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Title: Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, Volume IV (of 5) - In the years 1769, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772 and 1773
Author: Bruce, James
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, Volume IV (of 5) - In the years 1769, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772 and 1773" ***
TRAVELS
TO DISCOVER THE
SOURCE OF THE NILE,
In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773.
IN FIVE VOLUMES.
BY JAMES BRUCE OF KINNAIRD, ESQ. F.R.S.
[Illustration]
VOL. IV.
_Sola potest Libye turbam præstare malorum,
Ut deceat fugisse viros._
LUCAN, lib. ix.
EDINBURGH:
PRINTED BY J. RUTHVEN,
FOR G. G. J. AND J. ROBINSON, PATERNOSTER-ROW,
LONDON.
M.DCC.XC.
CONTENTS
OF THE
FOURTH VOLUME.
BOOK VII.
RETURN FROM THE SOURCE OF THE NILE TO GONDAR--TRANSACTIONS
THERE--BATTLE OF SERBRAXOS, AND ITS
CONSEQUENCES--THE AUTHOR PREPARES TO LEAVE ABYSSINIA.
CHAP. I.
_Return from the Source of the Nile by Maitsha--Come to the House
of Welled Amlac--Reception there--Pass the Nile at Delakus--Arrive
at Gondar_, P. 1
CHAP. II.
_Fasil's insidious Behaviour--Arrival at Gondar--King passes the
Tacazzé--Iteghé and Socinios fly from Gondar_, 30
CHAP. III.
_The Author joins the Army at Mariam-Ohha--Reception there--Universal
Terror on the Approach of the Army--Several great Men of
the Rebels apprehended and executed--Great Hardness of the King's
Heart_, 54
CHAP. IV.
_The King promises Leave to the Author to depart--Receives a
Reinforcement from Shoa--Amiable Carriage of Amha Yasous--Striking
Contrast between him and a Prince of the Galla--Bad State
of the King's Affairs_, 87
CHAP. V.
_Rebel Army approaches Gondar--King marches out of Gondar--Takes
Post at Serbraxos--The Author returns to Gondar with Confu,
wounded_, 110
CHAP. VI.
_Michael attempts to enter Begemder--First Battle of Serbraxos--The
Rebels offer Battle to the King in the Plain--Armies separated by
a violent Storm_, 138
CHAP. VII.
_King offers Battle to the Rebels in the Plain--Description of the
second Battle of Serbraxos--Rash Conduct, and narrow Escape of the
King--Both Armies keep the Ground_, 159
CHAP. VIII.
_King rewards his Officers--The Author again persecuted by Guebra
Mascal--Great Displeasure of the King--The Author and Guebra
Mascal are reconciled and rewarded--Third Battle of Serbraxos_, 181
CHAP. IX.
_Interview with Cusho in his Tent--Conversation and Interesting
Intelligence there--Return to the Camp--King's Army returns to
Gondar--Great Confusion in that Night's March_, 204
CHAP. X.
_Rebel Army invests Gondar--King's Troops deliver up their Arms--The
Murderers of Joas put to death--Gusho made Ras--Ras
Michael carried away Prisoner by Powussen--Iteghé returns to
Koscam--Fasil arrives at Gondar--King acknowledged by all Parties--Bad
Conduct of Gusho--Obliged to fly, but is taken and put
in Irons_, 229
CHAP. XI.
_The Author obtains Liberty to return Home--Takes Leave of the Iteghé
at Koscam--Last Interview with the Monks_, 249
BOOK VIII.
THE AUTHOR RETURNS BY SENNAAR THROUGH NUBIA AND THE GREAT
DESERT--ARRIVES AT ALEXANDRIA, AND AFTER AT MARSEILLES.
CHAP. I.
_Journey from Gondar to Tcherkin_, 271
CHAP. II.
_Reception at Tcherkin by Ozoro Esther_, &c.--_Hunting of the
Elephant, Rhinoceros, and Buffalo_, 293
CHAP. III.
_From Tcherkin to Hor-Cacamot in Ras el Feel--Account of
it--Transactions there_, 313
CHAP. IV.
_From Hor-Cacamot to Teawa, Capital of Atbara_, 333
CHAP. V.
_Transactions at Teawa--Attempts of the Shekh to detain the Author
there--Administers Medicines to him and his Wives--Various
Conversations with him, and Instances of his Treachery_, 355
CHAP. VI.
_Transactions at Teawa continued--A Moullah and Sherriffe arrive
from Beyla--News from Ras el Feel and Sennaar--An Eclipse of
the Moon--Leave Teawa_, 384
CHAP. VII.
_Arrival at Beyla--Friendly reception there, and after, amongst the
Nuba--Arrival at Sennaar_, 408
CHAP. VIII.
_Conversation with the King--With Shekh Adelan--Interview with the
King's Ladies_, &c. 429
CHAP. IX.
_Conversations with Achmet--History and Government of
Sennaar--Heat--Diseases--Trade of that Country--The Author's
distressed Situation--Leaves Sennaar_, 455
CHAP. X.
_Journey from Sennaar to Chendi_, 500
CHAP. XI.
_Reception at Chendi by Sittina--Conversations with her--Enter the
Desert--Pillars of moving Sand--The Simoom--Latitude of
Chiggre_, 529
CHAP. XII.
_Distresses in the Desert--Meet with Arabs--Camels die--Baggage
abandoned--Come to Syene_, 562
CHAP. XIII.
_Kind Reception at Assouan--Arrival at Cairo--Transactions with
the Bey there--Land at Marseilles_, 602
TRAVELS
TO DISCOVER
THE SOURCE OF THE NILE.
BOOK VII.
RETURN FROM THE SOURCE OF THE NILE TO GONDAR--TRANSACTIONS
THERE--BATTLE OF SERBRAXOS, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES--THE AUTHOR
PREPARES TO LEAVE ABYSSINIA.
CHAP. I
_Return from the Source of the Nile by Maitsha--Come to the
House of Welled Amlac--Reception there--Pass the Nile at
Delakus--Arrive at Gondar._
It was on the 10th of November 1770 we left Geesh in our return to
Gondar, and passed the Abay, as before, under the church of Saint
Michael Sacala. We descended the hill through the wood, crossed the
river Davola, and that night halted at a few huts, called Dembea, on
the north-east side of the entrance of a valley.
On the 11th we continued our journey in our former road, till we
arrived at the church of Abbo; we then turned to the right, our course
N. by E. and at three quarters past nine rested under the mountain on
the right of the valley; our road lay still through Goutto, but the
country here is neither so well inhabited nor so pleasant as the west
side of the Nile. At eleven, going N. N. E. we passed the church of
Tzion, about an eight part of a mile distant to E. N. E.; we here have
a distinct view of the valley thro' which runs the Jemma, deep, wide,
and full of trees, which continue up the sides of the mountains Amid
Amid. At a quarter past eleven we passed a small stream coming from
the west, and at twelve another very dangerous river called Utchmi,
the ford of which is in the midst of two cataracts, and the stream
very rapid; after passing this river, we entered a narrow road in the
midst of brush-wood, pleasant and agreeable, and full of a kind of
foxes[1] of a bright gold colour. At three quarters past one we halted
at the house of Shalaka Welled Amlac, with whom I was well acquainted
at Gondar; his house is called Welled Abea Abbo, from a church of Abbo
about an eight part of a mile distant.
I have deferred, till the present occasion, the introducing of this
remarkable character to my reader, that I might not trouble him to
go back to past transactions that are not of consequence enough to
interrupt the thread of my narrative. Soon after I had seen part
of the royal family, that had been infected with the small-pox,
happily recovered, and was settled at Koscam in a house of my own,
formerly belonging to Basha Eusebius, my friend Ayto Aylo recommended
to my care a man from Maitsha, with two servants, one of whom, with
his master, had been taken ill of the intermitting fever. As I was
supplied plentifully with every necessary by the Iteghé, the only
inconvenience that I suffered by this was, that of bringing a stranger
and a disease into my family. But as I was in a strange country, and
every day stood in need of the assistance of the people in it, it
was necessary that I should do my part, and make myself as useful as
possible when the opportunity came in my way. I therefore submitted,
and according to Ayto Aylo's desire, received my two patients with
the best grace possible; and the rather, as I was told that he was
one of the most powerful, resolute, and best-attended robbers in all
Maitsha; that he lay directly in my way to the source of the Nile; and
that, under his protection, I might bid defiance to Woodage Asahel,
considered as the great obstacle to my making that journey.
The servant was a poor, timid wretch, exceedingly afraid of dying.
He adhered strictly to his regimen, and was very soon recovered. It
was not so with Welled Amlac; he had, as I said, another servant,
who never, that I saw, came within the door; but as often as I was
out attending my other patients, or with the Iteghé, which was great
part of the morning, he stole a visit to his master, and brought him
as much raw meat, hydromel, and spirits, as, more than once, threw
him into a fever and violent delirium. Luckily I was early informed
of this by the servant that was recovered, and who did not doubt but
this was to end in his master's death, as it very probably might
have done; but, by the interposition of Ayto Aylo and the Iteghé, we
got the unworthy subject banished to Maitsha, so that Welled Amlac
remained attended by the servant who had been sick with him, and was
to be trusted.
Not to trouble the reader with uninteresting particulars, Shalaka
Welled Amlac at last recovered after several weeks illness. When he
first came to my house he was but very indifferently cloathed, which,
in a sick man, was a thing not to be remarked. As he had no change of
raiment, his cloaths naturally grew worse during the time he staid
with me; and, indeed, he was a very beggarly sight when his disease
had entirely left him. One evening, when I was remarking that he could
not go home without kissing the ground before the Iteghé, he said,
Surely not, and he was ready to go whenever I should think proper
to bring him his cloaths. I understood at first from this, that he
might have brought some change of cloaths, and delivered them into my
servant's custody; but, upon farther explanation, I found he had not a
rag but those upon his back; and he told me plainly, that he had much
rather stay in my house all his life, than be so disgraced before the
world, as to leave it after so long a stay, without my first having
cloathed him from head to foot; asking me, with much confidence, What
signifies your curing me, if you turn me out of your house like a
beggar?
I still thought there was something of jest in this; and meeting Ayto
Aylo that day at Koscam, I told him, laughing, of the conversation
that had passed, and was answered gravely, "There is no doubt, you
must cloath him; to be sure it is the custom." "And his servant,
too?" said I. "Certainly, his servant too; and if he had ten servants
that ate and drank in your house, you most cloath them all." "I
think, said I, Ayto Aylo, a physician at this rate had much better
let his patients die than recover them at his own expence." "Yagoube,
says Aylo, I see this is not a custom in your country, but it is
invariably one in this: it is not so among the lower set of people;
but if you will pass here as a man of some degree of consequence, you
cannot avoid this without making Welled Amlac your enemy: the man
is opulent; it is not for the value of the cloaths, but he thinks
his importance among his neighbours is measured by the respect shewn
him by people afar off; never fear, he will make you some kind of
return, and for the cloaths I shall pay for them." "By no means, said
I, my good friend; I think the anecdote and custom is so curious
that it is worth the price of the cloaths; and I beg that you would
believe, that, intending to go through Maitsha, I consider it as a
piece of friendship in you to have brought me under this obligation."
"And so it is, says he: I knew you would think so; you are a cool
dispassionate man, and walk by advice, and do not break through the
customs of the country, and this reconciles even bad men to you every
day, and so much the longer shall you be in safety."
The reader will not doubt that I immediately fulfilled my obligation
to Welled Amlac, who received his cloaths, a girdle, and a pair of
sandals, in all to the amount of about two guineas, with the same
indifference as if he had been buying them for ready money. He then
asked for his servant's cloaths, which were ready for him. He only
said he thought they were too good, and hinted as if he should take
them for his own use when he went to Maitsha. I then carried him
new-dressed to the Iteghé, who gave him strict injunctions to take
care of me if ever I should come into his hands. He after went home
with Ayto Aylo, nor did I ever know what was become of him till now,
when we arrived at his house at Welled Abea Abbo, unless from some
words that fell in discourse from Fasil at Bamba.
Shalaka Welled Amlac was, however, from home, but his wife, mother,
and sisters, received us kindly, knowing us by report; and, without
waiting for our landlord, a cow was instantly slaughtered.
The venerable mistress of this worthy family, Welled Amlac's mother,
was a very stout, chearful woman, and bore no signs of infirmity
or old age: his wife was, on the contrary, as arrant a hag as ever
acted the part on the stage; very active, however, and civil, and
speaking very tolerable Amharic. His two sisters, about sixteen or
seventeen, were really handsome; but Fasil's wife, who was there,
was the most beautiful and graceful of them all; she seemed not to
be past eighteen, tall, thin, and of a very agreeable carriage and
manners. The features of her face were very regular; she had fine
eyes, mouth, and teeth, and dark-brown complexion; at first sight
a cast of melancholy seemed to hang upon her countenance, but this
soon vanished, and she became very courteous, chearful, and most
conversible of the whole, or at least seemed to wish to be so; for,
unfortunately, she spoke not a word of any language but Galla, though
she understood a little Amharic; our conversation did not fail to give
great entertainment to the whole family, and for her part, she laughed
beyond all measure.
The two sisters had been out helping my servants in disposing the
baggage; but when they had pitched my tent, and were about to lay the
mattress for sleeping on, the eldest of these interrupted them, and
not being able to make herself understood by the Greeks, she took it
up and threw it out of the tent-door, whilst no abuse or opprobrious
names were spared by my servants; one of whom came to tell me her
impudence, and that if they understood her, she said I was to sleep
with her this night, and they believed we were got into a house of
thieves and murderers. To this I answered by a sharp reproof, desiring
them to conform to every thing the family ordered them. I saw the
fair nymph was in a violent passion; she told her tale to the matrons
with great energy, and a volubility of tongue past imagination, and
they all laughed. Fasil's wife called me to sit by her, and began
to instruct me, drolly enough, as they do children, but of what she
said I had not the smallest guess. I endeavoured always to repeat her
last words, and this occasioned another vehement laugh, in which I
joined as heartily as any, to keep up the joke, for the benefit of the
company, as long as possible.
Immediately after this Welled Amlac arrived, and brought us the
disagreeable news, that it was impossible to proceed to the ford of
the Abay, as two of the neighbouring Shums were at variance about
their respective districts, and in a day or two would decide it by
blows. The faces of all our companions fell at these news; but as I
knew the man, it gave me little trouble, as I supposed the meaning to
be, that, if we made it worth while, he would accompany us himself,
and in that case we should pass without fear; at any rate, I well knew
that, after the obligations I had laid him under at Gondar, he could
not, consistent with the received usages of the country, if it was but
for his own reputation's sake, fail in receiving me in the very best
manner in his power, and entertaining me to the utmost all the time I
was in his house.
Satisfied that I understood him, he put on the most chearful
countenance: another cow was killed, great plenty of hydromel
produced, and he prepared to regale us as sumptuously as possible,
after the manner of the country. We were there, as often before,
obliged to overcome our repugnance to eating raw flesh. Shalaka Welled
Amlac set us the example, entertained us with the stories of his
hunting elephants, and feats in the last wars, mostly roguish ones.
The room where we were (which was indeed large, and contained himself,
mother, wife, sisters, his horses, mules, and servants, night and day)
was all hung round with the trunks of these elephants, which he had
brought from the neighbouring Kolla, near Guesgué, and killed with
his own hands, for he was one of the boldest and best horsemen in
Abyssinia, and perfectly master of his arms.
This Polyphemus's feast being finished, the horn of hydromel
went briskly about. Welled Amlac's eldest sister, whose name was
Melectanea, took a particular charge of me, and I began to find the
necessity of retiring and going to bed while I was able. Here the
former story came over again; the invariable custom of all Maitsha and
the country of the Galla, of establishing a relationship by sleeping
with a near of kin, was enlarged upon; and, as the young lady herself
was present, and presented every horn of drink during this polite
dispute concerning her person, I do not know whether it will not be
thought a greater breach of delicacy to have refused than to have
complied:--
But what success Vanessa met
Is to the world a secret yet;
Can never to mankind be told,
Nor shall the conscious muse unfold.
Fye upon the conscious muse, says lord Orrery; and fye, too, say I:--a
man of honour and gallantry should not permit himself such a hint as
this, though the Red Sea was between him and his mistress.
It was impossible to sleep; the whole night was one continued storm of
thunder, rain, and lightning; the morning was clearer, and my people
very urgent to go away; but I had still to settle with Zor Woldo,
who had been kept by his mistress, Fasil's wife, notwithstanding
his master's orders, till he had told her the whole circumstances
of our expedition, and made her laugh heartily at the oddity of our
sentiments and customs. This she repaid to him by plentiful horns of
mead and bouza, as also large collops of raw meat, which made him a
very eloquent historian; whether or no he was a faithful one, I cannot
possibly judge.
After having settled with him to his perfect satisfaction, and
cancelled entirely the memory of some disagreeable things passed, he
consigned us very solemnly to Ayto Aylo's servant, in presence of
Welled Amlac, and had taken his leave, when a very fine white cow was
brought to the door of the tent from Fasil's wife, who insisted, as a
friend of her husband, that I would stay that day for her sake; and I
should either learn her my language, or she would teach me Galla. The
party was accepted as soon as offered; the morning was fresh and cool,
nor had last night's libation any way disordered my stomach. Strates
himself, though afraid of Welled Amlac, and exceedingly exasperated at
the impudent behaviour, as he called it, of Melectanea, was, however,
a little pacified at the approach of the white cow. Brother, says he
to Michael, we have nothing to do with people's manners as long as
they are civil to us: as to this house, there is no doubt but the men
are robbers and murderers, and their women wh--es; but if they use us
well while we are now here, and we are so lucky as to get to Gondar
alive, let the devil take me if ever I seek again to be at Welled Abea
Abbo. It was agreed to relax that day, and dedicate it to herborizing,
as also to the satisfying the curiosity of our female friends, by
answering all their questions; and thus the forenoon passed as
agreeable as possible.
Welled Amlac, a great hunter, had gone with me early to a neighbouring
thicket on horseback, armed with lances in search of venison, though
we certainly did not want provisions. We in a few minutes raised two
bohur, a large animal of the deer kind, and each pursued his beast;
mine had not run 400 yards before I overtook him, and pierced him with
my pike; and the same would have happened probably to the other, had
not Welled Amlac's horse put his fore-feet into a fox's hole, which
threw him and his rider headlong to the ground; he was not, however,
hurt, but rose very gravely, and desired me to return; it being a rule
among these people, never to persist when any thing unfortunate falls
out in the beginning of a day.
Our company was now increased by our former landlord at Goutto, where
we were obliged to Woldo's stratagem for discovering the cow that was
hid. We sat down chearfully to dinner. Welled Amlac's fall had not
spoiled his appetite; I think he ate equal to four ordinary men. I,
for the most part, ate the venison, which was made into an excellent
dish, only too much stuffed with all kind of spices. Fasil's wife
alone seemed to have a very poor appetite, notwithstanding her violent
fits of laughter, and outward appearance of chearfulness. A melancholy
gloom returned upon her beautiful face, that seemed to indicate a mind
not at ease. She was of a noble family of Galla, which had conquered
and settled in the low country of Narea. I wondered that Fasil her
husband had not carried her to Gondar. She said her husband had twenty
other wives besides her, but took none of them to Gondar; which was
a place of war, where it was the custom to marry the wives of their
enemies that they had forced to fly, Fasil will be married therefore
to Michael's wife, Ozoro Esther. I could not help being startled at
this declaration, remembering that I was here losing my time, and
forgetting my word of returning as soon as possible; but we had, for
many months, lived in such constant alarms, that it was absolutely as
needful to seize the moment in which we could repose our mind, as to
give rest to the body.
In the afternoon we distributed our presents among the ladies. Fasil's
wife was not forgot; and the beautiful Melectanea was covered with
beads, handkerchiefs, and ribbands of all colours. Fasil's wife, on my
first request, gave me a lock of her fine hair from the root, which
has ever since, and at this day does suspend a plummet of an ounce
and half at the index of my three-feet quadrant.
The next morning, the 13th of November, having settled our account
with our host, we set out from the hospitable house of Shalaka Welled
Amlac, after having engaged, by promises to the ladies, that we should
pay them soon another visit. Our landlord accompanied us in person to
the ford, and by this, and his readiness to shew us what he thought
worthy of our curiosity, and by his care in ascertaining for us the
distances and situations of places, he gave us a certain proof he was
well contented, and therefore that we had nothing to fear.
We had both nights heard the noise of cataracts, and we thought it
might be of the Nile, as we were in fact but five miles from the
second small cataract at Kerr, which lay W. S. W. of us. We were
informed, however, in the morning, that it was the sound of falls in
the river Jemma, near whose banks this house is situated. We set out
at eight o'clock, the hills of Aroossi bearing north; and at half past
eight we came to the ford of the Jemma, which is strong, rugged, and
uneven.
The Jemma here comes from the east; its banks are most beautifully
shaded with acacia and other trees, growing as on the west of the
Nile, that is, the trunks or stems of the trees at a distance, but
the tops touching each other, and spreading broad. Though growing to
no height, these woods are full of game of different kinds, mostly
unknown in Europe. The bohur is here in great numbers; also the
Buffalo, though not so frequent. Whoever sees Richmond hill has an
idea of the banks of the Jemma, and the country east of it, with all
that addition that an eastern and happier climate can give it; for the
rains had now ceased, and every hill was in flower; the sun indeed was
hot, but a constant and fresh breeze prevented its being felt near the
river. The heat in this country ceases, in the warmest day, the moment
we pass from the sun to the shade: we have none of these hot winds or
violent reflections which we had suffered in Egypt, Syria, and Arabia,
and both the coasts of the Red Sea.
There are two cataracts lower than this ford of the Jemma, the first
about 300 yards below the ford, and another larger, something about
half a mile; it is not, however, more than seven or eight feet high,
perhaps about ninety feet broad, and the sheet of water is not
entire, but is interrupted in many places. It falls, however, into a
magnificent bason above 400 yards square, and very deep, in which are
large fish in great plenty, but no crocodiles; nor indeed are there
any seen, as I have heard above the third cataract, nor considerably
below, when, after having made the tour of Gojam, it again turns
northward towards its sources. The Gomari, however, often comes to
the mouth of the Jemma, especially when the first rains fall; the
crocodile seems to require a warmer climate.
After having satisfied our curiosity as to the Jemma, I began to
reproach those that were with me about the panic which they felt
the night before; these were, a Greek of Gondar, Strates, and three
others, my servants, whom I brought from Cairo. "You see, said I,
what danger there is; Welled Amlac is with us upon a mule, without
a lance or shield, and only two naked servants with him; did not I
tell you what was the meaning of the news?" Though this was spoken in
a language of which it was impossible Amlac could know a syllable,
yet he presently apprehended in part what I would say. "I see, says
he, you believe what I told you last night to be false, and invented
only to get from you a present: but you shall see; and if this day
we do not meet Welled Aragawi and his soldiers, you are then in the
right; it is as you imagine."--"You do me wrong, said I, and have not
understood me, for how should you. Those white people believe too well
all you told them, and are only apprehensive of your not being able
to defend us, being without arms and followers. All I said was, that
where you were, armed or unarmed, there was no danger."--"True, says
he, you are now in Maitsha, and not in my country, which is Goutto;
you are now in the worst country in all Abyssinia, where the brother
kills his brother for a loaf of bread, of which he has no need: you
are in a country of Pagans, or dogs, Galla, and worse than Galla;
if ever you meet an _old man_ here, he is a stranger; all that are
natives die by the lance young; and yet, though these two chieftains
I mentioned fight to-day, unarmed as I am, (as you well said) you are
in no danger while I am with you. These people of Maitsha, shut up
between the Jemma, the Nile, and the lake, have no where but from the
Agows to get what they want; they come to the same market with us here
in Goutto; the fords of the Jemma, they know, are in my hands; and did
they offer an injury to a friend of mine, were it but to whistle as he
passed them, they know I am not gentle; though not a Galla, they are
sensible, one day or other, I should call them to account, though it
were in the bed-chamber of their master Fasil."
"Your master, Welled Amlac, with your leave," said I. "Yes, mine too,
said he, by force, but he never shall be my master by inclination,
after murdering Kasmati Eshté. He calls me his brother, and believes
me his friend. You saw one of his wives, whom he leaves at my house,
last night, but I hope still to see him and his Galla slaughtered as
the cow in my house was yesterday." "I am surprised, said I, your
house was spared, and that Ras Michael did not burn it in either of
his passages through Maitsha."--"In 1769, replied he, I was not with
Fasil at Fagitta, and the Ras passed the Nile above this far beyond
the Kelti; after which I returned with him to Gondar. In Ginbot[2],
Fasil informed us that Amhara and Begemder were come over to him.
When then all Maitsha joined Fasil, I went with my people to meet
Michael at Derdera, as I knew he must pass the Nile here opposite to
Abbo, and Begemder and Amhara would then be behind him, or else try to
cross at Delakus, which was then swollen with rain, and unfordable:
but apprehensive lest, marching still higher up along the Nile to
find a ford, he might burn my house in his way, I myself joined him
the night before he knew of Powussen's revolt, and he had it then
in contemplation to burn Samseen. The next morning was that of his
retreat, and he chose me to accompany him across the Nile, still
considering me as his friend, and therefore, perhaps, he would have
done no harm to my house."--"So it was you, said I, that led us that
day into that cursed clay-hole, which you call a ford, where so many
people and beasts were maimed and lost?"--He replied, "It was Fasil's
spies that first persuaded him to pass there, or at Kerr. I kept him
to the place where you passed; you would have all perished at Kerr.
This, to be sure, was not a good ford, nor passable at all except in
summer, unless by swimming; but so many men crossing had made it still
worse; besides, do you remember what a storm it was?--what a night of
rain? O Lady Mariam, always a virgin, said I, while they struggled in
the mud and clay. O holy Abba Guebra Menfus Kedus, who never ate or
drank from his mother's womb till his death, will you not open the
earth, that all this accursed multitude may descend alive into hell,
like Dathan and Abiram?"--A kind and charitable prayer!--"I thank
you for it, Welled Amlac, said I; first, for carrying us to that
charitable ford, where, with one of the strongest and ablest horses in
the world, I had nearly perished:--and, secondly, for your pious wish,
to dispose of us out of the regions of rain and cold into so warm
quarters in company with Dathan and Abiram!"
"I did not know you was there, says he; I heard you had staid at
Gondar in order to bring up the black horse. I saw a white person[3]
with the Ras, indeed, who had a good hanjar and gun, but his mule
was weak, and he himself seemed sick. As I returned I could have
carried him off in the night, but I said, perhaps it is the brother
of Yagoube, my friend and physician; he is white like him, and for
your sake I left him. I was much with you white people in the time of
Kasmati Eshté."--"And pray, said I, what did you after we passed the
Abay?"--"After I saw that devil Ras Michael over, said Welled Amlac,
I returned under pretence of assisting Kefla Yasous there, and,
being joined by all my people, we fell upon the stragglers wherever
we found them. You know what a day of rain it was; we took 17 guns,
12 horses, and about 200 mules and asses laden, and so returned home,
leaving the rest to Fasil, who, if he had been a man, should have cut
you all to pieces the day after."--"And what did you, said I, with
these stragglers whom you met and robbed; did you kill them?"--"We
always kill them, answered Amlac; we spare none; we never do a man
an injury, and leave him alive to revenge it upon us after; but it
was really the same; they were all sick and weak, and the hyæna would
have finished them in the morning, so it was just saving them so much
suffering to kill them outright the night before; and I assure you,
Yagoube, whatever you may think, I did not do it out of malice."--From
this conversation one may sufficiently guess what sort of a man Welled
Amlac was, and what were his ideas of mercy.
We passed the church of Kedus Michael at half after nine, on the road
to our right. At nine and three quarters our course was N. by W. and,
at a quarter after ten, we passed the Coga, a large river. At three
quarters past ten our course was north. We passed the church of Abbo a
quarter of a mile on our right. The country, after we had crossed the
Jemma, was much less beautiful than before. At twelve our course was
N. by W. and at half past twelve the church of Mariam Net, 200 yards
to the left; and here we forded the small river Amlac-Ohha. Every
step of this ground put us in mind of our disastrous campaign in May;
and we were now passing directly in the tract of the ever-memorable
retreat of Kefla Yasous and the rear of the army. At a quarter after
one we halted at a small village of low houses, as it were in bent
grass, where, for the first time, we saw flocks of goats lying on the
tops of the houses for fear of wild beasts.
"You shall see, says Welled Amlac, whether I am telling truth or not;
this is the house of Welled Aragawi; if he is here at home, then I
have deceived you." We saw a number of women laden with jars of bouza
and hydromel, and asked where they were going. They said to their
master at Delakus, who waited there to prevent Welleta Michael of
Degwassa from passing the river. Our Greeks on this began to relapse
into their panic, and to wish we were again at Welled Abea Abbo. At
three quarters past one we continued our journey to the north, and
passed a river, called Amlac-Ohha, larger than the former: it comes
from the east, and, half a mile further, receives the other stream
already mentioned. The sun was now burning hot. At three o'clock we
halted a quarter of an hour; and, beginning to descend gently, an
hour after this we came to the banks of the Abay. Here we saw the two
combatants, Welleta Michael and Welled Aragawi, exactly opposite to
each other, the first on the west the other on the east side; they had
settled all their differences, and each had killed several kine for
themselves and friends, which was all the blood shed that day.
The Nile is here a considerable river; its breadth at this time full
three quarters of an English mile; the current is very gentle; where
deep you scarce can perceive it flow; it comes from W. by S. and W.
S. W. and at the ford runs east and west. The banks on the east side
were very high and steep; and on the west, at the first entrance, the
bottom is soft and bad, the water four feet and a half deep, but
above another foot, which we sink in clay. I cried to Welled Amlac,
while he was leading my mule across, that he should not pray to his
saint that never eats, as at the passage of the Jemma in May. He only
answered lowly to me, Do you think these thieves would have let you
pass if I was not with you? My answer was, Welleta Michael would not
have seen me wronged; I saved his life, he and every body knows it.
We gained with difficulty the middle of the river, where the bottom
was firm, and there we rested a little. Whilst we were wading near the
other side, we found foul ground, but the water was shallow, and the
banks low and easy to ascend. The river side, as far as we could see,
is bare and destitute of wood of any kind, only bordered with thistles
and high grass, and the water tinged deep with red earth, of which its
banks are composed. This passage is called Delakus, and is passable
from the end of October to the middle of May. Immediately on the top
of the hill ascending from the river is the small town of Delakus,
which gives this ford its name; it extends from N. E. to N. N. E. and
is more considerable in appearance than is the generality of these
small towns or villages in Abyssinia, because inhabited by Mahometans
only, a trading, frugal, intelligent, and industrious people.
Our conductor, Welled Amlac, again put us in mind of the service
he had rendered us, and we were not unmindful of him. He had been
received with very great respect by the eastern body of combatants,
and it is incredible with what expedition he swallowed near a pound
of raw flesh cut from the buttocks of the animal yet alive. After
some horns of hydromel, he had passed to the other side, where he was
received with still more affection, if possible, by Welleta Michael,
and there he began again to eat the raw meat with an appetite as keen
as if he had fasted for whole days; he then consigned us to Ayto
Welleta Michael, his friend and mine, who furnished us with a servant
to conduct us on our way, while he himself remained that night at
the ford among the combatants. He advised us to advance as far as
possible, for all that country was destroyed by a malignant fever
which laid all waste beyond Delakus.
We left the ford at a quarter past five in the evening, and, pursuing
our journey north, we passed the small town of Delakus, continuing
along the hill among little spots of brush-wood and small fields of
corn intermixed. At half past six passed the river Avola. At half past
seven crossed another swift-running stream, clear and shallow, but
full of slippery stones. At three quarters after seven we alighted at
Googue, a considerable village, and, as it was now night, we could go
no farther; we had already several times mistaken our way, and lost
each other in the dark, being often also mired in a small plain before
we passed the last river; but our guide had heard the orders of his
master, and pushed on briskly.
We found the people of Googue the most savage and unhospitable we had
yet met with. Upon no account would they suffer us to enter their
houses, and we were obliged to remain without, the greatest part of
the night. At last they carried us to a house of good appearance, but
refused absolutely to give us meat for ourselves or horses; and,
as we had not force, we were obliged to be content. It had rained
violently in the evening, and we were all wet. We contented ourselves
with lighting a large fire in the middle of the house, which we kept
burning all night, as well for guard, as for drying ourselves, though
we little knew at the time that it was probably the only means of
saving our lives; for in the morning we found the whole village sick
of the fever, and two families had died out of the house where these
people had put us: for my own part, upon hearing this I was more
affrighted than for Welled Aragawi and all his robbers. Though weary
and wet, I had slept on the ground near the fire six whole hours; and,
tho' really well, I could not during the day persuade myself there was
not some symptom of fever upon me. My first precaution was to infuse
a dose of bark into a glass of aquavitæ, a large horn of which we
had with us; we then burnt frankincense and myrrh in abundance, and
fumigated ourselves, as practised at Masuah and in Arabia. Early in
the morning we repeated our dose of bark and fumigation. Whether the
bark prevented the disease or not, the aquavitæ certainly strengthened
the spirits, and was a medicine to the imagination.
The people, who saw the eagerness and confidence with which we
swallowed this medicine, flocked about us demanding assistance.
I confess I was so exasperated with their treatment of us, and
especially that of lodging us in the infected house, that I constantly
refused them their request, leaving them a prey to their distemper, to
teach them another time more hospitality to strangers.
This fever prevailed in Abyssinia in all low grounds and plains, in
the neighbourhood of all rivers which run in valleys; it is really
a malignant tertian, which, however, has so many forms and modes of
intermission that it is impossible for one not of the Faculty to
describe it. It is not in all places equally dangerous, but on the
banks and neighbourhood of the Tacazzé it is particularly fatal. The
valley where that river runs is very low and sultry, being full of
large trees. In Kuara, too, it is very mortal; in Belessen and Dembea
less so; in Walkayt it is dangerous; but not so much in Tzegadè,
Kolla, Woggora, and Waldubba. It does not prevail in high grounds or
mountains, or in places much exposed to the air. This fever is called
Nedad, or burning; it begins always with a shivering and headache,
a heavy eye, and inclination to vomit; a violent heat follows, which
leaves little intermission, and ends generally in death the third or
fifth day. In the last stage of the distemper the belly swells to an
enormous size, or sometimes immediately after death, and the body
within an instant smells most insupportably; to prevent which they
bury the corpse immediately after the breath is out, and often within
the hour. The face has a remarkable yellow appearance, with a blackish
cast, as in the last stage of a dropsy or the atrophy. This fever
begins immediately with the sun-shine, after the first rains, that is,
while there are intervals of rain and sun-shine: it ceases upon the
earth being thoroughly soaked in July and August, and begins again in
September; but now, at the beginning of November, it finally ceases
everywhere.
The country about Googue is both fertile and pleasant, all laid out
in wheat, and the grain good. They were now in the midst of their
harvest, but there were some places, to which the water could be
conducted, where the corn was just appearing out of the ground.
From Googue we have an extensive view of the lake Tzana, whilst the
mountains of Begemder and Karoota, that is, all the ridge along
Foggora, appear distinctly enough, but they are sunk low, and near the
horizon.
On the 14th, at three quarters past seven in the morning, we left
the inhospitable village Googue; our road lay N. by W. up a small
hill. At half past eight we crossed the village of Azzadari, in which
runs a small river, then almost stagnant, of the same name. At three
quarters after eight, the church of Turcon Abbo, being a quarter of a
mile to our right. At three quarters after nine we passed the river
Avolai, coming from N. W. and which, with all the other streams above
mentioned, fall into the lake: from this begins Degwassa. At half
past ten we rested half an hour. At eleven continued our journey N.
by W. and, at half after eleven, entered again into the great road
of Buré, by Kelti. All the country from Googue is bare, unpleasant,
unwholesome, and ill watered. Those few streams it has are now
standing in pools, and are probably stagnant in January and February.
The people, too, are more miserable than in any other part of Maitsha
and Goutto.
As we are now leaving Maitsha, it will be the place to say something
concerning it in particular. Maitsha is either proper, or what is
called so by extension. Maitsha Proper is bounded on the west by
the Nile, on the south by the river Jemma, dividing it from Goutto;
and, on the other side of Amid Amid, by the province of Damot; on
the south by Gojam; on the east and north by the Abay or Nile, and
the lake: this is Maitsha proper; but by extension it comprehends a
large tract on the west side of the Nile, which begins by Sankraber
on the north, and is bounded by the Agows on the west, comprehending
Atcheffer and Aroossi to the banks of the Nile. This is the Maitsha of
the books, but is not properly so.
Maitsha is governed by ninety-nine Shums, and is an appendage of the
office of Betwudet, to whom it pays two thousand ounces of gold. The
people are originally of those Galla west of the Abay. Yasous the
Great, when at war with that people, who, in many preceding reigns,
had laid waste the provinces of Gojam and Damot, and especially
Agow, when he passed the Abay found these people at variance among
themselves; and the king, who was everywhere victorious, being joined
by the weakest, advanced to Narea, and, on his return, transplanted
these Galla into Maitsha, placing part of them along the Nile to guard
the passes. His successors at different times followed his example;
part they settled in Maitsha, and part along the banks of the Nile in
Damot and Gojam, where being converted to Christianity, at least to
such Christianity as is professed in Abyssinia, they have increased
exceedingly, and amounted, at least before the war in 1768, to 15,000
men, of whom about 4000 are horsemen.
The capital of Maitsha is Ibaba. There is here a house or small
castle belonging to the king. The town is one of the largest in
Abyssinia, little inferior to Gondar in size or riches, and has a
market every day; this is governed by an officer called Ibaba Azage,
whose employment is worth 600 ounces of gold, and is generally
conferred upon the principal person of Maitsha, to keep him firm in
his allegiance, as there is a very considerable territory depends upon
this office. The country round Ibaba is the most pleasant and fertile,
not of Maitsha only, but of all Abyssinia, especially that part called
Kollela, between Ibaba and Gojam, where the principal Ozoros have
all houses and possessions, called Goult or Fiefs, which they have
received from their respective ancestors when kings.
Though Maitsha be peculiarly the appendage of Betwudet, and governed
by him, yet it has a particular political government of its own.
The ninety-nine Shums, who are each a distinct family of Galla,
chuse a king, like the Pagan Galla, every seventh year, with all
the ceremonies anciently observed while they were Pagans; and
these governors have much more influence over them than the King
or Betwudet; so have they (in my time at least) been in a constant
rebellion, and that has much lessened their numbers, which will
not now amount to above 10,000 men, Ras Michael having every where
destroyed their houses, and carried into slavery their wives and
children, who have been sold to the Mahometan merchants, and
transported to Masuah, and from thence to Arabia.
At twelve o'clock, Guesgué was to the right, three or four, perhaps
more miles; and the very rugged mountain Cafercla, broken and full of
precipices, on our right, at about 12 miles distance; they rise from
Kolla. Guesgué, which, though the language and race be Agow, is not
comprehended in the government of that country, but generally goes
with Kuara. At a quarter past one we arrived at the house of Ayto
Welleta Michael, at Degwassa, after entering into a country something
more pleasant and cultivated than the former. The village of Degwassa
is but small; it had also been burnt in the late war; it is pleasantly
situated on a hill south of the lake, about 3 miles distance, and
is surrounded with large wanzey-trees; we were but ill-received at
this village, notwithstanding the promises of the master of it at
the passage of the Abay, and we found these people scarcely more
hospitable than at Googue. This village is a little out of the road,
to the right. We had travelled this day five hours and a half, or
little more than ten miles.
