each their
seasons, as I have expressed. We, for the most part, had little but
bread and vinegar; and though the most part of July, when the fishing
decayed, they wrought[326] all day, lay abroad in the isles all night,
and lived on what they found, yet were not sick. But I would wish
none put himself long to such plunges, except necessity constrain it.
Yet worthy is that person to starve that here cannot live, if he have
sense, strength, and health.
XI.――VISIT OF POCAHANTAS TO LONDON IN 1617.
DURING this time, the Lady Rebecca, alias Pocahontas, daughter to
Powhatan, by the diligent care of Master John Rolfe, her husband,
and his friends, was taught to speak such English as might well be
understood, well instructed in Christianity, and was become very formal
and civil after our English manner. She had also, by him, a child,
which she loved most dearly; and the treasurer and company took order,
both for the maintenance of her and it. Besides, there were divers
persons of great rank and quality had been very kind to her; and,
before she arrived at London, Captain Smith, to deserve her former
courtesies, made her qualities known to the queen’s most excellent
majesty and her court, and wrote a little book to this effect to the
queen, an abstract whereof followeth:――
To the Most High and Virtuous Princess,
Queen Anne of Great Britain.
_Most Admired Queen_,――The love I bear my God, my king and country,
hath so oft emboldened me in the worst of extreme dangers, that
now honesty doth constrain me [to] presume thus far beyond myself
to present your Majesty this short discourse. If ingratitude be a
deadly poison to all honest virtue, I must be guilty of that crime,
if I should omit any means to be thankful. So it is,
That some ten years ago, being in Virginia, and taken prisoner
by the power of Powhatan, their chief king, I received from this
great savage exceeding great courtesy, especially from his son
Nantaquond, the most manliest, comeliest, boldest spirit I ever
saw in a savage, and his sister Pocahontas, the king’s most
dear and well-beloved daughter,――being but a child of twelve or
thirteen years of age, whose compassionate, pitiful heart of my
desperate estate gave me much cause to respect her, I being the
first Christian this proud king and his grim attendants ever saw.
And, thus enthralled in their barbarous power, I cannot say I
felt the least occasion of want that was in the power of those my
mortal foes to prevent, notwithstanding all their threats. After
some six weeks’ fatting amongst those savage courtiers, at the
minute of my execution, she hazarded the beating out of her own
brains to save mine; and not only that, but so prevailed with her
father, that I was safely conducted to Jamestown, where I found
about eight and thirty miserable, poor, and sick creatures, to
keep possession of all those large territories of Virginia. Such
was the weakness of this poor commonwealth, as, had the savages
not fed us, we directly had starved.
Illustration: POCAHANTAS.
And this relief, most gracious Queen, was commonly brought us by
this lady, Pocahontas. Notwithstanding all these passages, when
inconstant fortune turned our peace to war, this tender virgin
would still not spare to dare to visit us, and by her our jars
have been oft appeased, and our wants still supplied. Were it the
policy of her father thus to employ her, or the ordinance of God
thus to make her his instrument, or her extraordinary affection
to our nation, I know not. But of this I am sure; when her father,
with the utmost of his policy and power, sought to surprise me,
having but eighteen with me, the dark night could not affright her
from coming through the irksome woods; and with watered eyes gave
me intelligence, with her best advice to escape his fury, which
had he known, he had surely slain her. Jamestown, with her wild
train, she as freely frequented as her father’s habitation; and,
during the time of two or three years, she, next under God, was
still the instrument to preserve this colony from death, famine,
and utter confusion, which, if in those times, had once been
dissolved, Virginia might have lain as it was at our first arrival
to this day. Since then, this business having been turned and
varied by many accidents from that I left it at, it is most
certain, after a long and troublesome war after my departure,
betwixt her father and our colony, all which time she was not
heard of, about two years after, she herself was taken prisoner,
being so detained near two years longer. The colony by that means
was relieved, peace concluded, and at last, rejecting her
barbarous condition, [she] was married to an English gentleman,
with whom at this present she is in England; the first Christian
ever of that nation, the first Virginian ever spoke English, or
had a child in marriage by an Englishman,――a matter surely, if
my meaning be truly considered and well understood, worthy a
princess’ understanding.
Thus, most gracious lady, I have related to your Majesty, what,
at your best leisure, our approved histories will account you at
large, and done in the time of your Majesty’s life; and, however
this might be presented you from a more worthy pen, it cannot
from a more honest heart. As yet I never begged any thing of the
state, or any; and if my want of ability, and her exceeding desert,
your birth, means, and authority, her birth, virtue, want, and
simplicity, doth make me thus bold, humbly to beseech your Majesty
to take this knowledge of her, though it be from one so unworthy
to be the reporter as myself.... And so I humbly kiss your
gracious hands.
Being about this time preparing to set sail for New England, I
could not stay to do her that service I desired, and she well
deserved; but, hearing she was at Branford with divers of my
friends, I went to see her. After a modest salutation, without
any word, she turned about, obscured her face, as not seeming well
contented; and in that humor her husband, with divers others, we
all left her two or three hours, repenting myself to have written
she could speak English. But not long after, she began to talk,
and remembered me well what courtesies she had done, saying, “You
did promise Powhatan what was yours should be his, and he the like
to you. You called him father, being in his land a stranger, and
by the same reason so must I do you.” Which, though I would have
excused, I durst not allow of that title, because she was a king’s
daughter. With a well-set countenance she said, “Were you not
afraid to come into my father’s country, and caused fear in him
and all his people,――but me,――and fear you here I should call you
father? I tell you, then, I will, and you shall call me child; and
so I will be for ever and ever your countryman. They did tell us
always you were dead; and I knew no other till I came to Plymouth.
Yet Powhatan did command Vetamatomakkin to seek you, and know the
truth, because your countrymen will lie much.”
This savage, one of Powhatan’s council, being amongst them held
an understanding fellow, the king purposely sent him to number
the people here, and inform him well what we were, and our state.
Arriving at Plymouth, according to his directions, he got a long
stick, whereon by notches he did think to have kept the number
of all the men he could see; but he was quickly weary of that
task. Coming to London, where by chance I met him, having renewed
our acquaintance, where many were desirous to hear and see his
behavior, he told me Powhatan did bid him to find me out, to show
him our God, the king, queen, and prince I so much had told them
of. Concerning God I told him the best I could; the king I heard
he had seen; and the rest he should see when he would. He denied
ever to have seen the king, till by circumstances he was satisfied
he had. Then he replied very sadly, “You gave Powhatan a white dog,
which Powhatan fed as himself; but your king gave me nothing, and
I am better than your white dog.”
The small time I staid in London, divers courtiers and others
my acquaintances hath gone with me to see her, that generally
concluded they did think God had a great hand in her conversion;
and they have seen many English ladies worse favored, proportioned,
and behaved. And, as since I have heard, it pleased both the
king’s and queen’s Majesty honorably to esteem her, accompanied
with that honorable lady, the Lady De la Ware, and that honorable
lord, her husband, and divers other persons of good qualities,
both publicly at the masques, and otherwise, to her great
satisfaction and content; which doubtless she would have deserved,
had she lived to arrive in Virginia.
The treasurer, council, and company having well furnished Captain
Samuel Argall, the lady Pocahontas _alias_ Rebecca with her husband
and others, in the good ship called “The George,” it pleased God at
Gravesend to take this young lady to his mercy, where she made not more
sorrow for her unexpected death than joy to the beholders to hear and
see her make so religious and godly an end. Her little child, Thomas
Rolfe, therefore was left at Plymouth with Sir Lewis Stukely that
desired the keeping of it.
XII.――FIRST BUILDINGS OF THE VIRGINIA COLONISTS.
[This description was written by Smith in the last year of his
life,――1631.]
WHEN I went first to Virginia, I well remember we did hang an
awning――which is an old sail――to three or four trees to shadow us from
the sun. Our walls were rails of wood, our seats unhewed trees till we
cut planks, our pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two neighboring trees.
In foul weather we shifted into an old rotten tent, for we had few
better; and this came by the way of adventure[327] for new. This was
our church till we built a homely thing like a barn, set upon crotchets,
covered with rafts, sedge, and earth: so was also the walls. The best
of our houses [were] of the like curiosity,[328] but the most part
far much worse workmanship, that could neither well defend[329] wind
nor rain; yet we had daily common prayer morning and evening, every
Sunday two sermons, and every three months the holy communion, till
our minister died. But our prayers daily, with an homily on Sundays,
we continued two or three years after, till more preachers came....
Notwithstanding, out of the relics of our miseries, time and experience
had brought that country to a great happiness, had they not so much
doted on their tobacco, on whose fumish[330] foundation there is small
stability; there being so many good commodities besides.
XIII.――CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH’S RECOLLECTIONS OF HIS OWN LIFE.
[Also written in the last year of his life,――1631.]
THE wars in Europe, Asia, and Africa, taught me how to subdue the
wild savages in Virginia and New England in America.... Having been a
slave to the Turks, prisoner amongst the most barbarous savages; after
my deliverance commonly discovering and ranging those large rivers
and unknown nations, with such a handful of ignorant companions, that
the wiser sort often gave me for lost; always in mutinies, wants,
and miseries; blown up with gunpowder; a long time prisoner among the
French pirates, from whom escaping in a little boat by myself, and
adrift all such a stormy winter night, when their ships were split,
more than an hundred thousand pound lost, we had taken at sea, and
most of them drowned upon the Isle of Ree,[331] not far from whence
I was driven on shore in my little boat, &c.; and many a score of
the worst of winter months lived in the fields; yet to have lived near
thirty-seven years in the midst of wars, pestilence, and famine, by
which many an hundred thousand have died about me, and scarce five
living of them went first with me to Virginia, and see the fruits of
my labors thus well begin to prosper,――though I have but my labor
for my pains, have I not much reason both privately and publicly
to acknowledge it, and give God thanks, whose omnipotent power only
delivered me to do the utmost of my best to make his name known in
those remote parts of the world, and his loving mercy to such a
miserable sinner?
BOOK XII.
CHAMPLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH.
(A.D. 1609.)
This passage is taken from “Voyages de la Nouvelle France,
par le Sieur de Champlain,” Paris, 1632, as translated in
O’Callaghan’s “Documentary History of the State of New York,”
vol. iii. p. 3.
Parkman gives a full account of Champlain’s adventures, in the
latter half of his “Pioneers of France in the New World,” from
p. 165 onward.
CHAMPLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH.
[This narrative is of great interest, as showing the mode of
early Indian warfare, and the way in which the French at once
modified it by teaching them the use of fire-arms. It also
illustrates the way in which the French explored the interior
of the country, even before the English had colonized the coasts,
thus giving rise to that dispute out of which grew the series
of French and Indian wars. Samuel de Champlain first sailed for
America in 1603, and was the founder and governor of Quebec.]
I LEFT the rapid[332] of the said River of the Iroquois on the 2d of
July (1609). All the savages[333] began carrying their canoes, arms,
and traps over land, about a league and a half, to avoid the current
and force of the rapid. This was quickly effected.
They immediately launched the canoes into the water, two men in each
with their baggage, whilst one of the men went by land about a league
and a half, which was the probable extent of said rapid, though not so
violent as at the foot, except at some points where rocks obstructed
the river, which is no more than three to four hundred paces wide.
After the rapid was passed, though not without trouble, all the Indians
who had gone by land over a pretty good road and level country, though
covered with timber, re-embarked in their canoes. My men were also on
land, and I on the water, in a canoe. They reviewed all their force,
and found twenty four canoes with sixty men. After having completed
their review, we continued our journey as far as an island, three
leagues long, covered with the finest pines I ever beheld. They hunted,
and caught some wild animals there. Passing thence about three leagues
farther on, we camped, in order to rest for the night.
Illustration: CHAMPLAIN.
Forthwith some began to cut down timber, others to pull off bark to
cover lodges to shelter them, others to fell large trees with which
to barricade their lodges on the shore. They know so well how to
construct these barricades, that five hundred of their enemies would
find considerable difficulty in forcing them, in less than two hours,
without great loss. They do not fortify the side of the river along
which their canoes are ranged, so as to be able to embark, should
occasion require.
After they had camped, they despatched three canoes with nine good men,
as is their custom at all their encampments, to reconnoitre within two
or three leagues, if they see any thing; after which they retire. They
depend the whole night on the exploration of the vanguard, which is a
bad habit of theirs; for sometimes their enemies surprise them asleep,
and kill them, without [their] having an opportunity of recovering
their feet to defend themselves.
Remarking that, I remonstrated with them against the error they
committed; told them to watch, as they saw us do, all night, and to
have outposts to spy and see if they could perceive any thing, and not
to live in that style, like cattle. They told me they couldn’t watch,
and that they labored all day hunting. So that, when they go to war,
they divide their force into three: to wit, one party, scattered in
divers places, hunting; another forms the main body, which is always
under arms; and another party as a vanguard, to scout along the river,
and see whether they will not discover some trail or mark indicating
the passage of friends or enemies. This they ascertain by certain marks
the chiefs of one nation give to those of another, which are not always
alike, notifying each other from time to time when they alter any. By
this means, they recognize whether those who have passed are friends or
enemies.
The hunters never hunt in advance of the main body, or the scouts, so
as not to create any alarm or disorder, but in the rear, and in the
direction where they do not apprehend enemies. They thus continue until
they are two or three days’ journey from the foe, when they advance
stealthily by night, all in a body, except the scouts, and retire by
day into the picket-fort, where they repose, without wandering abroad,
making any noise, or building a fire, even for cooking, during that
time, so as not to be discovered, should their enemies happen to pass.
The only fire they make is to smoke. They eat dried Indian meal, which
they steep in water, like porridge. They prepare this meal for use when
they are pinched, and when they are near the enemy, or when retreating.
After these attacks, they do not amuse themselves hunting, retreating
precipitately....
* * * * *
We left next day, continuing our route along the river as far as the
lake.[334] Here are a number of beautiful but low islands, filled with
very fine woods and prairies, a quantity of game and wild animals, such
as stags, deer, fawns, roebucks, bears, and other sorts of animals that
come from the mainland to the said islands. We caught a quantity of
them. There is also quite a number of beavers, as well in the river
as in several other streams which fall into it. These parts, though
agreeable, are not inhabited by any Indians, in consequence of their
wars. They retire from the rivers as far as possible, deep into the
country, in order not to be so soon discovered.
Next day, we entered the lake, which is of considerable extent, some
fifty or sixty leagues, where I saw four beautiful islands, ten, twelve,
and fifteen leagues in length, formerly inhabited, as well as the
Iroquois River, by Indians, but abandoned since they have been at war
the one with the other. Several rivers, also, discharge into the lake,
surrounded by a number of fine trees similar to those we have in France,
with a quantity of vines handsomer than any I ever saw; a great many
chestnuts; and I had not yet seen, except the margin of the lake, where
there is a larger abundance of fish of divers species. Among the rest
there is one called by the Indians of the country _chaousarou_,[335] of
divers lengths. The largest, I was informed by the people, are of eight
to ten feet. I saw one of five, as thick as a thigh, with a head as big
as two fists, with jaws two feet and a half long, and a double set of
very sharp and dangerous teeth. The form of the body resembles that
of the pike; and it is armed with scales that the thrust of a poniard
cannot pierce; and it is of a silver gray-color. The point of the snout
is like that of a hog. This fish makes war on all others in the lakes
and rivers, and possesses, as these people assure, a wonderful instinct;
which is, that, when it wants to catch any birds, it goes among the
rushes or reeds bordering the lake in many places, keeping the beak
out of the water without budging; so that when birds perch on the beak,
imagining it a limb of a tree, it is so subtle, that, closing the jaws
which it keeps half open, it draws the birds under water by the feet.
The Indians gave me a head of it, which they prize highly, saying, when
they have a headache, they let blood with the teeth of this fish at the
seat of the pain, which immediately goes away.
Continuing our route along the west side of the lake, contemplating
the country, I saw on the east side very high mountains capped with
snow. I asked the Indians if those parts were inhabited. They answered
me yes, and that they were Iroquois, and that there were in those parts
beautiful valleys, and fields fertile in corn as good as I had ever
eaten in the country, with an infinitude of other fruits; and that
the lake extended close to the mountains, which were, according to my
judgment, fifteen leagues from us. I saw others to the south, not less
high than the former; only that they were without snow. The Indians
told me it was there we were to go to meet their enemies, and that
they were thickly inhabited, and that we must pass by a waterfall,[336]
which I afterwards saw, and thence enter another lake[337] three or
four leagues long; and, having arrived at its head, there were four
leagues overland to be travelled to pass to a river[338] which flows
towards the coast of the Almouchiquois, tending towards that of the
Almouchiquois,[339] and they were only two days going there in their
canoes, as I understood since from some prisoners we took, who, by
means of some Algonquin interpreters who were acquainted with the
Iroquois language, conversed freely with me about all they had noticed.
Now, on coming within about two or three days’ journey of the enemy’s
quarters, we travelled only by night, and rested by day. Nevertheless,
they never omitted their usual superstitions to ascertain whether
their enterprise would be successful, and often asked me whether I had
dreamed, and seen their enemies. I answered No, and encouraged them,
and gave them good hopes. Night fell, and we continued our journey
until morning, when we withdrew into the picket-fort to pass the
remainder of the day there. About ten or eleven o’clock, I lay down,
after having walked some time around our quarters; and, falling asleep,
I thought I beheld our enemies, the Iroquois, drowning within sight of
us in the lake near a mountain; and being desirous to save them, that
our savage allies told me that I must let them all perish, as they were
good for nothing. On awaking, they did not omit, as usual, to ask me
if I had any dream. I did tell them, in fact, what I had dreamed. It
gained such credit among them, that they no longer doubted but they
should meet with success.