On the 15th of November, from Degwassa we entered Gonzala, immediately
bordering upon it: heavy rain prevented our setting out till noon.
Gonzala is full of villages, and belongs to the queen-mother. At a
quarter after one we passed a large marsh, in the midst of which runs
a small river which here falls into the lake. We rested here half an
hour; and, at three quarters past one, we entered the great road which
we had passed to the left in going to Degwassa. At two o'clock we came
still to a distincter view of the lake, as also where the river enters
and goes out; it appears here to enter at S. W. and go out at N. E.
and is distant about eight or nine miles. At three quarters past two,
we arrived at Dingleber, having this day travelled only two hours and
a half, or five miles.
On the 16th we left Dingleber at seven o'clock in the morning; it was
very hot; and, a little before we came to Mescalaxos, in a stripe of
land, or peninsula, which runs out into the lake, we halted a short
time under the shade of some acacia-trees. Here we saw plenty of
water-fowl, and several gomaris. A small river crosses the road here,
and falls into the lake: and, at one o'clock in the afternoon, we
continued our journey, and overtook a troop of Agows, who were going
to Gondar, laden with honey, butter, and untanned hides. They had with
them also about 800 head of cattle. These people accustomed to the
road (though heavily laden) go long journies: they had at this time 50
miles to make by nine o'clock in the morning of the 18th, and it was
now the 16th, past one o'clock.
A Shower overtook us soon after passing Mescalaxos, and forced us to
take refuge in some small huts near the lake, called Goja, where we
remained. The inhabitants of this and the neighbouring villages speak
Falasha, the language anciently of all Dembea, which, as has been
already observed, in most of the plain country, has now given place
to Amharic. Here we saw two gomari come out of the lake and enter the
corn, but speedily, upon the dogs of the villages attacking them, they
ran and plunged into the water; we could not have a distinct view of
them, nor time enough to design them, but they were very different
from any draught we had ever seen of them. The head seemed to me to
resemble that of a hog more than of a horse. We had this day travelled
six hours and a half, or about thirteen miles.
On the 17th, at a quarter past seven, we left Goja. At one o'clock
we halted at Sar Ohha, after a journey of five hours and a half, or
about eleven miles; and on the 18th, at half past six, left Sar Ohha.
At three quarters past seven we passed the river Talti, and at half
past eleven halted at Abba Abram, near the church, under a large
sassa-tree. At one, continued our journey, and at a quarter past two
arrived at Kemona.
On the 19th of November, at seven in the morning, we left Kemona, and
going constantly without stopping by Chergué and Azazo, I sent my
servants and baggage on to Abba Samuel at Gondar, where they arrived
at one o'clock afternoon, and finished our long-projected expedition,
or journey, to the fountains of the Nile, having, in our return home,
made as it were the chord of the arch of our former journey, or about
ninety-three miles, with which we found our points, as settled by
observation, did very nearly agree.
Two things chiefly occupied my mind, and prevented me from
accompanying my servants and baggage into Gondar. The first was my
desire of instantly knowing the state of Ozoro Esther's health: the
second was, to avoid Fasil, till I knew a little more about Ras
Michael and the king. Taking one servant along with me, I left my
people at Azazo, and turning to the left, up a very craggy, steep
mountain, I made the utmost diligence I could till I arrived at the
gate of Koscam, near two o'clock, without having met any one from
Fasil, who was encamped opposite to Gondar, on the Kahha, on the
side of the hill, so that I had passed obliquely behind him. He had,
however, seen or heard of the arrival of my servants at Gondar,
and had sent for me to wait upon him in his camp; and, when he was
informed I had gone forward to Koscam, it was said he had uttered some
words of discontent.
I went straight to the Iteghé's apartment, but was not admitted, as
she was at her devotions. In crossing one of the courts, however, I
met a slave of Ozoro Esther, who, instead of answering the question
I put to her, gave a loud shriek, and went to inform her mistress. I
found that princess greatly recovered, as her anxiety about Fasil had
ceased. She had admitted him to an audience, and he had communicated
to her the engagement he was under to her husband, as also the conduct
he intended to pursue in order to keep Gusho and Powussen from taking
any effectual measures which might frustrate, or at least delay, the
restoration of the king and arrival of Ras Michael.
CHAP. II.
_Fasil's insidious Behaviour--Arrival at Gondar--King passes the
Taccazzé--Iteghé and Socinios fly from Gondar._
I shall now resume the history of Abyssinia itself, so far as I was
concerned in it, or had an opportunity of knowing, and this I shall
follow as closely as possible, till I begin my return home through
those dreary and hitherto-unknown deserts of Sennaar, though not the
most entertaining, yet by far the most dangerous and most difficult
part of the voyage.
It was about the 20th of October that Woodage Asahel came with a
strong body of horse into the neighbourhood of Gondar, and cut off all
communication between the capital and those provinces to the southward
of it. This occasioned a temporary famine, as his troops plundered all
those they met on the road carrying provisions to the market. At first
he refused to tell what his real errand was; but, a few days after,
having passed the low country of Dembea, he took post at Dingleber, on
the road to Maitsha and the country of the Agows, and then he declared
his only intention in coming was to join Fasil, then marching to
Gondar at the head of a large army; nor was the cause of that great
army, nor the reason of Fasil's coming, so sufficiently known as to
free any party entirely from their apprehensions.
Sanuda, who filled the office of Ras, and the rest of that party,
endeavoured to determine Asahel to enter Gondar, and pay his homage
to Socinios, now king; not doubting but his example would have the
effect of making others do the like, and that so by degrees they might
collect troops enough to make Michael respect them, so far at least as
to defer for a season his march from Tigrè. They prevailed, indeed, so
far as to engage Asahel to enter Gondar on the 28th of October, the
day that we left it; so, by a few hours, and his taking a low road
that he might plunder the villages in Dembea, we missed a meeting of
the most dangerous and most disagreeable kind. After having made his
usual parade, and passed his cavalry in review before Socinios, he had
his public audience, where he said he came charged by Fasil to declare
that he was ready to set out for Gondar, and bring with him that
part of the revenue due to the king from the provinces he commanded,
provided he had a man of sufficient trust to leave in his stead at
home; that therefore he prayed the king to appoint him Woodage Asahel
to command in the provinces of Damot, Maitsha, and Agow, in his
absence.
After the many promises and engagements Fasil had made and broken,
without ever assigning the smallest reason, it may be doubted whether
Socinios believed this fair tale implicitly; but his present intention
being to gain Woodage, it little signified whether it was strictly
true or not; he therefore received it as true. Fasil's request was
granted to the full; and this robber, twenty times a rebel, bred
up in woods and deserts, in exercise of every crime, was appointed
to a command the third in the kingdom for rank, power, and riches;
and, what was never before seen, the king went out of his palace to
Deppabye, the public market-place, to see the circle of gold, called
the Ras Werk, put upon his head; this, with the white and blue mantle,
invests him with the dignity of Kasmati, or lieutenant-general of the
king, in the province given him.
A low man, such as Asahel was, could not resist the caresses of his
sovereign; he was entirely gained; and, in return, made privately to
Socinios, and a few confidants, a communication of all he knew, which
their natural imprudence, and private previous engagements, afterwards
made public. The substance of this confidence was, that peace had been
made and sworn to, in the most solemn manner, both by Michael and
Fasil; that they were to restore the king, Tecla Haimanout; that they
were, by their joint means, to effect, if possible, the ruin of Gusho
and Powussen, governors of Begemder and Amhara; Fasil was to enjoy the
post of Ras and Betwuder, and to dispose of the government of Begemder
and Amhara to his friends; Ras Michael was to content himself with
the province of Tigrè, as he then enjoyed it, and advance no further
than the river Tacazzé, where he was to deliver the king to Fasil,
and return to his province. Sanuda was, in the mean time, to appear
as Ras by the connivance of Fasil and Michael; and, if he saw the
people of the Iteghé's party resolved upon electing a king, he was to
take care to choose such a one as would soon prove himself incapable
of reigning, but fill the vacancy in the mean time, and prevent the
election from falling upon a worthier candidate from the mountain of
Wechné. Fasil, on his part, undertook by promises and proposals, and
occasionally by the approach of his army, to frighten and confuse the
Iteghé, and prevent a good understanding taking place between her,
Gusho, and Powussen. The last article of this treaty was, that no
more should be said of Joas the late king's murderer, but all that
transaction was to be buried in eternal oblivion. This peace, Asahel
had said, was made by the mediation of Welleta Selassé, nephew of Ras
Michael, whom we have often mentioned as having been taken prisoner by
Fasil at the battle of Limjour.
This discovery, dangerous as it might have been in other times and
circumstances, from the weakness of the present government, had no
consequences hurtful to any concerned in it. Sanuda, who was not
present when Asahel revealed the secret, affected to laugh at it as
an improbable fiction; and though this whole scheme of treachery
was confirmed part by part, yet it was so deeply laid, and so well
supported, that, even when discovered, it could not be prevented,
till, step by step, it was carried into execution.
Fasil was encamped at Bamba, as we have already mentioned; he had
discharged all those savage Galla that he had brought from the other
side of the Nile. As soon as he had heard in how favourable a manner
Woodage Asahel had been received, he decamped, taking with him 400
horse and 600 foot, all chosen men, from Maitsha and Damot, and with
these he advanced, by forced marches, to Gondar, where he arrived
the 2d of November, to the surprise of the whole town and court, for
he had already so often promised, and so often broken his word, that
nobody pretended to guess more about him till they actually saw him
arrived. That same evening he waited on the queen, where he made a
short visit; he paid a still shorter to the king, and no business
passed at either of these meetings.
The king, Socinios, was now more than ever confirmed in the belief
of Asahel's information, because, notwithstanding that Fasil knew
perfectly his necessities, and that for seven years he had not paid
a farthing to the revenue, he still had not brought either payment,
or present of any sort; and, instead of coming with a large army to
give battle to Ras Michael, he arrived as in peace with scarce a body
guard; and, what seemed to put the matter beyond all doubt, the very
night of his arrival, upon coming from his audience, he set Welleta
Selassé at liberty, and sent him to Tigrè to his uncle Ras Michael,
loaded with many presents, and with every mark of respect. There were,
however, about Socinios some people of wisdom enough to counsel him
to take no notice of this behaviour of Fasil, which seemed to favour
strongly of defiance; and he was wise enough for a short time to
follow their advice. As he had, by fair means, gained Woodage Asahel,
he thought he might, by pursuing the same conduct, succeed with Fasil
also.
In the morning, therefore, of the 3d of November, without attempting
further discussion, proclamation was made that Fasil was Ras and
Betwudet, governor of Damot, Maitsha, and Agow, and had the disposal
of all places under the king throughout the empire; declaring also,
that all appointments that had been made by the Iteghé or himself, in
Fasil's absence, were null and void, to be again filled up by Fasil
only. Socinios, however, soon found that he had a different spirit
to manage than that of Woodage Asahel. Fasil took him at his word,
accepted of the appointment, began immediately to exercise his power,
and the very first day he gave the post of Cantiba, that is, governor
of Dembea, to Ayto Engedan, nephew to the queen-mother, and son to
Kasmati Eshté, whom he himself had deposed, murdered, and succeeded
in the government of Damot and Maitsha; and Selassé Barea, brother to
Ayto Aylo, he made Palambaras. These appointments just planted the
king in the difficulty that was intended; for the places had been
given to Kasmati Sanuda, as a recompence for resigning the posts of
Ras and Betwudet, which were now conferred upon Fasil; and Sanuda,
whom Socinios believed his only friend, and the person that raised him
to the throne, was now left destitute of all employment whatever, by
an act of seeming ingratitude flowing from the king alone.
The next day Fasil, pursuing the same line of conduct, appointed
Adera Tacca Georgis, a creature of his own, Fit-Auraris to the king.
None of these preferments Socinios could be brought to comply with;
so that when these noblemen came to do homage for their respective
places, Socinios absolutely refused to receive them, or displace
Kasmati Sanuda. This involved the king in still greater difficulties,
for he thereby broke his word with Fasil, who had done nothing more
than Socinios gave him authority to do. On the other hand, Selassé
Barea was brother to Ayto Aylo, the queen's greatest counsellor and
confident; equal to his brother both in wisdom, integrity, and riches,
and in the favour of the people, but much more ambitious and desirous
of governing, consequently more dangerous when disobliged.
Socinios, who did not believe that Sanuda was treacherously urging him
to his ruin, continued obstinate in rejecting Fasil's appointment,
and all fell immediately into confusion. Troops flocked in from every
quarter, as upon a signal given. Ayto Engedan, in discontent, with a
thousand men sat down near Gondar on the river Mogetch; his brother
Aylo, at Emfras, about 15 miles further, with double that number;
Ayto Confu, his cousin-german, with about 600 horse, lay above Koscam
for the protection of Ozoro Esther, his mother, and the Iteghé his
grandmother--all were in arms, though upon the defensive.
In this situation of things I arrived at Gondar on the 19th of
November, but could not see the queen, who had retired into her
apartment under pretence of devotion, but rather from disgust and
melancholy, at seeing that every thing, however the contrary might
be intended, seemed to conspire to bring about the return of Ras
Michael, the event in the world she dreaded most. I found with Ozoro
Esther the Acab Saat, Abba Salama, who, as we have already observed,
had excommunicated her uncle Kasmati Eshté, and afterwards contrived
his murder, and had also had a very principal share in that of Joas
himself. It was he that Fasil said had sent to him to desire that I
might not be allowed to proceed to the head of the Nile, and that from
no other reason but a hatred to me as a Frank. We bowed to each other
as two not very great friends, and he immediately began a very dry,
ill-natured, admonitory discourse, addressed, for the greatest part,
to Ozoro Esther, explaining to her the mischief of suffering Franks to
remain at liberty in the country and meddle in affairs. I interrupted
him by a laugh, and by saying, If it is me, father, you mean by the
word Frank, I have, without your advice, gone where I intended, and
returned in safety; and as for your country, I will give you a very
handsome present to put me safely out of it, in any direction you
please, to-morrow--the sooner the better.
At this instant Ayto Confu came into his mother's apartment, caught
the last words which I had said, and asked of me, in a very angry
tone of voice, Who is he that wishes you out of the country?--"I do,
sincerely and heartily, said I, for one; but what you last heard was
in consequence of a friendly piece of advice that Abba Salama here has
been giving me."--"Father, father, says Confu, turning to him very
sternly, do you not think the measure of your good deeds is yet near
full? Do you not see this place, Kasmati Eshté's house, surrounded
by the troops of my father Michael, and do you still think yourself
in safety, when you have so lately excommunicated both the King and
Ras? Look you, says he, turning to his mother, what dogs the people
of this country are; that Pagan there, who calls himself a Christian,
did charitably recommend it to Fasil to rob or murder Yagoube, a
stranger offending nobody, when he got him among his Galla in Damot:
this did not succeed. He then persuaded Woodage Asahel to send a
party of robbers from Samseen to intercept him in Maitsha. Coque Abou
Barea himself told me it was at that infidel's desire that he sent
Welleta Selassè of Guesgué with a party to cut him off, who missed him
narrowly at Degwassa; and all this for what? I shall swear they should
not have found ten ounces of gold upon him, except Fasil's present,
and that they dared not touch."--"But God, said Ozoro Esther, saw
the integrity of his heart, and that his hands were clean; and that
is not the case with the men in this country."--"And therefore, said
Confu, he made Fasil his friend and protector. Woodage Asahel's party
fell in with an officer of Welleta Yasous, who cut them all to pieces
while robbing some Agows." Then rising up from the place where he was
sitting at his mother's feet, with a raised voice, and countenance
full of fury, turning to Abba Salama, he said, "And I, too, am now
nobody; a boy! a child! a mockery to three such Pagan infidels as
you, Fasil, and Abou Barea, because Ras Michael is away!"--Says the
Acab Saat, with great composure, or without any seeming anger, "You
are excommunicated, Confu; you are excommunicated if you say I am
Infidel or Pagan: I am a Christian priest."--"A priest of the devil,
says Confu, in a great passion--wine and women, gluttony, lying, and
drunkenness--these are your gods! Away! says he, putting his hand to
his knife: by Saint Michael I swear, ten days shall not pass before
I teach both Coque Abou Barea and you your duty. Come, Yagoube, come
and see my horses; when I have put a good man upon each of them we
shall together hunt your enemies to Sennaar." He swang hastily out of
the door, and I after him, and left Abba Salama dying with fear, as
Ozoro Esther told me afterwards, saying only to her, as he went out,
Remember I did not excommunicate him.
I left Confu with his horses and men; and, though it was now late, I
went to the camp to pay my compliments to Fasil. Having no arms, I was
very much molested both in going and coming, under various pretences;
I was afterwards kept waiting about half an hour in the camp without
seeing him; he only sent me a message that he would see me on the
morrow. However, we met several friends we had seen at Bamba, and from
them we learned at length what we shortly had heard from Ayto Confu,
that Woodage Asahel had sent a party to intercept and rob us; and it
was that party which was called the five Agows, who had passed Fasil's
army the night after we left Kelti[4]. They told us that the Lamb said
they were Agows, not to alarm us, but that he knew very well who they
were, and what was their errand; and that, the night after he left us,
he got upon their track by information from three country men whom
they had robbed of some honey, surrounded them, and, in the morning,
had attacked them west of Geesh, and, though inferior in number, had
slain and wounded the whole party as dexterously as he had promised to
us at our last interview.
I sent a small present to our friend the Lamb, in token of gratitude
to him, and delivered it to three people, that I might be sure one
of them would not steal it, and took Fasil's guarantee to see it
delivered; but this was upon a following day. I resolved to remain
at Koscam in the house the Iteghé had given me, as it was easy to see
things were drawing to a crisis, which would inevitably end in blood.
It was not till the 23d of November I first saw the Iteghé. She sent
for me early in the morning, and had a large breakfast prepared: Ayto
Confu and Ayto Engedan were there; she looked very much worn out and
indisposed. When I came first into her presence, I kneeled, with my
forehead to the ground. She put on a very serious countenance, and,
without desiring me to rise, said gravely to her people about her,
"There, says she, see that madman, who in times like these, when we
the natives of the country are not safe in our own houses, rashly,
against all advice, runs out into the fields to be hunted like a wild
beast by every robber, of which this country is full."
She then made me a sign to rise, which I did, and kissed her hand.
"Madam, said I, if I did this, it was in consequence of the good
lessons your majesty deigned to give me."--"Me! says she, with
surprise, was it I that advised you, at such a time as this, to
put yourself in the way of men like Coque Abou Barea, and Woodage
Asahel, to be ill-used, robbed, and probably murdered?"--"No, said
I, Madam, you certainly never did give me such advice; but you must
own that every day I have heard you say, when you was threatened by
a multitude of powerful enemies, that you was not afraid, you was in
God's hands, and not in theirs. Now, Madam, Providence has hitherto
protected you: I have, in humble imitation of you, had the same
Christian confidence, and I have succeeded. I knew I was in God's
hands, and therefore valued not the bad intentions of all the robbers
in Abyssinia."--"Madam, says Ayto Confu, is not Guesgué yours? does it
pay you any thing?"
"It was mine, says the queen, while any thing was mine; but Michael
took it and gave it to Coque Abou Barea, and since, it has paid me
nothing. Fasil has sent for him about the affair of Yagoube, as he
says, and has ordered him to come in the same manner that he himself
is come in private; but forbid him to bring his army with him,
in order that no means of relief may be possible to this devoted
country." Large tears flowed down her venerable face at saying these
words, and shewed the deep-rooted fear in her heart, that Michael's
coming was decreed without possibility of prevention. "I wonder, says
Ayto Engedan, laughing, to divert her, if Coque Abou Barea is the
same good Christian that you and Yagoube are; if he is not, nothing
else will save him from the hands of Confu and me; for we both want
horses and mules for our men, and he has good ones, and arms too, that
belonged to my father."--"And both of you, says the queen, are as bad
men as either Woodage Asahel or Coque Abou Barea." At this moment the
arrival of Fasil was announced, and we were all turned out, and went
to breakfast. I saw him afterwards going out of the palace. He saluted
me slightly, and seemed much pre-occupied in mind. He only desired me
to come to Gondar next morning, and he would speak to me about Coque
Abou Barea; but this the Iteghé refused to permit me to do, so I
remained at Koscam.
Fasil, although he did not deny that he had made peace with Ras
Michael, yet, to quiet the minds of the people, always solemnly
protested, that, so far from coming to Gondar, he never would consent
to his crossing the Tacazzé; and this had, with most people, the
desired effect; for all Gondar loved Tecla Haimanout as much as they
detested Socinios; but the bloodshed, and cruelty that would certainly
attend Michael's coming, made them wish for any government that would
free them from the terror of that event. On the other hand, Socinios,
though now perfectly persuaded of Fasil's motives, had not deserted
his own cause; he had sent Woodage Asahel, fortified with all his
authority, into Maitsha, in order to raise a commotion there; ordered
it to be proclaimed to the whole body of Galla in that province, that
if they would come to Gondar, and prevent the arrival of Ras Michael,
and bring their Bouco (or sceptre) along with them, they should have
the election of their own governor, and not pay any thing to the king
for seven years to come; and, besides, he had ordered Powussen of
Begemder to endeavour, by a forced march, to surprise Fasil, then at
Gondar, attended by a few troops. Mean time, he dissembled the best
he could; but, as he had very shrewd people to deal with, it was more
than probable his secret was early discovered.
Every hand being now armed, and all measures taken, as far as human
foresight could reach, it was impossible to defer any longer the
coming to blows in some part or other. On the 23d, at night, advice
was received from Adera Tacca Georgis, an officer of Fasil in Maitsha,
that he had attacked Woodage Asahel, who had collected a number of
troops, and was endeavouring to raise commotions; and, after an
obstinate combat, he had defeated him, and slain or wounded most
of his followers: that Asahel himself, wounded twice with a lance,
had, by the goodness of his horse, escaped, and joined Powussen in
Begemder.
These news occasioned Fasil to throw off the mask: he now publicly
avowed it was his intention to restore Tecla Haimanout to the throne,
and that, rather than fail in it, he would replace Ras Michael in all
his posts and dignities. He said that Socinios was created for mockery
only; and publicly asserted, that he was not son of Yasous, but of one
Mercurius, a private man at Degwassa; and indeed he bore not, in his
features or carriage, any resemblance to the royal family from which
he pretended to be descended.
Socinios now saw that he was from henceforward to look upon Fasil
as an enemy. Orders were accordingly given to shut the gates of the
palace, and to station a number of troops in the different courts and
avenues leading to the king's apartment. No person was to be admitted
to the king without examination. The drums were beat, and constant
guard kept; and three hundred Mahometans taken into his service as
musketeers; a measure that gave great offence.
Fasil had taken up his residence in the house which belonged to
the office of Ras, at the other end of the town; and, to shew his
contempt for the king, was very slightly guarded, his army remaining
encamped under the palace. One thing at this time seemed particularly
remarkable; a drum was heard to beat in the house where Fasil was;
whereas it is an invariable rule, that no drum is suffered to beat in
the capital any where but in the house where the king resides. It was
said that king Yasous, second son to the Iteghé, or queen-mother, and
father to Joas, had left two sons by a slave of the queen; indeed he
had so many by low people, that very little care was taken of them,
not even that of sending them to the mountain Wechné. One of these,
after the murder of Joas, had appeared in Gojam, resolved to try his
fortune; but he was apprehended by the governor of that province, sent
to Gondar, and then to Wechnè. It was said the other was with Fasil,
in Gondar; that the drum that then beat in Fasil's house announced
his speedy intention of making him king: all was confusion within the
palace, but the Ras kept up a strict police in the town.
It was then towards the end of November, when, by mediation of the
Abuna, the Queen, and the Itcheguè, peace was unexpectedly made
between Socinios and Fasil; the latter swearing allegiance to Socinios
as to his only sovereign, and the Abuna pronouncing excommunication
upon either of them which should become the enemy of the other. What
was the intention of this farce I never yet could learn; for the very
next day Fasil deprived Gusho and Powussen of their governments of
Amhara and Begemder, which was an express proof that his intention
still was to restore Tecla Haimanout. The doors of the king's palace
were again immediately shut, and signs of hostilities commenced as
before.
I was dining with Ozoro Esther, when a messenger arrived from Coque
Abou Barea, with a complaint to the queen that he was on his march to
Gondar, to pay his allegiance to Socinios, and bring him the tribute
of his province, when he received a message from Fasil to return the
greatest part of his troops; but that, desiring to be as useful as
possible in preventing the coming of Michael, he so far disobeyed that
order as to bring with him a considerable body of the best of his
soldiers, sending the rest home under the conduct of Welleta Selassé;
but that on the 26th, early in the morning, he had been surprised
by Confu and Engedan, who, without any cause alledged, had killed
and dispersed all his troops, and taken from them all the horses
and mules they could lay their hands on: that they after followed
Welleta Selassé, and had come up with him unawares, just as he entered
Guesgué, had defeated him, and that Ayto Engedan, in the beginning of
the fight, had slain him with his own hand, by wounding him in the
throat with a lance when stretching out his hand to parley; after
which, they had set fire to nine villages in Guesgué, and given the
plunder to their soldiers.
In the mean time Powussen had not disregarded the request of Socinios.
He had attempted to surprise Fasil, but could not pass Aylo, who was
at Emfras, without falling upon him first, which he did, dispersing
his troops with little resistance. Upon the first intelligence of
this, Fasil proclaimed Tecla Haimanout king; and, striking his tents,
sat down at Abba Samuel, a collection of villages about two miles
from Gondar, inviting all people, that would escape the vengeance of
Ras Michael, to come and join him, and leave Gondar. From this he
retreated near to Dingleber, on the side of the lake, and intercepted
all provisions coming to Gondar, which occasioned a very great famine,
and many poor people died.
Hitherto I had no intercourse with Socinios, never having been in his
presence, but when the Galla, the murderer of Joas, was tried; nor had
I any reason to think he knew me, or cared for me more than any Greek
that was in Gondar; but I had a good friend at court, who waked when I
slept, and did not suffer me to pass unknown; this was the Acab Saat,
Salama, who had instigated the king, on the 5th of December, in one of
his drunken fits, to set out from the palace in the night, attended
by a number of banditti, mostly Mahometans, to plunder several
houses; he slew one man, as it was said, with his own hand: among
these devoted houses mine happened to be one, but I was then happily
at Koscam. The next was Metical Aga's, one of whose servants escaped
into a church-yard, the other being slain. The leader of this unworthy
mob was Confu, brother to Guebra Mehedin. Every thing that could
be carried away was stolen or broken; among which was a reflecting
telescope, a barometer, and thermometer; a great many papers and
sketches of drawings, first torn, then burnt by Confu's own hand, with
many curses and threats against me.
The next day, about nine o'clock, I had a message to come to the
palace, where I went, and was immediately admitted. Socinios was
sitting, his eyes half closed, red as scarlet with last night's
debauch; he was apparently at that moment much in liquor; his mouth
full of tobacco, squirting his spittle out of his mouth to a very
great distance; with this he had so covered the floor, that it was
with very great difficulty I could chuse a clean place to kneel
and make my obeisance. He was dressed like the late king, but, in
every thing else, how unlike! my mind was filled with horror and
detestation, to see the throne on which he sat so unworthily occupied.
I regarded him as I advanced with the most perfect contempt: Hamlet's
lines described him exactly:--
A murtherer and a villain:
A slave, that is not twentieth part the tithe
Of your preceding lord; a vice of kings;
A cutpurse of the empire, and the rule,
That from a shelf the precious diadem stole
And put it in his pocket;
A king of shreds and patches.
SHAKESPEARE.
It requires something of innate royalty to personate a king.
When I got up and stood before him, he seemed to be rather
disconcerted, and not prepared to say any thing to me. There were
few people there besides servants, most men of consideration having
left Gondar, and gone with Fasil. After two or three squirts through
his teeth, and a whisper from his brother Chremation, whom I had
never before seen--"Wherefore is it, says he, that you who are a
_great man_, do not attend the palace? you were constantly with Tecla
Haimanout, the exile, or usurper, in peace and war: you used to
ride with him, and divert him with your tricks on horseback, and, I
believe, ate and drank with him. Where is all that money you got from
Ras el Feel, of which province, I am told, you are still governor,
though you conceal it? How dare you keep Yasine in that government,
and not allow Abd el Jelleel, who is my slave, appointed to enter and
govern that province?" I waited patiently till he had said all he
had to say, and made a slight inclination of the head. I answered,
"I am no great man, even in my own country; one proof of this is my
being here in yours. I arrived in the time of the late king, and I
was recommended to him by his friends in Arabia. You are perfectly
well-informed as to the great kindness he did all along shew me, but
this was entirely from his goodness, and no merit of mine. I never
did eat or drink with him; it was an honour I could not have been
capable of aspiring to. Custom has established the contrary; and
for me, I saw no pleasure or temptation to transgress this custom,
though it had been in my option, as it was not. I have, for the most
part, seen him eat and drink; an honour I enjoyed in common with his
confidential servants, as being an officer of his household. The gold
you mention, which I have several times got from the late King and Ras
el Feel, I constantly spent for his service, and for my own honour.
But at present I am neither governor of Ras el Feel, nor have I any
post under heaven, nor do I desire it. Yasine, I suppose, holds his
from Ayto Confu his superior, who holds it from the king by order of
Ras Michael, but of this I know nothing. As for tricks on horseback,
I know not what you mean. I have for many years been in constant
practice of horsemanship among the Arabs. Mine, too, is a country of
horsemen; and I profess to have attained to a degree not common, the
management both of the lance and of fire-arms; but I am no buffoon,
to shew tricks. The profession of arms is my birth-right derived from
my ancestors, and with these, at his desire, I have often diverted the
king, as an amusement worthy of him, and by no means below me."--"The
king! says he in a violent passion, and who then am I? a slave! Do you
know, with a stamp of my foot I can order you to be hewn to pieces in
an instant. You are a Frank, a dog, a liar, and a slave! Why did you
tell the Iteghé that your house was robbed of 50 ounces of gold? Any
other king but myself would order your eyes to be pulled out in a
moment, and your carcase to be thrown to the dogs."
What he said was true; bad kings have most executioners. I was not,
however, dismayed; I was in my own mind, stranger and alone, superior
to such a beast upon a throne. "The Iteghé, said I, is at present
at Koscam, and will inform you if I told her of any gold that was
stolen from me, except a gold-mounted knife which the late king gave
me at Dingleber the day after the battle of Limjour, and which was
accidentally left in my house, as I had not worn it since he went to
Tigrè." He squirted at this moment an arch of tobacco-spittle towards
me, whether on purpose or not I do not know. I felt myself very much
moved; it narrowly missed me. At this instant an old man, of a noble
appearance, who sat in a corner of the room next him, got up, and,
in a firm tone of voice, said, "I can bear this no longer; we shall
become a proverb, and the hatred of all mankind. What have you to do
with Yagoube, or why did you send for him? he was favoured by the late
king, but not more than I have seen Greeks or Armenians in all the
late reigns; and yet these very people confess, in their own country,
they are not worthy of being his servants. He is a friend, not only
to the king, but to us all: the whole people love him. As for myself,
I never spoke to him twice before; when he might have gone to Tigrè
with Michael his friend, he staid at Gondar with us: so you, of all
others, have least reason to complain of him, since he has preferred
you to the Ras, tho' you have given him nothing. As for riding, I
wish Yagoube had just rode with you as much as with Tecla Haimanout,
and you spent as much time with him as your predecessor did; last
night's disgrace would not then have fallen upon us, at least would
have been confined to the limits of your own kingdom; you would have
neither disobliged Fasil nor the Iteghé; and, when the day of trial is
at hand, you would have been better able to answer it, than, by going
on at this rate, there is any appearance you will be." This person,
I understood afterwards, was Ras Sanuda, nephew to the Iteghé, and
son of Ras Welled de l'Oul; he had been banished to Kuara in the late
king's time, so I had no opportunity of knowing him.
All the time of this harangue Socinios's eyes were mostly shut, and
his mouth open, and slavering tobacco; he was rolling from side to
side scarcely preserving his equilibrium. When Sanuda stopt, he began
with an air of drollery, "You are very angry to-day, Baba." And
turning to me, said, "Tomorrow, see you bring me that horse which
Yasine sent you to Koscam; and bring me Yasine himself, or you will
hear of it; slave and Frank as you are, enemy to Mary the virgin,
bring me the horse!" Sanuda took me by the hand, saying in a whisper,
"Don't fear him, I am here; but go home; next time you come here you
will have horses enough along with you." He, too, seemed in liquor;
and, making me a sign to withdraw, I left the king and his minister
together with great willingness, and returned to Koscam to the Iteghé,
to whom I told what had passed, and who ordered me to stay near Ozoro
Esther, as in her service, and go no more to the palace.
At this time certain intelligence was received that Ras Michael was
arrived in Lasta with Guigarr, Shum, or chief of the clan called Waag,
once a mortal enemy to Michael, though now at peace with him, and
serving him as his conductor. Through his country is the only passage
from Tigrè to Begemder and Belessen, and many armies have perished by
endeavouring to force it. Michael and the king now passed under the
protection of Guigarr, notwithstanding Powussen had many parties among
the other clans that wished to prevent him. On the 15th of December he
forded the Tacazzè, and turned a little to the left, as if he intended
to pass through the middle of Begemder, though he had really no such
design, but only to bring Powussen to an engagement. Seeing this was
not likely, and only tended to waste time, he pursued his journey
straight towards Gondar, not in his usual way, burning and destroying,
but quietly, correcting abuses, and regulating the police of the
country through which he passed, for he was yet in fear.
The news of his having passed the Tacazzé determined Socinios and
the Iteghé to fly; and they set out accordingly. Socinios directed
his flight, first towards Begemder, but, the next day, turned to
the right, through Dembea, and joined the queen at Azazo, where
great altercations and disputes followed between them. The queen had
engaged the Abuna to attend her, and that prelate had consented, upon
receiving fifteen mules and thirty ounces of gold, which were paid
accordingly: But when the queen sent, the morning of her departure, to
put the Abuna in mind of his promise, his servants stoned the Iteghé's
messenger, without suffering him to approach the house, but they kept
the mules and the gold. The queen continued her flight to Degwassa,
near the lake Tzana, and sent all that was valuable that she had
brought with her, into the island of Dek.
Ayto Engedan and Confu were at hand at the head of large parties
scouring the country, at once protecting the Iteghé, and securing
as many of those of Socinios's people as were thought worthy of
punishment. Sanuda, too, was in arms; and, throwing off the mask,
was now acting under the immediate direction of Ras Michael, and
had apprehended many of those noblemen of Tigrè who had revolted
against the Ras, particularly Guebra Denghel, married to Ras
Michael's granddaughter, descended from one of the noblest houses in
the province, and a man particularly distinguished for generosity,
openness, and affability of manners; and Sebaat Laab and Kefla Mariam,
men of great consideration in Michael's province. Confu and Sanuda
having joined, entered Gondar, and took possession of the king's
house, and put a stop to these excesses and robberies which had become
very frequent since the Iteghé's flight.
One day, while I was sitting at Koscam, Yasine entered the court
before the house, and, coming into the room, fell down and kissed the
ground before me, after the manner they salute their superior. He
told me he came from Ayto Confu, who ordered him to do homage to me
as usual for the province of Ras el Feel, and that I was to come to
him directly, and go out to meet the king, for several of his people
were already arrived at Gondar. I sent him back to Ayto Confu with my
respectful thanks, declined accepting of any office till I should see
the king; and, as he himself had named the place to be Mariam Ohha, I
thought it was my duty to stay till he came there.
In the mean time the unfortunate Socinios continued his flight, in
company with the queen, till they came to the borders of Kuara, her
native country. Those who made Socinios a king had never made him a
friend. It was here suggested, that his presence would infallibly
occasion a pursuit which might endanger the queen, her country, and
all her friends. Upon this it was resolved to abandon the unworthy
Socinios to the soldiers, who stript him naked, giving him only a rag
to cover him, and a good horse, and with these they dismissed him to
seek his fortune.
After a short stay in Kuara, the queen turned to the left towards
Burè. All Maitsha assembled to escort her to Fasil, while he led her
through Damot to the frontiers of Gojam, where she was received in
triumph by her daughter Ozoro Welleta Israel, and Ayto her grandson,
to whom half of that province belonged, and with them she rested at
last in safety, after a long and anxious journey.
On the 21st of December a message came to me from Ozoro Esther,
desiring I would attend her son Confu to meet the king, as his
Fit-Auraris had marked out the camp at Mariam-Ohha; observing, that I
had a very indifferent knife or dagger in my girdle, (that which I had
received from the king being stolen, when my house was plundered) with
her own hands she made me a present of a magnificent one, mounted with
gold which she had chosen with that intention, and laid upon the seat
beside her. She told me she had already sent to acquaint her husband,
Ras Michael, how much she had been obliged to me in his absence, both
for my attention to her and her eldest son, who had been several times
sick since his departure, and that I might expect to receive a kind
reception.
CHAP. III.
_The Author joins the Army at Mariam-Ohha--Reception
there--Universal Terror on the Approach of the Army--Several
great Men of the Rebels apprehended and executed--Great Hardness
of the King's Heart._
Having still some doubt about the propriety of going to Mariam-Ohha,
till the king had taken post there, I appointed with Ayto Confu to
meet him next morning, the 22d, in the plain below the church of
Abbo, where is the pass called Semma Confu, the dangerous path, from
its being always a place where banditti resort to rob passengers in
unsettled times.
In my way through the town, though the day had scarce dawned, numbers
of the king's servants, that had come from Tigrè, flocked about me
with great demonstrations of joy; and, by the time I got into the
plain below Abbo, I had already collected a strong party both of
horse and foot. This was not my intention; I had set out unarmed,
attended only by two Abyssinian servants on horseback, but without
lance or shield, and in this manner I intended to present myself to
the king as one of the suite of Ayto Confu: but all my endeavours were
in vain; and I saw that, making the best of my way, and profiting
of the early time of the morning, was the only method left to avoid
increasing my retinue. I must own the good disposition of these people
to me, and the degree of favour they reported me to be in, and, above
all, Ozoro Esther's assurances had given me great comfort; for several
people of no authority, indeed, had prophesied that Ras Michael would
be much offended at my having thrown a carpet over the body of Joas,
and at my not having gone to Tigrè with him.
I passed the three heaps of stones under which lie the three monks
who were stoned to death in the time of David IV.; and at the bottom
of the hill whereon stands the church of Abbo, I was met by Yasine,
and about 20 horsemen, having on their coats of mail, their helmets
upon their heads, and their viziers down; their pikes perpendicular,
with their points in the air, so that by one motion more, placing them
horizontally in their rests, they were prepared to charge at a word.
I asked Yasine what was the meaning of his being in that equipage in
such hot weather, when there was no enemy? He replied, It was given
him in orders from Ayto Confu last night; and that, with regard to
an enemy, there was one that had seized the pass of Semma Confu, and
obstinately refused to let us through, unless we forced them. Sure,
said I, Ayto Confu knows, that heavy armed-men on horseback are not
fit to force passes through craggy mountains, where they may be all
killed by rolling stones upon them, without their even seeing their
enemy. Strange, strange, said I, (speaking to myself) that any party
should be so audacious as to take post in the king's front, at six
miles distance, and put themselves between him and the capital: I am
sure they heartily deserve to be cut in pieces, and so they certainly
will. Where is Ayto Confu? It was answered by Yasine, That he was gone
forward to the mouth of the pass to reconnoitre it, and would meet us
there. We marched on accordingly, across the plain, about half a mile;
but I was surprised to see all my attendants, that I had picked up by
the way, laughing, excepting Yasine's men, and that none of the rest
made horse, mule, or gun ready as if they were in danger; so that I
began now strongly to suspect some trick on the part of Confu, as he
was much given to jest and sport, being a very young man.
A little before we came to the mouth of the pass, a soldier came
to us and asked who we were? and was answered, it was Yasine, Ayto
Confu's servant at Ras el Feel. To which it was replied, he knew no
such person. He was scarcely gone when another arrived with the same
question. I began to be impatient, as the sun was then growing very
hot; and answered, It was Yagoube, the white man, the king's friend
and servant. I was again answered, No such person could pass there.
The third time, being interrogated by one whom I knew to be Ayto
Confu's servant, Yasine answered, it is Yagoube, the king's governor
of Ras el Feel, with the slave Yasine, the moor, come to do the king
homage, and to die for him, if he commands, in the midst of his
enemies. We were answered, He is welcome: upon which the servant,
going back, brought a drum, and beat it upon the rock, crying, as in
a proclamation, "Yagoube is Governor of Ras el Feel, Commander of
the king's black horse, Lord of Geesh, and Gentleman of the king's
bed-chamber." Here this farce, the contrivance of Ayto Confu, ended.
With him were many more of the king's servants, my old acquaintances,
and we all sat down by a spring-well, under the shade of the rock, to
a hearty breakfast prepared for us by Ozoro Esther.
After this was finished with a great deal of chearfulness, and being
ready to get on horseback, we saw a man running towards us in great
speed, who, upon his arrival, asked us where the king was, and if
we were his Fit-Auraris? To this we made him no answer; but, laying
hold of him, obliged him to declare his errand. He said that he was
a servant of Negadé Ras Mahomet, of Dara, who had apprehended Ayto
Confu, brother of Guebra Mehedin, of whom I have spoken at large,
(never for any good) and that he had brought him along with him.
This miscreant, whom we had found out to be the principal actor and
persuader of the robbery of my house, while in a drunken frolic with
the wretched Socinios, was now in his way before the king, where,
if all his delinquency had been known, he would infallibly have
lost his eyes, his life, or both. He was nephew to the Iteghé, as
has been already mentioned, son to her brother Basha Eusebius, and
consequently cousin-german to Ayto Confu himself, who, with great
diffidence, asked me if I could pardon his cousin, and allow him to
be delivered out of Mahomet's hands, which, ill as he deserved of me,
I very readily complied with; for I would not for the world have had
it thought that I was the occasion of his death, after it had been so
often said, though falsely, that I had been the cause of that of his
brother. Mahomet delivered him to Confu and me, without hesitation,
and promised not to complain to Ras Michael; but he threatened, if
ever again he fell into his hands, that he would certainly put him to
death, which he well saw would not be very disagreeable to any of his
relations, provided it happened in the field, or any other way than by
the hands of a public executioner. Ayto Confu, however, insisted upon
bringing him out, and correcting him publicly, though he was by ten
years the younger of the two; and the wretch was accordingly severely
whipt with wands, and delivered after to a servant of Ozoro Esther's
to conduct him to some safe place, where he might be out of the reach
of Ras Michael, at least for a time.
We now got on horseback, and having ordered Yasine and his soldiers to
disarm, we all went in the habit of peace, with joyful hearts, to meet
the king, who was already arrived at Mariam-Ohha, and was encamped
there since about eleven o'clock that forenoon.
My first business was to wait on Ras Michael, who, tho' very busy,
admitted me immediately upon being announced. This was a compliment
I was under no necessity of paying him, as the king's servant; but I
was resolved to take nothing upon me, but appear in all the humility
of a private stranger. This he quickly perceived, so that, when he saw
me approaching near him to kiss the ground, he made an effort as if
to rise, which he never did, being lame, nor could do without help;
stretching out his hand as if to prevent me, repeated the words in a
hurry, _be gzeir, be gzeir_, or, for God's sake don't, for God's sake
don't. However, the compliment was paid. As soon as I arose, without
desiring me to sit down, he asked aloud, Have you seen the king? I
said, Not yet. Have you any complaint to make against any one, or
grace to ask? I answered, None, but the continuance of your favour. He
answered, That I am sure I owe you; go to the king. I took my leave. I
had been jostled and almost squeezed to death attempting to enter, but
large room was made me for retiring.
The reception I had met with was the infallible rule according to
which the courtiers were to speak to me from that time forward. Man
is the same creature everywhere, although different in colour: the
court of London and that of Abyssinia are, in their principles, one. I
then went immediately to the king in the presence-chamber. His largest
tent was crowded to a degree of suffocation; I resolved, therefore, to
wait till this throng was over, and was going to my own tent, which
my servants pitched near that of Kefla Yasous, by that general's own
desire, but before I could reach it I was called by a servant from the
king. Though the throng had greatly decreased, there was still a very
crowded circle.
The king was sitting upon an ivory stool, such as are represented
upon ancient medals; he had got this as a present from Arabia since
he went to Tigrè; he was plainly, but very neatly dressed, and his
hair combed and perfumed. When I kissed the ground before him, "There,
says he, is an arch rebel, what punishment shall we inflict upon him?"
"Your majesty's justice, said I, will not suffer you to inflict any
punishment upon me that can possibly equal the pleasure I feel this
day at seeing you sitting there." He smiled with great good nature,
giving me first the back, and then the palm of his hand to kiss. He
then made me a sign to stand in my place, which I immediately did for
a moment; and, seeing he was then upon business, which I knew nothing
of, I took leave of him, and could not help reflecting, as I went,
that, of all the vast multitude then in my sight, I was, perhaps, the
only one destitute either of hope or fear.
All Gondar, and the neighbouring towns and villages, had poured out
their inhabitants to meet the king upon his return. The fear of Ras
Michael was the cause of all this; and every one trembled, lest, by
being absent, he should be thought a favourer of Socinios.
The side of the hill, which slopes gently from Belessen, is here
very beautiful; it is covered thick with herbage down to near the
foot, where it ends in broken rocks. The face of this hill is of
great extent, exposed to the W. and S. W.; a small, but clear-running
stream, rising in Belessen, runs through the middle of it, and falls
into the Mogetch. It is not considerable, being but a brook, called
Mariam-Ohha, (_i. e._ the water of Mariam) from a church dedicated
to the Virgin, near where it rises in Belessen; an infinite number
of people spread themselves all over the hill, covered with cotton
garments as white as snow. The number could not be less than 50 or
60,000 men and women, all strewed upon the grass promiscuously. Most
of these had brought their victuals with them, others trusted to
their friends and acquaintances in the army; the soldiers had plenty
of meat; as soon as the king had crossed the Tacazzé all was lawful
prize; and though they did not murder or burn, as was Michael's custom
in his former marches, yet they drove away all the cattle they could
seize, either in Begemder or Belessen. Besides this, a great quantity
of provisions of every sort poured in from the neighbourhood of
Gondar, in presents to the king and great men, though there was really
famine in that capital, by the roads being every way obstructed; there
was plenty, however, in the camp.
It was then the month of December, the fairest time of the year, when
the sun was in the southern tropic, and no danger from rain in the
day, nor in the night from dew; so that, if the remembrance of the
past had not hung heavy on some hearts, it was a party of pleasure,
of the most agreeable kind, to convoy the king to his capital. The
priests from all the convents for many miles round, in dresses of
yellow and white cotton, came, with their crosses and drums, in
procession, and greatly added to the variety of the scene. Among
these were 300 of the monks of Koscam, with their large crosses, and
kettle-drums of silver, the gift of the Iteghé in the days of her
splendour; at present it was very doubtful what their future fate was
to be, after their patroness had fled from Koscam. But what most drew
the attention of all ranks of people, was the appearance of the Abuna
and Itchegué, whose character, rank, and dignity exempted them from
leaving Gondar to meet the king himself; but they were then in great
fear, and in the form of criminals, and were treated with very little
respect or ceremony by the soldiers, who considered them as enemies.
It will be remembered, upon a report being spread just after the
election of Socinios, that Ras Michael's affairs were taking an
adverse turn while besieging the mountain Haramat; that the Abuna,
Itchegué, and Acab Saat, had solemnly excommunicated the king, Ras
Michael, and all their adherents, declaring them accursed, and
absolving all people from their allegiance to Tecla Haimanout. But as
soon as the king began his march from Tigrè, application for pardon
was made through every channel possible, and it was not without great
difficulty that Ras Michael could be brought to pardon them, chiefly
by the entreaty of Ozoro Esther. But this mortification was prescribed
to them as a condition of forgiveness, that they should meet the king
at Mariam-Ohha, not with drums and crosses, or a retinue, but in the
habit and appearance of supplicants. Accordingly they both came by the
time the king had alighted, but they brought no tent with them, nor
was any pitched for them, nor any honour shewn them.
The Abuna had with him a priest, or monk, on a mule, and two
beggarly-looking servants on foot; the Itchegué two monks, that looked
like servants, distinguished by a cowl only on their heads; they were
both kept waiting till past three o'clock, and then were admitted, and
sharply rebuked by the Ras: they after went to the king, who presently
dismissed them without saying a word to either, or without allowing
them to be seated in his presence, which both of them, by their rank,
were entitled to be. I asked the Abuna to make use of my tent to avoid
the sun: this he willingly accepted of, was crest-fallen a little,
spoke very lowly and familiarly; said he had always a regard for me,
which I had no reason to believe; desired me to speak favourable of
him before the King and the Ras, which I promised faithfully to do. I
ordered coffee, which he drank with great pleasure, during which he
gave me several hints, as if he thought his pardon was not compleated;
and at last asked me directly what were my sentiments, and what I had
heard? I said, I believed every thing was favourable as to him and the
Itchegué, but I did not know how much farther the king's forgiveness
would extend. I know, says he, what you mean; that Abba Salama, (curse
upon him) he is the author of it all: What do I know of these black
people, who am a stranger, so lately come into the country? and,
indeed, he seemed to know very little; for, besides his native Arabic,
which he spoke like a peasant, he had not learned one word of any of
the various languages used in the country in which he was to live and
die. Having finished coffee, I left him speaking to some of his own
people; about half an hour afterwards, he went away.
Ras Michael had brought with him from Tigrè about 20,000 men, the
best soldiers of the empire; about 6000 of these were musqueteers,
about 12,000 armed with lances and shields, and about 6000 men had
joined them from Gondar; a large proportion of these were horsemen,
who were scouring the country in all directions, bringing with them
such unhappy people as deserved to be, and were therefore destined for
public example.
The short way from Tigrè to Gondar was by Lamalmon, (that is the
mountain of Samen) and by Woggora. Ayto Tesfos had maintained
himself in the government of Samen since Joas's time, by whom he was
appointed; he had continued constantly in enmity with Ras Michael,
and had now taken possession of the passes near the Tacazzé, so as to
cut off all communication between Gondar and Tigrè. On the side of
Belessen, between Lasta and Begemder, was Ras Michael and his army.
Powussen and the Begemder troops cut off the road to Gojam by Foggora
and Dara. Ayto Engedan, who was to be considered as an advanced post
of Fasil, was at Tshemmera, in the way of the Agow and Maitsha, and
Coque Abou Barea on the N. W. side, towards Kuara; so that Gondar was
so completely invested, that several of the people died with hunger.
Ras Michael had ordered his own nephew, Tecla and Welleta Michael,
the king's master of the household, to endeavour to force their way
from Tigrè to Woggora, and open that communication, if possible, with
Gondar; and for that purpose had left him 4000 men in the province of
Siré, on the other side of the Tacazzé; and now scarce was his tent
pitched at Mariam-Ohha, when he detached Kefla Yasous with 6000 men to
force a junction with Michael and Tecla from the Woggora side. Their
orders were, if possible, to draw Tesfos to an engagement, but not to
venture to storm him in the mountain; for Tesfos's principal post, the
Jews Rock, was inaccessible, where he had plowed and sowed plentifully
for his subsistence, and had a quantity of the purest running-water
at all seasons of the year: to irritate Tesfos more, Kefla Yasous
was then named governor of Samen in his place. This brave and active
officer had set out immediately for his command, and it was to me the
greatest disappointment possible, that I did not see him.
Although Ras Michael had been in council all night, the signal was
made to strike the tents at the first dawn of day, and soon after,
the whole army was in motion; the council had been in the Ras's tent,
not in presence of the king, with whom I had staid the most part of
the evening, indeed, till late in the night; he seemed to have lost
all his former gaiety, and to be greatly troubled in mind; inquired
much about the Iteghé, and Fasil; told me he had sent his assurance
of peace to the Iteghé, and desired her not to leave Koscam: but she
had returned for answer, that she could not trust Michael, after the
threatenings he had sent against her from Tigrè. It was observed also,
in this day's march, that, contrary to his custom before crossing
the Tacazzé, he received all that came out to meet him with a sullen
countenance, and scarce ever answered or spake to them. Michael also,
every day since the same date, had put on a behaviour more and more
severe and brutal. He had enough of this at all times.
It was the 23d of December when we encamped on the Mogetch, just below
Gondar. This behaviour was so conspicuous to the whole people, that no
sooner were the tents pitched, (it being about eleven o'clock) than
they all stole home to Gondar in small parties without their dinner,
and presently a report was spread that the king and Ras Michael came
determined to burn the town, and put the inhabitants all to the sword.
This occasioned the utmost consternation, and caused many to fly to
Fasil.
As for me, the king's behaviour shewed me plainly all was not right,
and an accident in the way confirmed it. He had desired me to ride
before him, and shew him the horse I had got from Fasil, which was
then in great beauty and order, and which I had kept purposely for
him. It happened that, crossing the deep bed of a brook, a plant of
the kantuffa hung across it. I had upon my shoulders a white goat
skin, of which it did not take hold; but the king, who was dressed
in the habit of peace, his long hair floating all around his face,
wrapt up in his mantle, or thin cotton cloak, so that nothing but his
eyes could be seen, was paying more attention to the horse than to
the branch of kantuffa beside him; it took first hold of his hair,
and the fold of the cloak that covered his head, then spread itself
over his whole shoulder in such a manner, that, notwithstanding all
the help that could be given him, and that I had, at first seeing it,
cut the principal bough asunder with my knife, no remedy remained but
he must throw off the upper garment, and appear in the under one, or
waistcoat, with his head and face bare before all the spectators.
This is accounted great disgrace to a king, who always appears covered
in public. However, he did not seem to be ruffled, nor was there any
thing particular in his countenance more than before, but with great
composure, and in rather a low voice, he called twice, Who is the Shum
of this district? Unhappily he was not far off. A thin old man of
sixty, and his son about thirty, came trotting, as their custom is,
naked to their girdle, and stood before the king, who was, by this
time, quite cloathed again. What had struck the old man's fancy, I
know not, but he passed my horse laughing, and seemingly wonderfully
content with himself. I could not help considering him as a type of
mankind in general, never more confident and careless than when on the
brink of destruction; the king asked if he was Shum of that place? he
answered in the affirmative, and added, which was not asked of him,
that the other was his son.
There is always near the king, when he marches, an officer called
Kanitz Kitzera, the executioner of the camp; he has upon the tore of
his saddle a quantity of thongs made of bull hide, rolled up very
artificially, this is called the _tarade_. The king made a sign with
his head, and another with his hand, without speaking, and two loops
of the tarade were instantly thrown round the Shum and his son's neck,
and they were both hoisted upon the same tree, the tarade cut, and the
end made fast to a branch. They were both left hanging, but I thought
so aukwardly, that they should not die for some minutes, and might
surely have been saved had any one dared to cut them down; but fear
had fallen upon every person who had not attended the king to Tigrè.
This cruel beginning seemed to me an omen that violent resolutions
had been taken, the execution of which was immediately to follow;
for though the king had certainly a delight in the shedding of human
blood in the field, yet till that time I never saw him order an
execution by the hands of the hangman; on the contrary, I have often
seen him shudder and express disgust, lowly and in half words, at
such executions ordered every day by Ras Michael. In this instance he
seemed to have lost that feeling; and rode on, sometimes conversing
about Fasil's horse, or other indifferent subjects, to those who were
around him, without once reflecting upon the horrid execution he had
then so recently occasioned.
In the evening of the 23d, when encamped upon the Mogetch, came
Sanuda, the person who had made Socinios king, and who had been Ras
under him; he was received with great marks of favour, in reward of
the treacherous part he had acted. He brought with him prisoners,
Guebra Denghel, the Ras's son-in-law, one of the best and most amiable
men in Abyssinia, but who had unfortunately embraced the wrong side
of the question; and with him Sebaat Laab and Kefla Mariam, both men
of great families in Tigrè. These were, one after the other, thrown
violently on their faces before the king. I was exceedingly distressed
for Guebra Denghel; he prayed the king with the greatest earnestness
to order him to be put to death before the door of his tent, and not
delivered to his cruel father-in-law. To this the king made no answer,
nor did he shew any signs of pity, but waved his hand, as a sign to
carry them to Ras Michael, where they were put in custody and loaded
with irons.
About two hours later came Ayto Aylo, son of Kasmati Eshtè, whom
the king had named governor of Begemder; he brought with him
Chremation brother to Socinios, and Abba Salama the Acab Saat, who
had excommunicated his father, and been instrumental in his murder by
Fasil. I had a great curiosity to see how they would treat the Acab
Saat, for my head was full of what I had read in the European books of
exemption that churchmen had in this country from the jurisdiction of
the civil power.
Aylo had made his legs to be tied under the mule's belly, his hands
behind his back, and a rope made fast to them, which a man held in his
hand on one side, while another led the halter of the mule on the
other, both of them with lances in their hands. Chremation had his
hands bound, but his legs were not tied, nor was there any rope made
fast to his hands by which he was held. While they were untying Abba
Salama, I went into the presence-chamber, and stood behind the king's
chair. Very soon after Aylo's men brought in their prisoners, and, as
is usual, threw them down violently with their faces to the ground;
their hands being bound behind them, they had a very rude fall upon
their faces.
The Acab Saat rose in a violent passion, he struggled to get loose
his hands, that he might be free to use the act of denouncing
excommunication, which is by lifting the right hand, and extending the
forefinger; finding that impossible, he cried out, Unloose my hands,
or you are all excommunicated. It was with difficulty he could be
prevailed upon to hear the king, who with great composure, or rather
indifference, said to him, You are the first ecclesiastical officer
in my household, you are the third in the whole kingdom; but I have
not yet learned you ever had power to curse your sovereign, or exhort
his subjects to murder him. You are to be tried for this crime by
the judges to-morrow, so prepare to shew in your defence, upon what
precepts of Christ, or his apostles, or upon what part of the general
councils, you found your title to do this.
Let my hands be unloosed, cries Salama violently; I am a priest, a
servant of God; and they have power, says David, to put kings in
chains, and nobles in irons. And did not Samuel hew king Agag to
pieces before the Lord? I excommunicate you, Tecla Haimanout. And he
was going on, when Tecla Mariam, son of the king's secretary, a young
man, struck the Acab Saat so violently on the face, that it made his
mouth gush out with blood, saying, at same time, What! suffer this in
the king's presence? Upon which both Chremation and the Acab Saat were
hurried out of the tent without being suffered to say more; indeed the
blow seemed to have so much disconcerted Abba Salama, that it deprived
him for a time of the power of speaking.
In Abyssinia it is death to strike, or lift the hand to strike,
before the king; but in this case the provocation was so great, so
sudden, and unexpected, and the youth's worth and the insolence of the
offender so apparent to every body, that a slight reproof was ordered
to be given to Tecla Mariam (by his father only) but he lost no favour
for what he had done, either with the King, Michael, or the people.
When the two prisoners were carried before the Ras, he refused to see
them, but loaded them with irons, and committed them to close custody.
That night a council was held in the king's tent, but it broke early
up; afterwards another before the Ras, which sat much later; the
reason was, that the first, where the king was, only arranged the
business of to-morrow, while that before the Ras considered all that
was to be done or likely to happen at any time.
On the 24th the drum beat, and the army was on their march by dawn of
day: they halted a little after passing the rough ground, and then
doubled their ranks, and formed into close order of battle, the king
leading the center; a few of his black horses were in two lines
immediately before him, their spears pointed upwards, his officers
and nobility on each side, and behind him the rest of the horse,
distributed in the wings, excepting prince George and Ayto Confu, who,
with two small bodies, not exceeding a hundred, scoured the country,
sometimes in the front, and sometimes in the flank. I do not remember
who commanded the rest of the army, my mind was otherwise engaged;
they marched close and in great order, and every one trembled for
the fate of Gondar. We passed the Mahometan town, and encamped upon
the river Kahha, in front of the market-place. As soon as we had
turned our faces to the town, our kettle-drums were brought to the
front, and, after beating some time, two proclamations were made.
The first was, That all those who had flour or barley in quantities,
should bring it that very day to a fair market, on pain of having
their houses plundered; and that all people, soldiers, or others, who
attempted by force to take any provisions without having first paid
for them in ready money, should be hanged upon the spot. A bench was
quickly brought, and set under a tree in the middle of the market; a
judge appointed to sit there; a strong guard, and several officers
placed round him; behind him an executioner, and a large coil of
ropes laid at his feet. The second proclamation was, That everybody
should remain at home in their houses, otherwise the person flying, or
deserting the town, should be reputed a rebel, his goods confiscated,
his house burnt, and his family chastised at the king's pleasure for
seven years; so far was well and politic.
There was at Gondar a sort of mummers, being a mixture of buffoons
and ballad-singers, and posture-masters. These people, upon all
public occasions, run about the streets, and on private ones, such
as marriages, come to the court-yards before the houses, where they
dance, and sing songs of their own composing in honour of the day,
and perform all sorts of antics: many a time, on his return from the
field with victory, they had met Ras Michael, and received his bounty
for singing his praises, and welcoming him upon his return home. The
day the Abuna excommunicated the king, this set of vagrants made part
of the solemnity; they abused, ridiculed, and traduced Michael in
lampoons and scurrilous rhymes, calling him crooked, lame, old, and
impotent, and several other opprobrious names, which did not affect
him near so much as the ridicule of his person: upon many occasions
after, they repeated this, and particularly in a song they ridiculed
the horse of Siré, who had run away at the battle of Limjour, where
Michael cried out, Send these horse to the mill. It happened that
these wretches, men and women, to the number of about thirty and
upwards, were then, with very different songs, celebrating Ras
Michael's return to Gondar. The King and Ras, after the proclamation,
had just turned to the right to Aylo Meidan, below the palace, a large
field where the troops exercise. Confu and the king's household troops
were before, and about 200 of the Siré horse were behind; on a signal
made by the Ras, these horse turned short and fell upon the singers,
and cut them all to pieces. In less than two minutes they were all
laid dead upon the field, excepting one young man, who, mortally
wounded, had just strength enough to arrive within twenty yards of the
king's horse, and there fell dead without speaking a word.
All the people present, most of them veteran soldiers, and
consequently inured to blood, appeared shocked and disgusted at this
wanton piece of cruelty. For my part, a kind of faintishness, or
feebleness, had taken possession of my heart, ever since the execution
of the two men on our march about the kantuffa; and this second act of
cruelty occasioned such a horror, joined with an absence of mind, that
I found myself unable to give an immediate answer, though the king had
spoken twice to me.
It was about nine o'clock in the morning when we entered Gondar;
every person we met on the street wore the countenance of a condemned
malefactor; the Ras went immediately to the palace with the king,
who retired, as usual, to a kind of cage or lattice-window,
where he always sits unseen when in council. We were then in the
council-chamber, and four of the judges seated; none of the governors
of provinces were present but Ras Michael, and Kasmati Tesfos of
Siré. Abba Salama was brought to the foot of the table without irons,
at perfect liberty. The accuser for the king (it is a post in this
country in no great estimation) began the charge against him with
great force and eloquence: he stated, one by one, the crimes committed
by him at different periods, the sum of which amounted to prove Salama
to be the greatest monster upon earth: among these were various kinds
of murder, especially by poison; incest, with every degree collateral
and descendant. He concluded this black, horrid list, with the charge
of high treason, or cursing the king, and absolving his subjects from
their allegiance, which he stated as the greatest crime human nature
was capable of, as involving in its consequences all sorts of other
crimes. Abba Salama, though he seemed under very great impatience,
did not often interrupt him, further than, _You lie_, and, _It is
a lie_, which he repeated at every new charge. His accuser had not
said one word of the murder of Joas, but passed it over without the
smallest allusion to it.
In this, however, Abba Salama did not follow his example: being
desired to answer in his own defence, he entered upon it with great
dignity, and an air of superiority, very different from his behaviour
in the king's tent the day before: he laughed, and made extremely
light of the charges on the article of women, which he neither
confessed nor denied; but said these might be crimes among the Franks,
(looking at me) or other Christians, but not the Christians of that
country, who lived under a double dispensation, the law of Moses and
the law of Christ: he said the Abyssinians were _Beni Israel_, as
indeed they call themselves, that is, Children of Israel; and that
in every age the patriarchs had acted as he did, and were not less
beloved of God. He went roundly into the murder of Joas, and of his
two brothers, Adigo and Aylo, on the mountain of Wechné, and charged
Michael directly with it, as also with the poisoning the late Hatzé
Hannes, father of the present king.
The Ras seemed to avoid hearing, sometimes by speaking to people
standing behind him, sometimes by reading a paper; in particular,
he asked me, standing directly behind his chair, in a low voice,
What is the punishment in your country for such a crime? It was his
custom to speak to me in his own language of Tigrè, and one of his
greatest pastimes to laugh at my faulty expression. He spake this to
me in Amharic, so I knew he wanted my answer should be understood:
I therefore said, in the same low tone of voice he had spoke to me,
High-treason is punished with death in all the countries I have ever
known.--This I owed to Abba Salama, and it was not long before I had
my return.
Abba Salama next went into the murder of Kasmati Eshté, which he
confessed he was the promoter of. He said the Iteghé, with her
brothers and Ayto Aylo, had all turned Franks, so had Gusho of Amhara;
and that, in order to make the country Catholic, they had sent for
priests, who lived with them in confidence, as that Frank did,
pointing to me: that it was against the law of the country, that I
should be suffered here; that I was accursed, and should be stoned as
an enemy to the Virgin Mary. There the Ras interrupted him, by saying,
Confine yourself to your own defence; clear yourself first, and then
accuse any one you please: it is the king's intention to put the law
in execution against all offenders, and it is only as believing you
the greatest that he has begun with you.
This calmness of the Ras seemed to disconcert the Acab Saat; he lost
all method; he warned the Ras that it was owing to his excommunicating
Kasmati Eshté that room was made for him to come to Gondar; without
that event this king would never have been upon the throne, so that
he had still done them as much good by his excommunications as he had
done them harm: he told the Ras, and the judges that they were all
doubly under a curse, if they offered either to pull out his eyes,
or cut out his tongue; and prayed them, bursting into tears, not so
much as to think of either, if it was only for old fellowship, or
friendship which had long subsisted between them.
There is an officer named Kal Hatzé who stands always upon steps at
the side of the lattice-window, where there is a hole covered in the
inside with a curtain of green taffeta; behind this curtain the king
sits, and through this hole he sends what he has to say to the Board,
who rise and receive the messenger standing: he had not interfered
till now, when the officer said, addressing himself to Abba Salama,
"The king requires of you to answer directly why you persuaded the
Abuna to excommunicate him? the Abuna is a slave of the Turks, and
has no king; you are born under a monarchy, why did you, who are his
inferior in office, take upon you to advise him at all? or why, after
having presumed to advise him, did you advise him wrong, and abuse his
ignorance in these matters?" This question, which was a home one, made
him lose all his temper; he cursed the Abuna, called him Mahometan,
Pagan, Frank, and Infidel; and was going on in this wild manner, when
Tecla Haimanout[5], the eldest of the judges, got up, and addressing
himself to the Ras, It is no part of my duty to hear all this railing,
he has not so much as offered one fact material to his exculpation.
The king's secretary sent up to the window the substance of his
defence, the criminal was carried at some distance to the other end of
the room, and the judges deliberated whilst the king was reading. Very
few words were said among the rest; the Ras was all the time speaking
to other people: after he had ended this, he called upon the youngest
judge to give his opinion, and he gave it, 'He is guilty, and should
die;' the same said all the officers, and after them the judges, and
the same said Kasmati Tesfos after them. When it came to Ras Michael
to give his vote, he affected moderation; he said that he was accused
for being his enemy and accomplice; in either case, it is not fair
that he should judge him. No superior officer being present, the last
voice remained with the king, who sent Kal Hatzé to the Board with
his sentence; 'He is guilty and _shall_ die _the death_.--The hangman
_shall_ hang him upon a tree _to-day_.' The unfortunate Acab Saat was
immediately hurried away by the guards to the place of execution,
which is a large tree before the king's gate; where uttering, to the
very last moment, curses against the king, the Ras, and the Abuna,
he suffered the death he very richly deserved, being hanged in the
very vestments in which he used to sit before the king, without one
ornament of his civil or sacerdotal pre-eminence having been taken
from him before the execution. In going to the tree he said he had 400
cows, which he bequeathed to some priests to say prayers for his soul;
but the Ras ordered them to be brought to Gondar, and distributed
among his soldiers.
I have entered into a longer detail of this trial, at the whole of
which I assisted, the rather that I might ask this question of those
that maintain the absolute independence of the Abyssinian priesthood,
Whether, if the many instances already mentioned have not had the
effect, this one does not fully convince them, that all ecclesiastical
persons are subject to the secular power in Abyssinia as much as they
are in Britain or any European Protestant state whatever?
Chremation, Socinios's brother, was next called, he seemed half dead
with fear; he only denied having any concern in his brother being
elected king. He said he had no post, and in this he spoke the
truth, but confessed that he had been sent by Abba Salama to bring
the Itcheguè and the Abuna to meet him the day of excommunication at
Dippabye. It was further unluckily proved against him, that he was
present with his brother at plundering the houses in the night-time
when the man was killed; and upon this he was sentenced to be
immediately hanged; the court then broke up and went to breakfast.
All this had passed in less than two hours; it was not quite eleven
o'clock when all was over, but Ras Michael had sworn he would not
taste bread till Abba Salama was hanged, and on such occasions he
never broke his word.
Immediately after this last execution the kettle-drums beat at the
palace-gate, and the crier made this proclamation, "That all lands and
villages, which are now, or have been given to the Abuna by the king,
shall revert to the king's own use, and be subject to the government,
or the Cantiba of Dembea, or such officers as the king shall after
appoint in the provinces where they are situated."
I went home, and my house being but a few yards from the palace, I
passed the two unfortunate people hanging upon the same branch; and,
full of the cruelty of the scene I had witnessed, which I knew was but
a preamble to much more, I determined firmly, at all events, to quit
this country.
The next morning came on the trial of the unfortunate Guebra Denghel,
Sebaat Laab, and Kefla Mariam; the Ras claimed his right of trying
these three at his own house, as they were all three subjects of
his government of Tigrè. Guebra Denghel bore his hard fortune with
great unconcern, declaring, that his only reason of taking up arms
against the king was, that he saw no other way of preventing Michael's
tyranny, and monstrous thirst of money and of power: that the Ras
was really king, had subverted the constitution, annihilated all
difference of rank and persons, and transferred the efficient parts
of government into the hands of his own creatures. He wished the king
might know this was his only motive for rebellion, and that unless it
had been to make this declaration, he would not have opened his mouth
before so partial and unjust a judge as he considered Michael to be.
But Welleta Selassé, his daughter, hearing the danger her father
was in, broke suddenly out of Ozoro Esther's apartment, which was
contiguous; and, coming into the council-room at the instant her
father was condemned to die, threw herself at the Ras's feet with
every mark and expression of the most extreme sorrow. I cannot,
indeed, repeat what her expressions were, as I was not present, and I
thank God that I was not; I believe they are ineffable by any mouth
but her own, but they were perfectly unsuccessful. The old tyrant
threatened her with immediate death, spurned her away with his foot,
and in her hearing ordered her father to be immediately hanged.
Welleta Selassé, in a fit, or faint, which resembled death, fell
speechless to the ground; the father, forgetful of his own situation,
flew to his daughter's assistance, and they were both dragged out
at separate doors, the one to death, the other to after sufferings,
greater than death itself.
Fortune seemed to have taken delight, from very early life, constantly
to traverse the greatness and happiness of this young lady. She
was first destined to be married to Joas, and the affair was near
concluded, when the fatal discovery, made at the battle of Azazo,
that the king had sent his household troops privately to fight for
Fasil against Michael, prevented her marriage, and occasioned his
death. She was then destined to old Hatzé Hannes, Tecla Haimanout's
father: Michael, who found him incapable of being a king, judged him
as incapable of being a husband to a woman of the youth and charms of
Welleta Selassé, and, therefore, deprived him at once of his life,
crown, and bride. She was now not seventeen, and it was designed
she should be married to the present king; Providence put a stop to
a union that was not agreeable to either party: she died some time
after this, before the battle of Serbraxos; being strongly pressed
to gratify the brutal inclinations of the Ras her grandfather, whom,
when she could not resist or avoid, she took poison; others said it
was given her by Ozoro Esther from jealousy, but this was certainly
without foundation. I saw her in her last moments, but too late to
give her any assistance; and she had told her women-servants and
slaves that she had taken arsenic, having no other way to avoid
committing so monstrous a crime as incest with the murderer of her
father.
The rage that the intercession of the daughter for her father Guebra
Denghel had put the Ras into, was seen in the severity of the sentence
he passed upon the other two criminals; Kefla Mariam's eyes were
pulled out, Sebaat Laab's eye-lids were cut off by the roots, and
both of them were exposed in the market-place to the burning sun,
without any covering whatever. Sebaat Laab died of a fever in a few
days; Kefla Mariam lived, if not to see, at least to hear, that he was
revenged, after the battle of Serbraxos, by the disgrace and captivity
of Michael.
I will spare myself the disagreeable task of shocking my readers with
any further account of these horrid cruelties; enough has been said
to give an idea of the character of these times and people. Blood
continued to be spilt as water, day after day, till the Epiphany;
priests, lay-men, young men and old, noble and vile, daily found their
end by the knife or the cord. Fifty-seven people died publicly by
the hand of the executioner in the course of a very few days; many
disappeared, and were either murdered privately, or sent to prisons,
no one knew where.
The bodies of those killed by the sword were hewn to pieces and
scattered about the streets, being denied burial. I was miserable, and
almost driven to despair, at seeing my hunting-dogs, twice let loose
by the carelessness of my servants, bringing into the court-yard the
head and arms of slaughtered men, and which I could no way prevent but
by the destruction of the dogs themselves; the quantity of carrion,
and the stench of it, brought down the hyænas in hundreds from the
neighbouring mountains; and, as few people in Gondar go out after it
is dark, they enjoyed the streets to themselves, and seemed ready
to dispute the possession of the city with the inhabitants. Often
when I went home late from the palace, and it was this time the king
chose chiefly for conversation, though I had but to pass the corner
of the market-place before the palace, had lanthorns with me, and
was surrounded with armed men, I heard them grunting by two's and
three's so near me as to be afraid they would take some opportunity of
seizing me by the leg; a pistol would have frightened them, and made
them speedily run, and I constantly carried two loaded at my girdle,
but the discharging a pistol in the night would have alarmed every
one that heard it in the town, and it was not now the time to add any
thing to people's fears. I at last scarce ever went out, and nothing
occupied my thoughts but how to escape from this bloody country by way
of Sennaar, and how I could best exert my power and influence over
Yasine at Ras el Feel to pave my way, by assisting me to pass the
desert into Atbara.
The king missing me some days at the palace, and hearing I had not
been at Ras Michael's, began to inquire who had been with me. Ayto
Confu soon found Yasine, who informed him of the whole matter; upon
this I was sent for to the palace, where I found the king, without
any body but menial servants. He immediately remarked that I looked
very ill; which, indeed, I felt to be the case, as I had scarcely
ate or slept since I saw him last, or even for some days before. He
asked me, in a condoling tone, What ailed me? that, besides looking
sick, I seemed as if something had ruffled me, and put me out of
humour. I told him that what he observed was true: that, coming
across the market-place, I had seen Za Mariam, the Ras's doorkeeper,
with three men bound, one of whom he fell a-hacking to pieces in my
presence. Upon seeing me running across the place, stopping my nose,
he called me to stay till he should come and dispatch the other
two, for he wanted to speak to me, as if he had been engaged about
ordinary business: that the soldiers, in consideration of his haste,
immediately fell upon the other two, whose cries were still remaining
in my ears: that the hyænas at night would scarcely let me pass in the
streets when I returned from the palace; and the dogs fled into my
house to eat pieces of human carcases at leisure.
Although his intention was to look grave, I saw it was all he could
do to stifle a laugh at grievances he thought very little of. "The
men you saw with Za Mariam just now, says he, are rebels, sent by
Kefla Yasous for examples: he has forced a junction with Tecla and
Welleta Michael in Samen, and a road is now open through Woggora,
and plenty established in Gondar. The men you saw suffer were those
that cut off the provisions from coming into the city; they have
occasioned the death of many poor people; as for the hyæna he never
meddles with living people, he seeks carrion, and will soon clear
the streets of those incumbrances that so much offend you; people
say that they are the Falasha of the mountains, who take that shape
of the hyæna, and come down into the town to eat Christian flesh in
the night."--"If they depend upon Christian flesh, and eat no other,
said I, perhaps the hyænas of Gondar will be the worst fed of any in
the world."--"True, says he, bursting out into a loud laughter, that
may be, few of those that die by the knife anywhere are Christians,
or have any religion at all; why then should you mind what they
suffer?"--"Sir, said I, that is not my sentiment; if you was to order
a dog to be tortured to death before me every morning, I could not
bear it. The carcases of Abba Salama, Guebra Denghel, and the rest,
are still hanging where they were upon the tree; you smell the stench
of them at the palace-gate, and will soon, I apprehend, in the palace
itself. This cannot be pleasant, and I do assure you it must be very
pernicious to your health, if there was nothing else in it. At the
battle of Fagitta, though you had no intention to retreat, yet you
went half a day backward, to higher ground, and purer air, to avoid
the stench of the field, but here in the city you heap up carrion
about your houses, where is your continual residence."