At nightfall we embarked in our canoes to continue our journey, and, as
we advanced very softly and noiselessly, we encountered a war-party of
Iroquois, on the 29th of the month, about ten o’clock at night, at the
point of a cape which juts into the lake on the west side. They and we
began to shout, each seizing his arms. We withdrew towards the water;
and the Iroquois repaired on shore, and arranged all their canoes, the
one Beside the other, and began to hew down trees with villanous axes
which they sometimes got in war, and other of stone, and fortified
themselves very securely. Our party likewise kept their canoes arranged,
the one alongside the other, tied to poles so as not to run adrift, in
order to fight all together, should need be. We were on the water about
an arrow-shot from their barricades.
When they were armed and in order, they sent two canoes from the fleet,
to know if their enemies wished to fight; who answered they desired
nothing else, but that just then there was not much light, and that we
must wait for day to distinguish each other, and that they would give
us battle at sunrise. This was agreed to by our party. Meanwhile the
whole night was spent in dancing and singing, as well on one side as on
the other, mingled with an infinitude of insults and other taunts; such
as the little courage they had, how powerless their resistance against
their arms, and, that when day would break, they should experience
this to their ruin. Ours, likewise, did not fail in repartee, telling
they should witness the effect of arms they had never seen before;
and a multitude of other speeches, as is usual at a siege of a town.
After the one and the other had sung, danced, and parliamented[340]
enough, day broke. My companions and I were always concealed, for fear
the enemy should see us preparing our arms the best we could, being,
however, separated, each in one of the canoes belonging to the savage
_Montagnars_.[341]
After being equipped with light armor, we took each an arquebuse, and
went ashore. I saw the enemy leave their barricade. They were about two
hundred men, of strong and robust appearance, who were coming slowly
toward us, with a gravity and assurance which greatly pleased me, led
on by three chiefs. Ours were marching in similar order, and told me
that those who bore three lofty plumes were the chiefs, and that there
were but these three, and they were to be recognized by those plumes,
which were considerably larger than those of their companions, and that
I must do all I could to kill them. I promised to do what I could, and
that I was very sorry they could not clearly understand me, so as to
give them the order and plan of attacking their enemies, as we should
indubitably defeat them all,――but there was no help for that,――that I
was very glad to encourage them, and to manifest to them my good-will
when we should be engaged.
Illustration: CHAMPLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH.
The moment we landed, they began to run about two hundred paces towards
their enemies, who stood firm, and had not yet perceived my companions,
who went into the bush with some savages. Ours commenced calling me
in a loud voice, and, making way for me, opened in two, and placed
me at their head, marching about twenty paces in advance, until I was
within thirty paces of the enemy. The moment they saw me, they halted,
gazing at me, and I at them. When I saw them preparing to shoot at
us, I raised my arquebuse, and, aiming directly at one of the three
chiefs, two of them fell to the ground by this shot, and one of their
companions received a wound of which he died afterwards. I had put four
balls in my arquebuse. Ours, on witnessing a shot so favorable for them,
set up such tremendous shouts, that thunder could not have been heard;
and yet there was no lack of arrows on one side and the other.
The Iroquois were greatly astonished, seeing two men killed so
instantaneously, notwithstanding they were provided with arrow-proof
armor, woven of cotton thread and wood: this frightened them very much.
Whilst I was reloading, one of my companions in the bush fired a shot,
which so astonished them anew, seeing their chiefs slain, that they
lost courage, took to flight, and abandoned the field and their fort,
hiding themselves in the depths of the forest, whither pursuing them,
I killed some others. Our savages also killed several of them, and took
ten or twelve prisoners. The rest carried off the wounded. Fifteen or
sixteen of ours were wounded by arrows: they were promptly cured.
After having gained the victory, they amused themselves plundering
Indian corn and meal from the enemy, also their arms which they had
thrown away in order to run better. And having feasted, danced, and
sung, we returned three hours afterwards with the prisoners.
The place where this battle was fought is in forty-three degrees some
minutes latitude; and I named it Lake Champlain.
BOOK XIII.
HENRY HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS.
(A.D. 1609‒1626.)
The extracts relating to Henry Hudson are reprinted from a
very valuable book, containing many original documents in
regard to him, and entitled “Henry Hudson the Navigator. The
original documents in which his career is recorded ... with an
Introduction by G. M. Asher, LL.D.” London, Hakluyt Society,
1859, pp. 77‒93, 174‒179, 117‒123. The same narratives may be
found in Purchas’s Pilgrims, vol. iii.
There is a Life of Henry Hudson by Henry R. Cleveland in
Sparks’s “American Biography,” vol. x. Brodhead’s “History of
New York” and O’Callaghan’s “History of New Netherlands” also
contain much information concerning him.
To show the result of Hudson’s discoveries, I give also a
series of extracts from early Dutch chronicles, describing in
quaint language the first founding of the New Netherlands. It
is translated from Wassenaer’s “Historie van Europa” (Amsterdam,
1621‒1632), and is taken from O’Callaghan’s “Documentary History
of the State of New York,” vol. iii. pp. 27‒28, 42‒44.
HENRY HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS.
I.――DISCOVERY OF THE HUDSON RIVER.
[Hudson sailed from Amsterdam, on his third voyage, March 25,
1609. These extracts are from the diary of Robert Juet, one of
his men, beginning on the day when they saw Sandy Hook, at the
entrance of what is now New York harbor, Sept. 2, 1609.]
THEN the sun arose, and we steered away north again, and saw the land
from the west by north, to the north-west by north, all like broken
islands;[342] and our soundings were eleven and ten fathoms.[343] Then
we luffed[344] in for the shore, and fair by the shore we had seven
fathoms. The course along the land we found to be north-east by north
from the land which we had first sight of, until we came to a great
lake of water, as we could judge it to be, being drowned land,[345]
which made it to rise like islands, which was in length ten leagues.
The mouth of that land hath many shoals, and the sea breaketh on them
as it is cast out of the mouth of it. And from that lake or bay, the
land lieth north by east, and we had a great stream out of the bay; and
from thence our sounding was ten fathoms two leagues from the land....
The 3d [September] the morning misty until ten of the clock; then it
cleared, and the wind came to the south south-east: so we weighed, and
stood to the northward. The land is very pleasant and high, and bold to
fall withal.[346]
At three of the clock in the afternoon we came to three great rivers.
So we stood along to the northernmost, thinking to have gone into it;
but we found it to have a very shoal bar before it, for we had but ten
foot water. Then we cast about to the southward, and found two fathoms,
three fathoms, and three and a quarter, till we came to the souther
side of them; then we had five and six fathoms, and anchored. So we
sent in our boat to sound; and they found no less water than four,
five, six, and seven fathoms, and returned in an hour and a half. So
we weighed and went in, and rode in five fathoms, ooze ground, and saw
salmons and mullets, and rays very great. The height[347] is 40° 30′.
The 4th, in the morning, as soon as the day was light, we saw that
it was good riding[348] farther up. So we sent our boat to sound, and
found that it was a very good harbor, and four and five fathoms two
cables’ length from the shore. Then we weighed, and went in with our
ship. Then our boat went on[349] land with our net to fish, and caught
ten great mullets of a foot and a half long apiece, and a ray as great
as four men could haul into the ship. So we trimmed our boat, and rode
still all day. At night, the wind blew hard at the north-west, and our
anchor came home;[350] and we drove on shore, but took no hurt, thanked
be God! for the ground is soft sand and ooze. This day the people of
the country came aboard of us, seeming very glad of our coming, and
brought green tobacco, and gave us of it for knives and beads. They go
in deerskins, loose, well dressed. They have yellow copper. They desire
clothes, and are very civil. They have great stores of maize or Indian
wheat, whereof they make good bread. The country is full of great and
tall oaks.
The 5th in the morning, as soon as the day was light, the wind ceased,
and the flood[351] came. So we heaved off our ship again into five
fathoms water, and sent our boat to sound the bay; and we found that
there was three fathoms [depth] hard by the souther shore. Our men
went on land there, and saw great store of men, women, and children,
who gave them tobacco at their coming on land. So they went up into
the woods, and saw great store of very goodly oaks, and some currants.
For one of them came aboard, and brought some dried, and gave me some,
which were sweet and good. This day many of the people came aboard,
some in mantles of feathers, and some in skins of divers sorts of
good furs. Some women also came to us with hemp. They had red copper
tobacco-pipes; and other things of copper they did wear about their
necks. At night they went on land again: so we rode very quiet, but
durst not trust them.
The 6th in the morning was fair weather; and our master sent John
Colman with four other men in our boat, over to the north side to
sound the other river, being four leagues from us. They found by the
way shoal water, two fathoms, but at the north of the river eighteen
and twenty fathoms, and very good riding for ships, and a narrow river
to the westward between two islands. The lands, they told us, were as
pleasant with grass and flowers and goodly trees as ever they had seen,
and very sweet smells came from them. So they went in two leagues, and
saw an open sea, and returned; and, as they came back, they were set
upon by two canoes, the one having twelve, the other fourteen men. The
night came on, and it began to rain, so that their match[352] went out;
and they had one man slain in the fight,――which was an Englishman named
John Colman,――with an arrow shot into his throat, and two more hurt. It
grew so dark, that they could not find the ship that night, but labored
to and fro on their oars. They had so great a stream, that their
grapnel[353] would not hold them.
The 7th was fair, and by ten of the clock they returned aboard the
ship, and brought our dead man with them, whom we carried on land, and
buried, and named the point after his name, Colman’s Point. Then we
hoisted in our boat, and raised her side with waste-boards for defence
of our men. So we rode still all night, having good regard to our watch.
The 8th was very fair weather: we rode still very quietly. The people
came aboard us, and brought tobacco and Indian wheat, to exchange for
knives and beads, and offered us no violence. So we, fitting up our
boat, did mark[354] them to see if they would make any show[355] of the
death of our man; which they did not.
The 9th, fair weather. In the morning two great canoes came aboard,
full of men,――the one with their bows and arrows, and the other in show
of buying of knives, to betray us; but we perceived their intent. We
took two of them to have kept them, and put red coats on them, and
would not suffer the other to come near us. So they went on land; and
two other came aboard in a canoe. We took the one, and let the other go;
but he which we had taken got up, and leaped overboard. Then we weighed,
and went off into the channel of the river, and anchored there all
night....
The 12th, very fair and hot. In the afternoon, at two of the clock,
we weighed, the wind being variable between the north and north-west.
So we turned into the river two leagues, and anchored. This morning,
at our first ride in the river, there came eight and twenty canoes full
of men, women, and children, to betray us; but we saw their intent, and
suffered none of them to come aboard of us. At twelve of the clock they
departed. They brought with them oysters and beans, whereof we bought
some. They have great tobacco-pipes of yellow copper, and pots of earth
to dress their meat in....
The 15th, in the morning, was misty, until the sun arose; then it
cleared. So we weighed with the wind at south, and ran up into the
river twenty leagues, passing by high mountains. We had a very good
depth, as six, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, and thirteen fathoms,
and great store of salmons in the river. This morning our two savages
got out of a port, and swam away. After we were under sail, they called
to us in scorn. At night we came to other mountains, which lie from
the river’s side. There we found very loving people, and very old men,
where we were well used. Our boat went to fish, and caught great store
of very good fish.
The 20th, in the morning, was fair weather. Our master’s mate, with
four men more, went up with our boat to sound the river, and found, two
leagues above us, but two fathoms water, and the channel very narrow,
and, above that place, seven or eight fathoms. Toward night they
returned; and we rode still all night. The one and twentieth was fair
weather, and the wind all southerly. We determined yet once more to go
farther up into the river to try what depth and breadth it did bear;
but much people resorted aboard, so we went not this day. Our carpenter
went on land, and made a fore-yard. And our master and his mate
determined to try some of the chief men of the country, whether they
had any treachery in them. So they took them down into the cabin, and
gave them so much wine and _aqua vitæ_[356] that they were all merry.
And one of them had his wife with him, which sat so modestly as any of
our countrywomen would do in a strange place. In the end, one of them
was drunk, which had been aboard of our ship all the time that we had
been there; and that was strange to them; for they could not tell how
to take it. The canoes and folk went all on shore; but some of them
came again, and brought strops[357] of beads,――some had six, seven,
eight, nine, ten,――and gave him: so he slept all night quietly.
Illustration: HUDSON IN THE HIGHLANDS.
The two and twentieth was fair weather. In the morning our master’s
mate and four more of the company went up with our boat to sound the
river higher up. The people of the country came not aboard till noon;
but when they came, and saw the savages well, they were glad. So at
three of the clock in the afternoon, they came aboard, and brought
tobacco and more beads, and gave them to our master, and made an
oration, and showed him all the country round about. Then they sent one
of their company on land, who presently returned, and brought a great
platter full of venison, dressed by themselves; and they caused him
to eat with them: then they made him reverence, and departed, all save
the old man that lay aboard. This night, at ten of the clock, our boat
returned in a shower of rain, from sounding of the river, and found it
to be at an end for shipping to go in; for they had been up eight or
nine leagues, and found but seven foot water, and inconstant soundings.
The four and twentieth was fair weather, the wind at the north-west.
We weighed [anchor], and went down the river seven or eight leagues;
and at half ebb we came aground on a bank of ooze in the middle of the
river, and sat[358] there till the flood. Then we went on land, and
gathered good store of chestnuts.[359] At ten of the clock we came off
into deep water, and anchored....
The six and twentieth was fair weather, and the wind at south a stiff
gale. We rode still. In the morning, our carpenter went on land with
our master’s mate, and four more of our company, to cut wood. This
morning, two canoes came up the river from the place where we first
found loving people; and in one of them was the old man that had lain
aboard of us at the other place. He brought another old man with him,
which brought more strops of beads, and gave them to our master, and
showed him all the country thereabout as though it were at his command.
So he made the two old men dine with him, and the old man’s wife; for
they brought two old women, and two young maidens of the age of sixteen
or seventeen years, with them, who behaved themselves very modestly.
Our master gave one of the old men a knife; and they gave him and us
tobacco. And at one of the clock they departed down the river, making
signs that we should come down to them; for we were within two leagues
of the place where they dwelt....
The 1st of October, fair weather, the wind variable between the west
and the north. In the morning we weighed at seven of the clock with the
ebb, and got down below the mountains, which was seven leagues. Then
it fell calm, and the flood was come, and we anchored at twelve of the
clock. The people of the mountains came aboard us, wondering at our
ship and weapons. We bought some small skins of them for trifles. This
afternoon, one canoe kept hanging under our stern with one man in it,
which we could not keep from thence, who got up by our rudder to the
cabin-window, and stole out my pillow, two shirts, and two bandoleers.
Our master’s mate shot at him, and struck him on the breast, and killed
him. Whereupon all the rest fled away, some in their canoes, and so
leaped out of them into the water. We manned our boat, and got our
things again. Then one of them that swam got hold of our boat, thinking
to overthrow it. But our cook took a sword, and cut off one of his
hands, and he was drowned. By this time the ebb was come, and we
weighed and got down two leagues. By that time it was dark. So we
anchored in four fathoms water, and rode well....
Illustration: INDIANS ON BOARD THE HALF-MOON.
The 4th was fair weather, and the wind at north north-west. We weighed,
and came out of the river, into which we had run so far....
By twelve of the clock we were clear of all the inlet. Then we took in
our boat, and set our mainsail and spritsail and topsails, and steered
away east south-east and south-east by east, off into the main sea....
We continued our course toward England, without seeing any land by the
way, all the rest of this month of October; and on the seventh day of
November, _stilo novo_,[360] being Saturday, by the grace of God we
safely arrived in the range of Dartmouth, in Devonshire, in the year
1609.
II.――INDIAN TRADITIONS OF HENRY HUDSON’S ARRIVAL.
[The following narrative was written in 1801, by Rev. John
Heckewelder, for many years a missionary among the Indians;
the traditions having been told to him, as he says, forty years
earlier, that is, about 1761, a century and a half after the
coming of Hudson.]
THE following account of the first arrival of Europeans at New York
Island is verbatim as it was related to me by aged and respected
Delawares, Monseys, and Mahicanni (otherwise called Mohegans,
Mahicandus), near forty years ago. It is copied from notes and
manuscripts taken on the spot. They say,――
A long time ago, when there was no such thing known to the Indians as
people with a white skin,――their expression,――some Indians who had been
out a-fishing, and where the sea widens, espied at a great distance
something remarkably large, swimming or floating on the water, and such
as they had never seen before. They, immediately returning to the shore,
apprised their countrymen of what they had seen, and pressed them to
go out with them, and discover what it might be. These together hurried
out, and saw, to their great surprise, the phenomenon, but could not
agree what it might be; some concluding it to be an uncommon large
fish or other animal, while others were of opinion it must be some very
large house. It was at length agreed among those who were spectators,
that as this phenomenon moved towards the land,――whether or not it
was an animal, or any thing that had life in it,――it would be well to
inform all the Indians on the inhabited islands of what they had seen,
and put them on their guard.
Accordingly, they sent runners and watermen off to carry the news to
their scattered chiefs, that these might send off in every direction
for the warriors to come in. These arriving in numbers, and themselves
viewing the strange appearance, and that it was actually moving
towards them,――the entrance of the river or bay,――concluded it to
be a large canoe or house, in which the _Mannitto_ (great or supreme
Being) himself was, and that he probably was coming to visit them.