"The Ras has given orders, says he gravely, to remove all the dead
bodies before the Epiphany, when we go down to keep that festival, and
wash away all this pollution in the clear-running water of the Kahha:
but tell me now, Yagoube, is it really possible that you can take such
things as these so much to heart? You are a brave man; we all know you
are, and have seen it: we have all blamed you, stranger as you are in
this country, for the little care you take of yourself; and yet about
these things you are as much affected as the most cowardly woman,
girl, or child could be."--"Sir, said I, I do not know if I am brave
or not; but if to see men tortured or murdered, or to live among dead
bodies without concern, be courage, I have it not, nor desire to have
it: war is the profession of noble minds; it is a glorious one; it is
the science and occupation of kings; and many wise and many humane men
have dedicated their whole life to the study of it in every country;
it softens men's manners, by obliging them to society, to assist,
befriend, and even save one another, though at their own risk and
danger. A barbarian of that profession should be pointed at. Observe
Ayto Engedan, (who came at that very instant into the room) there is
a young man, said I, who, with the bravery, has also the humanity and
gentleness of my countrymen that are soldiers."
Engedan fell on his face before the king, as is usual, while the king
went on seriously--"War you want; do you, Yagoube? war you shall have;
it is not far distant, and Engedan is come to tell us how near." They
then went into a considerable conversation about Gusho, Powussen, and
the preparations they were making, and where they were, with which I
shall not trouble the reader, as I shall have an occasion to speak
of the particulars afterwards as they arise. "I want Confu, says the
king; I want him to send his men of Ras el Feel to Sennaar, and to
the Baharnagash to get horses and some coats of mail. And what do
you think of sending Yagoube there? he knows their manners and their
language, and has friends there to whom he is intending to escape,
without so much as asking my leave."--"Pardon me, Sir, said I; if I
have ever entertained that thought, it is proof sufficient of the
extreme necessity I am under to go." "Sir, says Engedan, I have rode
in the Koccob horse; I will do so again, if Yagoube commands them, and
will stay with us till we try the horse of Begemder. I have eight or
ten coats of mail, which I will give your majesty: they belonged to
my father, Confu, and I took them lately from that thief Abou Barea,
with whom they were left at my father's death; but I will tell your
Majesty, I had rather fight naked without a coat of mail, than that
you should send Yagoube to Sennaar to purchase them from thence, for
he will never return."
Ras Michael was now announced, and we made haste to get away. I would
have Confu, Engedan, and you, come here to-morrow night, says the
king, as soon as it is dark; and do not you, Yagoube, for your life,
speak one word of Sennaar, till you know my will upon it. He said this
in the sternest manner, and with all the dignity and majesty of a
king.
We passed the Ras in the anti-chamber, attended by a great many
people. We endeavoured to slide by him in the crowd, but he noticed
us, and brought us before him. We both kissed his hands, and he
kept hold of one of mine, while he asked Engedan, "Is Fasil at
Ibaba?" to which he was answered, "Yes." "Who is with him? says the
Ras."--"Damot, Agow, and Maitsha," answered Engedan. "Was you there?
says the Ras." "No, answered Engedan, I am at Tshemera, with few men."
He then turned to me, and said, "My son is ill; Ozoro Esther has just
sent to me, and complains you visit her now no more. Go see the boy,
and don't neglect Ozoro Esther, she is one of your best friends." I
inquired if she was at Gondar, and was answered, No; she is at Koscam.
We parted; Engedan went to Koscam to Ozoro Esther's, and I went home
to plan my route to Sennaar, and to prepare letters for Hagi Belal, a
merchant there, to whom I was recommended from Arabia Felix.
CHAP. IV.
_The King promises Leave to the Author to depart--Receives
a Reinforcement from Shoa--Amiable Carriage of Amha
Yasous--Striking Contrast between him and a Prince of the
Galla--Bad State of the King's Affairs._
It was the 31st of December that we were at Koscam. A proclamation
had been made some days before of a general pardon to all that would
return to Gondar; but no one had ventured but Ayto Engedan, who was
with Fasil as the king's friend; nor were any of those who went with
Fasil the object of the proclamation, for it was not thought that the
retiring from Socinios with Fasil was doing any thing against their
allegiance.
That night the bodies of Guebra Denghel, Kefla Mariam, and Sebaat
Laab, were taken down from the tree and laid upon the ground; after
having been watched in the night by their friends to keep the beasts
from them, were at last suffered to be taken privately away, at the
intercession of the troops of Tigrè, whose countrymen they were.
Chremation and Abba Salama were abandoned to their fortune, and in
part putrefied; they were covered with heaps of stones thrown upon
them by such as were passing, and had no other burial.
The next night, the 1st of January 1771, according to order, I waited
upon the king with Confu and Engedan, and with them Yasine: measures
were then taken for buying their horses and coats of mail; the Ras had
advanced part of the money, the rest was to be made up by the meery,
or king's duty, due by the Mahometan provinces, which had not been
paid since he went to Tigrè; a Mahometan servant of the king was sent
for from the customhouse; with him was to go a man from Yasine, and
with them I sent my letters by the hand of Soliman, a black of Ras el
Feel, a man remarkable for his strength, courage, and size, and very
shrewd and discerning, under the appearance of an idiot: Yasine was
sent with them to get a safe conduct from his friend Fidele Shekh of
Atbara, who was to convoy them to Beyla, and thence to Sennaar.
It was not without great dispute and altercation the king would
allow me the permission to send letters; at last, seeing he could do
no better, it was agreed that, as an immediate engagement between
Powussen, Gusho, and Ras Michael, was inevitable, I should swear not
to attempt to leave him till that affair was settled some way or
other; but the king insisted I should also take an oath, that, should
he be victorious over, or reconciled to the rebels, if the engagement
I was under in my own country was not fulfilled, and I recovered my
health, I should bring as many of my brethren and family as possible,
with their horses, muskets, and bayonets; that, if I could not pass
by Sennaar, I should come by the way of the East Indies from Surat to
Masuah, which, by how much it was more tedious, was by so much more
secure, than that by Sennaar.
I cannot but hope, the impossibility of performing this oath
extinguished the sin of breaking it; at any rate, it was personal, and
the subsequent death of the king[6] must have freed me from it; be
that as it will, it had this good effect, that it greatly composed my
mind for the time, as I now no longer considered myself as involved
in that ancient and general rule of the country, Never to allow a
stranger to return to his home. We that night learned, that the king
had been in great straits ever since he came from Tigrè; that the Ras,
who was possessed of all the revenues of the provinces that were in
their allegiance, had never yet given the king an ounce of gold; and
that he furnished his daily subsistence from his own house, a cow for
his own and great officers table, and two loaves of bread for each of
his servants; as small an allowance as any private person gave. It
was believed that the Ras had left most of his money in Tigrè, and
had trusted to the contributions he was to levy upon the great men
whenever he should cross the Tacazzé; but in this he disappointed
himself by his cruelty, for no person came before him, on his arrival
at Gondar, from whom he could raise a farthing.
It was about the 20th of January, that a message arrived from
Powussen, to tell the Ras he had taken the usurper Socinios prisoner,
and held him in irons at the king's disposal. He upbraided Michael
with the cruelties of his executions, and declared his resolution of
calling him to an account for these personally at Gondar; he warned
him in time, to repass the Tacazzé, and retire while it was in his
power to his government of Tigrè, where nobody would molest him, and
leave the king at liberty to act for himself. Gusho likewise sent a
messenger, but what word he brought did not transpire; after seeing
the King and Ras Michael, both these messengers proceeded to Fasil.
Soon after this came a message from Fasil, desiring only that the King
and the Ras might renew to him the grant of his father's lands and
estates, which he formerly possessed: what was the meaning of this
message I could never learn; he was already in full possession of what
he asked, and more; no person had attempted to take any thing from
him, nor was it indeed in their power.
Proclamation was made accordingly in terms of the request, and all the
lands that he had possessed were given him: before he could have news
of this first grant, a second messenger came, desiring that he might
be confirmed in his government of Maitsha, Damot, and Agow. This too
was immediately granted him, but a condition was added, that he should
bring the troops of these provinces, and as many others as he could
raise, to join the king with all possible speed, and take the field
with Ras Michael against Powussen and Gusho; and this was but what
he had spontaneously promised when he made his peace at Dingleber. At
the same time Ayto Aylo, brother to Engedan, was proclaimed governor
of Begemder; and all people holding of the king or of Aylo's friends,
(for he had a very large estate in that province) were ordered to join
him; but a very few came, among whom was the famous Guigarr, chief of
the clan, Waag of Lasta, son to Aylo's sister.
Mean time the king used all the means in his power to induce the
Iteghé to return to Koscam, for her presence in Gojam kept alive the
spirit of a number of people that were attached to her, who bore very
impatiently to see her banished, as she then was, though resident with
her daughter Ozoro Welleta Israel, and surrounded by the forces of
Aylo her grandson, who was governor of Gojam, and to whom half of that
province belonged in property. But the queen was resolute never to
trust Ras Michael, though it was believed she sent the king a sum in
gold privately by Engedan.
It was in the end of January that another message arrived from Fasil,
excusing his coming to Gondar on account of the badness of his health;
he said, besides, he could not trust Michael unless he gave him
Welleta Selassé, his granddaughter, to wife, and sent her to him to
Buré. I have already mentioned that the Ras was fond of this young
lady himself, and nothing but that hindered him from giving her to
the king in marriage; and it was said, and I believe with truth, that
some delicacy[7] the king had expressed about this since his return
from Tigrè, was the reason of coldness between him and the Ras, and of
Michael's putting the king on so short allowance on his first coming
to Gondar: but all that was now removed by the necessities of the
times; gold came from Tigrè in plenty; even Powussen had sent some
of the revenue of Begemder, all the other provinces, a proportion,
with butter, cattle, and cotton cloths, for the maintenance of the
king's household and troops: for my part, though I enjoyed the name
of several posts, I had partaken since this last revolution of a very
small part of their revenues; I had been liberally supplied in the
king's absence by Ozoro Esther and the queen. I had few servants, and
lived cheaply in the Iteghé's palace at Koscam; but after my arrival,
the king, on purpose I believe to disconcert my journey, ran me
grievously into debt with the soldiers, and other expences that were,
as I was told, absolutely necessary; it is true, these were paid in
part at times but very irregularly. Ras Michael was not a man to be
craved, nor was my temper such as could be brought to crave him; from
this it arose that often I had been in great straits, and obliged to
live sparingly, which luckily was never a great hardship upon me,
in order to fulfill my promise to others. And now the campaign was
beginning, horses, and mules, and every thing necessary were to be
purchased, and I was in debt above one hundred pounds, nor would it
have been possible I ever should have cleared myself, for my daily
expences were enormous, if it had not been for the situation that a
certain Greek, named Petros, was in, from whom I borrowed about three
hundred pounds, as I shall after mention. With regard to Kasmati
Fasil, he sent me, twice, two large jars of honey from my lordship
of Geesh, at two different times: the first was taken by Coque Abou
Barea, the last tasted so bitter of lupines, that no use could be
made of it. I was a Sovereign, it is true, and my revenue was what
wise men have said is the best,--the love of the people. It went,
however, but little way towards supporting my dignity.
While the king was at Kahha, keeping the festival of the Epiphany,
he received a very extraordinary visit from Amha Yasous, son of the
governor of Shoa, offering his personal service and assistance to the
king, and brought with him, as a present, 500 ounces of gold, and
a thousand excellent horsemen ready equipt at all points. Upon his
being presented to the king, two young noblemen were instructed to be
ready to lay hold of him by the arms, and prevent his throwing himself
upon the ground if he intended so to do. The king was seated upon the
throne, very richly dressed in brocade, a very fine muslin web wrapt
loosely about him, so as to hang in plaits, and in some parts show,
and in some conceal, the flowers of the cloth of gold of which his
waistcoat was composed. His hair was loose, combed out at its full
length, and falling about his head in every direction, and a fork,
like a skewer, made of a rhinoceros horn, with a gold button or head
upon it, stuck thro' his hair near his temples; he was all perfumed
with rose water, and two people stood on the opposite sides of the
tent, each of them with a silver bottle full of it.
Amha Yasous with his thousand horse presented himself before the
door of the tent, and rode on till he was compleatly in it; he then
descended as in a great hurry or surprise, and ran forward, stooping,
to the foot of the throne, inclining his body lower and lower as he
approached; and, just before the act of prostration, he was seized by
Tecla Mariam and Guebra Menfus Kedus, and prevented from kissing the
ground; the king held his hand uncovered, but not extended, that is,
as if he did not intend or expect that he should kiss it. Amha Yasous,
after the struggle was over about the prostration, suddenly seized the
king's hand and kissed it, with some resistance on the part of the
king, who, when he had kissed the back of his hand, turned the palm
likewise; a great mark of familiarity and confidence in this country.
There was a small stool, about half a foot from the ground, covered
with a Persian carpet. Amha Yasous attempted to speak standing, but
was not suffered, but constrained by the two noblemen to sit down on
the little stool; they then deluged him so with rose-water, that I do
believe he never in his life was so wet with rain. After some general
questions the tent was cleared. All this ceremonial was premeditated
and studied; the etiquette could not have been more punctually and
uniformly observed in any court of Europe, and would have just
signified what it did here.
Amha Yasous was a man from twenty-six to twenty-eight years of age,
tall, and of a just degree of corpulence, with arms and legs finely
made; he had a very beautiful face, small features, and the most
affable manners. I have thought, when I have seen them together,
that the king, Engedan, and himself, were three of the handsomest
men I had ever beheld in any country; besides this, all three had
fine understandings, noble sentiments, and courage superior to the
greatest danger; charitable too, and humane inclinations, were it not
for that accursed indifference, or rather propensity, one of them had
to shed human blood; this the young king had imbibed in the school
of Michael, but for natural talents he certainly was the first of the
three.
Apartments in the palace, and a table, were assigned to Amha Yasous,
and he was served by the king's servants as well as his own; a guard
was appointed at his door, the officer of which attended to receive
his orders and take the word daily. This was the manner of receiving
illustrious strangers in my time at Gondar. Anthulé, a Greek, master
of the king's wardrobe, was ordered from time to time to bring him
clothes of the same kind with those the king wore. All the Ozoros, or
noble women at court, fell violently in love with Amha Yasous, as fame
reported, except Ozoro Esther. The young prince had not a grain of
coldness nor indifference in his nature; he carried himself, wherever
he went, with honourable, attentive, and decent gallantry. But his
chief attention was paid to Welleta Selassé; nor was Ras Michael
jealous, nor, as public report went, was Welleta Selassé unkind.
I was often in the evenings in his parties at her house; a fixed,
never-changing melancholy hung upon her face; deep, and involuntary
sighs escaped from her under visible constraint: it did not appear to
me possible this could have been her behaviour, if in actual enjoyment
of successful love; or that, after having gratified it, she could have
put in execution that desperate resolution which apparently she had
then formed in her mind.
Amha Yasous was son of a sister of Gusho; it was said afterwards that
he had a commission from his father, governor of Shoa, to detach
Gusho, if possible, from his alliance with Powussen, and bring him
back to his allegiance to the king. Whether this was true or not I
cannot say, but that this, or something similar, was the case, seemed
to be more than probable from the behaviour of Gusho afterwards,
during the whole campaign. Amha Yasous did not come to take part in
the war, he only brought, in imitation of old times, a tribute to
the king as a testimony of the loyalty of the faithful province of
Shoa; but he was so interested for the king, after being admitted
into intimacy with him, and so pleased with the society of the young
noblemen at court, that he determined to come back with the command of
the troops of his father, and in his way force Gusho to return to his
duty, if he was not already determined.
He had heard, while at Shoa, from some priests of Debra Libanos,
that there was a strange white man in favour with the king at
Gondar, who could do every thing but raise the dead; it was among
his first requests to the king, to make him acquainted with me. The
king therefore ordered me to wait upon him every morning, and I, on
my part, did not let slip that opportunity. Insensibly we came to
be inseparable companions. Our conversation fell one day to be upon
the Abyssinian kings who first lived at Shoa at the time when the
kingdom of Adel was a great mart for the East Indian trade, before the
discovery of the Cape of Good Hope. He said that a book containing
their history, he believed, was in some of the churches in Shoa, and
that he would immediately send for it. Although I could not help
testifying my desire of having a book which I had sought for in vain
through the rest of the provinces of Abyssinia, yet I thought it
unreasonable to desire a man to send 300 miles merely for the purpose
of getting it; I therefore did not press it, being satisfied with his
promise; but as my work would have been incomplete without it, I
asked my friend Tecla Mariam to mention it to him as from the king.
His answer was, "I have already promised to get it for Yagoube, the
messenger by this time is in Amhara; depend upon it, my father will
not fail to let me have it; for fear of mistake, I have dispatched
a very intelligent man, who knows and has seen the book at Debra
Libanos." The promise was punctually kept, the book came, and from it
I have drawn the history of the Adelan war, and the reign of those
kings who had not yet returned to Axum, but reigned in Shoa.
One evening I inquired of him concerning the story which the
Portuguese heard, at the discovery of Benin, that the blacks of
that country had intercourse with a Christian inland state they
acknowledged as sovereign, from which they procured the investiture of
their lands, as has been already mentioned in the beginning of this
work? whether any such commerce did exist with Shoa at present, or if
traces remained of it in older times? if there was any other Christian
or Jewish state in his neighbourhood to which this description could
apply[8]? He said they knew nothing of Benin at Shoa, nor had he ever
heard of the name, nor any custom of the kind that I had mentioned,
which either then did, or ever had prevailed in Shoa: he knew of no
Christian state farther to the southward, excepting Narea, a great
part of which was conquered by the Galla, who were Pagans. The blacks
that were next to Shoa, he said, were exceedingly fierce, warlike, and
cruel; worse than the Galla, and of the same kind with the Shangalla
in Abyssinia. The other nations were partly Mahometan, but chiefly
Galla, and some of these had turned Mahometan; but that they had no
knowledge of any commerce with the Western, or Atlantic Ocean, though
they knew the Eastern or Indian Ocean, which was nearer; were often
served with Indian goods from Mahometan merchants from thence; but
that the Galla had over-run most of the intermediate countries, and
made the ways dangerous.
After Amha Yasous's audience with the king, he waited on Ras Michael
also, to whom he brought a present in gold; politely excusing himself
for having brought it in that form, on account that any other would
have been troublesome, from the length of the way. He well knew,
however, that an apology was needless, and that Ras Michael never
saw any present in a more agreeable form than that of gold. I was
not at the audience, nor do I know what passed at it; only that, on
his introduction, the Ras was held up on his feet, and received him
standing; they then both sat down upon the same seat, after which they
dined heartily together at Ozoro Esther's apartment, who came from
Koscam on purpose to prepare their entertainment, and they drank and
conversed together till late at night.
The sight of gold, and a thousand horse at the juncture, made Ras
Michael as light and chearful as a young man of twenty-five. No
words concerning the government of Shoa passed, nor any proclamation
relative to the state of that province; and this silence was equal to
declare it independent, as it was intended, and indeed it had been
considered as such a long time before. As I saw Amha Yasous eat raw
beef like the Abyssinians, I asked him if it was the custom of other
nations to the southward? He said he believed so, if they were not
Mahometans; and inquired of me if it was not likewise the practice
among us. I imagine it prevails as far as the Cape of Good Hope.
Another interview, which happened at Kahha, was much more
extraordinary in itself, though of much less importance to the state.
Guangoul, chief of the Galla of Angot, that is, of the eastern Galla,
came to pay his respects to the king and Ras Michael; he had with him
about 500 foot and 40 horse: he brought with him a number of large
horns for carrying the king's wine, and some other such trifles.
He was a little, thin, cross-made man, of no apparent strength or
swiftness, as far as could be conjectured; his legs and thighs being
thin and small for his body, and his head large; he was of a yellow,
unwholesome colour, not black nor brown; he had long hair plaited
and interwoven with the bowels of oxen, and so knotted and twisted
together as to render it impossible to distinguish the hair from the
bowels, which hung down in long strings, part before his breast and
part behind his shoulder, the most extraordinary ringlets I had ever
seen. He had likewise, a wreath of guts hung about his neck, and
several rounds of the same about his middle, which served as a girdle,
below which was a short cotton cloth dipt in butter, and all his body
was wet, and running down with the same; he seemed to be about fifty
years of age, with a confident and insolent superiority painted in his
face. In his country it seems, when he appears in state, the beast
he rides upon is a cow. He was then in full dress and ceremony, and
mounted upon one, not of the largest sort, but which had monstrous
horns. He had no saddle on his cow. He had short drawers, that did
not reach the middle of his thighs; his knees, feet, legs, and all
his body were bare. He had a shield of a single hide, warped by the
heat in several directions, and much in the shape of a high-crowned,
large, straw-hat, with which the fashionable women in our own country
sometimes disguise themselves. He carried a short lance in his right
hand, with an ill-made iron head, and a shaft that seemed to be of
thorn-tree, but altogether without ornament, which is seldom the case
with the arms of barbarians. Whether it was necessary for the poizing
himself upon the sharp ridge of the beast's back, or whether it was
meant as graceful riding, I do not know, being quite unskilled in
cowmanship; but he leaned exceedingly backwards, pushing his belly
forwards, and holding his left arm and shield stretched out on one
side of him, and his right arm and lance in the same way on the other,
like wings.
The king was seated on his ivory chair, to receive him, almost in the
middle of his tent; the day was very hot, and an insufferable stench
of carrion soon made every one in the tent sensible of the approach
of this nasty sovereign, even before they saw him. The king, when
he perceived him coming, was so struck with the whole figure and
appearance, that he could not contain himself from an immoderate fit
of laughter, which finding it impossible to stifle, he rose from his
chair, and ran as hard as he could into another apartment behind the
throne.
The savage got off from his cow at the door of the tent with all his
tripes about him; and, while we were admiring him as a monster, seeing
the king's seat empty, he took it for his own, and down he sat upon
the crimson silk cushion, with the butter running from every part
of him. A general cry of astonishment was made by every person in
the tent: he started up I believe without divining the cause, and
before he had time to recollect himself, they fell all upon him, and
with pushes and blows drove this greasy chieftain to the door of
the tent, staring with wild amazement, not knowing what was next to
happen. It is high treason, and punishable by immediate death, to
sit down upon the king's chair. Poor Guangoul owed his life to his
ignorance. The king had beheld the whole scene through the curtain;
if he laughed heartily at the beginning, he laughed ten times more
at the catastrophe; he came out laughing, and unable to speak. The
cushion was lifted and thrown away, and a yellow Indian shawl spread
on the ivory stool; and ever after, when it was placed, and the king
not there, the stool was turned on its face upon the carpet to prevent
such like accidents.
Guangoul, disappointed of having an audience of the king, went to
the Ras, where he was better received, but what passed I know not.
His troops, armed like himself, with shields of no resistance, and
hedge-stakes burnt and sharpened at the end instead of lances, were
no acquisition to any party, especially in the present quarrel, where
all the veteran troops in Abyssinia were nearly equally divided on
opposite sides; besides, the Shoa horse had taken the eyes of people
so much, that they began to think little of any cavalry that was not
in some degree equipped like them.
After the king returned to the palace, great diversion was made at
Guangoul's appearance, in so much that Ozoro Esther, who hated the
very name of Galla, and of this race in particular, insisted upon
seeing a representation of it. Doho, accordingly, a dwarf belonging
to Ras Michael, very ugly, with a monstrous big head, but very sharp
and clever, and capable of acting his part, was brought to represent
the person of Guangoul: a burnt stick and a bad shield were provided;
but the great difficulty remained, how to persuade Doho the dwarf to
put on the raw guts about his neck and waist, and, above all, to plait
them in the hair, which he absolutely refused, both from religious
and cleanly motives; as for the butter, it was no objection, as all
the Abyssinians anoint themselves with it daily, after bathing.
Here we were very near at a stand, all the ladies having in vain
supplicated him to suffer for their sakes a temporary pollution,
with promises that oceans of rose and scented water should be poured
upon him afterwards, to restore his former sweetness. Doho was a man
who constantly spent his time in reading scripture, the acts of the
councils, the works of St John Chrysostom, and other such books as
they have among them. He remained inflexible: at last I suggested
that several hanks of cotton, dyed blue, red, and yellow, should be
got from the weavers in the Mahometan town, and these oiled, greased,
and knotted properly, and twisted among the hair, well-anointed with
butter, would give a pretty accurate resemblance of what we saw in the
king's tent. All hands were immediately set to work; the cotton was
provided; Ozoro Esther's servants and slaves decked Doho to the life.
I spotted his face with stibium, and others anointed him with butter:
an old milk-cow was found, contrary to my expectation, that suffered a
rider without much impatience, and in came Guangoul into a great hall
in Ozoro Esther's apartment.
Never was any thing better personated or better received; the whole
hall resounded with one cry of laughter; Doho, encouraged by this
and the perfect indifference and steadiness of his cow, began to
act his part with great humour and confidence: he was born in the
neighbourhood of these very Galla, knew their manners, and spoke their
language perfectly. Amha Yasous, Confu, Aylo brother to Engedan, some
servants of the king, acted the part that we did in the tent the day
of the audience, that is, stood on each side of the king's chair: the
cow was brought into the middle of the room, and Guangoul descended
with his lance and shield in great state; a cushion was not spared,
nor did Doho spare the cushion; the butter shewed very distinctly
where he had been sitting: we all fell upon him and belaboured him
heartily, and chaced him to the door. His speedy retreat was not
counterfeited. Ozoro Altash, Esther's sister, and a number of the
ladies of the court, were present. Ozoro Esther declared she would
send for the Ras, he had been in great good humour since the arrival
of Amha Yasous. I had not seen him since the recovery of his son, and
happened to be at the door next him; he took me by the hand, and said,
"Welleta Hawaryat (that is the name of his son) is well, you are very
kind."
Michael was esteemed the best orator in his country, and spoke his
own language, Tigran, with the utmost purity and elegance; yet in
common conversation he was very sententious, two or three words at a
time, but never obscure; this he had contracted by a long practice
of commanding armies, where he saw as instantly and clearly, as he
spoke shortly and distinctly. He bowed very civilly to the ladies, and
pointed to me to sit down on the seat by him. Amha Yasous was standing
before him, I hastened to sit down on the carpet at his feet, and he
seemed to recollect himself and placed Amha Yasous beside him: it was
easy to see his mind was otherwise occupied, and as easy to perceive
by his look, that he gave me credit for my behaviour. When they were
all seated, "Well, says he, in great good humour, what now, what is
the matter? what can I do for you, Yagoube? are the women in your
country as idle and foolish as these? has Ozoro Esther chosen a wife
for you? she shall give you your dinner: I will give her a portion;
and as you are a horseman, the king, with Amha Yasous's leave, said
he bowing, shall give you the command of the Shoa horse; I have seen
them; the men I think are almost as white as yourself." Amha Yasous
bowed in return, and said, "Sir, if the king bestows them so worthily,
I promise to bring another thousand as good as these to join them
after the rains, before next Epiphany."--"And I, says Ozoro Esther,
for my part, I have long had a wife for him, but this is not the
present business, we know your time is precious, Guangoul is without,
and desires an audience of you."--Poh! says the Ras, Guangoul is gone
to Gusho, at Minziro, and there is like to be a pretty story: here
are accounts come from Tigrè, that he has committed great barbarities
in his journey, laid waste some villages, killed the people, for not
furnishing him with provisions: here in Belessen he also burnt a
church and a village belonging to the Iteghé, and killed many poor
people; I do not know what he means; I hope they will keep him where
he is, and not send him home again through Tigrè.
A communication of this kind, very uncommon from the Ras, occasioned
a serious appearance in the whole company; but he had no sooner done
with speaking, than in comes Doho upon his cow: neither man nor woman
that had yet seen him, ever laughed so heartily as the old Ras; he
humoured the thing entirely; welcomed Doho in Galla language, and saw
the whole farce, finished by his flight to the door, with the utmost
good humour. Then taking Amha Yasous with him, and several great
officers who had come in the interim, he returned by a private passage
to his own apartments.
As I shall have no occasion for further mention of this chieftain, I
will here finish his story, though not in the order of time. Gusho and
Powussen had gained Guangoul, and persuaded him to make an irruption
with his Galla into the province of Tigrè, to create a diversion
against Michael, and, for that purpose, they had sent him home nearly
the way he had come through that province. From this encouragement he
had begun to conduct himself still worse than formerly. Ras Michael,
suspecting what would happen, privately dispatched Ayto Confu after
him with 600 horse. That young soldier, happy in a command that highly
gratified his mother, and guided by the cries of the people, followed
with the utmost diligence, and came up with him in the neighbourhood
of Lasta, and there, after little resistance, Guangoul and his troops
were cut to pieces, those that had escaped being all slain by the
exasperated peasants. Confu returned to Gondar the night of the fifth
day, together with the bloody trophies of his conquest over Guangoul
and his Galla.
I have before mentioned that this chief had brought with him a
quantity of large horns for the king's service. Some of this sort
having been seen in India filled with civet, have given occasion
to those travellers who saw them there to say, that the animal
producing these large horns was a carnivorous bull of a prodigious
size, inhabiting the interior parts of Africa. That no illustration
of this kind may be wanting, a copperplate of this curious bull is, I
think, in some of the first volumes of the Philosophical Transactions.
The origin of the tale is believed to be in Bernier or Thevenot. It
may, however, with great certainty, be relied upon, that no such
animal exists in Africa, nor probably in the whole creation. The
animal furnishing those monstrous horns is a cow or bull, which would
be reckoned of a middling size in England; its head and neck are
larger and thicker in proportion, but not very remarkably so. I have
been told this animal was first brought by the Galla from near the
Line, where it rains continually, and the sun is little seen. This
extraordinary size of its horns proceeds from a disease that the
cattle have in those countries, of which they die, and is probably
derived from their pasture and climate.
Whenever the animal shews symptoms of this disorder, he is set apart
in the very best and quietest grazing-place, and never driven nor
molested from that moment. His value lies then in his horns, for his
body becomes emaciated and lank in proportion as the horns grow large.
At the last period of his life the weight of his head is so great
that he is unable to lift it up, or at least for any space of time.
The joints of his neck become callous at last, so that it is not any
longer in his power to lift his head. In this situation he dies, with
scarcely flesh covering his bones, and it is then the horns are of
the greatest size and value. I have seen horns that would contain as
much as a common-sized iron-hooped water-pale, such as they make use
of in the houses in England; but the Galla, who have a ready market
for these of all sizes, generally kill the beast when his horns will
contain something less than six gallons. Two of these horns, filled
with wine or spirits, are carried very commodiously upon a woman's
back, flung over her shoulders. I had two of the largest size stole
from me that night Socinios, Confu, and Chremation plundered my house,
nor could I ever recover them. I have seen them at Gondar sold for
four ounces of gold, equal to ten pounds sterling, the pair.
On the 17th of February came messengers from Fasil, with the old
language of proposals of submission and peace, and a repetition of
his demand, that Welleta Selassé should be given him for a wife, and
sent to him, at least as far as Dingleber, where he would advance to
meet her; excusing himself from coming to Gondar, because the Ras
had already broken his promise to him; for the condition of peace
made with the Ras, when he was besieging the mountain, was, That if
Michael should bring the king to the Tacazzé, and surrender him there,
and then return and content himself with the government of Tigrè,
without proceeding to Gondar, that Fasil should receive the king and
conduct him to the capital, and be created Ras and governor in place
of Michael. Fasil had punctually performed his part, and of this
Michael had taken advantage, and had violated every article which he
had stipulated on the other side; and this was at least the alledged
reason why Fasil had refused to come to Gondar. The same evening
arrived also messengers from Gusho and Powussen, declaring to Ras
Michael, that, if he did not leave Gondar and return to Tigrè, they
would come and burn the town. They professed great duty to the king,
but charged the Ras with every sort of enormity, and upon his refusal
sent him a defiance.
The same evening came an express from Shoa, which most punctually
brought the book I so much wished for, containing the lives of the
first kings that lived at Shoa; a fair and fine copy, wrote upon
parchment in a large quarto size, in the pure ancient language of
Geez. The author was nearly contemporary with the annals which he
writes. I shewed it to the king, who till then had never seen it, and
who only said, I fear, Yagoube, you are carrying home these books only
to make your kings laugh at ours. The satisfaction I received upon the
acquisition of this book was greatly diminished by the loss of the
donor, Amha Yasous, who set out the 20th of February, attended with
about a hundred men, his own servants, and followed by the regret and
the good wishes of all that had known him, mine in particular, having
been, from the first time I saw him, very much attached to him.
Before his departure he had two long conferences with the king upon
the contents of the dispatches sent by his father from Shoa. The
substance he frankly told me was, that he did not intend to meddle
with the quarrels of Ras Michael, nor those of Fasil; that they
should settle these in their own way; but if either attempted any
thing against the king, set up any usurpers, as they had done in the
person of Socinios, and continued so far against their allegiance to
Tecla Haimanout as to withhold his whole revenue, and not to pay him
wherewithal to support his state, that he would consider himself as
protector of the royal family of Solomon, as the governors of Shoa
had always been.--It was believed very generally, by Amha Yasous
coming in person, that a treaty between some of the great men in both
sides, begun at his instance, would bring every man that could mount
a horse from as far south as Gingiro, to over-run both the provinces
of Begemder and Amhara, and either displace the two governors, or
at least force them to their duty; and it was owing to this, in all
probability, that Gusho acted with such moderation as he did in the
campaign that soon followed.
CHAP. V.
_Rebel Army approaches Gondar--King marches out of Gondar--Takes
Post at Serbraxos--The Author returns to Gondar with Confu
wounded._
Gentle showers of rain began now to fall, and to announce the approach
of winter; nay, some unusually severe and copious had already fallen.
Gusho and Powussen of Amhara and Begemder, Kasmati Ayabdar governor
of Foggora, Aylo son of Ozoro Welleta Israel the queen's daughter,
governor of Gojam, Woodage Asahel, with the troops of Maitsha, and
Coque Abou Barea from Kuara, were at the head of all the forces they
could raise about Emfras and Nabca, and the borders of the lake Tzana.
A brother-in-law of Powussen had brought a considerable body of troops
from Zaat and Dehannah, two clans of Lasta, enemies to Guigarr, who
had declared for Michael; and these were the best horse in the rebel
army, superior to any in Begemder.
This numerous army of Confederates were all ready, expecting the rain
would make the Tacazzé impassable, and cut off Michael's retreat to
Tigrè. Fasil alone kept them in suspense, who, with about 12,000 men,
remained at Ibaba, professing to be at peace with Michael, in the mean
time keeping all Maitsha quiet, and waiting for the coming of Welleta
Yasous, and 20,000 Galla, whom he had sent for from the other side
of the Nile, intending, as he said, to march on the arrival of this
reinforcement, and join the king at Gondar. Although it may well be
doubted if ever he intended all or any part of this, one thing was
very certain, that he was sincere in his hatred to Gusho and Powussen;
he never could forget their treachery in breaking their appointment
and promise at Court-Ohha, and exposing him either to fight Michael
singly, or have his whole country burnt and destroyed. Although
Michael had, for these last months, done every thing in his power to
bring back to the king such people of consideration that possessed
the lands and estates about Gondar, and were the most respectable of
their nobility for influence and riches, bred up about court, and who
did chiefly constitute it; yet the cruelty of his executions, his
insatiable greed of money and power, and the extreme facility with
which he broke his most sacred engagements, had terrified them from
putting themselves into his hand; though they did not raise men, or
join any side, but lived privately at a distance, yet their absence
from about the king had the very worst effect upon his affairs. A
great desertion had likewise happened since his coming among his old
troops of Tigrè, both of officers and soldiers. The execution of
Guebra Denghel, and other two noblemen, had greatly alienated the
minds of many of their countrymen and their connections; but, above
all, his breach of promise made before the mountain of Haramat, that
he was to levy no taxes upon that province for seven years, (but which
he was now doing with the greatest rigour before one had expired)
discontented them all.
The return of Welleta Michael and Kefla Yasous from Samen, with about
6000 men, had considerably strengthened his army; added to this,
2000 more, who came voluntarily, from their love to Kefla Yasous,
from Temben, where he was governor; these were picked men, partly
musqueteers; there was nothing equal to them in the army.
Gusho was advanced to Minziro. Powussen had his head-quarters at
Korreva, not above sixteen miles from Gondar. The whole plain to the
lake was covered with troops. The weather was unseasonably cold, and
considerable quantities of rain had fallen from the 23d of February
to the 29th of March. The rebels had begun to lay waste Dembea, and
burnt all the villages in the plain from south to west, making it like
a desert between Michael and Fasil, as far as they dared venture to
advance towards either. This they did to exasperate Michael, and draw
him out from Gondar; for they had most of them great property in the
town, and did not wish to be obliged to fight him there. He bore this
fight very impatiently, as well as the constant complaints of people
flying into the town from the depredations of the enemy, and stripped
of every thing.
The king often ascended to the top of the tower of his palace, the
only one to which there remains a stair, and there contemplated,
with the greatest displeasure, the burning of his rich villages in
Dembea. One day while he was here he shewed an instance of that quick
penetration for which he was remarkable, and which, as a proof of
this, I shall here mention.
There is a large waste space on each side of the palace where the
market is kept. It had rained, and it was in the evening almost
destitute of people; there were only two men at a considerable
distance, who seemed to be in close conversation together, one of
them apparently very much the worse of liquor, the other had hold
of the end of the sash, or girdle, which was round the body of the
drunk man; it is a narrow web of cotton cloth, which they wind eight
or ten times about their waist. The king said to me, Do you know,
Yagoube, what these two men are about? I answered, No. I saw the
drunkard untwine one turn of his sash, which the other was feeling
and looking curiously at, as if examining and doubting its goodness.
That man, says the king, is robbing the drunkard of his sash: go
down two or three of you who run best, and apprehend him, but hide
yourselves till he has committed the theft, and seize him as he
passes. The orders were quickly obeyed; the drunkard unwound his
sash, by turning himself round and round, while the other seemed
to be measuring it by the length of his arm, from his elbow to his
forefinger, and then gathering it up. This was done very deliberately
till it was all unwound, and the far end loose; upon which the fellow,
who was measuring, gathering it in his arms, ran off as fast as he
could, leaving the drunkard standing motionless, apparently in great
surprise and amazement. The thief was immediately seized and brought
up to the king, who ordered him to be thrown over the tower. At my
intercession, and that of those about him, he was pardoned, and the
drunkard's sash was returned to him.
Ever since the middle of February, Ras Michael had resolved to march
out, and give battle to the rebels encamped about Korreva, committing
every sort of violence, and burning all the villages, houses, and
barns in Dembea, with the corn they contained more than what served
for their present use; but the great superiority of the enemy in horse
had always made him delay his intention.
Yasine had, indeed, succeeded in his commission to Sennaar, as far as
it regarded the horses. He had found the Arabs encamped immediately
upon the frontier at Ras el Feel, and had received from them very
near 200 of one kind or other, of which 76 only answered the purpose
of mounting the king's black servants; the others were distributed
among the rest of the army that wanted them. But they had not been
equally successful in purchasing their coats of mail, fourteen only of
which had been brought with the horses. In order to buy the rest, the
messenger continued his journey to Sennaar, and with him my servant
Soliman with my letters, to which, of consequence, I had as yet no
return. But what appeared at that time most material to me, Fidele
Shekh of Atbara wrote to Yasine, "That, there was no fear but that
I should be well received at Sennaar, where Nasser, a young king,
had succeeded his father, whom he had deposed; but that the great
difficulty was to pass between Ras el Feel and Teawa, the place of his
residence, and from thence to the banks of the river Dendera, for that
the Ganjar horse of Kuara, and the Arabs their friends, were at war
with the Arabs of Atbara, and had burnt all their crops and villages:
that he sometimes did not think himself safe in Teawa, and that a
load of salt had not been suffered to pass for several months; which,
indeed, was the reason why the Arabs of Atbara were come so near Ras
el Feel, and that the king's horse were procured so readily at the
first coming." This traitor, however, added, "That if, by any means, I
could advance to him at Teawa, I need not take any thought about the
rest of the journey; and that it was better I should come quietly and
quickly, without writing to Sennaar before-hand: and he concluded with
great professions of respect and friendship for me."
It had been very cold, and more than usual rainy, since the beginning
of February; the 9th was a day of close rain; and this, being earlier
than common, very much discouraged the soldiers who were naked, and,
therefore, very sensible of cold, or rain, and, as I have before said,
never can be brought to engage willingly, unless under the influence
of a warm sun.
At last the cries of the people flying into Gondar, seeking protection
from the cruelties of the rebels, determined the Ras to march out, and
set his all upon the fortune of a battle. The risk was not thought
great, as he had been all his life in use to conquer; had a better
army at that time than ever he commanded; the Begemder troops, too,
in whom the rebels trusted most, were but those which he and his men
had beaten at Nefas Musa, although led by a very brave and valiant
officer, Mariam Barea. All this was true; but then, since that period,
these troops of Begemder had been constantly led by himself, had been
trained, and disciplined with the old troops of Tigrè, and taught to
conquer with them. Above all, they had been used to see the effect of
fire-arms, which they no longer feared as formerly, but boldly rushed
in upon the musqueteers, sometimes without giving them time to fire,
or at least before they had time to charge again.
At last, having previously called in all his out-posts, on the 13th
of May he marched out of Gondar, taking with him the King and Abuna,
as also Ozoro Esther, and Ozoro Altash her sister, and all the other
ladies about court, who were in possession of the great fiefs of the
crown, and whom he obliged to personal attendance, as well as to bring
the quota of troops they were bound to by their respective tenures.
The king's army halted upon the same ground they had done on their
return to Gondar. They were then supposed to be near 20,000 foot,
belonging to Tigrè and its dependencies, incomparably the best troops
of the empire, 6000 of which were armed with musquets, six times the
number that all the rest of Abyssinia could furnish, and, considering
they were all match-locks, very expert in the management of them. The
rest of the foot which joined them since he passed the Tacazzè were
about 10,000, besides 2000 of the king's household, 500 of which were
horsemen; of these, few short of 200 were his black servants, armed
with coats of mail, the horses with plates of brass on their cheeks
and faces, with a sharp iron spike of about five inches in length,
which stuck out in the middle of their forehead, a very troublesome,
useless piece of their armour; their bridles were iron chains; the
body of the horse covered with a kind of thin quilt stuffed with
cotton, with two openings made above the flaps of the saddle, into
which the horseman put his thighs and legs, and which covered him from
his hip (where his shirt of mail ended) down to a little above his
ancle: his feet were covered with slippers of thin leather, without
heels, and his stirrups were of the Turkish or Moorish form, into
which his whole foot entered, and, being hung very short, he could
raise himself, and stand as firmly as if he was upon plain ground. The
saddles were in the Moorish form likewise, high before and behind;
a strong lace made fast to the coat of mail by the one end, the
other passed through a small hole in the back of the saddle, kept it
close down, so that the back was never exposed by the coat of mail
rising over the hinder part of the saddle. Each had a small ax in the
surcingle of his saddle, and a pike about fourteen feet long, the
weapon with which he charged; it was made of very light wood, brought
from the banks of the Nile, with a small four-edged head, and the butt
end balanced by a long spike of iron; this entered a leather case
fastened by a thong to the saddle, and was rested sometimes below the
thigh, and sometimes above, and guided by the right hand at the height
the point was intended to strike at. The horseman's head was covered
with a helmet of copper, or block tin, much like those of our light
horse, with large crests of black horse tail.
The officers were distinguished from the soldiers by locks of hair
dyed yellow, interspersed with the black. Upon the front of each
helmet was a silver star, at least a white-metal one, and before the
face, down to the top of the nose, a flap of iron chain, made in the
same manner as the coat of mail, but only lighter, which served as a
vizier. This was the most troublesome part of the whole, it was hot
and heavy, and constantly fretted the cheek and nose, when either the
man or the horse were in motion; and therefore I always substituted a
black silk net, which concealed my colour better, and for the rest of
my face I committed it to the care of Providence.
This body of horse was able to make their way through all the cavalry
in Abyssinia, if they had been drawn up against them with equal
fronts; for every horseman sat immoveable upon his saddle, and acted
most powerfully by his weight alone, and was perfectly master of his
person also by the breadth and shortness of his stirrups; whereas the
Abyssinian horsemen were placed most disadvantageously, their head
and body naked, their saddle small, and of no support to them, their
stirrup-leathers long, and no stirrups to put their foot in; but being
constantly afraid of their horse falling upon them, the only hold
which they had was the outside of an iron ring, which they grasped
between their great and second toe, so that they had no strength from
their stirrups, whilst their foot was always swelled, and their toes
sore and galled.
Of the thousand Shoa horse about 60 had deserted; the rest were all
in good order, each armed with their lances about ten feet long, and
two light javelins, their shafts being of cane, which they threw at a
great distance; the lance they never loosed out of their hand; as for
their stirrups and saddle, they were of the same bad construction as
those of the Abyssinians in general, and this reduced them nearly to a
footing with them.
The horsemen of the king's army were about 7000, mostly very
indifferent troops; so that his whole muster was nearly 7000
musqueteers, 25,000 foot, armed with lances and shields, and about
7500 horsemen; in round numbers about 40,000 men. It is not possible,
I believe, to know, with greater precision, the number, such is
the confusion of barbarous armies on these occasions, and such the
inclination of their leaders to magnify and increase their quotas.
Besides these, Ayto Confu and Sanuda were left with about 600 men
each, to protect Gondar from flying, pillaging parties, and to keep
the communication open between the army and the capital, from whence
the provisions were to be supplied.
This army was furnished with a number of excellent officers, veterans
of noble families, who had spent their whole life in war, which we
may say, for these last 400 years, has never ceased to lay desolate
this unhappy country; the principal were Ras Michael, who, arrived at
the age of seventy-four, had passed the last 50 years of his life in
a course of continued victories, Atsham Georgis, and Guebra Christos,
uncles by the mother's side to the king; Kefla Yasous, in the full
vigour of life, who, though unhappily born in a country plunged in
ignorance, and where there is no education, possessed every quality
that became a man, whether a soldier, statesman, citizen, or friend;
Welleta Michael, master of the household to the king; Billetana Gueta
Tecla; Basha Hezekias, and Guebra Mascal, two principal officers of
his musquetry, and a great number of others of equal merit, known
better in the camp than at the court; Aylo, and Engedan, two sons
of Kasmati Eshté; Ayto Confu, son of Ozoro Esther, all young men,
employed generally in enterprises, and growing every day more and
more into reputation.
It is impossible so much as to guess at the number of the enemy, they
were always very numerous, but constantly changing. It was said, that
Begemder and Lasta had at one time 30,000 horsemen; I should believe
this number greatly exaggerated, from what I heard afterwards; and
that the whole cavalry in their army did not exceed what it was at
the battle of Serbraxos. I suppose indeed, that, together with their
foot, they did not much exceed that number, tho' they were at times
magnified to 50 and 60,000, most of them very bad troops, continually
deserting, excepting about 4000 men belonging to Gusho, from Amhara,
who likewise brought about 100 match-locks, and besides these there
were scarcely any in the rebel army. I must not, however, forget 200
horsemen, Edjow Galla, servants and relations of the late king Joas,
who behaved in the most gallant and undaunted manner, and upon all
occasions set a noble example to the rest of the army.
Ras Michael himself led the van; the king the center, with Guebra
Mascal, and a considerable body of musqueteers of Tigrè; he had
no horse but those of his own household. The rear was commanded
by Welleta Michael, and Tecla: how disposed, or of what troops
constituted I know not, for the front, center, and rear were
understood to march in order, but it was often impossible to discern
any such divisions; we were often all in confusion, sometimes we were
in the middle of the front, sometimes joined and mixed with the rear;
all our officers had left their command, and were crowding about.
Ras Michael and the king; women bearing provisions, horns of liquor,
and mills for grinding corn, upon their backs; idle women of all
sorts, half dead with fear, crying and roaring, mounted upon mules;
and men driving mules loaded with baggage, mingled with the troops,
and passing through in all directions, presented such a tumultuous
appearance that it surpassed all description. There were above 10,000
women accompanying the army: the Ras had about 50 loaded with bouza,
and the king I suppose near as many.
The sight threw me for a moment into low spirits. I know not if the
king saw it. I was perfectly silent, when he cried, Well, what do you
say to us now, Yagoube? I answered, Is this the order in which your
majesty means to engage? He laughed, and said, Aye; why not, you will
see. If that is so, I replied, I only hope it is the enemy's custom as
well as your majesty's to be in no better order. The king was going
to answer me, when Guebra Mascal, who was just beside him, cried out,
This is a business you know nothing about, Yagoube; go to your Felac
(quadrant) and your fortune-telling, if you are afraid; we have no
need of you, nor your advice to-day. Respect for the presence of the
king, which you seem to be void of, said I, hinders me from answering
you as I otherwise would have done; but be assured, in which ever army
they were to-day, they are not men like Guebra Mascal whom I should
be afraid of. The king looked at him much displeased, and, I believe,
said something favourable of me; what it was I did not distinctly hear.
It was now about 10 o'clock, when, marching close along the foot of
the hills, we arrived at Tedda. The burying-place of Hatzé Hannes
I. son of Facilidas, and father of Yasous the Great, was scarce a
quarter of a mile to the S. W. of us, and the church of St George
a little more on the east, when orders came from the Ras for us to
encamp on the side of the hill, which we accordingly did, and were
presently in better order than we were when marching. The Ras, who
had passed the river of Tedda, encamped on the south side of it. It
happened that our two bodies, the front and center, were at that time
treading upon one another's heels; but the rear, from some accident,
was considerably behind, and part of it had scarce passed the Mogetch.
Both the burying-place, and church near it, were planted thick round
with Cyprus and cedar trees. Just a little before the Ras ordered us
to encamp, a messenger arrived from Netcho, (the Fit-Auraris) that
he had that morning met the Fit-Auraris of Begemder on this side of
the river Mariam; that he had killed the Fit-Auraris himself, (a man
of Lasta) with 37 of his men, and driven them back: he added, that
he intended to fall back himself upon the Ras's army, unless stopt
by contrary orders; these the Ras did not send, being desirous that
he should join him, as he soon after did, without being pursued: he
brought word that the army of the rebels was near at hand, between
Korreva and the lake; that Powussen's head-quarters were at Korreva,
and that he had heard Gusho had pushed on advanced posts, as far as
the church of Mariam; but this he did not know for certain, being
only the information of a dying man. Ras Michael immediately detached
Guebra Mascal, and another officer, with 400 men to take possession of
the sepulchre and the church at Tedda, and conceal themselves among
the cedar-trees.
We had not encamped long, before the rear came in sight. Confu, son
of Ozoro Esther, whom the Ras had left to guard Gondar, hearing how
near the enemy was, and the probability of a battle that day, had left
his post, and joined Yasine, with the horse of Ras el Feel, that were
in the rear; soon after this junction, Asahel Woodage, with about
400 men, partly Edjow Galla, (the late king Joas's household) partly
Maitsha, came up from the Dembea side of the lake Tzana, and began to
harrass the rear, marching in great confusion. Confu, though something
superior in number, was thought to be inferior in the goodness of
troops by much more than the difference; but the event proved the
contrary, for he charged Woodage Asahel so forcibly, that he obliged
him to quit our rear, and retire across the plain at a pace, which if
not a flight, did very much resemble it. Ayto Confu pressed vigorously
upon him, till, being now clear of the rest of the army, and in the
fair open plain, Woodage wheeled shortly about, and shewed by his
countenance that it was not to avoid Ayto Confu, but Ras Michael's
musquetry, that he retreated to a greater distance; both sides stopt
to breathe their horses for some minutes; but it was plain afterwards,
Asahel Woodage, an old soldier, trusted much to the known valour of
his troops, and wished to strike a blow of consequence in presence of
his old enemy the Ras.
Ras Michael was at the door of his tent then playing at dams, or
drafts, as was his custom, and Ozoro Esther was trembling to see her
son on the point of being surrounded by merciless Galla, the nation
who most of all she detested, and who had every cause to hate her. All
the young men, (Confu's friends) with their lances in their hands, and
ready to mount on horseback, beseeched the Ras to allow them to go
down into the plain to the assistance of Confu; but the old general,
without leaving off his game, said, "I do strictly forbid one of you
to stir; Confu has broke my orders to-day, and brought himself into a
scrape by his own folly; let me see him get out of it by his courage
and conduct, and thereby set the army a better example than he yet has
done."--"Sir, said I, at least station some musquetry on the small
hill, at the edge of the plain, that, if Confu is beaten, I may not
have the mortification of seeing Yasine, and the new troops of Ras
el Feel, (who were in their proper post) and have all my baggage and
provisions, massacred before my eyes by these cowardly barbarians."
I spoke this in the utmost anguish, when the Ras lifted up his head
with, a ghastly kind of laugh, and said, "Right, well do so, Yagoube."
Though this was but an imperfect permission, I ran down to the station
with such haste that I fell twice in my way, and was considerably
hurt, for the ground was rocky, and the grass slippery.
Although I had only waved my cloak, and cried come on sirs, a large
number of match-locks of Ozoro Esther's, and the king's, hastened
immediately to the ground. Confu by this time had charged, and
after a stout resistance beat Woodage back into the plain; Woodage,
however, again faced about, and after some resistance, Confu in his
turn was driven back in evident disorder, and pushed almost in upon
the post, where our soldiers had made ready their musquets, to fire
if they came a step nearer. At this instant a body of about 30 or 40
horse (the commander we afterwards knew to be Ayto Engedan) came up
full gallop from the right, and stopt the Galla in their pursuit.
Confu's men rallied upon this assistance, and Asahel Woodage retired
in a direction passing close under the sepulchre, Engedan and Confu
keeping at a moderate pace on his left between them and the army, and
forcing them down, as it were, to the trap they knew was laid for
them. They were yet a long shot from the cedars that surrounded the
sepulchre, when a volley was discharged at them from among the trees,
where Michael had posted his 400 men, which, though it did little or
no execution, terrified Woodage Asahel's men so much, that Confu and
Engedan, charging in that instant as upon a signal, they all dispersed
through different parts of the field, and their leader after them:
Joas's Edjow, indeed, would not fall back a step upon the volley, but,
after an obstinate resistance, they were broken by superior numbers,
and forced to retreat before an enemy, so overcome with fatigue and
wounds, as to be unable to pursue them.
The whole of this engagement lasted near an hour by my watch. One
hundred and thirteen of Woodage Asahel's men were slain upon the spot,
and their bloody trophies brought and thrown before the king. On
Confu's side about 70 were killed and wounded; he himself received two
wounds, one a large flesh wound in the hip, the other more slight upon
the head, both of them at the very beginning of the engagement.
Notwithstanding the natural hardness of his heart, and that the
misfortune which had happened was in immediate disobedience of orders,
Ras Michael shewed great sensibility at hearing Confu was wounded; he
came immediately to see him, a visit not according to etiquette, and
gave him a slighter reproof than was expected for leaving his post in
the town, as well as for his fighting without his orders. Confu, with
great submission and address at the same time, excused his leaving his
post, from the repeated information he had received that a decisive
battle was to be fought that day, and knowing the Ras's want of horse,
he could not stay at Gondar, and keep his idle, when the fate of so
kind a father, (as the Ras had been) and that of a mother, to whom he
owed every thing, was depending. He said it would be more agreeable
to him to die by the hands of the executioner of the camp, as an
example for disobedience of orders, than survive with the reflection
that he had been voluntarily absent from such an occasion. As for
engaging with Asahel Woodage that day, he said he had no intention of
that kind; that he knew not who he was when he attacked him, and only
endeavoured to hinder him from harrassing the rear of the army, and
destroying the provisions: That when he charged him first, Woodage was
among the women, loaded with bouza, flour, and spirits, which were
coming to the Ras, and great part of which he had intercepted, as the
Ras would find. Michael could not help laughing at this last part of
the excuse, but went away, and, in his conversation that evening,
gave Confu the highest praises for his conduct and bravery, but said
nothing of his fault.
Engedan was next arraigned for fighting without orders. He, too,
answered with great humility, That when he saw the infantry run down
the hill, with their matches lighted, he thought it was the Ras's
intention to relieve Confu by the most effectual means possible; but
at any rate he could never, with arms in his hands, stand looking on,
while his cousin-german and companion was massacred by Galla. All
ended well. The truth is, Michael never would find fault with a man
that fought, however imprudently he fought the occasion: courage was
to him in place of charity; it covered a multitude of sins.
Ozoro Esther, in the deepest concern, had attended her son from the
moment of his arrival, and had seen his wound dressed and swathed up.
A large gaping flesh-wound (such as his was) frightens ignorant people
more than the small orifice made by a shot, which breaks bones and
endangers life. Such was Ozoro Esther's apprehension; and every minute
she inquired of me if I thought it was possible he could recover. I
had not quitted him since he had got off his horse. I advised him by
all means to go in a litter to Gondar, either carried by men or mules;
but no persuasion, nor consideration, would induce him to go otherwise
than on a mule, with his horse harnessed and led by him.
Every thing was accordingly prepared, when I received a message from
the Ras to wait upon him. I immediately went to his tent, and found
him with two dwarf boys only, who were fanning the flies from his
face. "Ozoro Esther wishes, says he, that you would see Confu safe to
Gondar, and bring us word to-morrow how he is; and you must stay with
him altogether, if he is in danger."--"If he has no fever, said I, he
is in no danger. If the king and you"--He then interrupted me,--"The
king, and I, and every one, wishes you to attend Confu." I bowed, and
went away without reply. When I was got to the door he cried after
me, "Don't be afraid, you will be in time enough to see every thing;
neither they nor I wish an engagement but at Serbraxos."
I did not understand the meaning of the speech, but went away without
reply straight to the king's tent; and I was just going to speak when
he stopt me, by crying, "Go, go, for God's sake! Ozoro Esther has been
here almost out of her senses." I went on this to her tent, where I
found her sitting by Confu and drowned in tears, which at times were
interrupted by fits of seeming distraction. He began to feel the loss
of blood, which would have made me wish not to move him; but there was
no staying here for sick people; and so violent a spirit had spread
through the army, upon Netcho's success and Confu's victory, that
one and all insisted upon fighting the next day; and several of my
friends, who knew where I was going, shook hands with me at my passing
them, saying, "Farewell, Yagoube; we are sorry to lose you, but all
will be over before you come back."
I now insisted more than ever upon Confu's going in a litter, and
setting out immediately, which was accordingly complied with. Ozoro
Esther had dinner, or rather supper, ready in a moment, and I had
great need of it, having scarcely tasted any thing for two days.
While I was eating, Ozoro Esther could not stop the effusions of her
gratitude for the care I had again taken of Confu. "I knew, says she,
you would have refused me, if I had endeavoured to persuade you to go
away from the camp, when there are such fair expectations, you may be
knocked on the head to-morrow; and therefore I applied to the Ras by
force to bend that rash, proud spirit of yours, which one day will be
the occasion of your death."--"Madam, said I, you do me injustice if
you will not believe that I had rather obey your commands than those
of any general upon earth: But, pray, what is the meaning of the Ras's
speech to me about both armies wishing to fight at Serbraxos[9]?
Where is this Serbraxos?"--"Why, says she, here, on a hill just by;
the Begemder people have a prophecy, that one of their governors is
to fight a king at Serbraxos, to defeat him, and slay him there: in
his place is to succeed another king, whose name is Theodorus, and in
whose reign all Abyssinia is to be free from war, or from any trouble,
sickness, or famine; that the Galla, Shangalla, and Mahometans are
all to be destroyed, and the empire of Abyssinia to be extended
as far as Jerusalem."--"All this destruction and conquest without
war! That will be curious indeed. I think I could wish to see this
Theodorus," said I, laughing. "See him you will, replied Ozoro Esther;
peace, happiness, and plenty will last all his reign, and a thousand
years afterwards. Enoch and Elias will rise again, and will fight
and destroy Gog and Magog, and all this without any war."--"On which
I again said, that must be cleverly managed. And now, why does Ras
Michael choose to fight at Serbraxos? I do not think he is desirous
to pay his court to the king Theodorus, or any king brought him by
Begemder."--"Why, says she, all the hermits and holy men on our side,
that can prophecy, have assured him he is to beat the rebels this
month at Serbraxos; and a very holy man, a hermit from Waldubba, came
to him at Gondar, and obliged him to march out against his will, by
telling him this prophecy, which he knows to be true, as the man is
not like common prophets, but one who never ate any thing but roots,
or drank other liquor than water, since the day of his nativity. Such
a man as this, you know, Yagoube, cannot lie." "And I, says Ayto
Confu, being a prophet that hath ate beef and drunk bouza ever since
my nativity, whenever I could not get wine or brandy, and who give my
share of water freely to the saints of Waldubba, as a proper reward
for the lies they tell, I do prophecy, that there are now two thousand
men eating their supper within sight of Serbraxos, who will never see
it nearer, but will all be slain in a battle fought at this place
to-morrow, at which time Yagoube shall be feasting with me at Gondar,
without caring a fig for king Theodorus and his plenty."--"A blessed
prophet you!" says Ozoro Esther.
At this instant the servants at the door informed us there was scarce
light to see the way down the hill, and we got our wounded prophet,
without much difficulty or complaint, into the litter. A number of men
supported him down the hill, and about 50 of his own horse attended. I
desired him to feel often the bandage if his wound bled; and, finding
it did not, I rode on horseback close by his side. For some time, not
hearing him stir or speak, I thought he was asleep, or had fainted;
on which I stopt the litter, felt his pulse, and asked him if he was
dosing? He said, No; he was thinking of all the lies his mother had
been telling me: but there is one thing she did not care to tell you,
Yagoube, she says you laugh at these stories; but there is a spirit
who always appears to Michael and assures him of victory. The devil,
said I, probably; for what good arises from all these victories? are
they not the ruin of innocent people, and of the country? No, replied
Confu, it is St Michael the archangel; he saw him just before he
surprised the mountain Haramat, but neither at Gondar, nor since he
passed the Tacazzé, and this makes him sorrowful. The spirit has
been afraid to catch cold, said I, by wetting his feet in that cold
river. I doubt so, answered Confu; but the liar of a monk, who my
mother supposes never eats nor drinks, told him he was to see him at
Serbraxos.
At this time we heard the noise of horses, and could discern (as we
thought) three men that passed the bridge of Mogetch briskly before
us. As they seemed to avoid us, six or eight of Confu's men pursued
them at full gallop, but lost them in the darkness. They, however,
were found to be soldiers of Kasmati Sanuda, who hearing Woodage
Asahel had been engaged with Ayto Confu, had come out with the
unworthy purpose of collecting some filthy trophies, by mangling the
dead or wounded, though these must have been their own companions, the
soldiers of Ayto Confu, who had been slain; for the whole of Woodage
Asahel's men had already undergone what Strates emphatically called
the _operation_, by the knives of Confu's soldiers. We now arrived
at Koscam without any adventure, and Confu was laid to repose, after
taking a little food: in obedience to the orders of Ozoro Esther, I
lay down by him in the same apartment.
Early next morning I was sent for by a servant of Ozoro Esther, to
attend Welleta Selassé, who I was told was at the point of death.
I repaired immediately to the house of Ras Michael, where she then
was, but found her without possibility of recovery, having already
lost her speech. She expired a few minutes afterwards, apparently in
violent agonies. The cause was never properly known; some attributed
it to the jealousy of Ozoro Esther, others alledged that she had taken
poison from apprehension of falling into the hands of Ras Michael:
whatever was the truth, her servants certainly told me, that she had
confessed she had taken poison, and not till the pain became violent,
and then she turned afraid, would she consent to have an express sent
to Ozoro Esther, to bring me from the camp. I had unluckily left it
before to attend Ayto Confu, neither is it probable I could have been
of any service, as the poison she had taken was arsenic. This accident
detained me that whole day, so that, instead of returning to the army,
I went to Ayto Confu at Koscam, where I found another messenger in
search of me.
The king's Mahometan was returned from Sennaar, and with him Soliman
my servant, who brought me answers to the letters I had written; they
had come by Beyla to Ras el Feel, by Sim Sim, and the western deserts,
the way to Teawa being much infested by gangs of Arabs, and Ganjar
horse, who murdered every body they found in their way. They brought
with them only twelve horses, eighteen coats of mail, and about thirty
libd[10]; these were mostly returns made by the principal members of
government to the presents the king had sent them, for every body at
Sennaar now set too great a value upon the armour, and horses, to part
easily with them, on account of the unsettled state of the times, the
history of which we shall give afterwards.
My letters informed me that the whole kingdom of Sennaar was in
arms, that Nasser (who had deposed his father by the help of two
great brothers, Mahomet Abou Calec, and Adelan) was upon the point
of trusting his life and kingdom to the event of a battle with these
two officers. I was, moreover, conjured, with all the earnestness, as
I thought, of a truly honest man, that I would by no means undertake
the journey I intended; that to come from Ras el Feel to Sennaar, was,
for a white man like me, next to an absolute impossibility, connecting
the danger of the way with the great hardships from the excessive
heat of the climate, and want of food and water; that even arrived at
Sennaar, I should be in the utmost danger from the soldiery, and the
king's slaves, under no subordination or government; and that, even
if I was happy enough to escape these, the worst still remained, and
no human power could convoy or protect me, in my remaining journey
to Egypt through the great desert. I was therefore begged to lay all
such intention aside as impossible, and either stay where I was, or
return by Tigrè, Masuah, and Arabia, the way by which I first entered
Abyssinia. This was the severest of all blows to me, and threw me
for some time into the lowest despondency, but it did not change my
resolution, which was already taken, not to turn to the right or the
left, but either compleat my journey to Syene, the frontier of Egypt,
by Sennaar, and Nubia, or perish in the attempt.
I now resolved to proceed immediately to the camp, taking twenty horse
from Sanuda, and twenty from Confu, to escort the coats of mail and
horses from Sennaar. I set out that evening with Mahomet the king's
servant, by the road of Sema Confu, and arrived about nine o'clock
in the camp, without any adventure, bringing the news of Welleta
Selassé's death, which seemed to cause neither surprise nor sorrow,
and was never after spoken of either by the Ras or Ozoro Esther; but
very great rejoicings were made at the good accounts of Ayto Confu,
with very kind expressions of me, both from the Ras and Ozoro Esther.
Before he went to bed, the king had examined Mahomet, and drawn from
him the true state of the kingdom of Sennaar; he then sent for me, and
ordered me to deliver him my letters, which I did, interpreting them
to him, word for word. He said, however, but little at this time, as
he thought that that door, being so effectually shut against me, less
could be urged against the safer, and more known road through Tigrè,
which, of course, it was presumed I should more eagerly embrace;
he kept my letters, and ordered me to choose two of the horses for
myself, which I did, one of them near seventeen hands high, I suppose
one of the most powerful horses in the world. The rest he distributed
among the black troops; the same he did with the coats of mail. I
found the army in great spirits, but still the story of fighting
only at Serbraxos seemed to be obstinately persisted in. I asked
Ozoro Esther if St Michael had yet appeared to the Ras; she answered,
"Hush! for God's sake, don't make a joke of this, one word of this
kind repeated to him would prevent your ever receiving a favour from
Michael."
It happened that, the day after I had attended Ayto Confu to Gondar,
Ras Michael sent some soldiers into Dembea to forage, these had been
intercepted by a party posted on purpose by Kasmati Ayabdar and Gusho,
consisting of Edjow Galla, with some horse from Foggora and Amhara.
An engagement happened pretty much in the same place and manner as
that with Woodage Asahel and Ayto Confu, in full view of the camp,
and assistance was sent on both sides to the respective parties. The
troops commanded by Aylo, brother of Engedan, and Guebra Mascal, were
beaten back almost close to the camp, by the horse led by the Edjow
Galla, though brave and veteran soldiers, while Ras Michael ordered
Yasine and his 200 from Ras el Feel, (all with their libds on) to
charge the Galla, now advanced very near. Each horse had a number of
brass bells at his neck, and they no sooner appeared than the whole
cavalry of the enemy, starting at the hideous figure and noise, fell
into confusion, and, being closely pressed with violent blows of their
great swords, no longer disputed the ground, but left the field on the
gallop. A beautiful grey horse of Gusho's, superbly ornamented with
gold and silver, and having a very rich broad-sword hanging at his
saddle, and a pole-ax on the other side under the surcingle, was taken
by some soldiers of Ras el Feel, who spread the report instantly that
Gusho was slain. Immediately on this, orders were given for the whole
army to descend into the plain, which they did with great alacrity,
forming in order of battle, though neither the king nor Ras Michael
left the camp, nor did any adversary appear; and the troops, content
with this bravado, returned again in great spirits to the camp.
This is the account I heard of that day's skirmish, for I was not
present there, being at Gondar with Ayto Confu. In the evening of that
very day arrived a messenger from Gusho, telling Ras Michael, that a
young boy, a nephew of his, had, without his knowledge, gone to see
the engagement, and had taken with him his favourite horse, who,
being frightened at the Arabs with their libds, had thrown him, after
which he had run off and left the horse among the enemy. He begged
to have his horse restored at any price, if the man that had taken
him was allowed to sell him. He at the same time sent a present of a
large quantity of fruit and fresh fish from the lake. The messenger
was a priest well known by Ras Michael, and warmly attached to the
king, and it was thought came with an errand of more consequence than
either about the horse or the fish. The Ras sent him for his answer
to the King, who told him, the horse being taken by the troops of Ras
el Feel, belonged to me, and with me he must make his bargain: that
I was at Gondar, and my return uncertain; but that the next day he
might have my answer. This was the better to conceal the priest's real
business, for the King and Ras knew how they were to dispose of the
horse; at least they certainly knew I was not to return him without
their orders.
The morning after my arrival this same priest came to me with a
message from Gusho, desiring I would send him his horse, as a proof
of the friendship which he said had always subsisted between us, at
the same time offering me any sum of money that I might have promised
to content the soldiers who took him. As I had before obtained leave
from Ras Michael to restore the horse, so I did it with the very best
grace possible, sending Yasine himself, chief of the troops of Ras el
Feel, with the message to Gusho, that I reckoned myself exceedingly
happy in having that opportunity of obliging him, and of shewing the
value I had ever set upon his friendship; that he very well knew the
little regard I had for money, and that the soldier who took the
horse was my servant, and had already been abundantly satisfied. I
desired Yasine to add, that I hoped, in order to a continuation of
that friendship, he would avoid, in his own particular command, or
in that of his relations, attacking where the king was in person,
because it was my indispensible duty to be there, and that his nephew
might not escape with the loss of a horse, if he again happened to be
engaged with the Moorish troops, who, though under my command, were
Mahometans, strangers to the language, and to whom it was impossible
for me to convey any distinction of persons. Gusho was exceedingly
sensible of this civil return of the horse; he cloathed Yasine
magnificently, made him a present of another horse, and sent a very
flattering message by him to me.
CHAP. VI.
_Michael attempts to enter Begemder--First Battle of
Serbraxos--The Rebels offer Battle to the King in the
Plain--Armies separated by a violent Storm._
Yasine had scarcely returned to the camp when all the tents were
struck, and the army on its march. The Ras and Guebra Mascal led the
van, the king and Guebra Christos the center, Kasmati Kefla Yasous the
rear; Netcho the Fit-Auraris being about half an hour's march before
us, we proceeded along the plain without interruption; Ayto Engedan,
with a small body of horse, was covering the king's right flank at
some distance. The church of Serbraxos was on our left upon the side
of a hill, and we expected to see the Fit-Auraris take up his ground
for encamping there, as it was the field of action determined upon by
both parties. The Fit-Auraris, however, first, and then Ras Michael
with the van, passed below Serbraxos at so brisk a pace that we in the
center found it difficult to keep up with them.
[Illustration:
PLAN
_of_
THE FIRST BATTLE
OF
_SERBRAXOS_
_Fought 16 May,
1772._
FIRST BATTLE.
Explanation.
1. King's palace and high walls surrounding it.
2. Ashoa, public place where the troops assemble, and gunpowder
is sold, and where public executions are made.
3. Hamar Noh, Noah's Ark, a church.
4. A close quarter over a precipice on the West, to which
the merchants carry their effects upon sudden revolutions,
especially those that have flour and provisions.
5. Abbo, where the Romish priests were stoned and lye unburied.
6. Debra Berhan, famous church upon the highest part of the hill
over the Angrab.
7. Riggobee Ber, or Pigeons Pass, a rocky part of the town,
fortified in time of troubles.
8. Abbo, great street, called from the church and saint of that
name.
9. Mahometan town on the river Kaha.
10. King's palace on the river Kaha.
11. Brook of St Raphael.
12. The river Angrab.
* * * * *
A The centre commanded by the king and Guebra Christos encamped
on the South of the hill Serbraxos.
B Ras Michael, who leads the van, encamped upon the South-East,
and highest part of the hill.
C Kefla Yasous, who commands the rear encamped upon the
North-West.
D Ras Michael marching from his camp at Serbraxos, is stopt at
the mouth of the valley, and engages Powussen and the troops of
Begemder at E.
E The rebel troops of Begemder engaging Ras Michael.
F Ayto Engedan with a thousand men marches from the King's camp
to reinforce Michael at the mouth of the valley.
G Powussen's camp at Correva.
H A reinforcement marches from Powussen's camp, and joins the
rebels engaged with Michael at E.
I Ras Michael beat back into the valley, retires under cover of
his musketry at K and L, which stop the rebels advancing.
M Kefla Yasous joins the king, marches to the head of the
valley, wheels to the right, and faces to the westward.
N The king's horse upon the ford of the Mariam facing westward.
OO Two bodies of the king's musketry placed to defend the ford
of the Mariam.
P Ayabdar's army encamped.
QQ Ayabdar's army marches from the camp, and halts a small
distance from the king's horse at NN, but retreats to SS without
attacking them. All but the Edjow Galla, who remain at T, and
are all cut to pieces by the king's horse, and the musketry on
the hill.]
A long valley, having the mountains of Begemder on the south, or
farthest end, was what the Ras had now entered, and he flattered
himself, by a forced march, to arrive at those mountains. When once
in Begemder, he knew that he not only should occasion a revolt among
the troops of Powussen, (many of whom had followed him by force rather
than inclination) but likewise he was assured that he should be met
by many powerful noblemen and friends to the king, both of Lasta and
Begemder, whom Powussen dared not force to follow him, and who had
staid at home; by this means, he conceived his army would be so much
increased that he soon should bring the rebels to reason.
The river Mariam runs along the west side of this valley, shallow, but
brisk and clear, and the water excellent, while a small brook, called
Deg-Ohha, (that is, the water of honour, or of worth) falling from
the mountains on the east, runs close by the bottom of the hill of
Serbraxos, where it joins the Mariam. The center of the army was just
entering from the plain into the valley, and the king's horse passing
Deg-Ohha, when we heard a firing in the front, which we guessed to be
from the Fit-Auraris; soon after followed a repeated firing from the
van, engaged about a short two miles distance, though a long even hill
in the midst of the valley, and its windings, hindered us from seeing
them.
Guebra Christos immediately made his disposition; he placed his horse,
and foot in the intervals of the horse, in the middle of the valley;
his musquetry on the right and left, the former upon the skirts of
the hill already mentioned, to run along the valley; the latter up
the skirts of the hill of Serbraxos. Orders very soon arrived from
Ras Michael, which did not alter the disposition; and Kefla Yasous
with the rear arriving at the same time, just joined and doubled the
several posts as they had been taken; our position was to the utmost
of our wish; but it had not been so with Michael, for he no sooner
had got into the plain, where he had the hills no longer either on
his right or left, than he was attacked by Powussen, with the whole
force of Begemder, who cut off the troops of his Fit-Auraris to a
man, he, and two or three common soldiers, only escaping. This was
owing to Michael's retreating instead of supporting him; for he had
scarcely given time for Powussen to come up with his horse, who fought
more desperately than was their usual custom, than he himself again
took possession of the entrance of the valley, and lined the hill on
both sides with fire-arms. A very general and sharp fire from Guebra
Mascal, and the musquetry, (who had occupied the south end of the long
hill) soon obliged Powussen to leave Michael's cavalry, which he would
else have inevitably destroyed, and shelter himself in the plain from
the violent effect of the shot, which rained upon him alternately from
the hills on each side of the valley.
At this time we were in the greatest anxiety, from the report of the
musquets always coming nearer us, though, by the contrary winds, the
smoke was carried from us. The day was far advanced, and excessively
hot: the foot soldiers were busy in giving our horses drink out of
our own helmets, which they filled from Deg-Ohha. All the troops
were impatient, however, to come to an action upon that ground. At
this time an officer from Michael came to Kefla Yasous, who was
on horseback near the king, ordering him to send a body of fresh
horse to support the cavalry of his division, with an intention,
if possible, to bring on a general engagement. In the mean time he
ordered Kefla Yasous to keep firm, as he then was, in the post of
Serbraxos, and not to advance till he was sure that Gusho and Ayabdar
had left their ground, joined Powussen, and were engaged with him
at the south end of the valley. These instructions were perfectly
understood by that sagacious and veteran general. He detached 500
Shoa, with near the same number of horse belonging to Engedan, and
commanded by him, and these, joined to the cavalry already in the van,
again attempting to pass the plain, were attacked by Powussen and the
troops of Begemder, who had been likewise reinforced, and after an
obstinate engagement they had retired into the mouth of the valley,
not from being actually beaten, but by direction of Ras Michael,
in order to bring the enemy pursuing them under the fire of the
musquetry, on each side of the entrance of the valley.
I was exceedingly curious to have seen this engagement, and I begged
Kefla Yasous to speak to the king to permit me to go singly with
Engedan. To this, however, I had a flat refusal, not without some
marks of peevishness and displeasure, which Kefla Yasous qualified
by saying, "Don't be dismayed, you shall see;" and in that instant
the word was given to march to the right, whilst the troops left the
valley between the long hill and the mountains, and took post on the
side of the river Mariam, with their faces fronting the west. The
musquetry was placed upon the eminences to the north and south, as
if to defend the ford of the river, thro' which the entrance was, to
the north end of the valley. Michael, in the mean time, had, by the
feigned retreat of his cavalry, decoyed the Begemder troops within
reach of the musquetry, and they were again put in disorder by the
discharge on each side of the hill, without being able to advance a
step further; after which he ordered some tents to be pitched upon the
hill on his right, as if intending to encamp there.
Kasmati Ayabdar, who commanded the left wing of the rebels, imagining
that the whole army had advanced to the south of the valley with Ras
Michael, thought this was an opportunity of surrounding the king's
troops, and cutting them off from their camp and strong post upon the
hill of Serbraxos; with this intention he advanced rapidly to the ford
of the river Mariam, thinking to take post on the hill which was to
our rear, being that of Serbraxos. When he advanced, however, near
that river, and saw the king and his cavalry drawn up on the banks
of it, his heart failed him, and he halted within a short quarter of
a mile of our troops. In order to decoy and make him more confident,
Kefla Yasous ordered the horse to retreat and cross the river as fast
as they could, with an appearance of confusion, that he might draw
their horse within reach of our musquetry planted upon every eminence.