By this time the chiefs of the different tribes were assembled on
York Island, and were deliberating on the manner they should receive
their _Mannitto_ on his arrival. Every step had been taken to be well
provided with plenty of meat for a sacrifice. The women were required
to prepare the best of victuals; idols or images were examined, and put
in order; and a great dance was supposed not only to be an agreeable
entertainment for the _Mannitto_, but might, with the addition of a
sacrifice, contribute towards appeasing him, in case he was angry with
them. The conjurers were also set to work to determine what the meaning
of this phenomenon was, and what the result would be. Both to these,
and to the chiefs and wise men of the nation, men, women, and children
were looking up for advice and protection. Between hope and fear, and
in confusion, a dance commenced.
While in this situation, fresh runners arrive, declaring it a house
of various colors, and crowded with living creatures. It now appears
to be certain that it is the great _Mannitto_ bringing them some kind
of game, such as they had not before; but other runners, soon after
arriving, declare it a large house of various colors, full of people,
yet of quite a different color than they――the Indians――are of; that
they were also dressed in a different manner from them, and that one
in particular appeared altogether red, which must be the _Mannitto_
himself.
They are soon hailed from the vessel, though in a language they do not
understand; yet they shout――or yell――in their way. Many are for running
off to the woods, but are pressed by others to stay in order not to
give offence to their visitors, who could find them out, and might
destroy them. The house――or large canoe, as some will have it――stops,
and a smaller canoe comes ashore with the red man and some others in
it: some stay by this canoe to guard it. The chiefs and wise men (or
councillors) have composed a large circle, unto which the red-clothed
man with two others approach. He salutes them with friendly countenance;
and they return the salute, after their manner. They are lost in
admiration, both as to the color of the skin of these whites, as also
to their manner of dress, yet most as to the habit of him who wore
the red clothes, which shone with something they could not account
for. He must be the great _Mannitto_ (supreme Being), they think; but
why should he have a white skin?
A large _hockhack_[361] is brought forward by one of the (supposed)
_Mannitto’s_ servants, and from this a substance is poured out into
a small cup (or glass), and handed to the _Mannitto_. The (expected)
_Mannitto_ drinks, has the glass filled again, and hands it to the
chief next to him to drink. The chief receives the glass, but only
smelleth at it, and passes it on to the next chief, who does the same.
The glass thus passes through the circle without its contents being
tasted by any one, and is on the point of being returned again to
the red-clothed man, when one of their number, a spirited man and
great warrior, jumps up, harangues the assembly on the impropriety of
returning the glass with the contents in it; that the same was handed
them by the _Mannitto_ in order that they should drink it, as he
himself had done before them; that this would please him, but to return
what he had given to them might provoke him, and be the cause of their
being destroyed by him; and that since he believed it for the good of
the nation that the contents offered them should be drunk, and as no
one was willing to drink it, he would, let the consequences be what it
would; and that it was better for one man to die than a whole nation to
be destroyed.
He then took the glass, and, bidding the assembly farewell, drank it
off. Every eye was fixed on their resolute companion, to see what an
effect this would have upon him; and he soon beginning to stagger about,
and at last dropping to the ground, they bemoan him. He falls into a
sleep, and they view him as expiring. He awakes again, jumps up, and
declares that he never felt himself before so happy as after he had
drank the cup; wishes for more. His wish is granted; and the whole
assembly soon join him, and become intoxicated.
After this general intoxication had ceased,――during which time the
whites had confined themselves to their vessel,――the man with the red
clothes returned again to them, and distributed presents among them;
to wit, beads, axes, hoes, stockings, &c. They say that they had become
familiar to each other, and were made to understand by signs that they
now would return home, but would visit them next year again, when they
would bring them more presents, and stay with them a while; but that,
as they could not live without eating, they should then want a little
land of them to sow seeds, in order to raise herbs to put in their
broth. That the vessel arrived the season following, and they were much
rejoiced at seeing each other; but that the whites laughed at them,
[the Indians,] seeing they knew not the use of the axes, hoes, &c.,
they had given them; they having had these hanging to their breasts as
ornaments; and the stockings they had made use of as tobacco-pouches.
The whites now put handles (or helves) in the former, and cut trees
down before their eyes, and dug the ground, and showed them the use of
their stockings. Here――say they――a general laugh ensued among them [the
Indians] that they had remained for so long a time ignorant of the use
of so valuable implements; and had borne with the weight of such heavy
metal hanging to their necks for such a length of time.
They took every white man they saw for a _Mannitto_, yet inferior and
attendant to the supreme _Mannitto_; to wit, to the one which wore the
red and laced clothes. Familiarity daily increasing between them and
the whites, the latter now proposed to stay with them, asking them only
for so much land as the hide of a bullock would cover (or encompass),
which hide was brought forward, and spread on the ground before them.
That they readily granted this request; whereupon the whites took a
knife, and, beginning at one place on this hide, cut it into a rope not
thicker than the finger of a little child, so that, by the time this
hide was cut up, there was a great heap. That this rope was drawn out
to a great distance, and then brought around again, so that both ends
might meet. That they carefully avoided its breaking, and that upon the
whole it encompassed a large piece of ground. That they [the Indians]
were surprised at the superior wit of the whites, but did not wish to
contend with them about a little land, as they had enough.
That they and the whites lived for a long time contentedly together,
although these asked from time to time more land of them; and,
proceeding higher up the _Mahicanittuk_ (Hudson River), they believed
they would soon want all their country, and which at this time was
already the case.
III.――THE LAST VOYAGE OF HENRY HUDSON, AND HOW HE WAS
SET ADRIFT IN THE ICE BY HIS MEN.
[Hudson had discovered the bay which bears his name, and spent
all winter amid the ice, remaining into the spring, until his
provisions were about out, and his crew grew mutinous. One
of the crew, Abacuk or Habaccuk Prickett, thus describes what
followed.]
BEING thus in the ice, on Saturday, the one and twentieth of June,[362]
at night, Wilson the boatswain, and Henry Greene, came to me, lying in
my cabin, lame, and told me that they and the rest of their associates
would shift[363] the company, and turn the master and all the sick
men into the shallop, and let them shift for themselves; for there
was not fourteen days’ victuals left for all the company. At that poor
allowance they were at, and that there they lay, the master not caring
to go one way or other; and that they had not eaten any thing these
three days, and therefore were resolute, either to mend or end; and
what they had begun they would go through with it, or die. When I heard
this, I told them I marvelled to hear so much from them, considering
that they were married men, and had wives and children; and that, for
their sakes, they should not commit so foul a thing in the sight of God
and man as that would be: for why should they banish themselves from
their native country? Henry Greene bade me hold my peace, for he knew
the worst, which was, to be hanged when he came home; and therefore,
of the two, he would rather be hanged at home than starved abroad; and,
for the good-will they bare me, they would have me stay in the ship.
I gave them thanks, and told them I came into her, not to forsake her,
yet not to hurt myself and others by any such deed. Henry Greene told
me then that I must take my fortune in the shallop. “If there be no
remedy,” said I, “the will of God be done.”
Away went Henry Greene in a rage, swearing to cut his throat that went
about to disturb them, and left Wilson by me, with whom I had some talk,
but to no good; for he was so persuaded that there was no remedy now
but to go on while it was hot,[364] lest their party should fail them,
and the mischief they intended to others should light on themselves.
Henry Greene came again, and demanded of him what I said. Wilson
answered, “He is in his old song, still patient.” Then I spake to
Henry Greene to stay three days, in which time I would so deal with the
master that all should be well. So I dealt with him to forbear but two
days, nay, twelve hours. “There is no way, then,” say they, “but out
of hand.”[365] Then I told them, that, if they would stay till Monday,
I would join with them to share all the victuals in the ship, and would
justify it when I came home; but this would not serve their terms.
Wherefore I told them it was some worse matter they had in hand than
they made show of, and that it was blood and revenge he[366] sought, or
else he would not at such a time of night undertake such a deed. Henry
Greene, with that, taketh my Bible, which lay before me, and sware that
he would do no man harm, and what he did was for the good of the voyage,
and for nothing else; and that all the rest should do the like. The
like did Wilson swear.
Henry Greene went his way; and presently came Juet,[367] who, because
he was an ancient man, I hoped to have found some reason in him. But he
was worse than Henry Greene; for he sware plainly that he would justify
this deed when he came home. After him came John Thomas and Michael
Perce, as birds of one feather; but, because they are not living, I
will let them go, as then I did. Then came Moter and Bennet, of whom
I demanded if they were well advised what they had taken in hand. They
answered they were, and therefore came to take their oath.
Now, because I am much condemned for this oath, as one of them that
plotted with them, and that by an oath I should bind them together to
perform what they had begun, I thought good here to set down to the
view of all, how well their oath and deeds agreed. And thus it was:
“You shall swear truth to God, your prince, and country: you shall do
nothing but to the glory of God, and the good of the action in hand,
and harm to no man.” This was the oath without adding or diminishing. I
looked for more of these companions, although these were too many; but
there came no more. It was dark, and they in a readiness to put this
deed of darkness in execution. I called to Henry Greene and Wilson, and
prayed them not to go in hand with it in the dark, but to stay till the
morning. Now every man, I hope, would go to his rest; but wickedness
sleepeth not. For Henry Greene keepeth the master company all night,
and gave me bread which his cabin-mate gave him; and others [were] as
watchful as he.
Then I asked Henry Greene whom he would put out with the master. He
said, the carpenter, John King, and the sick men. I said they should
not do well to part with the carpenter, what need soever they should
have. Why the carpenter was in no more regard amongst them was,
first, for that he and John King were condemned for wrong done in the
victual.[368] But the chiefest cause was for that the master loved
him, and made him his mate, upon his return out of our wintering place,
thereby displacing Robert Billet; whereat they did grudge, because he
could neither write nor read. “And therefore,” said they, “the master
and his ignorant mate would carry the ship whither the master pleased;”
the master forbidding any man to keep account or reckoning, having
taken from all men whatsoever served for that purpose. Well, I obtained
of Henry Greene and Wilson that the carpenter should stay, by whose
means I hoped, after they had satisfied themselves, that the master and
the poor man might be taken into the ship again. Or I hoped that some
one or other would give some notice, either to the carpenter, John King,
or the master; for so it might have come to pass by some of them that
were the most forward....
In the mean time, Henry Greene and another went to the carpenter, and
held him with a talk till the master[369] came out of his cabin, which
he soon did; then came John Thomas and Bennet before him, while Wilson
bound his arms behind him. He asked them what they meant. They told
him he should know when he was in the shallop. Now Juet, while this
was a-doing, came to John King into the hold, who was provided for him;
for he had got a sword of his own, and kept him at a bay, and might
have killed him; but others came to help him: and so he came up to the
master. The master called to the carpenter, and told him that he was
bound; but I heard no answer he made. Now Arnold Lodlo and Michael Bute
railed at them, and told them their knavery would show itself. Then was
the shallop hauled up to the ship-side; and the poor, sick, and lame
men were called upon to get them out of their cabins into the shallop.
The master called to me, who came out of my cabin as well as I could,
to the hatchway, to speak with him, where, on my knees, I besought them,
for the love of God, to remember themselves, and to do as they would be
done unto. They bade me keep myself well, and get me into my cabin, not
suffering the master to speak with me. But when I came into my cabin
again, he called to me at the horn[370] which gave light into my cabin,
and told me that Juet would overthrow us all. “Nay,” said I, “it is
that villain Henry Greene;” and I spake it not softly.
Now was the carpenter at liberty, who asked them if they would be
hanged when they came home. And as for himself, he said he would not
stay in the ship, unless they would force him. They bade him go then;
for they would not stay him. “I will,” said he, “so I may have my chest
with me, and all that is in it.” They said he should; and presently
they put it into the shallop. Then he came down to me to take his leave
of me, who persuaded him to stay, which if he did, he might so work
that all should be well. He said he did not think but they would be
glad to take them in again; for he was so persuaded by the master, that
there was not one in all the ship could tell how to carry her home.
“But,” saith he, “if we must part,”――which we will not willingly do,
for they would follow the ship,――he prayed me, if we came to the capes
before them[371] that I would leave some token that we had been there,
near to the place where the fowls bred, and he would do the like for
us; and so, with tears, we parted. Now were the sick men driven out of
their cabins into the shallop. But John Thomas was Francis Clement’s
friend, and Bennet was the cooper’s: so there were words between
them and Henry Greene,――one saying that they should go, and the other
swearing that they should not go, but such as were in the shallop
should return. When Henry Greene heard that, he was compelled to give
place, and to put out Arnold Lodlo and Michael Bute, which with much
ado they did.
In the mean time, there were some of them that plied their work as if
the ship had been entered by force, and they had free leave to pillage,
breaking up chests, and rifling all places. One of them came by me, who
asked me what they should do. I answered, he should make an end of what
he had begun; for I saw him do nothing but shark[372] up and down. Now
were all the poor men in the shallop, whose names are as followeth:
Henry Hudson, John Hudson, Arnold Lodlo, Sidrack Faner, Philip Staffe,
Thomas Woodhouse or Wydhouse, Adam Moore, Henry King, Michael Bute. The
carpenter got of them a piece,[373] and powder and shot, and some pikes,
an iron pot, with some meal, and other things. They stood out of the
ice, the shallop being fast to the stern of the ship; and so, when they
were nigh out, for I cannot say they were clean out, they[374] cut her
head fast from the stern of our ship, then out with their topsails,
and towards the east they stood in a clear sea. In the end, they took
in their topsails, righted their helm, and lay under their foresail
till they had ransacked and searched all places in the ship. In the
hold, they found one of the vessels of meal whole, and the other half
spent; for we had but two. We found also two firkins of butter, some
twenty-seven pieces of pork, half a bushel of peas; but in the master’s
cabin we found two hundred of biscuit cakes, a peck of meal, of beer
to the quantity of a butt, one with another. Now it was said that the
shallop was come within sight, they let fall the mainsail, and out with
their topsails, and fly as from an enemy.
Then I prayed them yet to remember themselves; but William Wilson――more
than the rest――would hear of no such matter.
[This is all that is known of the fate of Henry Hudson. These
events are supposed to have occurred near the south-east corner
of James Bay. The narrative goes on to describe the terrible
hardships endured by the mutinous crew, during which, Robert
Juet and others died of starvation. The survivors reached
Plymouth, England, in September, 1611.]
IV.――THE DUTCH SETTLEMENT OF THE NEW NETHERLANDS.
[From early Dutch Chronicles.]
[1624.] NUMEROUS voyages realize so much profit for adventurers, that
they discover other countries, which they afterwards settle and plant.
Virginia, a country lying in 42½°[375] is one of these. It was first
peopled by the French, afterwards by the English, and is today a
flourishing colony. The Lords States General[376] observing the great
abundance of their people, as well as their desire to plant other
lands, allowed the West India Company to settle that same country. Many
from the United Colonies did formerly, and do still, trade there. Yea,
for the greater security of the traders, a castle――Fort Nassau――had
been built on an island in 42° on the north side of the River Montagne,
now called Mauritius.[377] But as the natives there were somewhat
discontented, and not easily managed, the projectors abandoned it,
intending now to plant a colony among the Maikans, a nation lying
twenty five miles[378] on both sides of the river upwards.
This river, or the bay, lies in 40°, running well in; being as broad or
wide as the Thames, and navigable full fifty miles up, through divers
nations, who sometimes manifest themselves with arrows, like enemies,
sometimes like friends; but when they had seen the ships once or twice,
or traded with our people, they became altogether friendly....
This country, now called New Netherland, is usually reached in seven
or eight weeks from here. The course lies towards the Canary Islands,
thence to the Indian Islands, then towards the mainland of Virginia,
steering right across, leaving in fourteen days the Bahamas on the left,
and the Bermudas on the right hand, where the winds are variable with
which the land is made....
[1626.] In our preceding treatise, we made mention of New Netherland
and its colony, planted by the West India Company, situate in Virginia
on the river, called by the French Montagne, and by us Mauritius,
and that some families were sent thither, which now increased to
two hundred souls; and afterwards some ships,――one with horses, the
other with cows, and the third hay. Two months afterwards, a fleet
was equipped carrying sheep, hogs, wagons, ploughs, and all other
implements of husbandry.
These cattle were, on their arrival, first landed on Nut Island, three
miles up the river, where they remained a day or two. There being no
means of pasturing them there, they were shipped in sloops and boats
to the Manhates,[379] right opposite said island. Being put out to
pasture here, they throve well; but afterwards full twenty in all
died. The cause of this was that they had eaten something bad from
an uncultivated soil. But they went in the middle of September on new
grass, as good and as long as could be desired.
The colony was planted at this time on the Manhates, where a fort was
staked out by Master Kryn Frederycke, an engineer. It will be of large
dimensions. The ship which has returned home this month [November]
brings samples of all the different sorts of produce there. The cargo
consists of 7,246 beavers, 675 otter-skins, 48 minx, 36 wildcat, and
various other sorts; several pieces of oak timber and hickory.
The counting-house there is kept in a stone building, thatched with
reed: the other houses are of the bark of trees. Each has his own house.
The director and koopman[380] live together. There are thirty ordinary
houses on the east side of the river, which runs nearly north and south.
The Honorable Pieter Minuit is director there at present; Jan Lempo,
sheriff; Sebastiaen Jansz Crol and Jan Huyck, comforters of the sick,
who, whilst awaiting a clergyman, read to the commonalty there on
Sundays, from texts of Scripture with the comment. François Molemaecker
is busy building a horse-mill, over which shall be constructed a
spacious room, sufficient to accommodate a large congregation; and then
a tower is to be erected, where the bells brought from Porto Rico will
be hung.