The king shewed great reluctance at this manœuvre, however wise.
He repeated very peevishly, What is this! What is this! Am I retiring
before rebels?--Neither did this stratagem succeed but in part, for
Ayabdar, either distrusting the trap laid for him, or afraid to enter
into an engagement with the king, advanced but a few paces, and again
halted, apparently not decided what he was to do.
The Edjow Galla alone advanced to the very brink of the river, and
when the musquetry began to be fired at them, which would probably
quickly have put them into confusion, the king, losing all patience,
ordered the black horse, and all the heavy-armed troops, to charge
them, which was instantly executed with the greatest speed; the Galla
were all borne down, with little or no resistance, by the length of
our pikes, and the superior weight of our horses, and those that were
not slain were scattered over the plain. But a greater misfortune
befel us from our friends than from our enemies, as a volley of shot
was poured upon us from Serbraxos hill, on the right hand, which
killed seven men, notwithstanding their coats of mail. The king
himself was in great danger, being in the middle of the engagement,
and unarmed; young prince George, who fought by his side, was shot in
the thumb of his left hand. Kefla Yasous, who saw the danger the king
was in, riding about, holding out his hand and crying not to fire, was
shot through the hair, the ball just grazing his head above the ear,
and another wounding his horse just above his thigh, but so slightly,
that it was afterwards extracted by a servant's fingers.
Ayabdar, after the loss of his Edjow Galla, retreated to the camp,
amidst the curses and imprecations of the army, who, not informed of
the king's strength, thought the war might have been ended by a proper
exertion and perseverance in his part that day. Gusho his nephew,
who had staid to guard the camp, but who had reinforced Powussen and
Ayabdar each of them with a part of his troops, spoke of his uncle in
the bitterest terms of reproach, continually calling him dotard and
coward, and declaring him incapable of command or service. Whether
this was really his opinion, or only said with a view of forwarding
a scheme already laid, I will not say; but certainly it was the
foundation of a quarrel which, by its consequences, did greatly weaken
the rebels, and contributed much afterwards to maintain the king
upon the throne; for Gusho, who, upon the defeat of Ras Michael, was
destined by all parties to take the lead, was as lavish in praises of
Powussen for his behaviour that day, as he was bitter in condemning
his uncle, which created a violent misunderstanding between these two
chiefs, insomuch that Asahel Woodage, with his troops of Maitsha, left
Ayabdar, and joined Powussen. Confu, moreover, son of Basha Eusebius,
and brother to Guebra Mehedin, who had frustrated my first attempt
to discover the source of the Nile, endeavouring to promote a revolt
among the troops of Foggora, to which he belonged, was put in irons by
Ayabdar, from which he was but too soon released to meet, a few days
afterwards, a fate that put an end to his profligacy and follies.
Powussen in this conflict had retreated, if not beaten, with a
considerable loss; nine hundred of his best troops were said to
have been slain that day, and a great many more wounded, most of
whom (those I mean that had gun-shot wounds) died from the want of
surgeons, and the ignorance of those who undertook to cure them.
On the part of Michael about 300 men, all of the cavalry, were
said to have perished that day, including the troops of Netcho the
Fit-Auraris. Of the king's division about twenty-three were killed,
seven of these being his guards, I believe mostly by the unfortunate
fire of his troops, arising from his own impatience in attacking the
Galla unadvisedly, of whom about sixty were left upon the field, all
slain in the attack, for they were not pursued, but joined their main
body immediately.
Ras Michael fell back upon the army, which had encamped on the hill
of Serbraxos; and it now was believed more than before, that the
fate of the empire was to be determined on that spot. Another thing,
however, appeared plain, that whatever belief Michael pretended in
the prophecy, he would not have preferred fighting at Serbraxos, if
he could by any means have given the rebels the slip, and marched his
army into Begemder. The king was exceedingly pleased at the part he
had taken that day; it was the first time he was engaged in person,
nor did any body venture to condemn it; he shewed, indeed, very little
concern at his brother's wound, which was only a slight one in the
fleshy part of his thumb, nor did the young prince trouble himself
much about it; on the contrary, when I went to dress and bind it up,
he said to me, I wish, Yagoube, the shot had carried the thumb off
altogether, it would have made me incapable of succeeding to the
throne, and they would not then send me to the hill of Wechné. The
king, upon hearing this, said with a smile, George forgets that Hatzé
Hannes, my father and his, was called to the throne many years after
his whole hand had been cut off. Every one agreed that Ras Michael had
that day shewn a degree of intrepidity and military skill superior to
any thing which had appeared in many former engagements in which he
had commanded. No sooner had he refreshed himself with a meal, than
he called a council of his officers, which lasted great part of the
evening, notwithstanding the fatigue he had undergone throughout the
day.
This was the first battle of Serbraxos, which, though it contained
nothing decisive, had still two very material consequences, as it so
daunted the spirits of the Begemder horse, that many chiefs of that
country withdrew their troops, and went home, whilst such discord was
sown among the leaders, that I believe they never sincerely trusted
one another afterwards; Gusho and Ayabdar, in particular, were known
to correspond with the king daily.
On the morrow after the battle, three messengers arrived from Gusho,
Powussen, and Ayabdar, and each had a separate audience of the King
and Ras, before whom they all three severally declared, that their
masters desired to continue in allegiance to him their king, Tecla
Haimanout, but under this condition only, that Ras Michael should
be sent to his government of Tigrè, never more to return. They
endeavoured to persuade the king also to take the sense of his army,
the majority of which, they asserted, were ready to abandon him. If
Michael should agree to return to Tigrè, they offered to carry the
king to Gondar, place him in his palace, and allow him to choose his
own ministers, and govern for the future after his own ideas. This,
indeed, was the universal wish, and I did not see what Ras Michael
could have done, had he adopted it; but fear, or gratitude, or both,
restrained the young king from such a measure; and the messengers left
him after a plain declaration, That they had endeavoured all in their
power to save him, and he must now abide the consequences, for they
washed their hands of them.
The rains were now become more frequent, and an epidemical fever had
shewn itself in the rebel army on the plain; every consideration,
therefore, seemed to persuade a speedy decision, but the consequences
of the last engagement seemed to have damped the spirit of the rebels,
without having much raised that of the king's army. In fact, the
days were dark and wet, and the nights cold, circumstances in which
no Abyssinian chooses to fight. The army was thinly cloathed, or not
cloathed at all, and encamped on high ground, where fuel, though it
had not failed them yet, must soon have done so.
An accident that happened this night had nearly brought about a
revolution which the wisest heads had laboured for many years in vain.
Ras Michael had retired to bed at his ordinary time, somewhat before
eleven o'clock, and a lamp was left burning as usual in his tent, for
he was afraid of _spirits_. He was just fallen asleep, when he felt
a man's arm reach into the bed over him, which he immediately seized
hold of, crying to his attendants, at the same time, for help. Those
that ran first into the tent threw down the lamp and put out the
light, so that the man would have escaped, had not the people behind
got about him, and endeavoured to hold him down, while entangled in,
and struggling with the cords of the tent. The first person that
seized him was a favourite servant of the Ras, a young man named Laeca
Mariam, of a good family in Tigrè; he, not perceiving his danger for
want of light, received a stab with a broad knife, which pierced his
heart, so that he fell without speaking a word. Numbers immediately
secured the assassin, who was found to have dropt one knife within the
Ras's tent, with which he had attempted at first to have stabbed him:
but he was found to have another knife, two-edged, and sharp in the
point, fixed along his arm, with which he had stabbed Laeca Mariam.
This wretch was a native of a very barbarous nation near Shoa, S. E.
of Gojam. The name of their country is Guragué. They are Troglodytes,
and all robbers: their constant occupation is attending the Abyssinian
camps, and stealing horses, mules, or whatever they can get, which
they do in a very singular manner.
They all wear their hair very short, strip themselves stark-naked,
and besmear themselves from head to foot with butter, or some sort
of grease, whilst, along the outside of their arm, they tye a long,
straight, two-edged, sharp-pointed knife, the handle reaching into the
palm of their hand, and about four inches of the blade above the knob
of their elbow, so that the whole blade is safe and inoffensive when
the arm is extended, but when it is bent, about four inches projects,
and is bare beyond the elbow joint; this being all prepared, they
take a leafy faggot, such as the gatherers of fuel bring to the camp,
which they fasten to their middle by a string or withy, spreading it
over to conceal or cover all their back, and then drawing in their
legs, they lie down, in all appearance, as a faggot, and in the part
of the camp they intend to rob, crawling slowly in the dark when they
think they are unperceived, and lying still when there is any noise
or movement near them: In case they find themselves discovered, they
slip the faggot and run; and whatever part of them you seize escapes
your fingers by reason of the grease. If you endeavour to clasp them,
however, which is the only way left, the Guragué bends his elbow and
strikes you with his knife, and you are mortally wounded, as was the
case with Laeca Mariam.
This assassin was no sooner secured and disarmed, than a noose, with
a running knot, was slipt round his neck, and his hands tied behind
his back, in which manner he was carried before Ras Michael, who sat
upon a stool at some distance from his tent, after every part of it
had been searched. The fellow at first refused to speak, but, being
threatened with torture, answered, in his own language, which I did
not understand. He was asked, who had employed him to attempt that
assassination? He said, The rebels; and named Gusho and Powussen: he
then varied, and said the Iteghé employed him. Before he was sent
away he contradicted all this, and declared, that Hagos, his brother,
had employed him; and that he was then actually in the camp, with
four others, who were determined to murder the Ras and Guebra Mascal,
whatever it should cost them.
A search was on this ordered through all the camp, but no stranger
found, excepting one of the same nation, who had planted himself and
his faggot near the tent of the Abuna; and who being seized, examined,
and promised pardon, declared himself absolutely ignorant of any
scheme but robbing, for which purpose three of them, he said, had come
into the camp together; one of them had stolen two mules the night
before, and gone off, and that he was that night intending to take
away two of the Abuna's mules; and he supposed his companion had the
same intention with regard to the Ras; but as to murder, or any other
plot, he knew nothing of it. Being put slightly to the torture, he
persisted in his declaration; and when interrogated, declared, that
they all three had come from Guragué with Amha Yasous, to load and
unload his baggage, and take care of his beasts: that none of them
had been at Gondar before the attempt, except the assassin, who had
formerly lived there some years, but whether with Hagos, or any other,
he did not know, nor did he ever hear him pronounce the name of Hagos,
nor see any stranger, whom he did not know, converse with him: that
they all three had lain the last night at the church of Serbraxos: but
he further declared, that the person apprehended spoke the Amharic
language as well as his own, contrary to what the villain had all
along pretended.
This declaration, which I heard from the king's secretary, word for
word as it was given, threw all the council into great confusion, the
more so, that, being gently talked to, and food given him after his
examination, at night the assassin had again repeated what he before
said about Gusho, and that Fasil, too, was accessory to the attempt.
And what made this labyrinth of lies still more intricate was, that
it was certainly known that Hagos, his brother, had constantly lived
with Coque Abou Barea, in Kuara, from the time Ras Michael had put
his brother to death at Gondar. It was intended therefore to try the
effect of further torture in the morning, to make him confess the
truth. His guard, however, having fallen asleep, or gone out of the
tent, he was found strangled by the running noose that was left round
his neck; nor was any further light ever thrown upon this affair at
any time after; but it was generally believed the attempt had been
made at the instigation of some connection of the Iteghé, and there
were some who went so far as to name Welleta Israel.
Early in the morning some priests came from Powussen, Ayabdar, and
Gusho, to take the most solemn oaths before the Abuna, that they never
had the smallest knowledge of what the assassin had laid to their
charge; and they took upon themselves sentence of excommunication,
which the Abuna then pronounced conditionally, if they had directly,
or indirectly, been principal or accessory, or known, or been
consulted, in any manner whatever, as to the designs of that assassin.
Several principal officers of the rebels, moreover, who had left
Gondar and gone over to Fasil, and who were there in Gusho's camp,
came over to congratulate with Ras Michael upon his escape, so that,
for a moment, one would have thought the whole country interested in
saving him whom all were actually in arms at that instant to destroy.
What surprised me most of all, probable as the thing might seem to be,
not one man in the camp, from the Ras and King downward, seemed to
think that this attempt of the Guragué had been in any shape the plot
of the rebels; and yet, in old times, murder by treason must have been
very frequent in his kingdom, as appears by their customs preserved to
this day; no person, be their station, connection, or friendship what
it will, can offer any one meat or drink without tasting it before
them.
Proposals of peace followed this friendly intercourse, but the
condition being always that Michael should depart to Tigrè, which
he thought was but in other terms a proposal to destroy him, these
friendly overtures ended in defiance and protestation, That to him
alone was owing the effusion of human blood, and the ruin of his
country, which was immediately to follow.
It was the 17th of May, at night, the attempt had been made on the
Ras's life; and the 18th was spent in excommunication before the
Abuna; and, in the evening, Michael received intelligence, that Ayto
Tesfos, from the mountains of Samen, and Heraclius and Samuel Mammo,
from Walkayt and Tzegadé, were both preparing to join the rebels
with a considerable force. We were now arrived at the fatal field of
Serbraxos, as we had endeavoured to pass it, but in vain; nothing now
remained but to try to find which side the devil (the father of lies)
had been forced to tell the truth, or whether he had yet told it to
either. Darion, a principal man of Belessen, and Guigarr of Lasta,
joined the Ras's army about noon, bringing with them 1200 men, chiefly
horsemen, good troops, and they were joyfully received.
A council was held with all the great officers that evening, and the
order of battle fixed upon for next day. Kefla Yasous, with the best
of the foot from Tigrè, with the king's household troops, the Shoa
horse, and the Moors of Ras el Feel, with their libds, (in all not
amounting to 10,000 men, but the flower of the army) composed the left
wing, in the center of which was the king in person, the heavy-armed
black horse before him, and the officers and nobility surrounding him:
Guebra Christos, and Kasmati Tesfos of Siré, commanded the center, in
which was Darion and Guigarr's cavalry, for the Lasta men, though of
different sides, could never be prevailed upon to fight against one
another, so instead of being with the king against Begemder and Lasta,
they were placed in the center against Gusho and Amhara. The right of
the king's army was commanded by Welleta Michael and Billetana Gueta
Tecla, opposed to the left wing of the rebels under Kasmati Ayabdar,
who had lately received large reinforcements from Gojam, by means
of the Iteghé, who well knew him to be an inveterate enemy to Ras
Michael, and one who would never make peace with him.
I have often heard it observed by officers of skill and experience,
that nothing is more difficult to describe than a battle, and that as
many descriptions as are given of it, they generally disagree, and
seem as many different battles. To this I shall add, that I find as
great difficulty in giving an idea of the ground on which a battle
was fought, which perhaps is not the case with professional men; and
though I describe nothing but what I saw, and what my horse passed
over, still I very much doubt if I can make myself intelligible to
my readers. The hill of Serbraxos was neither very high nor steep,
unless on the north and east, where it was almost a precipice. It
was not a mountain joined with others, as the bed of a torrent, that
ran very rapidly from Belessen south of Mariam-Ohha, divided it from
these mountains. The west side of it sloped gently to a large plain,
which extended to the brink of the lake Tzana, and upon this our rear
was encamped. The S. W. side of this hill was like the former, and
about half a mile from it came an elbow of the river Mariam, so called
from a church in the plain: on this side of the hill our center was
encamped with the king, Abuna, and the princesses; whilst on the south
face (which looked down a valley) was Ras Michael and the van of the
army: the hill here was considerably steeper, and I have already said
ended with the precipice on the north. Along the bottom of this south
face of the hill lay the small stream called Deg-Ohha, which stood in
pools, and was the safest and readiest supply for the army, as being
perfectly under command of our musquets, where our horses could water
without danger: immediately south from this ran a valley full half a
mile broad, which ended in a large plain about two miles off.
The valley where Michael and the van first engaged, was formed by the
hills of Belessen on the east, and the river Mariam on the west, and
near the middle of the valley there was a low and flat-topt hill,
not above 30 yards in height, which did not join with the hill of
Serbraxos. Between them there was an opening of about 100 yards,
through which ran Deg-Ohha, to the ford of the river Mariam, from
which you ascended in a direction nearly N. W. up into the plain which
reached to the lake Tzana. On the south end of this hill, as I have
said, which might have been about two miles in length, the banks of
the Mariam are very high, and the river stands in large deep pools,
with banks of sand between them. Where this hill ends to the right is
another ford of the river Mariam, where a deep and narrow sandy road
goes winding up the banks, in a direction N. W. like the former, and
leads to the same plain bordering on the lake Tzana: so that the plain
of the valley where the Mariam runs, which is bordered by the foot
of the mountains of Belessen, and continues along the plain south to
Tangouré, is near 200 feet lower than the plain that extends on the
side of the lake Tzana. Nor is there a convenient access from the
plain to the valley, at least that I saw, by reason of the height and
steepness of the banks of the Mariam, excepting these two already
mentioned; one between the extremity of the long even hill, and slope
of the mountain on the north, and the other on the south, through
the winding sandy road up the steep banks of the river, by the south
end of that low hill, as I have already said. At these two places are
the two fords of the river, which continue passable even in the rainy
season, and the water at that time stands in pools below it, till
several miles further it joins the Zingetch Gomara, a larger stream
than itself, whose banks are low, and where the stream is fordable
also; but the banks of the river Mariam continue steep, and run in
a southern direction. In this valley, at the south end of this hill
near the ford was the engagement between Michael with the van, and the
Begemder troops, on the 16th; at the ford on the north end of this
hill, in the same valley, was the fight between the light troops and
Kasmati Ayabdar, and the king in person, the very same day; so that
the valley was perfectly known by the enemy, and as they had few or no
musquetry, was wisely considered as not fit ground for their purposes
being narrow and commanded by hills everywhere.
On the 19th of May, word was brought that the whole rebel army was in
motion, and before eight o'clock (reckoned in Abyssinia an early hour
for such business) a great cloud of dust was seen rising on the right
of the rebels towards Korreva, and this was the moment the Begemder
troops got on horseback in the dusty plain; soon after we heard their
kettle-drums, and about nine o'clock we saw the whole troops of
Begemder appear, drawn up at such a distance in the plain, above the
road up the steep bank of the Mariam, as to leave great room for us
to form with the road on our left, and a little on our rear; Michael
easily divined Powussen's intention, which was to beat us back by a
superior force of horse, and then making a number of troops glide
below unseen, along the river in the valley, take possession of the
round hill, at the north ford of Mariam, and cut off our retreat to
our camp at Serbraxos; the Ras immediately dispatched some single
horsemen to take a view of the enemy more nearly, and report what
their numbers were, and where Gusho and Ayabdar were posted, for we
could distinguish the colour of the horses, and all the movements of
the Begemder troops, not being much above three miles distance, yet we
did not know whether they were alone, or whether one or more of the
other generals were with them: we saw indeed Powussen's standards, but
they were so weather-beaten and faded, that we could not distinguish
their real colours, which were blue and yellow.
The king's whole army was descending into the valley, and passing over
the ford of the Mariam, to the plain above where Kefla Yasous was
riding to and fro with great earnestness, encouraging his troops. In
a very short time the left was formed; the Ras, having given all his
orders, and taken to himself the charge of the camp and the reserve,
sat down, as was usual, to play at drafts with the black servants. The
army was now all in the plain, when the scouts arrived, and brought
word that Gusho and Ayabdar had both taken their ground, not directly
in a straight line from Powussen, square with the lake, but as it were
diagonally declining more to the southward, so that the most advanced,
or nearest to us, were the troops of Begemder; and this was probably
done, in order that, our backs being more turned to the lake, we might
be easier cut off from our camp, and surrounded in the plain, between
their army and the Tzana, if Powussen was so fortunate as to beat the
king and the left; but this disposition of these troops was out of
our sight, being down nearer the lake. Nor is it to be understood
that I mean here to give any account of their movements, or of any
other, unless those of the left wing under the king, where I was
myself engaged.
Several spies came into Ras Michael at this time, and they, and the
horsemen that had been sent on the service, all agreed, that in the
center of the Begemder horse a large red standard was displayed,
with a number of kettle drums beating before it, which the Ras no
sooner heard, than giving his draft board a kick with his foot, he
overturned the whole game, and afforded, at least, a bad omen of the
future engagement. He then called for Kefla Yasous, and Guebra Mascal,
and having conferred with them both, he detatched Guebra Mascal with
five hundred musqueteers to take possession of the hill in the valley
below, and coast along the left flank of our left without appearing in
sight.
The day had been exceeding close, seeming to threaten violent thunder,
and we were now come so near as to see distinctly the large red
standard, which being pointed out to the king, he said, smiling with
a very chearful countenance, "Aye, aye, now we shall soon see what
miracle king Theodorus will work." The clouds had been gathering ever
since we went down the hill, and some big drops of rain had fallen.
The soldiers were now covering their lighted matches, for fear of
more, when first a most violent storm of thunder, lightening, and rain
began, then a tempest of rain and wind, and last a dead calm, with
such a heavy shower that I scarce ever saw the like even in the rainy
season.
Had I been commander of the Begemder troops that day, this shower
should have been the signal of charging; for all the king's fire-arms
were useless, and the matches wet; but the Begemder horse seemed most
uneasy under the fall of rain; they began to be unmanageable, and turn
tail to the wind, which now arose and was directly in their faces,
and in a few minutes they wheeled about, and retired to their camp.
The king halted on the ground where he was, ordered the kettle-drums
to beat, and the trumpets to sound; and having continued half an hour
till the heavy shower began, he fell back as did the whole army, and
retired to the camp. When he got up the hill, and passed the brow
where Ras Michael was sitting with some slaves, who held up a piece of
sail-cloth over his head to keep off the rain, the servants raised the
Ras upon his feet; without any previous salutation, he then asked the
king what he had done with king Theodorus? and was answered, "Begemder
brought him, and Begemder took him away, we saw nothing but his flag."
Lasta carried his flag, says one of the nobility. He is a peaceable
prince, says the king; yet he begins with fighting, but he will make
amends afterwards, if he governs this country in peace a thousand
years. If he does that, says the Ras, Powussen is to die at the next
battle, for the thousand years peace will never begin, as long as he
is alive.
CHAP. VII.
_King offers Battle to the Rebels in the Plain--Description of
the Second Battle of Serbraxos--Rash Conduct, and narrow Escape
of the King--Both Armies keep the Ground._
The whole evening of the 19th of May was spent in festivity and joy;
a prophet from some part in Dembea had foretold the defeat of king
Theodorus, and what was much more interesting, two large droves of
cattle, the one from Belessen, near Mariam-Ohha, the other from
Dembea, were driven that day into the camp. Ras Michael, who knew
the value of to-morrow, spared nothing that might refresh the troops
this day. The king and he, Ozoro Esther, and Ozoro Altash, Kefla
Yasous, and the Abuna himself, gave each of them entertainments to the
principal officers of the army, and all those who were likely to bear
the burden of the ensuing conflict. The soldiers were in great spirit,
but it was now very generally known that the officers were mostly
disaffected, engaged in private treaties, and in daily expectation of
peace.
A very short council was held at the king's tent; all that could be
resolved upon had been already fixed the day before, and little had
happened since to occasion any alteration. All the young nobility
were, as usual, at Ozoro Esther's. It was with infinite pity I heard
them thoughtlessly praying for a warm and fair day to-morrow, the
evening of which many of them were never to see.
Besides the stores that Ozoro Esther always was provided with, the
king had sent her two live cattle, wine, brandy, and hydromel; and
what was a very unusual condescension, the Ras, immediately after
council, came into the tent, and brought with him a fresh supply.
He was very gracious and affable, said a number of kind things to
everybody, and asked me particularly how we drank in England?
I explained to him as well as I could the nature of our toasts, and
drinking to the health of our mistresses by their names in bumpers;
that our soldiers toasts on such a night as that, if the general
honoured them as he did us now with his company, would be, A fair
morning, and speedy sight of our enemy. He comprehended it all very
easily, and when I saw he did so, I asked if I should give my toast?
and he and all the company joining in a loud cry of approbation, I
filled a horn with wine, and standing up, for he had forced us all
to be seated, I drank, Long life to the king, health, happiness,
and victory, to you, Sir, and a speedy sight of king Theodorus. A
violent shout of applause followed. He himself (the soberest of men)
would drink his horn full, which he did, with many interruptions
from immoderate fits of laughter; the horn went quickly round, and
I ventured to prophecy, that, in the thousand years he is to reign,
Theodorus will never again be so chearfully toasted.
The Ras then turning to me said, I wish I had 5000 of your countrymen,
Yagoube, to-morrow, such as you are, or such as you have described
them. I answered. Would you had one thousand, and I had twenty
lives staked upon the issue. Ayto Engedan upon this got up, and
passing across the tent in a very graceful manner, kissed the Ras's
hand, saying, Do not make us think you undervalue, or distrust your
children, by forming such a wish: Yagoube is one of us, he is our
brother, and he shall see and judge to-morrow, if we, your own sons,
are not able to fight your battle without the aid of any foreigners.
Tears, on this, came into the old man's eyes, who took Engedan in his
arms, and kissed him; then recommending to us not to sit up late, he
withdrew. A great deal of buffoonery followed about toasts, and soon
after arrived two officers from the king, desiring to know what was
the reason of that violent outcry? by which he meant the shout when we
drank the toast. Ozoro Esther answered, We were all turned traitors,
and were drinking the health of king Theodorus. But it was afterwards
thought proper to explain the whole matter before the messengers went
back, and make them drink the toast also.
Tecla Mariam had not spoken much, her father having sent for her at
that time to the king. Before she departed, I begged Ozoro Esther to
apologise for me, that I had absented myself, and had not waited upon
her in the morning. I intreated her to continue her kind partiality
to me the next day, and to judge for ever of the esteem I had for
her by my then behaviour. She promised to do so with the utmost
complacency and sweetness, and departed.
Soon after this, a servant arrived from Ras Michael, with a
magnificent saddle and bridle as a present to Engedan. This man told
us that a messenger had come from Waragna Fasil, desiring a place
might be marked out for him to encamp, for he was to join the king
early in the morning; but nobody gave any credit to this, nor did he,
as far as I ever heard, advance a foot nearer the camp. The messenger
commanded us all, moreover, to go to bed, which we immediately
complied with. I only went to the king's tent, where the company was
dispersing, and kissed his hand, after which I retired. In my way
home to my tent, I saw a faggot lying in the way, when the story of
the Guraguè came presently into my mind. I ordered some soldiers to
separate it with their lances; but it had been brought for fuel, at
least no Guragué was there.
I was no sooner laid upon my bed, than I fell into a profound sleep,
which continued uninterrupted till five o'clock in the morning of the
20th. I had spared myself industriously in last night's carousal, for
fear of contributing to a relapse into despondency in the morning; but
I found all within serene and composed as it should be, and entirely
resigned to what was decreed, I was perfectly satisfied, that the
advancing or retarding the day of my death was not in the power of
the army of Begemder. I then visited all the horses and the black
soldiers, and ordered two or three of them, who were not perfectly
recovered from their hurts, to stay in the camp. I afterwards went
to the king's tent, who was not yet up; and the very instant after,
the Ras's first drum beat, and the king rose; soon after which, the
second drum was heard for the soldiers to go to breakfast. I went into
the king's tent to kiss his hand, and receive his orders. He told me
they were speedily then going to breakfast within, to which meal I
was engaged at Ozoro Esther's. He answered, Make haste then, for I am
resolved to be on the field before king Theodorus to-day. I am his
senior, and should shew him the example. He seemed more than ordinary
gay and in spirits.
I finished my breakfast in a few minutes, and took a grateful, but
chearful leave of Ozoro Esther, and received many acknowledgements,
and kind expressions, both from her and Tecla Mariam, who did not
fail to be there according to appointment. The day was clear, the sun
warm, and the army descended into the plain with great alacrity, in
the same order as the day before. Guebra Mascal, with his musqueteers,
took possession of the long hill in the valley, and coasted the
left flank of our left wing, the river Mariam and its high banks
being only between us. The king took his post, with the winding road
aforementioned (up the steep banks of the Mariam) close on his left.
Guebra Mascal having come to the south end of the hill below, marched
briskly up the road, and then advanced about 200 yards, making his men
lye down at the brink of the hill next the plain, among bent grass,
and thin tall shrubs like Spanish broom, so as to be perfectly out of
sight; his line was at right angles with our front, so that his fire
must enfilade the whole front of our line.
If not very useful, yet it may, however, be thought curious, to know
the disposition of a barbarous army ready to engage in a pitched
battle as this was. Kefla Yasous, who commanded the left-wing under
the king, placed his cavalry in a line to the opening of the road
down into the valley; between every two musquets were men armed with
lances and shields; then, at a particular distance, close before
this line of horse, was a body of lances, and musquets, or sometimes
either of them, in several lines, or, as they appeared, a round body
of soldiers, standing together without any order at all; then another
line of horse, with men between, alternately as before; then another
round corps of lances and musquets, advanced just before the line of
horse, and so on to the end of the division.
I know nothing of the disposition of the rest of the army, nor the
ground they were engaged on; that where we stood was as perfect a
plain as that commonly chosen to run races upon, and so I believe was
the rest, only sloping more to the lake Tzana.
The king's infantry was drawn up in one line, having a musqueteer
between every two men, with lances and shields. Immediately in the
center was the black horse, and the Moors of Ras el Feel, with their
libds, disposed on each of their flanks. Immediately behind these was
the king in person, with a large body of young nobility and great
officers of state, about him. On the right and left flank of the
line, a little in the rear, were all the rest of the king's horse,
divided into two large bodies, Guebra Mascal hid in the bank on our
left at right angles with the line, enfilading, as I have already
said, the whole line of our infantry; this will be easily understood
by consulting the plan where H H, G G, F, and I, represent the
disposition that I have now described.
[Illustration:
PLAN
---- _of_ ----
THE SECOND BATTLE
---- OF ----
_SERBRAXOS_.
_Fought 20^{th} May,
1772._
SECOND BATTLE.
Explanation.
1. Gondar.
2. King's palace.
3. King's palace on the River Kaha.
4. Mahometan town on the River Kaha.
* * * * *
A The king marches from his camp to F by the road D and E.
GG The two bodies of horse.
HH Line of infantry, muskets, and lances alternately.
I Guebra Mascal in ambush, in the face of the banks of the
Mariam, among the bushes.
KK Powussen's march from his camp at Correva.
LL Powussen's first appearance in disorder.
MM Powussen's line formed in the front of the king.
NN The army of Begemder galloping to charge the king, receive
a close fire from Guebra Mascal hid in the bank at I, and
immediately after from the king's line HH.
OO Part of the army of Begemder wheeling to the left, and flying
over the plain in disorder.
PP The king, with his reserve following the right of the
Begemder horse.
QQ The right of the Begemder horse pursued by the king, having
rallied.
RR The Begemder horse turn to slowly surround the king at SS,
and drive him to the edge of the Bank.
T The king escaping down the bank, crosses between the pools of
the River Mariam, and enters the valley.
V The king arrived in the valley, is joined by the foot that ran
scattered down by the bank.
W Engedan detached from the camp by Ras Michael, joins the king.
X Musketeers detached by Michael, take post on the south side of
the long hill.
Y Part of the king's musketry posted on a rocky ground on the
south side of the valley.
Z The king's troops under Kefla Yasous filing down the narrow
road from the plain above into the valley, with the heavy armed
horse behind him.
a Guebra Mascal drawn up at the foot of the banks, makes way by
his fire for the black horse to take post in the king's front.
]
It was full half an hour after the king had formed before the army of
Begemder made any motion. The Ras first saw them from the hill, and
made a signal, by beating his drums and blowing his trumpets; this was
immediately answered by all the drums and trumpets of the left wing,
and for the space of a minute, a thick cloud of dust (like the smoke
of a large city on fire) appeared on the side of Korreva, occasioned,
as the day before, by the Begemder troops mounting on horseback; the
ground where they were encamped being trodden into powder, by such a
number of men and horse passing over it so often, and now raised by
the motion of the horses feet, was whirled round by a very moderate
breeze, that blew steadily; it every minute increased in darkness, and
assumed various shapes and forms, of towers, castles, and battlements,
as fancy suggested. In the middle of this great cloud we began to
perceive indistinctly part of the horsemen, then a much greater
number, and the figure of the horses more accurately defined, which
came moving majestically upon us, sometimes partially seen, at other
times concealed by being wrapt up in clouds and darkness; the whole
made a most extraordinary, but truly picturesque appearance.
I was so struck with this, that I could not help saying to Billetana
Gueta Ammonios, who commanded the horse under me, Is not that a
glorious sight Ammonios! who, that was a king, would not be fond of
war? David, however, curses those that delight in war, says Ammonios.
Therefore, replied I, there must be pleasure in it, or else no body
would fall into a sin that was disagreeable in itself, and at the
same time forbidden by God. Well, well, replied Ammonios, this is not
a time for argument, see what a glorious spectacle we shall all be
before sun-set.
At this time Powussen's whole army was distinctly seen; they came
riding backwards and forwards with great violence, more as if they
were diverting themselves, than advancing to attack an enemy, of our
consequence, that was waiting them. They seemed like two wings, and a
main body, each nearly equal in numbers, as far as I could guess, and
are described in the plan by the letters L L, but they were sometimes
all in one croud together, and in such perpetual motion, that it was
impossible to ascertain their precise form.
Four men, upon unruly, high-mettled, or at least ill-broke horses,
rode galloping a small space before, conversing together, as if making
their observations upon us: they were now arrived at about six hundred
yards distance, but it was not a time to make accurate calculation;
they then made a stop, and began extending the left of their line to
the westward, as described by M M. I suppose, too, their horses needed
to breathe a little, after they had so imprudently blown them to no
purpose.
In the middle of their cavalry, or rather a little more towards their
right, than opposite to the place where the king was, a large red flag
was seen to rise, and was saluted by the drums and trumpets of their
whole army. An accident happened at this moment, which endangered
the discovery of the hidden part of our disposition, and which would
thereby have destroyed the sanguine hopes we had of victory, and
endangered the safety of the whole army. Upon displaying the red flag,
two musquets were fired from the post in the face of the hill where
Guebra Mascal lay in ambush. Luckily, at that very instant, all the
king's drums beat, and trumpets sounded, a kind of mock alarm, (such
as the posture-masters and mountebanks use,) in ridicule of king
Theodorus, and his red flag then flying before us.
Immediately upon this, as on a signal for battle, the whole army of
Begemder set out full gallop, to charge, as at N N, and a long hundred
yards before they joined, they received, through the very depth of
their squadron, a close well-directed fire from the whole musquetry of
Guebra Mascal, and from the king's line an instant after, which put
them into the utmost confusion, so that they in part came reeling down
upon our line, half wheeled about to the left, as men that had lost
their way, with their right, that is, their naked sides exposed as
they turned, their shields being in their left. The fire from Guebra
Mascal was the signal for our line to charge, and the heavy-armed
horsemen, with their pikes, broke thro' them with little resistance,
the line in the mean while, with horse and foot, closed with them,
after the musquets had given them their fire, and then staid behind to
recharge. Part of their left did not engage at all, but wheeled about,
and fled southward over the plain.
While their army was thus separated into two divisions, both in great
confusion, the king, with his reserve, fell furiously upon them; and
being followed by all the rest of the horse, they pushed the right
division (where Powussen was in person) along the plain, but these
retired, fighting very obstinately, and often rallying. Kefla Yasous
saw the great danger to which the king would quickly be exposed by
pursuing the troops of Begemder so far at a distance from his foot,
and that they would soon turn upon and overpower him with numbers, and
then surround him. He therefore, with great presence of mind, provided
for his retreat. He drew up the heavy-armed horse which could not
gallop, the Moors of Ras el Feel, and the foot which were left behind,
and which had now recharged their firelocks before the narrow road,
and ordered Guebra Mascal to resume his station. He then twice, with
great earnestness, cried in a loud voice to the soldiers, The king's
safety depends upon you,--Stand firm, or all is lost. After which,
he galloped, with a small body of horse, to join the king, closely
engaged at a considerable distance: The foot that had pursued, or were
scattered, now came in by tens and twelves, and joined the heavy-armed
horse, so that we began again to shew a very good countenance. Among
these, a common soldier of the king's household, busied in the vile
practice of mangling and spoiling the dead, found the red colours
of king Theodorus lying upon the field, which he delivered me, upon
promise of a reward, and which I gave a servant of my own to keep till
after the engagement.
At this instant Guebra Mascal came up from below the bank, leaping
and flourishing his gun about his head, and crying, just before my
horse, "Now, Yagoube, stand firm, if you are a man." "Look at me, you
drunken slave, said I, armed, or unarmed, and say, it is not a boast
if I count myself at all times a better man than you. Away to your
hiding-hole again, and for your life appear within my reach. Away! you
are not now, as the other day, before the king." The man cried out in
a transport of impatience, "By G--d, you don't know what I mean; but
here they all come, stand firm, if you are men;" and saying this, he
ran nimbly off, and hid himself below the bank, with his lighted match
in one hand, and all ready.
It is proper, for connection's sake, though I did not myself see
it, to relate what had happened to the king, who had pursued the
Begemder horse to a very considerable distance, and was then at S S
in the plan, when the whole army of the rebels that had not engaged,
observing the resistance made by Powussen, and part of the division
which they had left, turned suddenly back from their flight, and
at R R nearly surrounded the king and his cavalry, whom they had
now driven to the very edge of the steepest part of the bank of the
Mariam. Kefla Yasous's arrival, indeed, and his exerting himself to
the utmost, fighting with his own hand like any common soldier, had
brought some relief; yet as fresh horse came in, there can be little
doubt at the end, that the king must have been either slain or taken
prisoner, if Sertza Denghel, a young man of Amhara, a relation of
Gusho, and who had a small post in the palace, had not dismounted,
and offered to lead the king's horse down the steepest of the banks
into the river. To this, however, he received an absolute refusal. "I
shall die here this day, says the king, but while I have a man left,
will never turn my back upon the rebels." Sertza Denghel hearing
this vain discourse, and seeing no time was to be lost, took hold of
the bridle by force, at T, and happily led the horse along one of the
sheep-paths, slanting down the declivity of the bank. The king having
in vain threatened displeasure, and even death, with the butt-end of
his lance, in despair, struck Sertza Denghel in the mouth, and beat
out all his fore-teeth. A bank of gravel, like a bridge, separated two
deep pools, in the river Mariam, over which the king escaped, though
with difficulty, the ground being foul with quick sand.
All the foot that had remained about the king ran down the bank,
where the Begemder horse could not pursue them, and joined him in
the valley, where he made the best of his way towards the south
side of the long low hill, by the winding road, on the side of
which, and just above him, was placed Guebra Mascal. Ras Michael,
who saw the dangerous situation and escape of the king, and who
had kept Ayto Engedan near for some such purposes, dispatched him
with a considerable body of horse, along the low hill, ordering him
immediately to join the king, and cover his retreat; he likewise
detached a considerable body of musqueteers, and mounted for the
greater speed upon mules, who were directed to take post upon the
south end of the round hill, below the winding road, while another
party possessed themselves of some rocky ground on the south side
of the valley. This command was as soon executed as given. Ayto
Engedan joined the king, who had lost all his kettle-drums but one,
now beating before him, and upon his arrival at the entrance of the
valley, the king, at V, turned his face to the enemy, having the
musquetry, at X and Y, newly arrived from the camp on his right and
left.