The Council there administered justice in criminal matters as far
as imposing fines, but not as far as capital punishment. Should it
happen that any one deserves that, he must be sent to Holland with his
sentence.... There is another there who fills no public office: he is
busy about his own affairs. Men work there as in Holland: one trades
upwards, southwards, and northwards; another builds houses; the third
farms. Each farmer has his farm and the cows on the land purchased by
the Company; but the milk remains to the profit of the boor;[381] he
sells to those of the people who receive their wages for work every
week. The houses of the Hollanders now stand without the fort; but,
when that is completed, they will all repair within, so as to garrison
it, and be secure from sudden attack.
Illustration: SETTLEMENT ON THE HUDSON RIVER.
Those of the South River will abandon their fort, and come hither: no
more than fifteen or sixteen men will remain at Fort Orange, the most
distant point at which the Hollanders traded: the remainder will come
down to the Manhates. Right opposite is the fort of the Maykans, which
they built against their enemies, the Maquaes,[382] a powerful people.
It happened this year that the Maykans, being at war with the Maquaes,
requested to be assisted by the commander of Fort Orange and six others.
Commander Krieckebeck went up with them a mile from the fort, and met
the Maquaes, who peppered them so bravely with a discharge of arrows,
that they were forced to fly, leaving many slain, among whom were the
commander and three of his men. Among the latter was Tymen Bouwensz,
whom they devoured, after having well cooked him.[383] The rest they
burnt. The commander was buried with the other two by his side. Three
escaped,――two Portuguese, and a Hollander from Hoorn. One of the
Portuguese was wounded by an arrow in the back whilst swimming. The
Indians carried a leg and an arm home to be divided amongst their
families, as a proof that they had conquered their enemies.
Some days after, the worthy Pieter Barentsen, who usually was sent
upwards and along the coast with the sloop, visited them. They wished
to excuse their act, on the plea that they had never injured the whites,
and asked the reason why the latter had meddled with them. Had it been
otherwise, they would not have acted as they had.
BOOK XIV.
THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH.
(A.D. 1620‒1621.)
These extracts are taken from that valuable collection,
“Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of the Colony of Plymouth,
from 1602 to 1625; now first collected from original records and
contemporaneous printed documents,” by Alexander Young, Boston,
1841.
The first extract is from Edward Winslow’s “Brief Narration,”
London, 1646 (Young, p. 384). The rest are from the journal of
Bradford and Winslow, commonly called “Mourt’s Relation,” London,
1622. (Young, pp. 125‒136, 150‒162, 167‒174, 182‒189.)
THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH.
I.――THE SAILING OF THE PILGRIMS.
[The Pilgrims sailed from Delft Haven,――often called by them
Delph’s Haven,――in Holland, July 22, 1620.]
AND when the ship was ready to carry us away, the brethren that
staid, having again solemnly sought the Lord with us and for us, and
we further engaging ourselves mutually as before,――they, I say, that
staid at Leyden, feasted us that were to go, at our pastor’s house,
being large, where we refreshed ourselves, after tears, with singing of
psalms, making joyful melody in our hearts, as well as with the voice,
there being many of the congregation very expert in music; and indeed
it was the sweetest melody that ever mine ears heard. After this, they
accompanied us to Delph’s Haven, where we were to embark, and there
feasted us again. And after prayer performed by our pastor, where a
flood of tears was poured out, they accompanied us to the ship, but
were not able to speak one to another for the abundance of sorrow to
part. But we only going aboard,――the ship lying to the quay, and ready
to set sail, the wind being fair,――we gave them a volley of small shot,
and three pieces of ordnance; and so, lifting up our hands to each
other, and our hearts for each other to the Lord our God, we departed,
and found his presence with us in the midst of our manifold straits he
carried us through. And, if any doubt this relation, the Dutch, as I
hear, at Delph’s Haven preserve the memory of it to this day, and will
inform them.
Illustration: DELPH’S HAVEN.
II.――MILES STANDISH AT CAPE COD.
SOME of our people, impatient of delay, desired for our better
furtherance to travel by land into the country,――which was not without
appearance of danger, not having the shallop with them, nor means to
carry provision but on their backs,――to see whether it might be fit
for us to seat[384] in or no; and the rather, because, as we sailed
into the harbor, there seemed to be a river[385] opening itself into
the mainland. The willingness of the persons was liked; but the thing
itself, in regard to the danger, was rather permitted than approved;
and so with cautions, directions, and instructions, sixteen men were
set[386] out, with every man his musket,[387] sword, and corselet,
under the conduct of Captain Miles Standish, unto whom was adjoined for
counsel and advice William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley.
Illustration: MAYFLOWER OFF PROVINCETOWN.
Wednesday, the 15th of November, they were set ashore.[388] And when
they had ordered themselves in the order of a single file, and marched
about the space of a mile by the sea, they espied five or six people,
with a dog, coming towards them, who were savages; who, when they saw
them, ran into the wood, and whistled the dog after them, &c. First
they supposed them to be Master Jones, the master, and some of his men;
for they were ashore, and knew of their coming. But, after they knew
them to be Indians, they marched after them into the woods, lest other
of the Indians should lie in ambush. But, when the Indians saw our men
following them, they ran away with might and main, and our men turned
out of the wood after them, for it was the way they intended to go; but
they could not come near them. They followed them that night about ten
miles, by the trace of their footings,[389] and saw how they had come
the same way they went, and at a turning perceived how they ran up a
hill, to see whether they followed them. At length night came upon them,
and they were constrained to take up their lodging.[390] So they set
forth three sentinels; and the rest, some kindled a fire, and others
fetched wood, and there held our rendezvous that night.
In the morning, as soon as we could see the trace, we proceeded on our
journey, and had[391] the track until we had compassed the head of a
long creek;[392] and there they took into another wood, and we after
them, supposing to find some of their dwellings. But we marched through
boughs and bushes, and under hills and valleys, which tore our very
armor in pieces, and yet could meet with none of them, nor their houses,
nor find any fresh water, which we greatly desired and stood in need
of; for we brought neither beer nor water with us, and our victuals was
only biscuit and Holland cheese, and a little bottle of aqua vitæ, so
as we were sore athirst. About ten o’clock, we came into a deep valley,
full of brush, wood-gaile,[393] and long grass, through which we found
little paths, or tracks; and there we saw a deer, and found springs of
fresh water, of which we were heartily glad, and sat us down and drunk
our first New England water with as much delight as ever we drunk drink
in all our lives.
When we had refreshed ourselves, we directed our course full south,
that we might come to the shore, which within a short while after we
did, and there made a fire, that they in the ship might see where we
were, as we had direction; and so marched on towards this supposed
river. And, as we went in another valley, we found a fine clear
pond[394] of fresh water, being about a musket-shot broad, and twice as
long. There grew also many small vines, and fowl and deer haunted there.
There grew much sassafras. From thence we went on, and found much plain
ground, about fifty acres, fit for the plough, and some signs where the
Indians had formerly planted their corn. After this, some thought it
best, for nearness of the river, to go down and travel on the sea-sands,
by which means some of our men were tired, and lagged behind. So we
staid and gathered them up, and struck into the land again, where we
found a little path to certain heaps of sand, one whereof was covered
with old mats, and had a wooden thing like a mortar whelmed[395] on the
top of it, and an earthen pot laid in a little hole at the end thereof.
We, musing[396] what it might be, digged, and found a bow, and, as
we thought, arrows; but they were rotten. We supposed there were many
other things; but, because we deemed them graves, we put in the bow
again, and made it up as it was, and left the rest untouched, because
we thought it would be odious unto them to ransack their sepulchres.
We went on farther, and found new stubble, of which they had gotten
corn this year, and many walnut-trees full of nuts, and great store
of strawberries, and some vines. Passing thus a field or two, which
were not great, we came to another, which had also been new gotten;
and there we found where a house had been, and four or five old planks
laid together. Also we found a great kettle, which had been some ship’s
kettle, and brought out of Europe. There was also a heap of sand, made
like the former,――but it was newly done, we might see how they had
paddled it with their hands,――which we digged up, and in it we found
a little old basket full of fair Indian corn. We digged farther, and
found a fine great new basket, full of very fair corn of this year,
with some six and thirty goodly ears of corn, some yellow, and some red,
and others mixed with blue, which was a very goodly sight.[397] The
basket was round, and narrow at the top. It held about three or four
bushels, which was as much as two of us could lift up from the ground,
and was very handsomely and cunningly made. But, whilst we were busy
about all these things, we set our men sentinel in a round ring, all
but two or three, which digged up the corn. We were in suspense what
to do with it and the kettle; and at length, after much consultation,
we concluded to take the kettle, and as much of the corn as we could
carry away with us; and when our shallop came, if we could find any of
the people, and come to parley with them, we would give them the kettle
again, and satisfy them for their corn.[398] So we took all the ears,
and put a good deal of the loose corn in the kettle, for two men to
bring away on a staff. Besides, they that could put any into their
pockets filled the same. The rest we buried again; for we were so laden
with armor, that we could carry no more.
Not far from this place we found the remainder of an old fort or
palisado, which, as we conceived, had been made by some Christians.
This was also hard by that place which we thought had been a river;[399]
unto which we went, and found it so to be, dividing itself into two
arms by a high bank, standing right by the cut or mouth, which came
from the sea. That which was next unto us was the less. The other arm
was more than twice as big, and not unlike to be a harbor for ships:
but whether it be a fresh river, or only an indraught of the sea, we
had no time to discover; for we had commandment to be out but two days.
Here, also, we saw two canoes,――the one on the one side, the other on
the other side. We could not believe it was a canoe till we came near
it. So we returned, leaving the further discovery hereof to our shallop,
and came that night back again to the freshwater pond; and there we
made our rendezvous that night, making a great fire, and a barricade
to windward of us, and kept good watch with three sentinels all night,
every one standing when his turn came, while five or six inches of
match was burning. It proved a very rainy night.
In the morning, we took our kettle, and sunk it in the pond, and
trimmed our muskets, for few of them would go off because of the wet,
and so coasted the wood again to come home, in which we were shrewdly
puzzled, and lost our way. As we wandered, we came to a tree, where
a young sprit[400] was bowed down over a bow, and some acorns strewed
underneath. Stephen Hopkins said it had been to catch some deer. So
as we were looking at it, William Bradford being in the rear, when
he came, looked also upon it; and, as he went about, it gave a sudden
jerk up, and he was immediately caught by the leg. It was a very pretty
device, made with a rope of their own making, and having a noose as
artificially made as any roper[401] in England can make, and as like
ours as can be; which we brought away with us. In the end, we got out
of the wood, and were fallen [402] about a mile too high above the
creek, where we saw three bucks; but we had rather have had one of them.
We also did spring three couple of partridges: and, as we came along by
the creek, we saw great flocks of wild geese and ducks; but they were
very fearful of us. So we marched some while in the woods, some while
on the sands, and other while in the water up to the knees, till at
length we came near the ship, and then we shot off our pieces, and the
long-boat came to fetch us. Master Jones and Master Carver, being on
the shore with many of our people, came to meet us. And thus we came
both weary and welcome home, and delivered in our corn into the store
to be kept for seed; for we knew not how to come by any, and therefore
were very glad, purposing, as soon as we could meet with any of the
inhabitants of that place, to make them large satisfaction. This was
our first discovery, whilst our shallop was in repairing.
III.――THE FIRST ENCOUNTER.
WEDNESDAY, the 6th of December [1620], we set out, being very cold
and hard weather. We were a long while, after we launched from the
ship, before we could get clear of a sandy point[403] which lay within
less than a furlough of the same; in which time two were very sick, and
Edward Tilley had liked to have sounded[404] with cold. The gunner also
was sick unto death; but hope of trucking[405] made him to go, and so
remained all that day and the next night. At length we got clear of the
sandy point, and got up our sails, and, within an hour or two, we got
under the weather-shore, and then had smoother water and better sailing.
But it was very cold; for the water froze on our clothes, and made them
many times like coats of iron.
Illustration: GOVERNOR WINSLOW.
We sailed six or seven leagues by the shore, but saw neither river
nor creek. At length we met with a tongue of land, being flat off from
the shore, with a sandy point.[406] We bore up to gain the point, and
found there a fair income[407] or road of a bay, being a league over
at the narrowest, and some two or three in length; but we made right
over to the land before us, and left the discovery of this income till
the next day. As we drew near to the shore,[408] we espied some ten or
twelve Indians very busy about a black thing,――what it was we could not
tell,――till afterwards they saw us, and ran to and fro, as if they had
been carrying something away. We landed a league or two from them, and
had much ado to put ashore anywhere, it lay so full of flat sands. When
we came to shore, we made us a barricado, and got firewood, and set
out sentinels, and betook us to our lodging, such as it was. We saw the
smoke of the fire which the savages made that night, about four or five
miles from us.
In the morning we divided our company, some eight in the shallop; and
the rest on the shore went to discover this place. But we found it only
to be a bay,[409] without either river or creek coming into it. Yet
we deemed it to be as good a harbor as Cape Cod; for they that sounded
it found a ship might ride in five fathom water. We on the land found
it to be a level soil, though none of the fruitfulest. We saw two
becks[410] of fresh water, which were the first running streams that
we saw in the country; but one might stride over them. We found also
a great fish, called a grampus,[411] dead on the sands. They in the
shallop found two of them also in the bottom of the bay, dead in like
sort. They were cast up at high water, and could not get off for the
frost and ice. They were some five or six paces long, and about two
inches thick of fat, and fleshed like swine. They would have yielded a
great deal of oil, if there had been time and means to have taken it.
So we, finding nothing for our turn, both we and our shallop returned.
We then directed our course along the sea-sands to the place where we
first saw the Indians. When we were there, we saw it was also a grampus
which they were cutting up. They cut it into long rands, or pieces,
about an ell long, and two handful broad. We found here and there a
piece scattered by the way, as it seemed, for haste. This place the
most were minded we should call the Grampus Bay, because we found so
many of them there. We followed the track of the Indians’ bare feet
a good way on the sands. At length we saw where they struck into the
woods by the side of a pond.[412] As we went to view the place, one
said he thought he saw an Indian house among the trees, so went up to
see. And here we and the shallop lost sight one of another till night,
it being now about nine or ten o’clock: so we light[413] upon a path,
but saw no house, and followed a great way into the woods. At length we
found where corn had been set, but not that year.
Anon we found a great burying-place, one part whereof was encompassed
with a large palisado, like a churchyard with young spires,[414] four
or five yards long, set as close one by another as they could, two or
three foot in the ground. Within, it was full of graves, some bigger,
and some less. Some were also paled[415] about, and others had like
an Indian house made over them, but not matted. These graves were
more sumptuous than those at Cornhill;[416] yet we digged none of them
up, but only viewed them, and went our way. Without the palisado were
graves also, but not so costly. From this place we went and found
more corn-ground, but not of this year. As we ranged, we light on four
or five Indian houses which had been lately dwelt in; but they were
uncovered, and had no mats about them, else they were like those we
found at Cornhill, but had not been so lately dwelt in. There was
nothing left but two or three pieces of old mats, and a little sedge.
Also, a little further, we found two baskets full of parched acorns hid
in the ground, which we supposed had been corn when we began to dig the
same. We cast earth thereon again, and went our way. All this while we
saw no people.
We went ranging up and down till the sun began to draw low, and then we
hasted out of the woods, that we might come to our shallop, which, when
we were out of the woods, we espied a great way off, and called them
to come unto us; the which they did as soon as they could, for it was
not yet high water. They were exceeding glad to see us; for they feared
because they had not seen us in so long a time, thinking we would
have kept by the shore-side. So, being both weary and faint,――for we
had eaten nothing all day,――we fell to make our rendezvous, and get
firewood, which always costs us a great deal of labor. By that time we
had done, and our shallop come to us, it was within night; and we fed
upon such victuals as we had, and betook us to our rest, after we had
set our watch. About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry; and our
sentinels called, “Arm, arm!” So we bestirred ourselves, and shot off
a couple of muskets, and the noise ceased. We concluded that it was a
company of wolves or foxes; for one told us he had heard such a noise
in Newfoundland.
About five o’clock in the morning, we began to be stirring; and two
or three, which doubted whether their pieces would go off or no, made
trial of them, and shot them off, but thought nothing at all. After
prayer, we prepared ourselves for breakfast, and for a journey; and,
it being now twilight in the morning, it was thought meet to carry
the things down to the shallop. Some said it was not best to carry
the armor down. Others said they would be readier. Two or three said
they would not carry theirs till they went themselves, but mistrusting
nothing at all. As it fell out, the water not being high enough, they
laid the things down upon the shore, and came up to breakfast. Anon,
all of a sudden, we heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be
the same voices, though they varied their notes. One of the company,
being abroad, came running in, and cried, “They are men! Indians,
Indians!” and withal their arrows came flying amongst us.
Our men ran out with all speed to recover their arms, as by the good
providence of God they did. In the mean time, Captain Miles Standish,
having a snaphance[417] ready, made a shot; and after him another.
After they two had shot, other two of us were ready: but he wished
us not to shoot till we could take aim, for we knew not what need we
should have; and there were four only of us which had their arms there
ready, and stood before the open side of our barricado, which was first
assaulted. They thought it best to defend it, lest the enemy should
take it and our stuff, and so have the more vantage[418] against us.
Our care was no less for the shallop; but we hoped all the rest would
defend it. We called unto them to know how it was with them; and they
answered, “Well, well,” every one; and, “Be of good courage.” We heard
three of their pieces go off; and the rest called for a firebrand to
light their matches. One took a log out of the fire on his shoulder,
and went and carried it unto them, which was thought did not a little
discourage our enemies. The cry of our enemies[419] was dreadful,
especially when our men ran out to recover their arms. Their note was
after this manner, “Woach, woach, ha ha hach woach!” Our men were no
sooner come to their arms, but the enemy was ready to assault them.
Illustration: SWORD OF STANDISH.
There was a lusty man, and no whit less valiant, who was thought to
be their captain, stood behind a tree, within half a musket-shot of us,
and there let his arrows fly at us. He was seen to shoot three arrows,
which were all avoided; for he at whom the first arrow was aimed saw
it, and stooped down; and it flew over him. The rest were avoided also.
He stood three shots of a musket. At length one took, as he said, full
aim at him, after which he gave an extraordinary cry, and away they
went all. We followed them about a quarter of a mile: but we left six
to keep our shallop; for we were very careful of our business. Then
we shouted all together two several times, and shot off a couple of
muskets, and so returned. This we did, that they might see we were not
afraid of them, nor discouraged.
Thus it pleased God to vanquish our enemies, and give us deliverance.
By their noise we could not guess they were less than thirty or forty,
though some thought that they were many more; yet, in the dark of the
morning, we could not so well discern them among the trees as they
could see us by our fireside. We took up eighteen of their arrows,
which we have sent to England by Master Jones, some whereof were headed
with brass, others with harts’ horn, and others with eagles’ claws.
Many more, no doubt, were shot, for these we found were almost covered
with leaves: yet, by the especial providence of God, none of them
either hit or hurt us, though many came close by us, and on every side
of us; and some coats which hung up in our barricado were shot through
and through. So, after we had given God thanks for our deliverance,
we took our shallop, and went our journey, and called this place “The
First Encounter.”
IV.――THE LANDING ON PLYMOUTH ROCK.
The same exploring-party, in a shallop, finally reached Plymouth
harbor.
HAVING the wind good, we sailed all that day along the coast about
fifteen leagues, but saw neither river nor creek to put into. After
we had sailed an hour or two, it began to snow and rain, and to be
bad weather. About the midst of the afternoon, the wind increased, and
the seas began to be very rough; and the hinges of the rudder broke,
so that we could steer no longer; but two men, with much ado, were fain
to serve with a couple of oars. The seas were grown so great, that we
were much troubled and in great danger; and night drew on. Anon Master
Coppin bade us be of good cheer: he saw the harbor. As we drew near,
the gale being stiff, and we bearing great sail to get in, split our
mast in three pieces, and were like to have cast away our shallop. Yet
by God’s mercy, recovering ourselves, we had the flood[420] with us,
and struck into the harbor.
Now he that thought that had been the place was deceived, it being a
place where not any of us had been before; and, coming into the harbor,
he that was our pilot did bear up northward, which if we had continued
we had been cast away. Yet still the Lord kept us, and we bare up
for an island[421] before us; and recovering of that island, being
compassed about with many rocks, and dark night growing upon us,
it pleased the divine Providence that we fell upon a place of sandy
ground, where our shallop did ride safe and secure all that night;
and, coming upon a strange island, kept our watch all night in the rain
upon that island. And in the morning we marched about it, and found no
inhabitants at all; and here we made our rendezvous all that day, being
Saturday, 9th of December.
Illustration: SUNDAY ON CLARK’S ISLAND.
On the sabbath day we rested; and on Monday we sounded the harbor, and
found it a very good harbor for our shipping. We marched also into the
land,[422] and found divers cornfields, and little running brooks,――a
place very good for situation: so we returned to our ship again with
good news to the rest of our people, which did much comfort their
hearts.
V.――PLYMOUTH VILLAGE FOUNDED.
[The expedition having returned to the ship, the “Mayflower”
came to Plymouth harbor, and landed the colonists.]
SO in the morning, after we had called on God for direction, we came
to this resolution, to go presently ashore again, and to take a better
view of two places which we thought most fitting for us; for we could
not now take time for further search or consideration, our victuals
being much spent, especially our beer, and it being now the 19th of
December. After our landing and viewing of the places, so well as we
could, we came to a conclusion, by most voices, to set on the mainland,
on the first place, on a high ground, where there is a great deal
of land cleared, and hath been planted with corn three or four years
ago; and there is a very sweet brook runs under the hillside, and many
delicate springs of as good water as can be drunk, and where we may
harbor our shallops and boats exceeding well; and in this brook much
good fish in their seasons: on the farther side of the river also
much corn-ground cleared. In one field is a great hill, on which we
point[423] to make a platform, and plant our ordnance, which will
command all round about. From thence we may see into the bay, and far
into the sea; and we may see thence Cape Cod. Our greatest labor will
be fetching of our wood, which is half a quarter of an English mile;
but there is enough so far off. What people inhabit here we yet know
not; for as yet we have seen none. So there we made our rendezvous, and
a place for some of our people, about twenty, resolving in the morning
to come all ashore, and to build houses.
But the next morning, being Thursday, the 21st of December, it was
stormy and wet, that we could not go ashore; and those that remained
there all night could do nothing, but were wet, not having daylight
enough to make them a sufficient court of guard[424] to keep them dry.
All that night it blew and rained extremely. It was so tempestuous,
that the shallop could not go on land so soon as was meet, for they had
no victuals on land. About eleven o’clock, the shallop went off with
much ado, with provisions, but could not return, it blew so strong; and
was such foul weather that we were forced to let fall our anchor, and
ride with three anchors ahead.
Friday, the 22d, the storm still continued, that we could not get
a-land, nor they come to us aboard.
Saturday, the 23d, so many of us as could went on shore, felled and
carried timber, to provide themselves stuff for building.
Sunday, the 24th, our people on shore heard a cry of some savages,
as they thought, which caused an alarm, and to stand on their guard,
expecting an assault; but all was quiet.
Monday, the twenty-fifth day, we went on shore,――some to fell timber,
some to saw, some to rive,[425] and some to carry: so no man rested all
that day. But towards night, some, as they were at work, heard a noise
of some Indians, which caused us all to go to our muskets; but we heard
no further. So we came aboard again, and left some twenty to keep the
court of guard. That night we had a sore storm of wind and rain....
Thursday, the 28th of December, so many as could went to work on the
hill, where we purposed to build our platform for our ordnance, and
which doth command all the plain and the bay, and from whence we may
see far into the sea, and might be easier impaled,[426] having two rows
of houses and a fair street. So in the afternoon we went to measure
out the grounds; and first we took notice how many families there were,
willing[427] all single men that had no wives to join with some family,
as they thought fit, that so we might build fewer houses; which was
done, and we reduced them to nineteen families. To greater families
we allowed larger plots,――to every person half a pole in breadth, and
three in length; and so lots were cast where every man should lie;
which was done, and staked out. We thought this proportion was large
enough at the first, for houses and gardens to impale them round,
considering the weakness of our people, many of them growing ill with
colds; for our former discoveries in frost and storms, and the wading
at Cape Cod, had brought much weakness amongst us, which increased so
every day more and more, and after was the cause of many of their
deaths....
Illustration: LANDING OF MARY CHILTON.
Monday, the 8th of January, was a very fair day, and we went betimes
to work. Master Jones sent the shallop, as he had formerly done, to
see where fish could be got. They had a great storm at sea, and were
in some danger. At night they returned with three great seals, and an
excellent good cod, which did assure us that we should have plenty of
fish shortly.
This day Francis Billington, having the week before seen from the top
of a tree on a high hill a great sea,[428] as he thought, went with one
of the master’s mates to see it. They went three miles, and then came
to a great water, divided into two great lakes; the bigger of them five
or six miles in circuit, and in it an isle a cable-length square; the
other three miles in compass, in their estimation. They are fine fresh
water, full of fish and fowl. A brook[429] issues from it. It will be
an excellent place for us in time. They found seven or eight Indian
houses, but not lately inhabited. When they saw the houses, they were
in some fear; for they were but two persons, and one piece.
Tuesday, the 9th of January, was a reasonable fair day; and we went to
labor that day in the building of our town, in two rows of houses,[430]
for more safety. We divided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build
our town, after the proportion formerly allotted. We agreed that every
man should build his own house, thinking, by that course, men would
make more haste than working in common. The common house, in which,
for the first, we made our rendezvous, being near finished, wanted only
covering, it being about twenty foot square. Some should make mortar,
and gather thatch; so that in four days half of it was thatched. Frost
and foul weather hindered us much.[431] This time of the year, seldom
could we work half the week.
VI.――“WELCOME, ENGLISHMEN!”
Illustration: MEETING OF CAPT. STANDISH AND MASSASOIT.
AND, whilst we were busied hereabout, we were interrupted again;
for there presented himself a savage, which caused an alarm. He very
boldly came all alone, and along the houses, straight to the rendezvous;
where we intercepted him, not suffering him to go in, as undoubtedly he
would out of[432] his boldness. He saluted us in English, and bade us
“Welcome;” for he had learned some broken English among the Englishmen
that came to fish at Monhiggon,[433] and knew by name the most of
the captains, commanders, and masters that usually come. He was a man
free in speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of a seemly
carriage. We questioned him of many things. He was the first savage
we could meet withal. He said he was not of these parts, but of
Morattiggon, and one of the sagamores or lords thereof, and had been
eight months in these parts, it lying hence a day’s sail with a great
wind, and five days by land. He discoursed of the whole country, and
of every province, and of their sagamores, and their number of men,
and strength. The wind beginning to rise a little, we cast a horseman’s
coat about him; for he was stark naked, only a leather about his waist,
with a fringe about a span long, or little more. He had a bow and two
arrows,――the one headed, the other unheaded. He was a tall, straight
man; the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before,
none on his face at all. He asked some beer; but we gave him strong
water,[434] and biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and pudding, and a
piece of mallard;[435] all which he liked well, and had been acquainted
with such amongst the English.
He told us the place where we now live is called Patuxet, and that,
about four years ago, all the inhabitants died of an extraordinary
plague, and there is neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed
we have found none; so as there is none to hinder our possession, or to
lay claim unto it. All the afternoon we spent in communication with him.
We would gladly have been rid of him at night; but he was not willing
to go this night. Then we thought to carry him on shipboard, wherewith
he was well content, and went into the shallop; but the wind was high,
and the water scant, that it could not return back. We lodged him that
night at Stephen Hopkins’s house, and watched him.
The next day, he went away back to the Massasoits,[436] from whence
he said he came, who are our next bordering neighbors. They are sixty
strong, as he saith. The Nausites are as near, south-east of them, and
are a hundred strong; and those were they of[437] whom our people were
encountered, as we before related. They are much incensed and provoked
against the English, and, about eight months ago, slew three Englishmen;
and two more hardly escaped by flight to Monhiggon. They were Sir
Ferdinando Gorges’ men, as this savage told us; as he did likewise of
the _huggery_, that is, fight,[438] that our discoverers had with the
Nausites, and of our tools that were taken out of the woods, which we
willed him should be brought again: otherwise we would right ourselves.
These people are ill affected towards the English by reason of one
Hunt,[439] a master of a ship, who deceived the people, and got them,
under color of trucking with them,――twenty out of this very place
where we inhabit, and seven men from the Nausites;――and carried them
away, and sold them for slaves, like a wretched man――for twenty pound
a man――that cares not what mischief he doth for his profit.
Saturday, in the morning, we dismissed the savage, and gave him a knife,
a bracelet, and a ring. He promised within a night or two to come again,
and to bring with him some of the Massasoits, our neighbors, with such
beavers’ skins as they had to truck[440] with us.
Saturday and Sunday, reasonable fair days. On this day came again
the savage, and brought with him five other tall, proper men. They
had every man a deer’s skin on him; and the principal of them had a
wildcat’s skin, or such like, on the one arm. They had, most of them,
long hose up to their groins, close made, and above their groins,
to their waist, another leather: they were altogether like the Irish
trousers. They are of complexion like our English gypsies; no hair,
or very little, on their faces; on their heads, long hair to their
shoulders, only cut before,――some trussed up before with a feather,
broad-wise, like a fan; another, a fox-tail hanging out. These
left――according to our charge given him before――their bows and arrows
a quarter a mile of from our town.
We gave them entertainment as we thought was fitting them. They did
eat liberally of our English victuals. They made semblance unto us
of friendship and amity. They sang and danced after their manner like
antics.[441] They brought with them in a thing like a bow-case――which
the principal of them had about his waist――a little of their corn
pounded to powder, which, put to a little water, they eat. He had a
little tobacco in his bag; but none of them drank[442] but when he
liked. Some of them had their faces painted black, from the forehead
to the chin, four or five fingers broad; others after other fashions,
as they liked.
They brought three or four skins; but we would not truck with them at
all that day, but wished them to bring more, and we would truck for all;
which they promised within a night or two, and would leave these behind
them, though we were not willing they should; and they brought us all
our tools again, which were taken in the woods, in our men’s absence.
So, because of the day, we dismissed them as soon as we could. But
Samoset, our first acquaintance, either was sick, or feigned himself so,
and would not go with them, and staid with us till Wednesday morning.
Then we sent him to them to know the reason they came not according
to their words; and we gave him a hat, a pair of stockings and shoes,
a shirt, and a piece of cloth to tie about his waist.
Illustration: GOV. CARVER’S CHAIR.
BOOK XV.
THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY.
(A.D. 1629‒1631.)
The first of these extracts is from Rev. Francis Higginson’s
“True Relation of the Last Voyage to New England, written from
New England, July 24, 1629,” reprinted in Young’s “Chronicles of
the First Planters of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay:” Boston,
1846 (pp. 235‒237). The second is from the same work: (Young,
pp. 232‒235). The third is from “New England’s Plantation; or, A
Short and True Description of the Commodities and Discommodities
of that Country,” by Francis Higginson: London, 1630: (Young,
pp. 242‒256). This pamphlet attracted so much attention, that
three distinct editions of it were published in a year.
The next two passages are from “Life and Letters of John
Winthrop” (vol. ii. pp. 15‒16, 64‒65). The last passage is from
the “Memoirs of Captain Roger Clap:” (Young, pp. 351‒354).
THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY.
I.――THE VOYAGE OF THE MASSACHUSETTS COLONISTS.
[The first large colony of the Massachusetts Bay Company sailed
from England in April, 1629, with two hundred people; Governor
Endicott, with “a few men,” having preceded them the year before.
The Reverend Francis Higginson was the leader of this larger
party. These were the colonists properly called Puritans, as
distinct from the Pilgrims, who settled Plymouth.]
NOW in our passage divers things are remarkable.
First, through God’s blessing, our passage was short and speedy;
for whereas we had a thousand leagues, that is, three thousand miles
English, to sail from Old to New England, we performed the same in six
weeks and three days.
Secondly, our passage was comfortable and easy, for the most part,
having ordinarily fair and moderate wind, and being freed, for the most
part, from rough and stormy seas, saving one night only, which we that
were not used thought to be more terrible than indeed it was; and this
was Wednesday at night, May 27.
Illustration: FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
Thirdly, our passage was also healthful to our passengers, being freed
from the great contagion of the scurvy and other maledictions,[443]
which in other passages to other places had taken away the lives of
many. And yet we were, in all reason, in wonderful danger all the
way, our ship being greatly crowded with passengers; but, through
God’s great goodness, we had none that died of the pox, but that
wicked fellow that scorned at fasting and prayer. There were, indeed,
two little children,――one of my own, and another beside: but I do
not impute it merely to the passage; for they were both very sickly
children, and not likely to have lived long if they had not gone to
sea. And take this for a rule, if children be healthful when they come
to sea, the younger they are, the better they will endure the sea,
and are not troubled with sea-sickness as older people are, as we had
experience in many children that went this voyage. My wife, indeed,
in tossing weather, was something ill; ... but in calm weather she
recovered again, and is now much better for the sea-sickness. And for
my own part, whereas I have for divers years past been very sickly,
... and was very sick at London and Gravesend, yet from the time I came
on shipboard to this day I have been strangely healthful; and now I
can digest our ship diet very well, which I could not when I was at
land.... Also divers children were sick of the smallpox, but are safely
recovered again; and two or three passengers, towards the latter end of
the voyage, fell sick of the scurvy, but, coming to land, recovered in
a short time.
Fourthly, our passage was both pleasurable and profitable; for we
received instruction and delight in beholding the wonders of the Lord
in the deep waters, and sometimes seeing the sea round us appearing
with a terrible countenance, and, as it were, full of high hills and
deep valleys; and sometimes it appeared as a most plain and even meadow.
And ever and anon we saw divers kinds of fishes sporting in the great
waters, great grampuses and huge whales going by companies, and puffing
up water-streams. Those that love their own chimney-corner, and dare
not go far beyond their own town’s end, shall never have the honor to
see these wonderful works of Almighty God.
II.――THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONISTS IN SALEM HARBOR.
FRIDAY a foggy morning, but after clear, and wind calm. We saw many
schools of mackerel, infinite multitudes on every side of our ship.
The sea was abundantly stored with rockweed and yellow flowers like
gilliflowers. By noon we were within three leagues of Cape Ann; and,
as we sailed along the coasts, we saw every hill and dale, and every
island, full of gay woods and high trees. The nearer we came to the
shore, the more flowers in abundance,――sometimes scattered abroad,
sometimes joined in sheets nine or ten yards long, which we supposed
to be brought from the low meadows by the tide.[444] Now what, with
fine woods and green trees by land, and these yellow flowers painting
the sea, made us all desirous to see our new paradise of New England,
whence we saw such forerunning signal[445] of fertility afar off.