Kefla Yasous was immediately acquainted with the king's escape, and,
knowing the consequence of protracting time, renewed the engagement
with so much vigour, that he pushed the horse of Begemder to some
small distance back into the plain. Powussen, whose only view was to
take the king prisoner, and wrest the possession of his person, and
with that his authority from Ras Michael, was much disconcerted at
the unexpected way by which the king escaped; he after this halted a
little for council, then divided his troops, with one part of which he
resolved to go down the winding road, and with the other to pass at
the junction of the rivers, and enter the valley in that direction,
in order to overtake the king, and intercept him in his way to the
camp, in case any thing obstructed his passing the winding road. Kefla
Yasous took advantage of this movement, and with his horse made his
way to join the heavy-armed troops, and those who had joined the line,
standing closely and firmly where they were stationed.
The first person that appeared was Kefla Yasous, and the horse with
him, stretching out his hand, (his face being all besmeared with
blood, for he was wounded in his forehead) he cried as loud as he
could, Stand firm, the king is safe in the valley. He had scarce
faced about, and joined the line, when the enemy approached at a
brisk gallop. The Begemder horse were closer than usual, and deeper
than the front was broad; they resembled therefore an oblong square,
if they resembled any thing; but the truth is, they were all in
disorder, and their figure, never regular, changed every moment; the
right of their front (which was not equal to ours) was finally placed
against the road, being close by Guebra Mascal's post, whose men were
much increased in number; they received the discharge of his whole
musquetry in two vollies, so near that I scarce believe there was one
shot that did not take place on man or horse. A great cry from the
bank at the same time added to their panic, which was answered by the
king's troops, who immediately charged them as before, as they wheeled
half round to the left. They were pursued, for a small distance,
by some of the troops that had not engaged in the morning, and it
was easy to perceive their disorder was real, and that they were
not likely to rally. By this last discharge, Powussen was slightly
wounded, and his men were plainly seen hurrying him off the field. In
the very instant the rebels turned their backs, Kefla Yasous ordered
all the troops, horse and foot, to file off down the narrow road into
the valley, behind the heavy-armed horse, who kept their ground before
the road, and there to join the king.
For my part, I thought the affair was over, when, last of all, we,
too, with our heavy horses, descended the road, where we found Guebra
Mascal, (whose activity was above all praise) drawn up on our right
along the foot of the bank, (with a large pool of water in his front)
flanking the valley, the king drawn up in the narrowest part of it,
and just engaged with the troops of Lasta and Begemder, that had gone
round by the junction of the rivers. These had lost, as we afterwards
heard, much time in giving their horses water. They were, however, the
more refreshed when they did come, and though they had received a fire
from the troops on the round hill, and from those posted on the rocky
ground, on the other side of the valley, they had beat the king and
Engedan back, and wounded him in the thigh.
At this time the Koccob horse, and Yasine with his Moors (who had the
charge of the road above till all the troops were gone) arrived, being
as it were shut out from the army, who were engaged at the other side
of the hill. Kefla Yasous, after descending through the winding road
into the valley, ordered Guebra Mascal to pass the pool, and stand at
the bottom of the winding road, for fear the enemy should enter at the
valley on the king's right, where the river ran, and so cut us off
from our camp.
This space he was then occupying when Yasine, first, and afterwards,
our black horse, arrived. He had, it seems, cried out to me before
from the side of the pool, but I had not then heard him. He now,
however, repeated, Where are you going, Yagoube? To die, said I,
surlily; it is the business of the day. He then added, Kefla Yasous
has crossed over behind Basha Hezekias, and fallen into the king's
rear. You know well, said I, our post is in his front. Then follow me,
cried Mascal, for by G--d I say you shall not take one step to-day,
but I will go five before you. So saying, he advanced very hastily,
and when he saw the Begemder colours retreating before the king, he
poured in a volley, which, though at a considerable distance, turned
all to a perfect flight.
We entered upon the smoke, just before the Shoa horse, with no loss,
and very little resistance, and came just into the place which
we occupied in the morning. Though the flight of the rebels was
apparently real, Kefla Yasous would not suffer a pursuit into the
plain, but advancing singly before us, began to form immediately;
the musquetry were planted on each side of the valley as far up the
hill as to be out of reach of the horse, and the rest of the infantry
in the plain; Basha Hezekias was on the round hill just behind the
center, where the king had placed himself, and Guebra Mascal nearly
where he stood before.
The army now made an appearance of a large section of an amphitheatre.
I observed the king had pulled off the diadem, or white fillet
he wears for distinction, and was very intent upon renewing the
engagement: the Begemder troops were forming, with great alertness,
about half a mile below, being reinforced from time to time. The
king ordered his drums to beat, and his trumpets to sound, to inform
the enemy he was ready; but they did not answer, or advance: soon
after (it being near three o'clock) the weather became overcast, and
cold, on which the troops of Begemder beat a retreat; the king, very
soon after, did the same, and returned to the camp without further
molestation; only that coming near a rock which projected into the
valley, (not far distant from the camp) a multitude of peasants
belonging to Mariam-Ohha, threw down a shower of stones from their
hands and slings, which hurt several. The king ordered them to be
fired at, though they were a great distance off, and passed on: but
Guebra Mascal commanding about fifty men to run briskly up the hill,
on each side of the rock, gave them two discharges at a less distance,
which killed or wounded many, and made the rest disappear in a moment.
I doubt that my reader will be more than sufficiently tired with the
detail of this second battle of Serbraxos; but, as it was a very
remarkable incident in my life, I could not omit it as far as I saw
it myself, and suppressing any one part of it would have involved the
rest in a confusion, with which I fear it may be still too justly
charged. I therefore shall only say for connection's sake, that Gusho
and Guebra Christos, in the center, were but partially engaged,
and Kasmati Tesfos of Siré, second commander for the king, in that
division, wounded, and taken prisoner. Guebra Christos, the king's
uncle, was slain, (as it was believed) by a shot of his own men; few
other lives of note were lost on either side, in that division. The
king's troops fell back under the hill of Serbraxos, where Michael
was, and, though followed by Gusho, were no further attacked by him.
But on the right, Billetana Gueta Tecla, and Welleta Michael, after a
very obstinate and bloody engagement, were beaten by Kasmati Ayabdar,
and forced across the river Mogetch, where, having rallied and posted
themselves strongly, it was not thought proper to attempt to force
them, and they all joined the camp soon after the king, but with very
great loss.
This battle, though it was rather a victory than a defeat, had,
however, upon the king's affairs, all the bad consequences of the
latter, nor was there any thinking man who had confidence in them
from that day forward. Near 3000 men perished on the king's side, a
great proportion of whom was of the left wing, which he commanded;
near 180 young men, of the greatest hopes and noblest families in the
kingdom, were among that number; Guebra Christos was in all respects
a truly national loss. Kefla Yasous was twice wounded, but not
dangerously, besides a multitude of others of the first rank, among
whom was Ayto Engedan, who by proper care soon recovered also, but
in the meantime was sent to Gondar, to his cousin Ayto Confu. On our
side, too, a son of Lika Netcho, and a son of Nebrit Tecla, were both
slain.--Providence seemed now to have begun to require satisfaction
for the blood of the late king Joas, in the shedding of which these
two were particularly concerned. Among the slain were our friends the
Baharnagash and his son, who died valiantly fighting before the king
at the time he escaped down the bank into the valley.
But what served as comfort to the king, was the still heavier loss
sustained by the enemy, who, by their own accounts that day, lost
above 9000 men, seven thousand of whom were from the troops of
Begemder and Lasta, with which the king was engaged. For my own part,
I cannot believe, but that both these accounts are much exaggerated;
the great proportion that died of those that were wounded must have
greatly swelled the loss of the rebels, because most gun-shot wounds,
especially if bones are broken, mortify, and prove mortal. Among
the slain, on the part of Begemder, were two chiefs of Lasta, and
two relations of Powussen, (a brother-in-law and his son) they were
both shot, bearing the banner of king Theodorus. The unworthy Confu,
brother to Guebra Mehedin, and nephew to the Iteghé, whom I have often
mentioned, had escaped, indeed, from Kasmati Ayabdar, who had given
orders to confine him, to die a rebel this day among the troops of
Begemder.
The king being washed and dressed, and having dined, received a
compliment from Ras Michael, who sent him a present of fruit,
and a thousand ounces of gold. There began then the filthiest of
all ceremonies that ever disgraced any nation stiling themselves
Christians; a ceremony that cannot be put in terms sufficiently decent
for modest ears, without adapting the chaste language of scripture,
which, when necessity obliges to treat of gross subjects, always
makes choice of the least offensive language.
All those, whether women or men, who have fiefs of the crown, are
obliged to furnish certain numbers of horse and foot. The women were
seldom obliged to personal attendance, till Ras Michael made it a
rule, in order to compose a court or company for Ozoro Esther. At the
end of a day of battle each chief is obliged to sit at the door of
his tent, and each of his followers, who has slain a man, presents
himself in his turn, armed as in fight, with the bloody foreskin of
the man whom he has slain hanging upon the wrist of his right hand.
In this, too, he holds his lance, brandishing it over his master, or
mistress, as if he intended to strike; and repeating in a seeming
rage, a rant of nonsense, which admits of no variation, "I am John the
son of George, the son of William, the son of Thomas; I am the rider
upon the brown horse; I saved your father's life at such a battle;
where would you have been if I had not fought for you to-day? you give
me no encouragement, no cloaths, nor money; you do not deserve such
a servant as I;" and with that he throws his bloody spoils upon the
ground before his superior. Another comes afterwards, in his turn, and
does the same; and, if he has killed more than one man, so many more
times he returns, always repeating the same nonsense, with the same
gestures. I believe there was a heap of above 400 that day, before
Ozoro Esther; and it was monstrous to see the young and beautiful
Tecla Mariam sitting upon a stool presiding at so filthy a ceremony;
nor was she without surprise, such is the force of custom, that no
compliment of that kind was paid on my part; and still more so, that
I could not be even present at so horrid and bloody an exhibition.
The superiors appear at this time with their heads covered as before
their vassals; their mouth, too, is hid, and nothing is seen but
their eyes: this does not proceed from modesty, but is a token of
superiority, of which, covering or uncovering the head is a very
special demonstration. After this ceremony is over each man takes his
bloody conquest, and retires to prepare it in the same manner the
Indians do their scalps. To conclude this beastly account, the whole
army, on their return to Gondar, on a particular day of review, throws
them before the king, and leaves them at the gate of the palace. It
is in search of these, and the unburied bodies of criminals, that the
hyænas come in such numbers to the streets, where it is dangerous,
even when armed, to walk after dark.
This inhuman ceremony being over, also the care of the wounded,
which indeed precedes every thing, the king received all those of
the nobility who had distinguished themselves that day; the tent was
crowded, and he was in great spirits at the slaughter that had been
made, which unbecoming pleasure he never could disguise. He mentioned
the death of his uncle Guebra Christos with a degree of chearfulness,
presuming, that when such a man died on his side, many of that rank
and merit must have fallen on the other. Villages, appointments, and
promotions, gold, promises, and presents of every kind, had been
liberally bestowed upon those who had presented themselves, and who
had merited reward that day by their behaviour. The king had been
furnished with means from the Ras, and according to his natural
inclination (especially towards soldiers) he had bestowed them
liberally, and I believe impartially. Guebra Mascal had not appeared;
he was waiting upon his uncle Ras Michael, looking after his own
interest, to which no Abyssinian is blind, and exposing those bloody
spoils, which I have just mentioned, to the Ras, his uncle and general.
I had been absent from another motive, the attendance on my friend
Engedan, to whose tent I had removed my bed, as he complained of great
pain in his wound, and I had likewise obtained leave of the Ras to
shift my tent near that of his, and leave the care of the king's horse
to Laeca Mariam, an old slave and confidential servant of the king.
As these men were the king's menial servants in his palace, a number
of them (about a fourth) staid at Gondar with the horses, and few
more than 100 to 120 could now be mustered, from about 200 or 204
which they at first were: the arranging of this, attendance upon Ayto
Engedan, and several delays in getting access to the Ras, who had
all his troops of Tigrè round him, made it past eight o'clock in the
evening before I could see the king after he entered the camp; he had
many times sent in search of Sertza Denghel, but no such person could
be found; he had been seen bravely fighting by Engedan's side in the
entrance of the valley, when that young nobleman was wounded, and he
had retired with him from the field, but nobody could give any account
of him, and the king, by his repeated inquiries after him, shewed
more anxiety, from the supposition he was lost, than he had done for
Guebra Christos his uncle, or all the men that had fallen that day;
I had seen him in Ayto Engedan's tent, sitting behind his bed, in the
darkest place of it; both his lips, nose, and chin were violently cut,
his whole fore teeth beat out, and both his cheeks greatly swelled. I
had given him what relief I could, nor was there any thing dangerous
in his wounds; but the affront of receiving the blow from the king,
when he was doing a most meritorious act of duty, (the saving him
from death, or the hands of the rebels), had made such an impression
upon a noble mind, that as soon as he arrived in Engedan's tent, he
had ordered his hair to be cut off, put a white cap, or monk's cowl
upon his head, and by a vow dedicated himself to a monastic life. In
vain the king flattered, rewarded, and threatened him afterwards, and
went so far as to make the Abuna menace him with excommunication if
he persisted in his resolution any longer. After this I carried him,
as we shall see, by the king's desire, to Gusho, in his camp, and
interested him also to persuade Sertza Denghel to renounce his rash
vow: no consideration could however prevail, for, like a private monk,
he lived at home in the village which belonged to him in patrimony,
and, tho' he often came to court, never slept or ate in the palace,
the excuse being, when desired to stay dinner, that he had _no teeth_.
He constantly slept at my house, sometimes chearful, but very seldom
so. He was a young man of excellent understanding, and particularly
turned to the study of religion; he was well read in all the books of
his own country, and very desirous of being instructed in ours; he had
the very worst opinion of his own priests, and his principal desire
(if it had been possible) was to go with me to die, and to be buried
in Jerusalem.
CHAP. VIII.
_King rewards his Officers--The Author again persecuted by
Guebra Mascal--Great Displeasure of the King--The Author and
Guebra Mascal are reconciled and rewarded--Third Battle of
Serbraxos._
After the engagement, as every body had access to the king's presence,
I did not choose to force my way through the crowd, but went round
through the more private entry, by the bed-chamber, when I placed
myself behind the king's chair. As soon as he saw me, he said, with
great benignity, "I have not inquired nor sent for you, because I knew
you would be necessarily busied among those of your friends, who have
been wounded to-day; you are yourself, besides, hurt: how are you?" I
answered, "that I was not hurt to-day, but, though often in danger,
had escaped without any other harm than excessive fatigue occasioned
by heat and weight of my coat of mail, and that one of my horses was
killed under Ammonios."
I then took the red colours from the servant behind me, and going to
the carpet spread before the king, laid them at his feet, saying, "So
may all your majesty's enemies fall, as this arch rebel (the bearer
of this) has fallen to-day;" a great murmur was immediately raised
upon seeing these colours, and the king cried out with the utmost
impatience, "Has he fallen into your hands, Yagoube? who was he,
where did you meet him, or where did you slay him?" "Sir, said I, it
was not my fortune to meet him to-day, nor did I slay him. I am no
king-killer; it is a sin, I thank God, from which my ancestors are all
free; yet, had Providence thrown in my way a king like this, I believe
I might have overcome my scruples. He was killed, as I suppose, by a
shot of Guebra Mascal, on the flank of our line; a soldier picked up
the colours on the field, and brought them to me in hopes of reward,
while you was engaged with the troops of Begemder, near the bank; but
the merit of his death is with Guebra Mascal. I do him this justice,
the rather because he is the only man in your majesty's army who bears
me ill-will, or has been my constant enemy, for what reason I know
not; but God forbid, that on this, or any personal account, I should
not bear witness to the truth: this day, my fortune has been to be
near him during the whole of it, and I say it from certain inspection,
that to the bravery and activity of Guebra Mascal every man in your
left wing owes his life or liberty."--"He is a shame and disgrace
to his family, says the king's secretary, who was standing by him,
if after this he can be your enemy."--"It must be a mistake, says
the king's priest (Kiis Hatzè), for this should atone for it, though
Yagoube had slain his brother."
While this conversation was going on, an extraordinary bustle was
observed in the crowd, and this unquiet genius pushing through it
with great violence, his goat's skin upon his shoulders, and covered
with dust and sweat, in the same manner he came from the field; he
had heard I was gone to the king's tent with the red flag, and not
doubting I was to complain of him, or praise myself at his expence,
had directly followed me, without giving himself time to make the
least inquiry. He threw himself suddenly, with his face to the ground,
before the throne, and rising as quickly, and in violent agitation, he
said to the king, or rather bellowed, very indecently, "It is a lie
Yagoube is telling; he does not say the truth; I meant him no harm
but good to-day, and he did not understand my language. I don't say
Yagoube is not as good a man as any of us, but it is a lie he has been
telling now, and I will prove it."
A general silence followed this wild rhapsody; the king was surprised,
and very gravely said, I am sorry, for your sake, if it is a lie;
for my part, I was rash enough to believe it was true. Guebra Mascal
was still going to make bad worse, by some absurd reply, when the
secretary, and one or two of his friends, hauled him out behind the
throne to one of the apartments within, not without some resistance,
every one supposing, and many saying, he was drunk; the king was
silent, but appeared exceedingly displeased, when I fell upon
the ground before him, (a form of asking leave to speak upon any
particular subject) and rising said, Sir, With great submission, it
is not, I apprehend, true, that Guebra Mascal is drunk, as some have
rashly said now in your presence; we have all ate and drank, and
changed our cloathing since the battle; but this man, who has been
on foot since five in the morning, and engaged all day, has not, I
believe, ate or drank as yet; certainly he has not washed himself, or
changed his habit, but has been taking care of his wounded men, and
has presented himself now as he came from the field, under the unjust
suspicion I was doing him wrong. I then repeated what had happened
at the bank when the king was pursuing the troops of Begemder. Now I
understand him, says the king, but still he is wrong, and this is not
the first instance I have seen, when there was no such mistake. At
this time a messenger came to call me from within.
The king divined the reason of sending, and said, No, he shall not go
to Guebra Mascal; I will not suffer this. Go, says he to one of his
servants that stood near him, desire the Ras to call Guebra Mascal,
and ask him what this brutality means? I have seen two instances of
his misbehaviour already, and wish not to be provoked by a third. At
this instant came Kefla Yasous, with his left hand bound up, and a
broad leaf like that of a plane upon his forehead. After the usual
salutation, and a kind of joke of the king's on his being wounded,
I asked him if he would retire and let me dress his forehead? which
he shewing inclination to do, the king said, Aye, go, and ask Guebra
Mascal why he quarrels with his best friends, and prevents me from
rewarding him as he otherwise would have deserved. I went out with
Kefla Yasous, being very desirous this affair should not go to the
Ras, and we found Guebra Mascal in appearance in extreme agony and
despair.
The whole story was told distinctly to Kefla Yasous, who took it up
in the most judicious manner. He said he had been detained at his
tent, but had come to the king's presence expressly to give Guebra
Mascal the just praise he deserved for his behaviour that day: that
he was very happy that I, who was near him all the action, and was
a stranger, and unprejudiced (as he might be thought not to be)
had done it so justly and so handsomely. At the same time he could
not help saying, that the quarrel with Yagoube in the palace, the
taunting speech made without provocation in the king's presence
on the march, his apostrophe in the field, and the abrupt manner
in which he ignorantly broke in upon the conversation before the
king, interrupting and contradicting his own commendations, shewed
a distempered mind, and that he acted from a bad motive, which, if
inquired into, would inevitably ruin him, both with King and Ras; and
he had heard indeed it already had done with the former.
Guebra Mascal, now crying like a child, condemned himself for a
malicious madman in the two first instances: but swore, that on the
field he had no intention but to save me, if occasion threw it in
his way; for which purpose alone it was he had cried out to me to
stand firm, for the troops of Begemder were coming upon us, but that
I did not understand his meaning. Guebra Mascal advances nothing
but truth, said I, to Kefla Yasous; I did not perfectly understand
him to-day in the field, as he spoke in his own language of Tigrè,
and stammers greatly, nor did I distinctly comprehend what he said
across the pool, for the same reason, and the confusion we were
in: I shall however most readily confess my obligation to him, for
the opportunity he gave me to join the king. I am a stranger, and
liable to err, whilst, for the same reason, I am entitled to all your
protections and forgivenness. I am, moreover, the king's stranger,
and as such, entitled to something more as long as I conduct myself
with propriety to every one. I have never spoken a word but in Guebra
Mascal's praise, and in this I have done him no more than justice;
his impatience perverted what I had said; but the real truth, as I
spoke it, remains in the ears of the king and of those that were
by-standers, to whom I appeal.
Every thing went after this in the manner that was to be wished.
Guebra Mascal and I vowed eternal friendship to each other, of which
Kefla Yasous professed himself the guarantee. All this passed while I
was binding up his head; he went again to the king. For my own part,
tired to death, low in spirits, and cursing the hour that brought
me to such a country, I almost regretted I had not died that day
in the field of Serbraxos. I went to bed, in Ayto Engedan's tent,
refusing to go to Ozoro Esther, who had sent for me. I could not help
lamenting how well my apprehensions had been verified, that some of
our companions at last night's supper, so anxious for the appearance
of morning, should never see its evening. Four of them, all young men,
and of great hopes, were then lying dead and mangled on the field; two
others besides Engedan had been also wounded. I had, however, a sound
and refreshing sleep. I think madness would have been the consequence,
if this necessary refreshment had failed me; such was the horror I had
conceived of my present situation.
On the 21st, Engedan was conveyed in a litter to Gondar; and early in
the morning of that day arrived an officer from Powussen, together
with three or four priests. He brought with him twenty or thirty
kettle-drums belonging to the king, with their mules, and as many of
the drummers as were alive. The errand was sham proposals of peace, as
usual, and great professions of allegiance to the king. As Powussen's
attack, however, that day, had something very personal in it, and that
the story of Theodorus was founded upon a supposition that the king
was to be slain on the field of Serbraxos, little answer was returned,
only the red flag was sent back with a message, That perhaps, from the
good fortune that had attended it, Powussen might wish to keep it for
Theodorus his successor, but it was never after seen or heard of.
Gusho likewise, and Ayabdar, sent a kind of embassy to inquire after
the king's health and safety; they wished him, in terms of the
greatest respect, not to expose himself in the field as he had done
in the last battle, or at least, if he chose to command his troops
in person, that he should distinguish himself by some horse, or
dress, as his predecessors used to do; and they concluded with severe
reflections on Michael, as not sufficiently attentive to the safety of
his sovereign. Gracious messages were returned to these two, and they
all were dismissed with the usual presents of clothes and money.
About eleven o'clock in the forenoon I received an order from the Ras
to attend him, and, as I thought it was about the affair of Guebra
Mascal, I went very unwillingly. I was confirmed in this by seeing
him waiting with many of his friends without the tent, and still
more so upon our being called in together: the Ras was conversing low
to two priests, who by their dress seemed to have come lately from
Gondar; he paid little regard to either of us, but nodded, and asked
in Tigrè how we did? Three or four servants, however, brought out new
fine cotton clothes, which they put upon us both; and, upon another
nod, several officers and priests, and a number of other people,
conducted us to the king, though still, as the Ras had scarcely
spoken to us, I wondered how this should end. After staying a little
we were both introduced; the Likaontes, or judges, some priests, and
my friend the secretary, stood about the king, who sat in the middle
of his tent upon the stool Guangoul had sat down upon; the secretary
held something in his lap, and, upon Guebra Mascal's first kneeling,
bound a white fillet like a ribband round his forehead, upon which
were written in black and red ink, _Mo ambassa am Nizelet Solomon am
Negadè Jude_, "The lion of the tribe of Judah of the race of Solomon
has overcome." The secretary then declared his investiture; the king
had given him in fief, or for military service for ever, three large
villages in Dembea, which he named, and this was proclaimed afterwards
by beat of drum at the door of the tent. The king then likewise
presented him with a gold knife, upon which he kissed the ground, and
arose.
It was my turn next to kneel before the king. Whether there was any
thing particular in my countenance, or what fancy came into his head
I know not, but when I looked him in the face he could scarce refrain
from laughing. He had a large chain of gold, with very massy links,
which he doubled twice, and then put it over my neck, while the
secretary said, "Yagoube, the king does you this great honour, not as
payment of past services, but as a pledge that he will reward them
if you will put it in his power." Upon this I kissed the ground, and
we were both reconducted to the Ras, with our insignia; and, having
kissed the ground before him, and then his hands, we both had leave to
retire. He seemed very busy with people arrived from without; he only
lifted up his head, smiled, and said, Well, are you friends now? We
both bowed without answer, and left the tent.
The chain consisted of 184 links, each of them weighing 3-1/12 dwts
of fine gold. It was with the utmost reluctance that, being in want
of every thing, I sold great part of this honourable distinction
at Sennaar in my return home; the remaining part is still in my
possession. It is hoped my successors will never have the same excuse
I had, for further diminishing this honourable monument which I have
left them.
About a few hours after this, a much more interesting spectacle
appeared before the whole camp. Ayto Tesfos, governor of Samen under
Joas, had never laid down his arms, nor paid any allegiance to the
present king or his father, but had constantly treated them as
usurpers, and the Ras as a rebel and parricide. He had continued in
friendship with Fasil, but never would co-operate or join with him,
not even when he was at Gondar as Ras. He lived in the inaccessible
rock, (called the Jews Rock) one of the highest of the mountains of
Samen, where he maintained a large number of troops, with which he
overawed the whole neighbouring country, and made perpetual inroads
into Tigrè. Enemy as he was to Ras Michael, he would not venture to
take an active part against him, till the king's affairs were plainly
going to ruin. I have already mentioned, that the last thing Michael
did was to send Kefla Yasous, Basha Hezekias, and Welleta Michael, to
dispossess him of his stronghold if possible, and in this they had
failed. But now that Tesfos saw there was no probability that Michael
should be able to retreat to Tigrè, he came at last to join Gusho,
bringing with him only about a thousand men, having left all his posts
guarded against surprise, and strong enough to cut off all recruits
arriving from Tigrè. Nothing that had yet happened ever had so bad
effect upon Michael's men as this appearance of Tesfos. It was a
little before mid-day when his army appeared, and from the hills above
marched down towards the valley below us, not two musquet-shot from
our camp.
Though Samen is really on the west of the Tacazzé, and consequently in
the Amharic division of this country, yet, on account of its vicinity
to Tigrè, the language and customs are mostly the same with those
of that province. There is a march peculiar to the troops of Tigrè,
which, when the drums of Tesfos beat at passing, a despondency seemed
to fall on all the Tigran soldiers, greater than if ten thousand men
of Amhara had joined the rebels. It was a fine day, and the troops,
spread abroad upon the face of the hill, not only shewed more in
number than they really were, but also more security than they were,
in point of prudence, warranted to do, when at so small a distance
from such an army as ours.
Tesfos took a post very likely to distress us, as he had more than
300 musquetry with him. He sat down with horse and foot in the middle
of the valley before us, with part of his musquetry posted upon the
skirts of the mountain Belessen on one side, and part on the top of
that long, even hill, dividing the valley from the river Mariam. Over
his camp, like a citadel, is the rock that projects into the valley,
from which the peasants of Mariam-Ohha had thrown the stones when
we were returning to our camp after the last battle. Upon this rock
Tesfos had placed a multitude of women and servants, who began to
build straw-huts for themselves, as if they intended to stay there
for some time, though there was still plenty of the female sex below
with the camp. Indeed, I never remember to have seen so many women in
proportion to any army whatever, no not even in our own.
If Tesfos had been long in coming, he was resolved, now he was
come, to make up for his lost time, as he was not a mile and a half
from our camp, and could see our horses go down to water, either at
Deg-Ohha or Mariam; that same day at two o'clock, his horse attacked
our men at watering, killed some servants, and took several horses.
This behaviour of Tesfos was taken as a defiance to Kefla Yasous in
particular, and to the army in general.
There was no person in the whole army, of any rank whatever, so
generally beloved as Kefla Yasous; he was looked upon by the soldiers
as their father. He was named by the Ras to the government of Samen,
but had failed, as we have already stated, in dispossessing Ayto
Tesfos, whose disorderly march at broad mid-day, so near our army,
the ostentatious beating of the Tigran march upon his kettle-drum
as he passed, and his taking post so near, were all considered as
meriting chastisement. That general, however, though very sensible
of this bravado, did not venture to suggest any thing in the present
situation of the army, but all his friends proposed it to him, that
some reproof should be given to Tesfos, if it was only to raise the
drooping spirits of the troops of Tigrè. Accordingly 400 horse, and
about 500 foot, armed with lances and shields only, without musquetry
for fear of alarm, were ordered to be ready as soon as it was
perfectly dark, that is, between seven and eight o'clock.
Tesfos having waited the coming of his baggage, and arranged his
little camp to his liking, was seen to mount, with about 300 horse, to
go to the camp of Gusho or Powussen a little before sun-set, at which
time Kefla Yasous was distributing plenty of meat to the soldiers.
About eight o'clock they descended the hill unperceived even by part
of our camp. Kefla Yasous was governor of Temben (a province on
the S. W. of Tigrè) immediately joining to Samen, and the language
and dialect was the same. The foot were ordered to take the lead,
scattered in a manner not to give alarm, and the horse were to pass
by the back of the low, even hill, in the other valley, along the
banks of the river Mariam, close to the water, in order to cut off the
retreat to the plain. A great part of the Samen soldiers were asleep,
whilst a number of the mules that had been loaded were straggling up
and down, and some of them returning to the camp. The Temben troops
had now insinuated themselves among the tents, especially on the side
of the hill.
The first circumstance that gave alarm was the appearance of the
horse, but they were not taken for an enemy, but for Ayto Tesfos
returning. Kefla Yasous now gave the signal to charge, by beating a
kettle-drum, and every soldier fell upon the enemy nearest him. It is
impossible to describe the confusion that followed, nor was it easy to
distinguish enemies from friends, especially for us on horseback;
only those that fled were reckoned enemies. The greatest execution
done by the horse was breaking the jars of honey, butter, beer, wine,
and flour, and gathering as many mules together as possible to drive
them away. Few of the enemy came our way towards the plain, but most
fled up the hill: in an instant the straw huts upon the rock were set
on fire, and Kefla Yasous had ordered rather to destroy the provisions
than the men, since there was no resistance. I passed a large tent,
which I judged to be that of Ayto Tesfos, which our people immediately
cut open; but, instead of an officer of consequence, we saw, by
the light of a lamp, three or four naked men and women, totally
overpowered with drink and sleep, lying helpless, like so many hogs,
upon the ground, utterly unconscious of what was passing about them.
Upon a large tin platter, on a bench, lay one of the large horns,
perfectly drained of the spirits that it had contained; it was one of
the most beautiful, for shape and colour, I ever had seen, though not
one of the largest. This horn was all my booty that night. Upon my
return to Britain, it was asked of me by Sir Thomas Dundas of Carse,
to serve for a bugle-horn to the Fauconberg regiment, to which, as
being _partum sanguine_, it was very properly adapted. That regiment
being disbanded soon after, I know not further what came of it; it is
probably placed in some public collection, or at least ought to be.
The fire increasing on the hill, and several musquets having been
heard, it was plain the enemy, in all the camps, were alarmed, and
our further stay became every moment more dangerous. Kefla Yasous now
beat a retreat, and sent the horsemen all round to force the foot
to make the best of their way back, ordering also all mules taken
to be ham-stringed and left, not to retard our return. Trumpets and
drums were heard from our camp, to warn us not to stay, as it was not
doubted but mischief would follow, and accordingly we were scarce
arrived within the limits of our camp when we heard the sound of horse
in the valley.
Michael, always watchful upon every accident, no sooner saw the fires
lighted on the hill, than he ordered Guebra Mascal to place a good
body of musqueteers about half way down the hill, as near as possible
to the ford of Mariam, thinking it probable that the enemy would
enter at both ends of the long hill, in order to surround those who
were destroying their camp, which they accordingly did, whilst those
of our people, who had taken to drinking, fell into the hands of the
troops that came by the lower road, and were all put to death. Those
that reached the upper ford served to afford us a severe revenge, for
Guebra Mascal, after having seen them pass between him and the river,
though it was a dark and very windy night, guessed very luckily their
position, and gave them so happy a fire, that most of those who were
not slain returned back without seeing Ayto Tesfos's camp, being
afraid that some other trap might still be in their way.
In the morning of the 22d, we found that the slain were men of
Begemder and Lasta. Tesfos, it seems, had been in Powussen's camp
when he saw the fire lighted on the hill, and thence had provided
an additional number of troops to attack Kefla Yasous before he had
done his business, but in this he miscarried. Tesfos's party was
thus totally destroyed and dispersed, his mules slaughtered, and his
provisions spoiled. About thirty of Kefla Yasous's infantry, however,
lost their lives by staying behind, and intoxicating themselves with
liquor. Of the horse, not a man was either killed or wounded. I was
the only unfortunate person; and Providence had seemed to warn me of
my danger the day before, for passing then that rock which projected
into the valley, the fire giving perfect light, the multitude
assembled above, and prepared for that purpose, poured down upon us
such a shower of arrows, stones, billets of wood, and broken jars, as
is not to be imagined. Of these a stone gave me a very violent blow
upon my left arm, while a small fragment of the bottom of a jar, or
pitcher, struck me on the crest of my helmet, and occasioned such a
concussion as to deprive me for a time of all recollection, so that,
when lying in my tent at no great distance, I did not remember to
have heard Guebra Mascal's discharge. I certainly had some presaging
that mischief was to happen me, for passing that rock, just before
we entered Tesfos's camp, I desired Tecla, when I returned, to allow
fifty men to proceed up the hill and cut those people in pieces who
had stationed themselves so inconveniently; but he would not consent,
being desirous to return without loss of time, and before the enemy
knew the calamity that had befallen them.
Ayto Tesfos now became a little more humble, retreated to the south
end of the long hill, till being joined, next day the 23d, by his
neighbours, Samuel Mammo of Tzegadé, and Heraclius of Walkayt, who
had a very large force, he again removed nearer us, about half a mile
farther than his first position, and extended his camp quite across
the valley, from the foot of the hill to the river Mariam, keeping his
head-quarters on the top of the long, even hill, so often mentioned.
Mammo and Heraclius had passed by Gondar, and, being much superior in
number, had taken Sanuda, Ayto Confu, and Ayto Engedan prisoners, and,
though the two last were wounded, carried them to Gusho's camp.
I need not trouble the reader with the attention shewed me upon
my accident; all that was great and noble at court, from the king
downwards, seemed to be as sensible of it as if it had happened to
one of their own family; the Ras very particularly so; and I must
own, above all, Guebra Mascal shewed himself a sincere convert, by a
concern and friendship that had every mark of sincerity. Ozoro Esther
was several times the next day at my tent, and with her the beautiful
Tecla Mariam, whose sympathy and kindness would more than have
compensated a greater misfortune; for, saving that it had occasioned
an inflammation in my eyes, the hurt was of the slightest kind.
Many people came to-day from the several camps with proposals of
peace, which ended in nothing, though it was visible enough to
everyone that a treaty of some kind was not only on foot, but already
far advanced. In the evening a party of 400 foot and 50 horse, which
went to Dembea to forage for the king, was surprised by Coque Abou
Barea, and cut to pieces; after which that general encamped with
Gusho, and brought with him about 3000 men.
Provisions were now become scarce in the camp, and there was a
prospect that they would be every day scarcer; and, what was still
worse, Deg-Ohha, which long had stood in pools, was now almost dry,
and, from the frequent use made of it by the number of beasts, began
to have both an offensive smell and taste; whilst, every time we
attempted to water at the Mariam river, a battle was to be fought with
Tesfos's horse in the valley. On the other hand, an epidemical fever
raged in the rebels camp on the plain, especially in that of Gusho and
Ayabdar. The rain, moreover, was now coming on daily, and something
decisive became necessary for all parties.
On the 24th, in the morning, a message arrived from Gusho to the king,
desiring I might have liberty to come and bring medicines with me, for
his whole family were ill of the fever. The king answered, that I had
been wounded in the head, and was ill; nor did he believe I could be
able to come; but, if I was, he should send me in the morning.
A little before noon the drums in the plain beat to arms. Heraclius,
Mammo, and Tesfos on the side of the valley, Coque Abou Barea and
Asahel Woodage on the side of the plain, with fresh troops, had
obtained leave from Gusho and Powussen to try to storm our camp,
without any assistance from the main army, in order to bring the
whole to a speedy conclusion. There had been a time when such an
undertaking would not have been thought a prudent one to much better
men than any of those who now were parties in it; but our spirits
were greatly fallen, our number, too, much decreased; above all, a
relaxation of discipline (and desertion, the consequence of it) began
to prevail among us to an alarming degree. This was generally said to
be owing to the despondency of the Tigrè troops upon the arrival of
Tesfos; but it required little penetration to discern, that all sorts
of men were weary of constant fighting and hardships, for no other
end but unjustly maintaining Michael in a post in which he governed
at discretion, to the terror of the whole kingdom, and ruin of the
constitution.
The hill of Serbraxos, when we first took post on it, was rugged and
uneven, full of acacia and other ill-thriving trees, and various
stumps of these had been broken by the wind, or undermined by the
torrents. The great need the soldiers had of fuel to roast the
miserable pittance of barley, (which was all their food) had cleared
away these incumbrances from the side of the hill, and the constant
resort of men going up and down, had rendered the surface perfectly
smooth and slippery; so that our camp did not appear as placed so
high, nor nearly so inaccessible as it was at first. For this reason,
Ras Michael had ordered the soldiers to gather all the stones on the
hill, and range them in small walls, at proper places, in a kind
of zig-zag, under which the soldiers lay concealed, and with their
fire-arms protected the mules which went down to drink. Michael had
lined all these little fortifications with musquetry, from the bottom
of the hill to the door of his tent and the king's.
[Illustration:
PLAN
_of_
THE THIRD BATTLE
OF
_SERBRAXOS_,
_Fought 23^d. May_,
1772.
THIRD BATTLE.
Explanation.
A The center commanded by the king in person.
B The van encamped under Ras Michael.
C The rear encamped, Guebra Christos being slain, commanded by
several officers.
DD Woodage Asahel marching up towards the hill to attack the
king's camp.
E Ayto Tesfos of Samen making a lodgement in the bank, or side
of the hill, under the van, to favour the attack of Woodage
Asahel.
F Coque Abou Barea making a mock attack on the rear to create a
diversion in favour of Woodage Asahel.
G Servants of Tesfos, his camp and rebellious peasants of Mariam
Ohha on a high rock.