Coming near the harbor towards night, we tacked about for sea-room.
Saturday a foggy morning, but, after eight o’clock in the morning,
very clear. The wind being somewhat contrary at south and by west, we
tacked to and again with getting little, but with much ado. About four
o’clock in the afternoon, having with much pain compassed the harbor,
and being ready to enter the same, (see how things may suddenly change!)
there came a fearful gust of wind and rain, and thunder and lightning,
whereby we were borne with no little terror and trouble to our mariners,
having very much ado to loose down the sails when the fury of the storm
struck us. But, God be praised! it lasted but a while, and soon abated
again. And hereby the Lord showed us what he could have done with us,
if it had pleased him. But, blessed be God! he soon removed this storm,
and it was a fair and sweet evening.
We had a westerly wind, which brought us, between five and six o’clock,
to a fine and sweet harbor[446] seven miles from the head-point of Cape
Ann. This harbor twenty ships may easily ride therein; where there was
an island,[447] whither four of our men with a boat went, and brought
back again ripe strawberries and gooseberries, and sweet single roses.
Thus God was merciful to us in giving us a taste and smell of the sweet
fruit as an earnest of his bountiful goodness to welcome us at our
first arrival. This harbor was two leagues and something more from
the harbor at Naimkecke,[448] where our ships were to rest, and the
plantation is already begun. But because the passage is difficult, and
night drew on, we put into Cape Ann harbor.
Illustration: GOVERNOR ENDICOTT.
The sabbath, being the first we kept in America, and the seventh Lord’s
Day after we parted with England.
Monday we came from Cape Ann to go to Naimkecke, the wind northerly.
I should have told you before, that, the planters spying our English
colors, the governor[449] sent a shallop with two men to pilot us.
These rested the sabbath with us at Cape Ann; and this day, by God’s
blessing and their directions, we passed the curious and difficult
entrance into the large, spacious harbor of Naimkecke. And, as we
passed along, it was wonderful to behold so many islands, replenished
with thick wood and high trees, and many fair, green pastures. And,
being come into the harbor, we saw the “George,” to our great comfort,
there being come on Tuesday, which was seven days before us. We rested
that night with glad and thankful hearts that God had put an end to our
long and tedious journey through the greatest sea in the world.
The next morning, the governor came aboard to our ship, and bade us
kindly welcome, and invited me and my wife to come on shore, and take
our lodging in his house, which we did accordingly.
III.――FIRE, AIR, EARTH, AND WATER IN NEW ENGLAND.
[As described by Francis Higginson, 1629.]
LETTING pass our voyage by sea, we will now begin our discourse on
the shore of New England. And because the life and welfare of every
creature here below, and the commodiousness of the country whereas such
creatures live, doth, by the most wise ordering of God’s providence,
depend, next unto himself, upon the temperature and disposition of
the four elements, earth, water, air, and fire, ... therefore I will
endeavor to show you what New England is, by the consideration of each
of these apart; and truly endeavor, by God’s help, to report nothing
but the naked truth, and that both to tell you of the discommodities as
well as of the commodities. Though, as the idle proverb is, “Travellers
may lie by authority,” and so may take too much sinful liberty that way,
yet I may say of myself, as once Nehemiah did in another case, Shall
such a man as I lie? No, verily....
Of the Earth of New England.
It is a land of divers and sundry sorts all about Masathulets[450] Bay;
and at Charles River is as fat black earth as can be seen anywhere; and
in other places you have a clay soil; in other, gravel; in other, sandy,
as it is all about our plantation at Salem; for so our town is now
named.
Illustration: FIRST CHURCH IN SALEM.
The form of the earth here, in the superficies of it, is neither too
flat in the plainness, nor too high in hills, but partakes of both in
a mediocrity, and fit for pasture, or for plough or meadow ground, as
men please to employ it. Though all the country be, as it were, a thick
wood for the general, yet in divers places there is much ground cleared
by the Indians, and especially about the plantation; and I am told,
that, about three miles from us, a man may stand on a little hilly
place, and see divers thousands of acres of ground as good as need to
be, and not a tree in the same....
In our plantation we have already a quart of milk for a penny. But
the abundant increase of corn proves this country to be a wonderment.
Thirty, forty, fifty, sixty, are ordinary here: yea, Joseph’s increase
in Egypt is outstripped here with us. Our planters hope to have more
than a hundred-fold this year. And all this while I am within compass:
what will you say of two-hundred-fold, and upwards? It is almost
incredible what great gain some of our English planters have had by our
Indian corn. Credible persons have assured me, and the party himself
avouched the truth of it to me, that, of the setting of thirteen
gallons of corn, he hath had increase of it fifty-two hogsheads, every
hogshead holding seven bushels of London measure; and every bushel
was by him sold and trusted to the Indians for so much beaver as was
worth eighteen shillings; and so of this thirteen gallons of corn,
which was worth six shillings eightpence, he made about £327 of it the
year following, as by reckoning will appear: where you may see how God
blesseth husbandry in this land. There is not such great and plentiful
ears of corn, I suppose, anywhere else to be found but in this country,
being also of variety of colors, as red, blue, and yellow, &c.; and of
one corn there springeth four or five hundred. I have sent you many
ears of divers colors, that you might see the truth of it.
Little children here, by setting of corn, may earn much more than their
own maintenance....
For beasts, there are some bears, and they say some lions also; for
they have been seen at Cape Ann. Also here are several sorts of deer,
some whereof bring three or four young ones at once, which is not
ordinary in England; also wolves, foxes, beavers, martens, great
wildcats, and a great beast called a molke,[451] as big as an ox. I
have seen the skins of all these beasts since I came to this plantation,
excepting lions. Also here are great store of squirrels,――some greater,
and some smaller and lesser: there are some of the lesser sort, they
tell me, that by a certain skin will fly from tree to tree,[452] though
they stand far distant.
Of the Water of New England.
New England hath water enough, both salt and fresh. The greatest sea
in the world, the Atlantic Sea, runs all along the coast thereof. There
are abundance of islands along the shore, some full of wood and mast,
to feed swine, and others clear of wood, and fruitful, to bear corn.
Also we have store of excellent harbors for ships, as at Cape Ann,
and at Masathulets Bay, and at Salem, and at many other places; and
they are the better, because for strangers there is a very difficult
and dangerous passage into them; but unto such as are well acquainted
with them they are easy and safe enough. The abundance of sea-fish are
almost beyond believing; and sure I should scarce have believed it,
except I had seen it with mine own eyes. I saw great store of whales,
and grampuses, and such abundance of mackerels, that it would astonish
one to behold; likewise codfish, abundance on the coast, and in their
season are plentifully taken. There is a fish called a bass, a most
sweet and wholesome fish as ever I did eat: it is altogether as good
as our fresh salmon; and the season of their coming was begun when we
came first to New England in June, and so continued about three months’
space. Of this fish our fishers take many hundreds together, which
I have seen lying on the shore, to my admiration. Yea, their nets
ordinarily take more than they are able to haul to land; and, for want
of boats and men, they are constrained to let a many go after they have
taken them; and yet sometimes they fill two boats at a time with them.
And, besides bass, we take plenty of skate and thornback, and abundance
of lobsters; and the least boy in the plantation may both catch and
eat what he will of them. For my own part, I was soon cloyed with them,
they were so great and fat and luscious. I have seen some myself that
have weighed sixteen pound; but others have had, divers times, so great
lobsters as have weighed twenty-five pound, as they assured me....
Of the Air of New England.
The temper of the air of New England is one special thing that
commends this place. Experience doth manifest that there is hardly a
more healthful place to be found in the world that agreeth better with
our English bodies. Many that have been weak and sickly in Old England,
by coming hither have been thoroughly healed, and grown healthful and
strong; for here is a most extraordinary clear and dry air, that is
of a most healing nature to all such as are of a cold, melancholy,
phlegmatic, rheumatic temper of body. None can more truly speak hereof
by their own experience than myself. My friends that knew me can well
tell how very sickly I have been, and continually in physic....
And I that have not gone without a cap for many years together, neither
durst leave off the same, have now cast away my cap, and do wear
none at all in the daytime. And whereas beforetime I clothed myself
with double clothes and thick waistcoats to keep me warm, even in the
summer-time, I do now go as thin clad as any.... Besides, I have one
of my children, that was formerly most lamentably handled with sore
breaking out of both his hands and feet, of the king’s-evil; but since
he came hither he is very well [as] ever he was, and there is hope
of perfect recovery shortly, even by the very wholesomeness of the
air, altering, digesting, and drying up the cold and crude humors
of the body; and therefore I think it is a wise course for all cold
complexions to come to take physic in New England; for a sup of New
England’s air is better than a whole draught of Old England’s ale.
In the summer-time, in the midst of July and August, it is a good deal
hotter than in Old England; and in winter January and February are much
colder, so they say; but the spring and autumn are of a middle temper.
Fowls of the air are plentiful here, and of all sorts as we have in
England, as far as I can learn, and a great many of strange fowls which
we know not. Whilst I was writing these things, one of our men brought
home an eagle which he had killed in the wood: they say they are good
meat. Also here are many kinds of excellent hawks, both sea-hawks and
land-hawks; and myself walking in the woods, with another in company,
sprung a partridge so big, that through the heaviness of his body could
fly but a little way: they that have killed them say they are as big
as our hens. Here are likewise abundance of turkeys often killed in
the woods, far greater than our English turkeys, and exceeding fat,
sweet, and fleshy; for here they have abundance of feeding all the year
long, as strawberries,――in summer all places are full of them,――and
all manner of berries and fruits. In the winter-time I have seen flocks
of pigeons, and have eaten of them. They do fly from tree to tree, as
other birds do, which our pigeons will not do in England. They are of
all colors, as ours are; but their wings and tails are much longer; and
therefore it is likely they fly swifter to escape the terrible hawks
in this country. In winter-time this country doth abound with wild
geese, wild ducks, and other sea-fowl, that a great part of winter the
planters have eaten nothing but roast meat of divers fowls which they
have killed.
Of the Fire of New England.
Thus you have heard of the earth, water, and air of New England. Now
it may be you expect something to be said of the fire, proportionable
to the rest of the elements.
Indeed, I think New England may boast of this element more than of all
the rest. For though it be here somewhat cold in the winter, yet here
we have plenty of fire to warm us, and that a great deal cheaper than
they sell billets and fagots in London: nay, all Europe is not able to
afford to make so great fires as New England. A poor servant here, that
is to possess but fifty acres of land, may afford to give more wood
for timber and fire, as good as the world yields, than many noblemen in
England can afford to do. Here is good living for those that love good
fires. And although New England have no tallow to make candles of, yet,
by the abundance of the fish thereof, it can afford oil for lamps. Yea,
our pine-trees, that are the most plentiful of all wood, doth allow
us plenty of candles, which are very useful in a house; and they are
such candles as the Indians commonly use, having no other; and they are
nothing else but the wood of the pine-tree cloven in two little slices
something thin, which are so full of turpentine and pitch, that they
burn as clear as a torch. I have sent you some of them that you may see
the experience of them.
New England’s Discommodities.[453]
Thus of New England’s commodities. Now I will tell you of some
discommodities that are here to be found.
First, in the summer season, for these three months June, July, and
August, we are troubled much with little flies called mosquitoes, being
the same they are troubled with in Lincolnshire and the fens; and they
are nothing but gnats, which, except they be smoked out of their houses,
are troublesome in the night season.
Secondly, in the winter season, for two months’ space, the earth is
commonly covered with snow, which is accompanied with sharp, biting
frosts, something more sharp than is in Old England, and therefore are
forced to make great fires.
Thirdly, this country, being very full of woods and wildernesses, doth
also much abound with snakes and serpents, of strange colors and huge
greatness. Yea, there are some serpents, called rattlesnakes, that
have rattles in their tails, that will not fly from a man as others
will, but will fly upon him, and sting him so mortally that he will die
within a quarter of an hour after, except the party stinged have about
him some of the root of an herb called snake-weed to bite on; and then
he shall receive no harm. But yet seldom falls it out that any hurt is
done by these. About three years since, an Indian was stung to death by
one of them; but we heard of none since that time.
Illustration: OLD PLANTER’S HOUSE AT SALEM.
Fourthly and lastly, here wants as yet the good company of honest
Christians, to bring with them horses, kine, and sheep, to make use
of this fruitful land. Great pity it is to see so much good ground
for corn and for grass as any is under the heavens, to lie altogether
unoccupied, when so many honest men and their families in Old England,
through the populousness thereof, do make very hard shift to live one
by the other.
IV.――A SEA-ADVENTURE OF THE PURITAN COLONISTS.
[Governor John Winthrop, with a large number of colonists,
sailed from England in April, 1630. Seventeen vessels came to
the Massachusetts Colony that year, bringing nearly a thousand
people. England was then at war with Spain; and many Spanish
cruisers made their rendezvous at Dunkirk, and other ports in
the Spanish Netherlands, whence they were called “Dunkirkers.”]
APRIL 9.――In the morning we descried from the top, eight sail astern of
us, whom Captain Lowe told us he had seen at Dunnose in the evening. We
supposing they might be Dunkirkers, our captain caused the gunroom and
gundeck to be cleared. All the hammocks were taken down, our ordnance
loaded, and our powderchests and fireworks made ready, and our landmen
quartered among the seamen, and twenty-five of them appointed for
muskets, and every man written down for his quarter.[454]
The wind continued north, with fair weather; and after noon it calmed,
and we still saw those eight ships to stand towards us. Having more
wind than we, they came up apace: so as our captain, and the masters
of our consorts, were more occasioned to think they might be Dunkirkers;
for we were told at Yarmouth that there were ten sail of them waiting
for us. Whereupon we all prepared to fight with them, and took down
some cabins which were in the way of our ordnance; and out of every
ship were thrown such bed-matters as were subject to take fire; and
we heaved out our long-boats, and put up our waist-cloths,[455] and
drew forth our men, and armed them with muskets and other weapons, and
instruments for fireworks; and, for an experiment, our captain shot a
ball of wildfire, fastened to an arrow, out of a crossbow, which burnt
in the water a good time.
The Lady Arbella[456] and the other women and children were removed
into the lower deck, that they might be out of danger. All things being
thus fitted, we went to prayer upon the upper deck. It was much to see
how cheerful and comfortable all the company appeared. Not a woman or
child that showed fear, though all did apprehend the danger to have
been great, if things had proved as might well be expected; for there
had been eight against four, and the least of the enemy’s ships were
reported to carry thirty brass pieces. But our trust was in the Lord of
hosts; and the courage of our captain, and his care and diligence, did
much encourage us.
It was now about one of the clock, and the fleet seemed to be within a
league of us: therefore our captain, because he would show he was not
afraid of them, and that he might see the issue before night should
overtake us, tacked about, and stood to meet them. And, when we came
near, we perceived them to be our friends,――the “Little Neptune,” a
ship of some twenty pieces of ordnance, and her two consorts, bound
for the straits; a ship of Flushing, and a Frenchman, and three other
English ships, bound for Canada and Newfoundland. So, when we drew
near, every ship, as they met, saluted each other, and the musketeers
discharged their small shot; and so, God be praised! our fear and
danger was turned into mirth and friendly entertainment.
V.――GOVERNOR WINTHROP’S NIGHT OUT OF DOORS.
Illustration: GOVERNOR WINTHROP.
THE governor, being at his farm-house at Mistick,[457] walked out after
supper, and took a piece[458] in his hand, supposing he might see a
wolf; for they came daily about the house, and killed swine and calves,
&c. And, being about half a mile off, it grew suddenly dark, so as
in coming home he mistook his path, and went till he came to a little
house of Sagamore John,[459] which stood empty. There he staid; and,
having a piece of match in his pocket,――for he always carried about him
match and a compass, and, in summer-time, snakeweed,――he made a good
fire near the house, and lay down upon some old mats which he found
there, and so spent the night, sometimes walking by the fire, sometimes
singing psalms, and sometimes getting wood, but could not sleep. It was,
through God’s mercy, a warm night,[460] but, a little before day, it
began to rain; and, having no cloak, he made shift by a long pole to
climb up into the house. In the morning, there came thither an Indian
squaw; but, perceiving her before she had opened the door, he barred
her out: yet she staid there a great while, essaying to get in, and at
last she went away, and he returned safe home, his servants having been
much perplexed for him, and having walked about, and shot off pieces,
and hallooed in the night; but he heard them not.
VI.――THE PRIVATIONS OF THE PURITANS.
NOW coming into this country, I found it a vacant wilderness in respect
of English. There were, indeed, some English at Plymouth and Salem, and
some few at Charlestown, who were very destitute when we came ashore;
and, planting-time being past shortly after, provision was not to be
had for money. I wrote to my friends, namely, to my dear father, to
send me some provision; which accordingly he did, and also gave order
to one of his neighbors to supply me with what I needed, he being a
seaman, who, coming hither, supplied me with divers things.... Fish was
a good help to me and others. Bread was so very scarce, that sometimes
I thought the very crusts of my father’s table would have been very
sweet unto me. And, when I could have meal and water and salt boiled
together, it was so good, who could wish better?
Illustration: FAMINE AMONG THE PILGRIMS.
In our beginning, many were in great straits for want of provision for
themselves and their little ones. Oh the hunger that many suffered,
and saw no hope in an eye of reason to be supplied, only by clams and
mussels and fish! We did quickly build boats, and some went a-fishing.
But bread was with many a very scarce thing, and flesh of all kind as
scarce.
And in those days, in our straits, though I cannot say God sent a raven
to feed us, as he did the prophet Elijah, yet this I can say to the
praise of God’s glory, that he sent not only poor ravenous Indians,
who came with their baskets of corn on their backs to trade with us,
which was a good supply unto many; but also sent ships from Holland
and Ireland with provisions, and Indian corn from Virginia, to supply
the wants of his dear servants in this wilderness, both for food and
raiment. And when people’s wants were great, not only in one town, but
in divers towns, such was the godly wisdom, care, and prudence――not
selfishness, but self-denial――of our Governor Winthrop and his
assistants, that, when a ship came laden with provisions, they did
order that the whole cargo should be bought for a general stock; and so
accordingly it was, and distribution was made to every town, as every
man had need. Thus God was pleased to care for his people in times of
straits, and to fill his servants with food and gladness. Then did all
the servants of God bless his holy name, and love one another with pure
hearts fervently.
In those days God did cause his people to trust in him, and to be
contented with mean things. It was not accounted a strange thing in
those days to drink water, and to eat samp or hominy without butter
or milk. Indeed, it would have been a strange thing to see a piece of
roast beef, mutton, or veal; though it was not long before there was
roast goat. After the first winter, we were very healthy, though some
of us had no great store of corn. The Indians did sometimes bring corn,
and truck with us for clothing and knives; and once I had a peck of
corn, or thereabouts, for a little puppy-dog. Frost-fish, mussels, and
clams, were a relief to many. If our provision be better now than it
was then, let us not, and do you, dear children, take heed that you
do not, forget the Lord our God. You have better food and raiment than
was in former times; but have you better hearts than your fore-fathers
had? If so, rejoice in that mercy, and let New England then shout for
joy. Sure, all the people of God in other parts of the world, that
shall hear that the children and grandchildren of the first planters
of New England have better hearts and are more heavenly than their
predecessors, they will doubtless greatly rejoice, and will say, “This
is the generation whom the Lord hath blessed.”
INDEX.
A.
Agouhanna, 115.
Air of New England, The, 350, 351.
Alaniz, De, 90.
Amadas, Captain Philip, 177, 179, 199.
Ameyro, 44.
Amonate, 252.
Anderson’s “Norsemen in America,” 9.
Anne, Queen (of England), 258, 259, 260, 262.
Appamatuck, Queen of, 245.
Aquixo, 132.
Argall, Captain Samuel, 262.
Arias, Peter, 121.
Asher, G. M., 54, 280.
Audusta, King, 150, 153.
B.
Bancroft’s “History of the United States,” 60.
Barentsen, Pieter, 307.
Barlowe, Arthur, 177.
Barré, Nicolas, 152.
Bartholomew, 164.
Bassaba, 223.
Bay of Chaleur visited, 99.
Beaufort River, Ruins on, 148.
Beauhaire, Monsieur De, 161.
Beñalosa, Captain, 77, 81.
Bennet, 298, 300, 301.
Biarni, 3, 4, 5, 6.
Billington, Francis, 332.
Birds, American, 352.
Bouwensz, Tymen, 307.
Bradford, Governor William, 314, 318.
Brereton, John, 202, 203, 213.
Brodhead, J. R., 280.
Bute, Michael, 300, 301, 302.
C.
Cabot and Verrazzano, 53‒70.
John, 55.
J. Elliot, 2.
Sebastian, 56‒59.
Cabeza de Vaca, Voyage of, 71‒96.
Canada, The French in, 97‒118, 267.
Cape Cod visited by Standish, 312.
Caribbees, The, 21, 23, 28, 29, 35, 39, 50.
Cartier, Jacques, 58, 97‒118.
Carver, Governor, 319, 337.
Cassen, George, 237, 238.
Castillo, Alonzo del, 77, 90.
Champlain, Samuel de, on the war-path, 267‒278.
Chanca, Dr., 26.
Charlesfort, 148, 149, 152.
Chemin, John du, 165.
Children, Indian, 251.
Clap, Captain Roger, 339, 358‒361.
Clement, Francis, 301.
Cleveland, H. R., 280.
Cogswell, J. G., 54.
Coleridge’s “Ancient Mariner,” 83.
Coligny, Admiral De, 143.
Colman, John, 284.
Colonies in New England, unsuccessful, 201‒228.
Colonies, The lost, of Virginia, 175‒200.
Colonists in Virginia, Smith’s description of, 234.
Colony, Massachusetts Bay, 339‒362.
Plymouth, 225, 309‒338.
Popham, 223.
Virginia (first), 186;
(second) 189;
Captain John Smith’s, 229‒263.
Columbus, Christopher, Letters of, 19‒39;
appeal of in his old age, 51;
and his companions, 17‒52.
Columbus, Diego, 51.
Company, London, 222.
Massachusetts Bay, 341.
Plymouth, 222.
West India, 303.
Cooke, Captain, 198.
Coppin, Master, 326.
Corn, Indian, Profitableness of, 348.
Couexis, King, 150.
Croatoan, 192, 193, 197.
Crol, S. J., 305.
Cudruaigny, 110.
D.
Danusco, John, 136.
Dare, Ananias, 194.
Eleanor, 194.
Virginia, 194, 200.
Davies, James, 223.
Captain Richard, 223.
Captain Robert, 223, 224.
De Costa, B. F., 9.
De Soto, Ferdinando, 96, 119, 140.
Digby, 224.
Domagaia, 105, 106, 109, 110.
Donnacona, 105, 106, 107, 110.
Dorantes, Andres, 77, 90.
Drake, Sir Francis, 187.
Dudley, Governor, 357.
Dunkirkers, 355.
Dutch chronicles of the New Netherlands, 303‒308.
E.
Earth of New England, The, 347.
Earthly paradise, The, 26.
Eirek, the Red, 312.
Endicott, Governor John, 341, 345, 346.
Escobar, 40.
F.
Fabian, Robert, 56.
Faner, Sidrack, 302.
Ferdinand and Isabella, 18, 25, 27, 37, 51, 52.
Ferdinando, 190, 191.
Ferdinando, Simon, 179.
Fire of New England, The, 352.
“First encounter,” The, of Pilgrims, 319.
Fish in New England, 350.
Florida visited, 73, 125, 141.
Francis I. (of France), 60, 99, 103.
Frederycke, Master Kryn, 305.
French in Canada, The, 97‒118;
in Florida, The, 141‒212.
G.
Gallegos, Baltasar de, 124, 126, 131.
Gardar, 3.
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 169‒174.
Captain Raleigh, 222‒227.
Gloucester (Mass.) harbor, 344, 349.
Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 335.
Gosnold (or Gosnoll), Bartholomew, 203‒213, 222, 231, 232.
Gourgues, Dominic de, 166.
Granganimeo, 180.
Wife of, 184.
Greene, Henry, 296‒301.
Gregory XIII., Pope, 290, 328.
Grenville (or Greenville), Sir Richard, 188, 190, 193.
Guachoya, Caçique of, 135, 139.
Gudrid, 14.
Guernache, 151.
H.
Hackit, Thomas, 143.
Hais, John de, 165.
Hakluyt Society, Publications of, 18, 54, 120, 142, 202, 280.
Hakluyt’s voyages, 54, 98, 142, 169, 176.
Harlow, Captain, 223.
Hawkins, Captain John, 161.
Heckewelder, Reverend John, 290.
Henry VII., King (of England), 57, 58.
Heriulf, 3, 6.
Higginson, Reverend Francis, 341‒355.
Hillard, G. S., 230.
Hochelaga (now Montreal), 111.
Holland, Lords States-General of, 303.
Hopkins, Steven, 314, 334.
Howe, George, 191.
Huarco, 43.
Hudson, Henry, and the New Netherlands, 279‒308;
last voyage of, 296‒303.
Hudson, John, 302.
Hunt, Captain, 335.
Robert, 231.
Huyck, Jan, 305.
I.
Indians, Canadian, 100, 105, 108, 111, 114.
Caribbean, 21, 23, 29, 35, 39, 50.
Florida, 124, 127, 144, 149, 156.
Gulf of Mexico, 75, 83, 88, 91, 93.
Hudson River, 283, 290.
Mississippi River, 131, 135, 138.
New England, 11, 65, 204, 213, 225, 320, 333, 357.
Virginia, 79, 184, 192, 232, 237, 242, 251.
Boats of, 24, 65, 183.
Children of, 251.
Ill-treatment of, by colonists, 11, 64, 124, 188, 219, 234,
307, 335.
Kindness of, to colonists, 22, 61, 84, 101, 105, 111, 180,
186, 234, 286.
Mode of warfare of, 29, 92, 124, 270, 325.
Religious ceremonies of, 242, 250.
Taken to England, 57, 221, 257, 335.
Village, 184.
J.
James I. (of England), 222.
Jean, Francis, 163.
John, Sagamore, 357.
Johnson, Isaac, 356.
Lady Arbella, 356.
Jones, Master, 314, 319, 326, 332.
Juet, Robert, 281, 300, 303.
K.
Karlsefni, 12‒15.
Kendall, George, 233.
Kennebec River, Colony on, 222.
King, Henry, 302.
John, 299, 300.
Kingsley, Henry, 72.
Kohl’s “History of Discovery,” 9, 98.
Krieckebeck, Commander, 307.
L.
La Chère, 151.
La Grange, Monsieur, 162.
La Vigne, Monsieur, 162.
Lane, Master Ralph, 189, 191.
Laudonnière, Captain, Narrative of, 149‒166.
Le Beau, 166.
Lebenoa, 225.
Leif the Lucky, 6‒9, 12.
Lempo, Jan, 305.
Lincoln, Earl of, 355.
Lions, Supposed, 171, 349.
Lobillo, John R., 124, 126.
Lodlo, Arnold, 300, 302.
Longfellow, H. W., poem quoted, 168.
Lowe, Captain, 355.
Lymer, Richard, 223.
Lys, Monsieur Du, 159, 161.
M.
Maccou, King, 151, 153.
Maine Historical Society, 98.
Major, R. H., 18.
Malaga, Monks of, 335.
Mannitto, 291, 293.
Manteo, 192, 199.
Martin, John, 233.
Massachusetts Bay Colony, 339‒362.
Massasoit, 334.
Mendez, Diego, his daring deeds, 39‒50.
Menendez, Don Pedro, 159, 164, 166.
Minuit, Honorable Pieter, 305.
Mississippi River, Discovery of, 79, 96, 132.
Mocoço, 128, 129, 130, 131.
Molemaecker, François, 305.
Moore, Adam, 302.
Moose (Molke), 349.
Moscoso, Luys de, 138, 139.
Moter, 298.
Mourt’s Relation, 310.
Mouy, Sir Charles of, 99.
N.
Nantaquond, 258.
Narvaez, Pamphilo de, 122, 127.
New England’s Discommodities, 353.
New style (calendar), 290, 328.
New York Historical Society, 54.
Newport, Captain Christopher, 231, 233.
Northmen, Legends of, 1‒16.
O.
O’Callaghan, Dr. E. B., 268, 280.
Opechankanough, 239.
Ortelius, 99.
Ortiz, John, 127‒130.
Ottigny, 158.
Ouade, 150.
Oviedo, Lope de, 83, 90, 91.
P.
Pamaunkee, King of, 238.
Pantoja, Captain, 80.
Parkman, Francis, “Pioneers of France,” 98, 99, 142, 149, 268.
Pasqualigo, Lorenzo, 55.
Penobscot River visited, 213.
Perce, Michael, 298.
Pierria, Captain Albert de la, 148, 149, 151.
Pilgrims at Plymouth, 309‒338.
Pizarro, Fernando, 121.
Plymouth (Mass.) Colony, 309‒338.
Plymouth Rock, first landing on, 326;
final disembarkation on, 328.
Pocahontas, 241, 245, 252, 257‒259.
Popham, George, Captain, 222, 225.
Sir John, 225.
Colony, The, 222‒225.
Powhatan, 233, 244‒248, 252, 257, 258, 261, 262.
Prickett, Abacuk, 296.
Princess, Indian, visit to, 184, 249.
Ptolemy, 36.
Purchas, William, 57.
Puritans, leaving Delft Haven, 341;
sea-adventure of, 355;
privations of, 358.
Q.
Quigalta, Caçique of, 136, 137.
Quiyougkcosoucks, 238.
R.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 169, 177, 186, 188, 189, 190, 203, 220.
Ramusius, John B., 58.
Ratliffe, J., Captain, 232, 233.
Rawhunt, 246.
Ribaut, Captain Jean, in Florida, 143‒166.
Rolfe, John, 257.
Thomas, 263.
Rosier, James, 202.
S.
Saint Cler, Monsieur, 162.
Salem (Mass.) harbor, 343, 349.
Samoset, 337.
Sanchez, Raphael, 19.
Satouriona, 157, 158.
Scribner’s Monthly, on “Pocahontas,” 245.
Sea-adventure of Puritans, 355.
Shakspeare, William, 55, 221.
Skraelings, The, 13, 14.
Smith, Buckingham, 72.
Captain John, 200, 229‒266.
Snorri, 14.
Southey’s “History of Brazil,” 96.
Sparks, Jared, 142.
Spicer, Edward, 191.
Stadacona (Quebec), 104.
Staffe, Philip, 302.
Stafford, Master, 192.
Standish, Miles, 312‒319.
Stowe, John, 57.
Strachey, William, 200, 202, 222, 230, 245.
Stukely, Sir Thomas, 263.
T.
Taignoagny, 105, 106, 107, 109, 110.
Tellez, Captain, 77, 81.
Theodoro, Don, 76.
Thomas, John, 298, 300, 301.
Thorvald, 10‒12.
Tilley, Edward, 314, 319.
Tobacco used by Indians, 336.
Tyrker, 8.
U.
Ucita, 127, 128, 129, 130.
V.
Vaca, Cabeza (or Cabeça) de, Voyage of, 71‒94, 122.
Vasconselos, Andrew de, 122, 124.
Verrazzano, John de, Letter of, 60‒69, 54, 99.
Vetamatomakkin, 261.
Vinland, 2, 9, 10.
Virginia, Colonies in, 186, 189, 229, 263.
W.
Wassenaer’s “Historie van Europa,” 280.
Water of New England, The, 349.
Waymouth, Captain George, Voyage of, 202, 213‒221.
“Welcome, Englishmen!” 333.
White, Governor John, 189, 196.
Whittier’s “Norsemen,” 2.
Wilson, William, 296, 298, 299, 300, 302.
Wingfield, E. M., 231, 233.
Wingma, 180.
Winslow, Governor Edward, 310.
Winthrop, Governor John, 355, 357, 360.
Worthington, William, 59.
Wydhouse, Thomas, 302.
Y.
Young’s “Chronicles of Plymouth,” 310;
of Massachusetts, 340.
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FOOTNOTES.
1 – i.e., his sailors asked.
2 – Custom.
3 – Or “made ready,” as we say a ship is bound for Liverpool.
4 – Disappeared below the horizon.
5 – Mountains. This has been supposed to be Cape Cod.
6 – i.e., sailed away from the land.
7 – Possibly Nova Scotia.
8 – Possibly Newfoundland.
9 – Cape, or _nose_, of land.
10 – Went.
11 – Great.
12 – Perhaps Labrador, where flat stones abound, or Newfoundland.
13 – Form.
14 – Perhaps Nova Scotia.
15 – Perhaps honey-dew, a sweet substance left on grass by an
insect called _aphis_.
16 – Cape.
17 – i.e., was left aground.
18 – Cots used to sleep in, and made of skin.
19 – Surveyed.
20 – Large.
21 – German.
22 – Foster-father, or perhaps foster-brother.
23 – Mountains.
24 – There has been much difference of opinion as to where
Vinland was. Some think that it was Nantucket; others,
the island of Conanicut in Narragansett Bay; and others,
some place much farther north and east. See Costa’s
“Pre-Columbian Discovery of North America,” Anderson’s
“Norsemen in America,” Kohl’s “History of the Discovery of
the East Coast of North America,” published by the Maine
Historical Society.
25 – Cape.
26 – Possibly Cape Cod.
27 – Bays.
28 – i.e., as quickly as possible.
29 – Probably Esquimaux, or Indians.
30 – Cross Cape, or Cape of the Cross.
31 – i.e., in equal shares.
32 – Milk, butter, &c.
33 – Cape.
34 – Columbus always supposed that he had reached India, and
therefore always called the natives Indians.
35 – Cuba.
36 – Or Tartary.
37 – Or Hispaniola, meaning Little Spain. The island is now
called Hayti.
38 – The natives.
39 – Instead.
40 – A small coin, worth less than a cent. A noble was a gold
coin, worth about $1.60.
41 – A bank of oars is a bench on which rowers sit, and there
may have been four rowers on each bench.
42 – No such race has ever been found.
43 – Dominica, so named from being discovered on Sunday.
44 – Marigalante, so named from the ship in which Columbus
sailed.
45 – St. Martin, one of the Caribbee Islands.
46 – Hayti, or Española.
47 – Probably a species of _capromys_, an animal of the rat
kind.
48 – Probably an alligator.
49 – About nine, P.M., the last hour of Roman Catholic prayers.
50 – Now called Cape Galeota, the south-east point of Trinidad.
51 – Discharge.
52 – A small vessel.
53 – The coast of Cumana (South America), distant seven miles
from Trinidad.
54 – Mouth.
55 – Point Peña Blanca.
56 – Point Peña.
57 – Boca Grande. The fresh water was river water.
58 – Now called Point Alcatraz, or Point Pelican.
59 – Atlas.
60 – Columbus.
61 – President, or governor.
62 – Ship-worm.
63 – Firm land, or continent.
64 – The name then given to the sovereign of Tartary, now called
“Khan.” Shakspeare, in “Much Ado about Nothing,” written
about 1600, says, “Fetch you a hair off the great Cham’s
beard.”
65 – John.
66 – 1498.
67 – Henry VII.
68 – Cabot.
69 – Verrazzano.
70 – i.e., from Brittany, in France.
71 – Cathay.
72 – But these papers never were printed.
73 – One of the Dezertas. Dishabited means uninhabited.
74 – Probably the South Carolina coast.
75 – At anchor.
76 – To land.
77 – Beans, or peas.
78 – Traps.
79 – Probably Narragansett Bay.
80 – i.e., somewhat encouraged.
81 – Deer’s.
82 – Various ornaments.
83 – Mirrors.
84 – Various exclamations.
85 – Probably the coast of Maine.
86 – Cedars.
87 – The side of the vessel.
88 – The Bay of Horses, probably Choctawhatchee Bay,
communicating with Pensacola Bay by Santa Rosa Inlet; but
some suppose it to have been Appalachicola Bay.
89 – St. Michael’s Day, Sept. 29.
90 – It is thought that this river may have been the Mississippi.
91 – i.e., that it would be as much as he could do.
92 – This strange incident of the revival of the men who seemed
to have died may possibly have suggested to the poet
Coleridge that passage in his “Ancient Mariner” where the
dead sailors rise up again:――
“They groaned, they stirred, they all uprose,
Nor spake, nor moved their eyes:
It had been strange, even in a dream,
To see those dead men rise.”
93 – i.e., of being offered as a sacrifice.
94 – The sea-snails and conches (or conchs) were shells of
various species.
95 – From 1528 to 1533.
96 – A small matchlock gun.
97 – Description.
98 – In the map of Ortelius, published in 1572, the name of
New France is applied to the whole of both North and South
America. “The application of this name dates back to a
period immediately after the voyage of Verrazzano; and the
Dutch voyagers are especially free in their use of it, out
of spite to the Spaniards.”――PARKMAN.
99 – July.
100 – Boiled.
101 – Regular.
102 – _Chaleur_, signifying heat in French.
103 – July, 1534.
104 – Gaspé Bay.
105 – The arms of France.
106 – Motto.
107 – Attention.
108 – The object of the cross was to take possession of the
country for the King of France; but Cartier did not
hesitate to deceive the natives by saying that it was only
for a beacon.
109 – The St. Croix River, now called St. Charles. The first
name was given because Cartier reached it on the festival
of the Holy Cross.
110 – Now Quebec.
111 – September.
112 – These were the two young Indians whom Cartier had carried
off with him the year before.
113 – This village was where Montreal now stands.
114 – A small vessel.
115 – An ingenious trick.
116 – Explanation.
117 – On land, as we say, “ashore.”
118 – Montreal.
119 – Ramparts or palisades: they were made of trunks of trees,
the outer and inner row inclining toward each other till
they met, and the third row standing upright between, to
support them.
120 – Crucifixion.
121 – Fine clothes.
122 – Please.
123 – Probably near the Hillsborough River in Florida.
124 – Men who carried swords and targets. Others carried
matchlock guns (arquebuses) or cross-bows.
125 – Crossing.
126 – Made smooth.
127 – With the same joy.
128 – Of a good family.
129 – Split.
130 – Information.
131 – The wolf.
132 – Knowing.
133 – Surround.
134 – Treat.
135 – Chief.
136 – Attack.
137 – The Great River, or Mississippi.
138 – An awning.
139 – Persimmons.
140 – The place of crossing was probably near Helena, Arkansas.
141 – i.e., get rid of him.
142 – Sorely troubled.
143 – i.e., subdue the Indian chief.
144 – Military force.
145 – Confinement.
146 – Attack.
147 – i.e., their own reflection in a mirror.
148 – Admiral De Coligny.
149 – i.e., Cape Breton. The whole coast was then thought a part
of India.
150 – Probably St. John’s River, Florida.
151 – i.e., one of the best in appearance.
152 – Saluted.
153 – Haberdashery, or small wares.
154 – Boundary stone.
155 – Probably Skull Creek.
156 – i.e., I had hardly.
157 – i.e., at the head.
158 – Port Royal Island.
159 – Acorns and other dried fruits.
160 – It is uncertain what kind of grain is here meant.
161 – Captain Albert.
162 – i.e., from week to week.
163 – Propriety.
164 – Tar.
165 – Content.
166 – June.
167 – St. John’s River.
168 – Chief.
169 – Grain of some kind.
170 – i.e., to satisfy skilful workmen.
171 – 1565.
172 – Captain John Hawkins, who had lately supplied the garrison
with food.
173 – A musical instrument.
174 – Hour-glass.
175 – Guard.
176 – Muddied.
177 – Trumpeter.
178 – Knob or hill.
179 – Flags.
180 – Brandy.
181 – i.e., the north side, if the wind was south.
182 – Suspected.
183 – The “Delight,” the flag-ship.
184 – The “Squirrel.” The name “frigate” was first given to a
kind of boat still used in the Mediterranean, propelled
by both sails and oars. It was afterwards given to a war
vessel, built also for speed.
185 – Sir Humphrey Gilbert.
186 – i.e., to retire.
187 – A good omen. This was probably a large seal, or sea-lion.
188 – Warlike preparations.
189 – This electric light is often called “St. Elmo’s fire.”
190 – Anno Domini.
191 – Afterwards.
192 – This was one of the islands on the North Carolina coast,
probably Portsmouth Island.
193 – On board.
194 – Flag-ship.
195 – Appointing, or assigning.
196 – The king.
197 – Part.
198 – Bend.
199 – See the woodcut on page 65.
200 – Push.
201 – Pledge.
202 – Wheat boiled in milk.
203 – Boiled.
204 – Their hostess.
205 – Suspicion.
206 – Came to.
207 – Ashore.
208 – Vessels.
209 – Hatorask is supposed to have been an inlet, now closed,
north of Cape Hatteras, on the North Carolina coast.
210 – In the year.
211 – Flag-ship, carrying the commander.
212 – A long, flat-bottomed, Dutch-built vessel.
213 – Did not benefit.
214 – Ashore.
215 – Flag-ship.
216 – Probably the island now called Ocracoke.
217 – Aim.
218 – Wherefore.
219 – Probably an arrow rubbed with some irritating ointment.
220 – A mistake of the pen. It was 1587.
221 – Established.
222 – Part of the rampart of a fort.
223 – Side fortifications.
224 – Different kinds of cannon-balls.
225 – A kind of cannon.
226 – i.e., partly drawn up, and hanging under the bow.
227 – The Massachusetts coast was still described as a part of
Virginia.
228 – Hummocks, or small hills.
229 – Probably a boat obtained from some Basque vessel. The
Basques, or Biscayans, were among the first to engage in
the New England fisheries.
230 – A port in the Bay of Biscay.
231 – Cape Cod.
232 – Crowded.
233 – Whereas.
234 – No Man’s Land.
235 – Herons.
236 – Enumerated.
237 – Behavior.
238 – A belt with cartridge-boxes.
239 – Mainland.
240 – Slept.
241 – Then much valued as a medicine.
242 – Profitable.
243 – That.
244 – Now called by its Indian name of Cuttyhunk.
245 – Of armor.
246 – i.e., in the afternoon.
247 – Fed.
248 – Brandy.
249 – Prayers.
250 – i.e., any thing to truck or trade for.
251 – Smoked. This word was formerly much used in describing the
use of tobacco.
252 – Trade.
253 – A kind of boat similar to what is now called a gig.
254 – Food.
255 – That.
256 – Probably the Penobscot.
257 – Agreed.
258 – Orinoco.
259 – This place was at one time supposed to have been what is
now called Parker’s Island; but is now thought to have been
Cape Small Point on the main land, near the site of the
present Fort Popham.
260 – Higher chief.
261 – Gentleman.
262 – Vessel.
263 – Return.
264 – Chief.
265 – Rapids.
266 – Passenger.
267 – The guns were matchlocks, for which fire was necessary.
268 – Notching, putting the notch against the string.
269 – More often written “Gosnold.”
270 – Waited.
271 – A small sailing-vessel.
272 – Iguana.
273 – i.e., taken no observations of the sun.
274 – i.e., lie to.
275 – i.e., settle as planters.
276 – i.e., an explanation publicly given.
277 – Suspicion.
278 – The James River.
279 – Treated.
280 – Two cannon-balls joined by a short iron bar.
281 – Baskets.
282 – Surrounded with palisades.
283 – By day.
284 – Permission to go to and from England.
285 – i.e., persons occupied in lazy contemplation.
286 – i.e., in appealing to the captains of transports, or
vessels.
287 – Talkative people.
288 – Persimmons.
289 – Fantastic fellows.
290 – Now Chickahominy.
291 – i.e., came near doing it.
292 – Lesser gods.
293 – Muddy.
294 – i.e., agreement.
295 – i.e., held with the notch against the strings, ready
for use.
296 – “Bissom,” or “Bishion,” was a military term not now
understood.
297 – Piece of armor to protect the lower part of the arm; from
the French _avant-bras_. Smith elsewhere calls it “braces.”
298 – Puccoons.
299 – i.e., appetite.
300 – Note-book, or book containing tables.
301 – Sometimes called “Werawocomoco,” supposed to be on the
north side of Pamaunkee, now York River, at a place still
called “Powhatan’s Chimney.”
302 – Showy garments.
303 – Appomattox.
304 – Smith.
305 – Captain Smith, in another narrative relating to this same
period, describes Pocahontas as “a child of ten years old,
which, not only for feature, countenance, and proportion,
much exceedeth any of the rest of his people, but for wit
and spirit the only nonpareil of his country.” Nonpareil
means unequalled. But Strachey, the secretary of the colony,
gives a less poetical description of Pocahontas, describing
her as a wild and ungoverned child, playing rather rudely
about the fort with other children. See an article called
“The True Pocahontas,” in Scribner’s Monthly for May, 1876.
306 – i.e., as well skilled.
307 – Cannon.
308 – i.e., resumed our interview.
309 – Subordinate chiefs.
310 – Watch.
311 – Arrow-shot, or bow-shot.
312 – Body-guard.
313 – Ornament for the forehead, or front.
314 – An Austrian princess.
315 – Regular entertainments.
316 – Went.
317 – Compare.
318 – Gay, or frolicsome.
319 – Capable.
320 – i.e., instead of.
321 – Shoals.
322 – Confining.
323 – Eastern merchants, as the Germans and Danes.
324 – i.e., for other commodities as mean.
325 – Pollocks.
326 – Worked.
327 – Trade.
328 – Equally curious.
329 – Keep out.
330 – Smoky.
331 – Ré or Rhé.
332 – Now Chambly, Canada East.
333 – A tribe of Algonquins.
334 – Lake Champlain.
335 – The gar-fish, or bony pike.
336 – Ticonderoga.
337 – Lake George.
338 – Hudson River.
339 – Indians east of Cape Cod.
340 – Parleyed or discussed.
341 – A name given to all the St. Lawrence Indians.
342 – Sandy Hook.
343 – A fathom is six feet.
344 – Sailed to windward.
345 – Flats covered by the tide.
346 – i.e., conspicuous to approach.
347 – North latitude.
348 – Anchorage.
349 – To.
350 – i.e., did not hold.
351 – Flood-tide.
352 – They used matchlock muskets, for which a match had to be
kept burning.
353 – A small anchor.
354 – Observe.
355 – i.e., show that they knew it.
356 – Brandy.
357 – Straps, or strings.
358 – Staid.
359 – Probably near the present town of Hudson.
360 – New style. What was called the “new style” of reckoning
by the Gregorian Calendar was not adopted in England till
1753, but by the other nations of Europe much earlier.
361 – Bottle.
362 – 1611.
363 – i.e., take out part of them.
364 – i.e., while heated with excitement.
365 – At once.
366 – Henry Greene.
367 – Robert Juet, author of the Diary previously given.
368 – i.e., distributing the food.
369 – Henry Hudson.
370 – Thin pieces, cut from horn, were used instead of glass.
371 – At the mouth of Hudson Bay.
372 – Plunder.
373 – A gun.
374 – The mutinous crew, on the ship.
375 – North latitude.
376 – Of Holland.
377 – Now Hudson River.
378 – These miles are Dutch, one being equal to three English.
379 – Manhattan Island.
380 – Trader, or shop-keeper. In German, _kaufmann_.
381 – Farmer.
382 – Mohawks.
383 – This is probably a romance.
384 – Establish themselves, as we say “country-seat.”
385 – Pamet River, Cape Cod.
386 – Sent.
387 – These guns were chiefly matchlocks, as afterwards appears.
388 – Probably at Stevens’s Point, at the western end of Cape
Cod harbor.
389 – Footprints.
390 – Probably near Stout’s Creek, opposite Beach Point.
391 – Followed.
392 – East Harbor Creek, Truro.
393 – Probably sweet-gale, or wax-myrtle (_Myrica gale_).
394 – The pond near Highland Light.
395 – Sunk.
396 – Wandering.
397 – This corn of three colors is still common at Truro.――YOUNG.
398 – This they afterwards did.
399 – Pamet River.
400 – Sapling. The word is now used only for the _sprit_
of a small sail; that is, the pole which holds it up
transversely.
401 – Rope-maker.
402 – Come.
403 – The end of Long Point.
404 – Possibly swooned, or ached.
405 – Traffic.
406 – Billingsgate Point, in Wellfleet, now an island.
407 – Entrance.
408 – In Eastham.
409 – Wellfleet harbor.
410 – Brooks; i.e., Indian Brook and Cook’s Brook.
411 – One of the dolphin family, sometimes twenty-five feet long.
412 – Great Pond, in Eastham.
413 – Lighted upon, or discovered.
414 – Boughs, or tops of young trees.
415 – Surrounded with palings.
416 – An Indian grave, where they had found corn.
417 – A flint-lock musket, then rare.
418 – Advantage.
419 – These were the Nauset Indians.
420 – Tide.
421 – Clark’s Island. It was named after the mate of the
“Mayflower,” who is said to have been the first to land
there.
422 – This was the “landing of the Pilgrims.” Allowing for the
change in the calendar, called “New Style,” it corresponds
to the 21st of December, though it was long considered
to correspond to the 22d. “New Style” means the modern or
Gregorian mode of reckoning time, which was proposed by
Pope Gregory XIII. in 1582, but not adopted in England till
September, 1752.
423 – Appoint, or propose.
424 – Guard-house.
425 – Split.
426 – Surrounded by palings.
427 – Requiring.
428 – It is still called Billington Sea.
429 – Town Brook.
430 – These houses were built on each side of Leyden Street,
which now extends from the First Church to the harbor.
431 – It was, however, an unusually mild winter.
432 – Beware of.
433 – Monhegan, an island on the coast of Maine.
434 – Ardent spirits.
435 – Mallard-duck.
436 – Massasoit was the name of a sachem; but they mistook it for
the name of a tribe.
437 – By.
438 – The fight took place at Martha’s Vineyard, July 1, 1620.
439 – This Captain Hunt had kidnapped Indians, and carried them
to Spain as slaves. The monks of Malaga set them at liberty.
440 – Trade.
441 – Clowns.
442 – Smoked.
443 – Maladies.
444 – These may have been buttercups washed from the shore. It
has also been supposed that they might be _actiniæ_, or
sea-anemones, torn from the rocks.
445 – i.e., signs of fertility, seen in advance.
446 – Gloucester harbor.
447 – Ten-Pound Island.
448 – Afterwards Salem.
449 – John Endicott, who had arrived in September, 1628.
450 – Massachusetts.
451 – Probably the moose. The lions were imaginary.
452 – The flying-squirrel, which has a membrane connecting the
fore and hind paws on each side.
453 – Inconveniences.
454 – i.e., assigned to a certain place in the ship.
455 – To protect the sides of the vessel.
456 – Lady Arbella Johnson, daughter of the Earl of Lincoln, and
wife of Isaac Johnson, to whom the settlement of Boston was
chiefly due. She died soon after her arrival.
457 – A part of Medford, Mass. The farm still retains the name
which he gave it,――“Ten-Hills Farm.”
458 – Gun.
459 – This chief is described by Governor Dudley as “a handsome
young man, conversant with us, affecting English apparel
and houses, and speaking well of our God.”
460 – Oct. 11, 1631.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES.
Page 1:
Sentence starting: These extracts are taken from....
– ‘Randa’ replaced with ‘Rauda’
(works called _Tháttr Eireks Rauda_)
Page 11:
Sentence starting: Thorvald said then, “We....
– ‘Throvald’ replaced with ‘Thorvald’
(Thorvald said then,)
Page 82:
Sentence starting: We sounded, and found....
– ‘ouselves’ replaced with ‘ourselves’
(and found ourselves in seven)
Page 95:
Sentence starting: Notwithstanding all this....
– ‘Nowithstanding’ replaced with ‘Notwithstanding’
(Notwithstanding all this)
Page 115:
Sentence starting: After he had with certain signs....
– ‘rubing’ replaced with ‘rubbing’
(rubbing them with his own hands)
Index Ferdinand and Isabella:
– ‘16’ replaced with ‘18’
(Ferdinand and Isabella, 18, 25,)
Index Sanchez, Raphael:
– ‘16’ replaced with ‘19’
(Sanchez, Raphael, 19.)
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "A Book of American Explorers" ***
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