]
About noon the hill was assaulted on all sides that were accessible,
and the ancient spirit of the troops seemed to revive upon seeing the
enemy were the aggressors. Without any aid of musquetry, the king's
foot repulsed Coque Abou Barea, and drove him from the hill into the
plain, without any considerable stand on his part: the same success
followed against Mammo and Heraclius; they were chased down the
hill, and several of their men pursued and slain on the plain; but
a large reinforcement coming from the camp, the king's troops were
driven up the hill again, and Tesfos, with his musquetry, had made
a lodgment in a pit on the low side of one of these stone-walls Ras
Michael had built for his own defence, from which he fired with great
effect, and the king's troops were obliged to fall back to the brow
of the hill immediately below the tent, and that of the Ras's. In a
moment appeared Woodage Asahel, with a large body of horse, supported
likewise with a considerable number of foot. This was the most
accessible part of the hill, and under the cover of Tesfos's continued
fire: they mounted it with great gallantry, the troops above expecting
them with their irons fixed at a proper elevation in the ground; for
it must be here explained, that no Abyssinian soldier in battle rests
his gun upon his hand, as every one is provided with a stick about
four feet long, which hath hooks, or rests, on alternate intervals on
each side, and which he sticks in the ground before him, and rests the
muzzle of his gun upon it, according to the height of the object he
is to aim at; and here is discovered the fatal and most unreasonable
effect of fear in these troops, who have not the knowledge or practice
of fire-arms, and are about to charge, for as soon as they hear this
noise of planting the sticks, (which is somewhat louder than that
of our men cocking their musquets) they halt immediately, and give
the fairest opportunity to their enemies to take aim; and, after
thus suffering from a well-directed fire, they fall into confusion,
and run, leaving the musquetry time to recharge. This is as if they
voluntarily devoted themselves to destruction; for if, either upon
hearing the noise of setting the sticks in the ground, or before or
after they have received the fire, the horse were to charge these
musqueteers, having no bayonets, at the gallop, they must be cut to
pieces every time they were attacked by cavalry; the contrary of which
is always the case.
Woodage Asahel had now advanced within about thirty yards of the
musquetry that were expecting him, when unluckily the hill became
more steep, and Ayto Tesfos (for some reason not then known) ceased
firing. The king was now close to the very brow of the hill, nor
could any one persuade him to keep at a greater distance. I was not
far from him, and had no sort of doubt but that I should presently
see the whole body of the enemy destroyed by the fire awaiting them,
and blown into the air. Woodage Asahel was very conspicuous by a red
fillet, or bandage, wrapt about his head, the two ends hanging over
his ears, whilst he was waving with his hands for the troops below to
follow briskly, and support those near him, who were impeded by the
roughness and mossy quality of the ground. At this instant the king's
troops fired, and I expected to see the enemy strewed dead along the
face of the hill. Indeed we saw them speedily disappear, but like
living men, riding and running down the declivity so as even to excite
laughter. Woodage Asahel, with two men only, bravely gained the top of
the mountain, and, as he passed the king's tent, pulled off his red
fillet, making a sign as of saluting it, and then galloped through the
middle of the camp. He was now descending unhurt upon the left, where
Abou Barea had been engaged and beaten, when Sebastos, a Greek, the
king's cook, seventy-five years of age, of whom I have already spoken
in the campaign of Maitsha, lying behind a stone, with his gun in his
hand, seeing the troops engage below, fired at him as he passed: the
ball took place in the left side of his belly. He was seen stooping
forward upon the tore of his saddle, with some men supporting him
on each side, in his way to his tent, where he died in the evening,
having, by his behaviour that day, deserved a better fate. Sebastos
reported this feat of his to the king, but it was not believed, till
a confirmation of the fact came in the evening, when Sebastos was
cloathed, and received a reward from the king.
Tesfos had been observed not to fire since Woodage Asahel gained the
steep part of the hill, and it was thought it was from fear of galling
his friends; but it was soon known to be owing to another cause.
Kefla Yasous had ordered two of his nephews to take a body of troops,
with lances and shields only, and these were to go round the Ras's
tent, and down the side of the hill, till they were even with Tesfos
behind the screen where he lay. These two young men, proud of the sole
command which they had then received for the first time, executed it
with great alacrity; and tho' they were ordered by their uncle to
watch the time when Tesfos had fired, and then to run in upon him,
they disdained that precaution, but coming speedily upon him, part
of them threw down the stones under which he was concealed, and part
attacked him in the hollow, and, while much intent upon the success
of Woodage Asahel, he was in a moment overpowered and dislodged; and,
being twice wounded, with great difficulty he escaped. Seventeen of
his match-locks were brought into the camp, and with them a man of
great family in Samen, a relation or friend of Kefla Yasous. This
person, after having been regaled with the best that was in the camp,
and cloathed anew after their custom, was sent back the same night to
Ayto Tesfos, with this short message, "Tesfos had better be upon his
rock again, if my boys can beat him upon the plain at broad noon-day."
Coque Abou Barea, after having attempted several times to ascend the
hill, was beaten back as often, and obliged to desist. On the king's
side only eleven men were killed. The loss of the enemy was variously
reported. Sixty-three men only, and several horses of those with
Woodage Asahel, were left upon the side of the hill, after the fire
of near 1000 musquets--so contemptible is the most dangerous weapon
in an ignorant and timid hand. That night the body of musqueteers
called Lasta, part of the king's household, (in number about 300
men) deserted in a body. One of the worst consequences of that day's
engagement was, that the enemy, when in possession of the foot of
the hill, had thrown a great number of dead bodies, both of men and
beasts, into Deg-Ohha, which therefore now was abandoned altogether
by our troops. To make up for this, Ras Michael, that very evening,
advanced 2000 men upon the end of the long hill, immediately below
him, which post was never molested after, so that our beasts had
water in greater plenty and safety than when they were at a less
considerable distance.
Below the north-west side of the hill, where it was a steep precipice,
two or three pools of water were found retaining all their original
purity, out of the reach or knowledge of the enemy, in the bed of the
torrent which surrounded the north side of the mountain: the descent
was very difficult for beasts, but thither I went several times on
foot, and bathed myself, especially my head, in very cold water,
which greatly strengthened my eyes, much weakened from the blow I had
received.
CHAP. IX.
_Interview with Gusho in his Tent--Conversation and interesting
Intelligence there--Return to the Camp--King's Army returns to
Gondar--Great Confusion in that Night's March._
On the 25th of May, early in the morning, I went to Gusho. When I
arrived near his tent I dismounted my mule, and, as the king had
commanded me, bared myself to below the breasts, the sign of being
bearer of the king's orders. Four men were now sent from the tent,
who, two and two, supported each arm, and introduced me in this state
immediately to Gusho. He was sitting on a kind of bed, covered with
scarlet cloth, and edged with a deep gold fringe. As soon as I came
near him, I began, "Hear what the king says to you." In a moment he
rose, and, stripping himself bare to the waist, he bowed with his
forehead on the scarlet cloth, but did not, as was his duty, stand on
the ground, and touch it with his forehead, tho' there was a good
Persian carpet, as pride and newly-acquired independence had released
him from those forms, in the observance of which he had been brought
up from his childhood.
On seeing him attentive, I continued, "The king sends you word by me,
and I declare to you from my own skill as a physician, that the fever
now amongst you will soon become mortal; as the rains increase, you
will die; consequently, being out of your allegiance, God only knows
what will happen to you afterwards. The king therefore wishes you to
preserve your health, by going home to Amhara, taking Powussen, and
all the rest along with you who are ill likewise, and the sooner the
better, as he heartily wishes to be rid of you all at once, without
your leaving any of your friends behind you." It was with difficulty
I kept my gravity in the course of my harangue; it did not seem to
be less so on his part, as at the end he broke out in a great fit of
laughter. "Aye, Aye, Yagoube, says he, I see you are still the old
man; but tell the king from me, that if I were to do what you just
now desire of me, it was then I should be afraid to die, it was then
I should be out of my duty; assure the king, continued Gusho, I will
do him better service. Were I to go home and leave Michael with him,
I, who am no physician, declare, the Ras would prove in the end a much
more dangerous disease to him than all the fevers in Dembea."
I then introduced his relation, Tecla Mariam, who stood with the
people behind; and, as he had on his monk's dress, Gusho at first did
not know him. He had been well informed, however, of his having saved
the king, and of the blow that he had received from him. He said every
thing in commendation of the young man, and his honourable action,
adding, that the preservation of kings was a gift of Providence
particularly reserved for the people of Amhara. He then ordered new
cloaths to be brought and put upon Tecla Mariam, who scrupled to take
off his cowl; on which Gusho violently tore it from his head, dashed
it on the floor, stamped twice on it with his foot, and then threw
it behind the back of the sofa. At parting, Gusho ordered him five
ounces of gold, a large present for one that loved money as Gusho did,
commanding him strictly to return to his duty and profession, and
ordering me to carry him to the king, and see him reinstated in his
office in the palace.
I then desired his permission to visit the sick, and left ipecacuanha
and bark with Antonio, (his Greek servant,) and directions how to
administer them. One of his nephews, (Ayto Aderesson) the young man
who had lost Gusho's horse, had the small-pox, upon which I warned
Gusho seriously of the danger to which he exposed all his army if that
disease broke out amongst them, and advised him to send his nephew
forthwith to the church of Mariam, under the care of the priests,
which he did accordingly.
The tent being cleared, he asked me if I had seen Welleta Selassé;
if I was with her when she died; and who was said to have poisoned
her, Ras Michael or herself, or if I had ever heard that it was
Ozoro Esther? I told him her friends had sent for me from the camp,
but missed me, not knowing I was at Koscam with Ayto Confu, who had
been wounded; but that I could have been of little service to her
if they had found me sooner: That she had scarce any signs of life
when I entered her room, and died soon after: That she confessed she
had taken arsenic herself, and named a black servant of hers, a
Mahometan, from whom she had bought it; and the reason was, her fears
that her grandfather, Ras Michael, whom she had always looked upon
as the murderer of her father, should force her when he returned to
Gondar. He seemed exceedingly attentive to all I said, and mused for a
couple of minutes after I had done speaking.
A plentiful breakfast was then brought us, and many of his officers
sat down to it. I observed likewise some people of Gondar, who had
formerly fled to Fasil at Michael's first coming. He said he wished
me to bleed him before I went away, which I assured him I would by no
means do, for if he was well, as I then saw he was, the unnecessary
bleeding him might occasion sickness; and, if he was dangerously ill,
he might die, when the blame would be laid upon me, and expose me to
mischief afterwards. "No, says he, I could certainly trust you, nor
would any of my people believe any harm of you; but I am glad to see
you so prudent, and that you have a care of my life, for the reason
I shall give you afterwards." I bowed, and he made me then tell him
all that passed in my visit to Fasil, which I did, without concealing
any circumstance. All the company laughed, and he more than any, only
saying, "Fasil, Fasil, thou wast born a Galla, and a Galla thou shalt
die."
Breakfast being over, the tent was cleared, and we were again left
alone, when he put on a very serious countenance. "You know, says he,
you are my old acquaintance. I saw you with Michael after the battle
of Fagitta, as also the presents you brought, and heard the letters
read, both those that came from Metical Aga, and those of Ali Bey
from Cairo. All the Greeks here who have considerable posts, and are
proud and vain enough, have yet declared to us several times, (as
Antonio my servant did to me last night) that, in their own country,
the best of them are not higher in rank than your servants; and that
those who hitherto have come into this country were no better. We know
then, and the king is sensible, that in your own country you are equal
to the best of us, and perhaps superior, and as such, even in these
bad times, you have been treated. Now, this being the case, you are
wrong to expose yourself like a common soldier. We all know, and have
seen, that you are a better horseman, and shoot better than we; your
gun carries farther, because you use leaden bullets; so far is well;
but then you should manage this so as never to act alone, or from any
thing that can have the appearance of a private motive[11]." "Sir,
said I, you know that when I first came recommended, as you say, into
this country, Ayto Aylo, the most peaceable, as well as the wisest man
in it, the Ras, and I believe yourself, but certainly many able and
considerable men who were so good as to patronize me, did then advise
the putting me into the king's service and household, as the only
means of keeping me from robbery and insult. You said that I could
not be safe one instant after the king left Gondar, being a single
man, who was supposed to have brought money with him; that therefore I
must connect myself with young noblemen, officers of consequence about
court, whose authority and friendship would keep ill-disposed people
in awe. The king observing in me a facility of managing my horse and
arms, with which, until that time, he had been unacquainted, placed
me about his person, both in the palace and in the field, for his own
amusement, and I may say instruction, and for my safety; and this
advice has proved so good, that I have never once deviated from it
but my life has been in danger. The first attempt I made to go to the
cataract, Guebra Mehedin way-laid and intended to murder me. When the
king was in Tigrè, Woodage Asahel designed to do me the same favour
by the Galla he sent from Samseen; and so did Coque Abou Barea at
Degwassa, by the hands of Welleta Selassè. No safety, therefore, then
remained to me but in adhering closely to the king, as I have ever
since done, and was advised from the first to do, which indispensibly
brought me to Serbraxos, or wherever he was in person. You cannot
think it is from a motive of choice that a white man like myself runs
the risk of losing his life, or limbs, so far from home, and where
there is so little medical assistance, in a war where he has no motive
that can concern him."
"Do not mistake me, Yagoube, says Gusho, your behaviour at Serbraxos
does you honour, and will never make you an enemy, so does the like
affair with Kefla Yasous; there is no man you can so properly connect
yourself with as Kefla Yasous; all I wanted to observe to you is, that
it is said Woodage Asahel would have escaped safely from the mountain
if you had not shot him, and that yours was the only musquet that was
fired at him; which is thought invidious in you, being a stranger, as
he is the head of the Edjow Galla, the late king's guards; they may
yet return to Gondar, and will look upon you as their enemy, because
a leaden bullet was found in Woodage Asahel's body fired at him by
you."--"Sir, said I, it is very seldom a man in such a case as this
can have the power of vindicating himself to conviction, but that I
now happily can do. All the Greeks in the king's army, their sons and
families, all Mahometans, who have been in Arabia, India, or Egypt,
use leaden bullets. The man who shot Woodage Asahel is well known
to you. He is the king's old cook, Sebastos, a man past seventy,
who could not be able to kill a sheep till somebody first tied its
legs. He himself informed the king of what he had done, and brought
witnesses in the usual form, claiming a reward for his action, which
he obtained. It was said that I, too, killed the man who carried
the red flag of Theodorus at Serbraxos, though no leaden bullet, I
believe, was found in him. A soldier picked up this flag upon the
field, and brought it to me. I paid him, indeed, for his pains; and,
when I presented the flag to the king, told him what I had seen, that
the bearer of it had fallen by a shot from Guebra Mascal. I had not a
gun in my hand all that day at Serbraxos, nor all that other day when
Woodage Asahel was slain. I saw him pass within less than ten yards
where I was standing behind the king, in great health and spirits,
with two other attendants; but, so far from firing at him, I was very
anxious in my own mind that he should get as safely out of the camp as
he had gallantly, though imprudently, forced himself into it. It is
not a custom known in my country for officers to be employed to pick
out distinguished men at such advantage, nor would it be considered
there as much better than murder: certainly no honour would accrue
from it. But when means are necessary to keep officers of the enemy
at a proper distance, for consequences that might otherwise follow,
there are common soldiers chosen for that purpose, and for which they
are not the more esteemed. This, however, I will confess to you, that
when either the king's horses or mine went down to Deg-Ohha to water,
and never but then, I sat upon the rock above, and did all in my power
to protect them, and the men who were with them, and to terrify the
enemy who came to molest them, by shewing the extensive range of our
rifle guns; and that very day when Ayto Tesfos arrived, some of his
troops having driven off the mules, among which were two of mine, I
did, I confess, with my own hand shoot four of them from the rock, and
at last obliged the rest to keep at a greater distance; but as for
Woodage Asahel, I disown having had arms in my hand the day he entered
the camp, or having been absent, till late in the evening, from the
king's person."
"Now, all this is very well, continued Gusho; who killed Theodorus, or
the man at Serbraxos; who killed Ayto Tesfos's men, is no object of
inquiry; Deg-Ohha was within the line of the king's camp, and they
that wanted to deprive him of this possession, or the use of it, did
it at their peril. If you had shot Ayto Tesfos himself, attempting to
deprive you of water for the camp, no man in all Amhara would have
said you did wrong; but I am very much pleased with what you tell me
of Woodage Asahel. The short, yellow man, who breakfasted with you,
was one of those two who accompanied Woodage Asahel when he was shot,
and is a friend of mine; he brought word that he was killed by a
frank, and the leaden bullet fix'd it upon you."
This man was now immediately called for. He went by the nickname of
_Goul_, or the _Giant_, from his small size and debility of body. "Is
this your man, says Gusho, who shot Woodage Asahel on the hill?" "O,
by no means, says Goul; he was an old man with a long grey beard,
and a white cloth round his head. This man I know well. I saw him
with Fasil. This is Yagoube, the king's friend; he would not do such
a thing." "No, certainly he would not, says Gusho, and so mind that
you tell Woodage Asahel's friends." Upon this he withdrew. And now,
says Gusho, talk no more upon this affair, I will take the rest upon
myself. There is a servant of Metical Aga's now in the camp, sent over
by desire of your friends and countrymen[12] at Jidda, to know if you
are alive and well. He has also a message to the king, and perhaps I
may send him to the camp to-morrow, but more probably defer it till
we meet at Gondar. Mean time, remember my injunction to you, to keep
close by the person of the king, and then no accident can befal you in
the confusion that will soon happen. I thanked him for his friendly
advice, which I promised to follow. I then asked for Ayto Confu and
Engedan, as also for Metical Aga's servant, but he answered, I could
not then see them.
He had now in his hand some silk paper, in which they generally wrap
their ingots of gold, and he was preparing to slip this into my hand
at parting, in the same manner we do the fee of a physician in Europe.
"You forget, said I, what you mentioned in the morning, that I am no
cast-away, no Greek nor Armenian servant, but perhaps of equal rank
to yourselves: if I wanted money, Metical Aga's servant would procure
it for me upon demand. It is your wife and two daughters who are ill;
and when you shall hereafter be great, and governing every thing at
Gondar, I will by them put you in mind of any piece of friendship I
may stand in need of at your hand; and you shall grant it."--"You
are a good prophet, Yagoube, says he; and so I shall; but remember
my advice; I know you are a friend of Ozoro Esther, but she cannot
protect you; Ozoro Altash[13] may: the best of all is to keep close to
the king, to defend yourself if any body molests you on your way to
Gondar, and leave the rest to me."
An officer was now appointed to conduct me across the plain, and
several servants laden with fish and fruit. About a hundred yards
from the tent, a man muffled up met me, whom I found to be a servant
of Engedan. "Your army will disband, says he to me, in a low tone
of voice; keep by the king, or Aylo my master's brother, and he
will bring you over here." Having left him, we continued across the
plain, and saw several small parties of horse patroling, but they
came not near us. My conductor said they were Galla, waiting for some
opportunity to do mischief. He told me that Ozoro Welleta Israel, and
his son Aylo, had joined their army that day with 10,000 men from
Gojam, to no purpose at all, continued he, but that of eating up the
country. But your friend the Iteghé could not see Ras Michael fall
without giving him a shove, though she has staid till the very last
day before she ventured, for fear of accidents. Gusho's men set the
fish down at the advanced guard, and returned with the officer who had
attended me, while I went towards the king's tent, musing what all
this might mean, what power was to carry us to Gondar, disband the
army, depose Michael, and not hurt the king.
I found the king had not been well, and had taken warm water to
vomit, a remedy I advised him sometimes to make use of, not choosing
to venture on all occasions to give him medicines, and he was then
quiet. I therefore went to Ras Michael, who was alone, and seemingly
much chagrined. He interrogated me strictly as to what passed between
me and Gusho. I told him the discourse about Woodage Asahel's death,
and about Fasil; then about the sick family I had seen, the offer
of money, the fish, &c. The same I repeated when I went back to the
king, but nothing about our meeting at Gondar. I begged, however, as
he still complained a little of his head, that he would see nobody
that night, but lie down and compose himself, allowing me to wait in
the secretary's apartment till he should awake. I thought he embraced
this proposal willingly, Ozoro Esther having had a long conference
with him the night before. I do not imagine the state of the realm had
much share in their conversation. After he was laid down, I went and
found Azage Kyrillos, and with him the beautiful daughter of Tecla
Mariam, who was just dressed to go to Ozoro Esther's. She said she
would either take me along with her to Ozoro Esther's, or stay, and
the king would send us supper at her father's. I excused myself from
either, on account of the king's indisposition, and my business with
her father, who, guessing by my countenance I had something material
to communicate, sent her on her visit, and so we were left alone.
As he was a man with whom I had always lived in the most confidential
friendship, and knew the same subsisted between him and the king, I
made no scruple to tell him, word for word, what I had heard from
Gusho, and Engedan's servant. He said, without any seeming surprise,
Why, we are all worn out, but state all this to the king. Soon after,
came in the slave who had the charge of the king's bed-chamber, and
told the secretary that the king found himself well, only wanted to
know what he should drink. I ordered him some water, with some ripe
tamarinds, a liquor he usually took in time of Lent. See him and
advise him yourself, says the secretary. I accordingly went in, and
told the king the whole story. He seemed to be in great agitation,
repeating frequently, "O God! O God! O Guebra Menfus Kedus[14]!"--"Who
is this Guebra Menfus Kedus?" said I afterwards to Tecla Mariam, who
in his heart believed in him no more than I did. "Why, answered he
gravely, he is a great saint, who never ate or drank from his mother's
womb till his death, said mass at Jerusalem every day, and came home
at night in form of a stork."--"But a bad regimen his, said I, for
such violent exercise."--"That is not all, says Tecla Mariam, he
fought with the devil once in Tigrè, and threw him over the rock Amba
Salam, and killed him."--"I wish you joy, said I, this is good news
indeed." All this conversation had passed in half a whisper. The king
was quiet; but, hearing me say the last words, he started, and cried,
"What joy, what good news, Yagoube?"--"Why, said I, Sir, it is only
Tecla Mariam informing me that the devil is dead, which is good news,
at least to me, who always dreaded falling into his clutches."--"Aye,
says the king, the monks say so; it must have been long ago; but the
saint was surely a holy man."
Though the king was violently agitated, yet he neither said that he
did or did not understand what was meant by Gusho and Engedan, but
only ordered me home immediately, saying, "As you value your life,
open not your mouth to man or woman, nor seem to take particular care
about any thing, more than you did before; trust all in the hands of
the Virgin Mary, and Guebra Menfus Kedus."
I needed no incitement to go to my tent, where I went immediately to
bed. I cannot say but I had a ray of hope that Providence had begun
the means which were to extricate me out of the difficulties of my
present situation, better and sooner than I had before imagined; I
therefore fell soon into a profound sleep, satisfied that I should
be quickly called if any thing ailed the king. The lights were now
all put out, and, except the cry of the guards going their rounds,
very little noise in the camp, considering the vast number of people
it contained. I was in a profound sleep when Francisco, a Greek
servant of the Ras, a brave and veteran soldier, but given a little
to drink, came bawling into my tent, "It is madness to sleep at this
time."--"I am sure, said I, very calmly, I should be mad if I was not
to sleep. Why, when would you have me to take my rest? and what is
the matter?"--"Get up, cries he, quickly, for we shall all be cut to
pieces in a minute."--"Then hang me, said I, if I don't lie still, for
if I have no longer to live, it is not worth while to dress."--"Fasil
(continued he) has surprised the camp, and gives no quarter."--"Fasil!
said I, impossible: but go to the guard commanded by Laeca Mariam, and
if he has a horse ready saddled bring him to me."
On this Francisco catched up a lance and shield that were in my tent,
for fear of danger in the way, and ran off. In a minute he returned to
ask the _word_. "Googue, said I, is the parole, (it signifies Owl.)
A curse upon his father, says, he, (meaning the owl's father), and a
curse upon their fathers who gave such unlucky words for the parole
at night; no wonder misfortunes happen," says he, in Greek; he then
returned to the guard under Laeca Mariam. In the mean time, surveying
the camp around, I could not help doubting the truth of this alarm;
for not a soul was stirring about Kefla Yasous's tent, and the light
scarcely burning. On the other hand, however, there seemed several
in the tent of the Ras, and people moving about it, though the Tigrè
guard around were quiet, who, I knew well, would have been alarmed by
the motion of a mouse.
There was, however, still a light, and an unusual noise in the upper
end of the camp to the N. E. Francisco now returned from the king's
tent, and, without my speaking to him, said, in a great passion,
"Those black fellows are all become mad; you don't keep them in any
sort of order." "Has Laeca Mariam got ready a horse for me, said I;
where is he?"--"When I delivered your orders, replied Francisco, to
have a horse ready for you, he said there were fifty, but did not
suppose you intended galloping to-night." Francisco continued, "I
told him Fasil was in the camp; at which he laughed outright, said
I was drunk, and wondered you had given me the parole with a curse
upon its father; a great catch this word, to be sure, it will make
me rich." "I am afraid, said I, friend, Laeca Mariam hath stated the
truth; at least I never heard of an army cut to pieces so very quietly
as ours is." While I was speaking, the flambeaux at the Ras's tent
were all suddenly lighted, which was likewise done by Kefla Yasous,
all the general officers, and lastly from the king's tent. This is a
kind of torch, or flambeau, used by the janizary Aga, at Cairo and
Constantinople, when he patroles the streets; in the night-time it is
lighted, but the fire does not appear till you whirl it three or four
times round your head, and then it bursts out into a bright flame.
Michael had sixteen always on the guard, ever since the attempt upon
his life by the Guragué. In a moment all the camp was lighted, and
the people awakened, whilst, as nobody knew the reason, the tumult
increased. Francisco, with great exultation, upon seeing the Ras's
torches lighted, cried, "See who is drunk now; where are your jokes?
this will be a fine night, and nobody is armed." "Sir, said I, you saw
Laeca Mariam and his guard armed; so is every other guard in the camp
as much as ever; and you may thank God you have my servant's lance and
shield, so you are armed. I may drink coffee, though I very much fear
there may be some embroil on foot, of which you may be yourself part
of the occasion. Go, however, to the Ras's tent, and ask if he has any
orders for me."
In short, we soon after found that the cause of all this disturbance
was, that some part of Tesfos's men had come to the back of the camp
and attempted to recover the mules which had been taken from them;
and they had succeeded in part, when they were discovered, pursued,
and some of the mules retaken. At the sight of armed men running up
and down the hill, an alarm spread that nobody knew the occasion of,
till the Ras caused the mule-keeper to be bastinado'd in the morning.
That day, the 26th, we received advice, that the Edjow Galla, and some
other horse of the same district, had massacred all the people they
met on their way to and from Gondar, and that a body of troops had
marched into the town, which threatened to set it on fire if any more
provisions were sent to the camp.
We were now without food or water; a great council was therefore held,
in which it was agreed to decamp the 28th in the night, and return
to Gondar on the 29th, in the morning. A present of fresh provisions
had been sent to Ras Michael, and, in one of the baskets, a number
of torches. A message was also delivered from Gusho, "That as he was
informed the Ras intended travelling in the night, that therefore
he had sent him store of torches, lest he should mistake his way to
Gondar by having burnt all he had by him in the last night's alarm
about Fasil." He declared, moreover, in name of all the Confederates,
that it was their resolution not to molest him in his march; that the
whole kingdom was in alliance with them to save the effusion of blood,
now absolutely unnecessary, and to meet and treat with him at Gondar.
Upon receipt of this message, with the torches, the Ras flew into a
most furious passion. He called for Kefla Yasous and Guebra Mascal,
and sharply upbraided them with having betrayed him to his enemies. He
gave orders to the troops to refresh themselves, for he was that day
resolved to try the fortune of another battle. To this, however, it
was replied by all the principal officers, That the army was starving,
therefore a refreshment at this time was out of the question, and that
fighting was as much so; for Gusho, having sent to the Abuna and to
the King, had solemnly excommunicated his whole army if any harm was
offered to them in person or baggage, if they marched directly back to
Gondar that night, as they had of their own accord before intended;
and that the army was resolved, therefore, as one man, to return;
and, if the Ras did not agree to it, there was great fear they would
disband in the night, and leave him in the hands of the enemy, without
terms. The Ras was now obliged to make a virtue of necessity; and it
was given in orders, that the army should be ready to decamp at eight
in the evening, but nobody should strike their tent before that hour
on pain of death. The old general was ashamed to be seen for the first
time flying before his enemies.
It was plain to be read in everybody's countenance, that this
resolution was agreeable to them all. I confess, however, that I
thought the measure a very dangerous one, considering how much blood
the king's army had so lately spilt, and the ordinary prejudices
universally adopted in that country, allowing to every individual the
right of retaliation. Before I struck my tent, I called Yasine to me,
and told him that Ayto Confu, being wounded and a prisoner, myself
necessarily obliged to attend the king, and the event of that night's
retreat unknown to any body, I thought he could do neither himself
nor me any further service by staying where he was; that therefore,
so long as the road to Azazo was open to him, he should march thro'
Dembea, as if going to Fasil, then turn on the right behind the
hills of Koscam, and make the best of his way to Ras el Feel, in
which government he should maintain the strictest discipline, and be
particularly careful of the intrigues of Abd el Jeleel, the former
governor, whose application I should defeat if I had any interest,
or if the king remained, both which I thought very improbable. I
annexed, moreover, this condition, that on his part he should be
active and unwearied in procuring information concerning the properest
way of my attempting to reach Sennaar; I enjoined him also to be very
circumstantial in all the advices which he sent to me at Gondar;
that they should be written in Arabic, and sent directly to me by my
black servant Soliman, who was with him, and told him that I myself
should join him as soon as possible. Yasine, with tears in his eyes,
protested against leaving me in the dangerous situation of that night;
he said we should be all cut to pieces as soon as we were in the
plain, and that there was not a man of the troops under him who would
not rather die with me, than abandon me to be murdered by the hands
of these faithless Christian dogs, who never were to be bound by oath
or promise. He said, it would be incomparably safer, as they were all
under my command, that I should put myself at their head, and continue
my march to Ras el Feel, where, if I was once arrived, Ayto Confu's
troops, being behind me at Tcherkin, (that is, between me and Gondar),
I might, at my own leisure, solicit a safe conduct to Sennaar.
I confess this proposal at first struck me as extremely feasible;
but reflecting on my solemn promise to the king, not to leave him
without his direct permission, that Gusho had assured me of safety
if I kept close to his person, that it would be a breach of trust to
leave my Greek servant unprovided at Gondar, and that forsaking my
instruments would have the effect of making my return through the
desert imperfect,--I rejected this proposal, and dismissed Yasine,
with orders to adhere inviolably to the instructions I had given him.
As for the king himself, his countenance was not changed, nor did he
say to me one word that day in confidence, whether he did or did not
intend to return to Gondar.
As no body knew what conditions were made, or whether any were really
made at all, fear kept the common soldiers under obedience till it was
night. The first who began to file off, it being near dark, were the
women, who carried the mills, jars, and the heavy burdens; these were
in great numbers. Soon after, the soldiers were in motion, and the Ras
and the King's tents were struck just as it was night; darkness freed
the whole army from obedience to orders, and a confusion, never to be
forgot or described, presently followed, every body making the best of
their way to get safe down the hill. At first setting out I kept close
by the king; but, without treading upon, or riding over a number of
people, I could not keep my place. I was now, for the first time, on
one of the strong black horses that came last from Sennaar, given me
by the king, and he was so impatient and fretful at being pressed on
by the crowd of men and beasts, that there was no keeping him within
any sort of bounds. The descent of the hill had become very slippery,
and men, horses, and mules were rolling promiscuously over one another.
I resolved to try for myself some other way that might be less
thronged. I went to the place where Woodage Asahel descended when he
was shot by Sebastos; but the ground there was more uneven, and fully
as much crowded. I then crossed the road to the eastward, where the
Ras's tent stood, and where Kefla Yasous's two nephews had gone round
to dislodge Ayto Tesfos: there was a considerable number of people
even here, but it was not a croud, and they were mostly women. I
determined to attempt it, and got into a small slanting road, which I
hoped would conduct me to the bed of the torrent; but I found, upon
going half way down the hill, that, in place of a road, it had been
a hollow made by a torrent, which ended on a precipice, and below,
and on each side of this, the hill was exceedingly steep, the small
distance I could see.
In Abyssinia, the camp-ovens for making their bread are in form of
two tea-saucers joined bottom to bottom, and are something less than
three feet in diameter, being made of a light, beautiful potter's
ware, which, although red when first made, turns to a glossy black
colour after being greased with butter. This being placed upright, a
fire of charcoal is put under the bottom-part; the bread, made like
pancakes, is pasted all within the side of the upper cavity, or
bowl, over which is laid a cover of the same form or shape. It is
in form of a broad wheel, and a woman carries one of these upon her
back for baking bread in the camp. It happened that, just as I was
deliberating whether to proceed or return, a woman had rolled one of
these down the hill on purpose, or let it fall by chance: whichever
was the case, it came bounding, and just past behind my horse. Whether
it touched him or not I cannot tell; but it determined him, without
further deliberation, to spurn all controul of his rider. On the first
leap that he made it was with the utmost difficulty I avoided going
over his head: I will not pretend to say what followed. I was deprived
of all sense or reflection, till stumbling often, and sliding down
upon his haunches oftener, I found myself at the bottom of the hill,
perfectly stupified with fear, but safe and sound in body, though my
saddle was lying upon the horse's neck.
Soon after, I saw a fire lighted on the top of the hill above where
Ras Michael's tent stood, and I did not doubt but that it was the
work of some traitor, as a signal to the rebels that we were now in
the plain in the greatest confusion. I made all haste therefore to go
round and join the king, passed Deg-Ohha incumbered with carcases of
men and beasts, from which, as well as from the bottom of the hill,
a terrible stench arose, which must soon have forced us out of the
camp if we had not resolved, of our own accord, to remove. A little
further in the opening to the river Mariam, I found myself in the
middle of about twenty persons, three or four of whom were upon mules,
in long clean white clothes, as if in peace, the rest apparently
soldiers; this was Engedan's brother, Aylo, whom I was passing without
recollecting him, when he cried, Where do you come from, Yagoube? this
is not a night for white men like you to be alone; come with me, and
I will carry you to your friend Engedan. My horse, replied I, found
a new way for itself down the hill, and I confess I would rather be
alone than with so much company: our colour by this light seems to be
pretty much the same. Remember me to Engedan. I am seeking to join the
king.
Immediately after, I got into the crowd: though they were now in the
plain, they still kept in a line close to the foot of the mountain,
as in fear of the enemy's horse. I passed on at as brisk a walk as
my horse could go; nor was I so tender of those who were before me
in the plain as I had been on the side of the hill. Among those that
were still in the crowd, that had not got yet down the hill, I heard
the Abuna's servant saying they had lost their mules, and denouncing
excommunication and curses against those who had stolen his baggage.
I could not refrain from a fit of laughter at the stupidity of that
priest, to think any man of such a nation would pay attention to
his anathemas in such a scene. Soon after, however, I overtook the
Abuna himself, with Ozoro Altash. He asked me in Arabic, and in a
very mournful tone of voice, what I thought they were going to do? I
answered, in the same language, "Pray for them, father, for they know
not what to do." Ozoro Altash now told me the king was a great way
before them, with Ras Michael, and advised me to stay and accompany
her. As she spoke this confidently, and it was part of the advice
Gusho had given me if I missed the king, I was deliberating what
course I should pursue, when a great noise of horse and men was heard
on the side of the plain, and presently the Abuna and Ozoro Altash
were surrounded by a large body of horsemen, whose cries and language
I did not understand, and whom therefore I took for Galla. As I found
my horse strong and willing, and being alone, and unincumbered with
baggage, I thought it was better to keep free, and not trust to who
these strangers might be. I therefore got out of the line of the
troops towards the plain, spurred my horse, and arrived at the body of
cavalry where the king was.
As I had a white turban upon my head, (having shaved the fore part of
it after the blow I had received from the stone) I was employed taking
this off before I presented myself to the king, when somebody said out
loud, Ozoro Esther is taken prisoner. Ras Michael answered, That is
impossible; Ozoro Esther is here. It is Ozoro Altash and the Abuna,
said I, from behind; I came just now from them. By whom are they
taken? says the king. By the Galla, I believe, answered I; at least by
men whose language I did not understand, though indeed I took no time
to consider, but they are close in our rear, and I suppose they will
be here presently. Here! says the Ras, what will they do here? It must
be Powussen, and the troops of Lasta, to recover his mother-in-law,
that she may not go to Gondar; and it is the Tcheratz Agow language
that Yagoube has taken for Galla. It is so, says another horseman;
the people of Lasta have carried her off, but without hurting any
body. This I thought a good sign, and that they were under orders,
for a bloodier or more cruel race was not in the army, the Galla not
excepted; and they had met with their desserts, and had suffered
considerably in the course of this short campaign.
The whole road was now as smooth as a carpet; and we had scarce done
speaking when Ras Michael's mule fell flat on the ground, and threw
him upon his face in a small puddle of water. He was quickly lifted
up unhurt, and set upon his mule again. We passed the Mogetch, and
at about 200 yards from the bridge, upon ground equally plain as
the former, the mule fell again, and threw the Ras another time in
the dirt, on which a general murmur and groan was heard from all his
attendants, for every body interpreted this as an omen that his power
and fortune were gone from him for ever. Another mule was speedily
brought, but he refused to mount it, and we passed on by the Mahometan
town, and up to Confu's house, by Aylo Meidan. I could not, however,
help reflecting how justly the Ras was now punished for the murder of
the singers in that very spot, when he returned from Mariam-Ohha and
entered Gondar. The king went directly to the palace, the Ras to his
own house, and, by the secretary's advice, I went with him to that
of the Abuna, where I left my Greek servants with my gold chain, and
some trifles I wanted to preserve, together with my instruments. I
then dressed myself in the habit of peace, and returned to the palace,
where, remembering the advice of Gusho, I resolved to expect my fate
with the king. Upon seeing me with the fore part of my head shaven,
and remembering the cause, as his first mark of favour he ordered
me to cover my head, a thing otherwise not permitted in the king's
presence to any of his household.
The king's servants brought me a bull's hide for my bed; and although
many a night I have wanted rest upon less dangerous occasions, I
scarcely ever slept more soundly, till I heard the cracking of the
whips of the Serach Massery, about five o'clock in the morning of the
29th. He performs this function much louder than a French postilion
upon finishing a post, it being the signal for the king to rise. There
was, indeed, no occasion for this custom, now there was no court, nor
judgment of causes civil or criminal. The palace was quite deserted;
even the king's slaves, of both sexes, (fearing to be carried off to
Begemder and Amhara) had hid themselves among the monks, and in the
houses of private friends, so that the king was left with very few
attendants.
CHAP. X.
_Rebel Army invests Gondar--King's Troops deliver up their
Arms--The Murderers of Joas assassinated--Gusho made Ras--Ras
Michael carried away Prisoner by Powussen--Iteghé's return
to Koscam--Fasil arrives at Gondar--King acknowledged by all
Parties--Bad Conduct of Gusho--Obliged to fly, but is taken and
put in Irons._
About eight o'clock in the morning of the 29th of May, the day
immediately following the night of our retreat, came Gusho's
Fit-Auraris, and marked out the camp for his master between the
Mahometan town and the church of Ledeta, on the very spot where
Michael had encamped after his late return from Tigrè; Coque Abou
Barea from Ledeta to Koscam; Aylo and Ayabdar on the other side of the
Kahha, in a line passing by Kedus Raphael, the Abuna's house at the
foot of the mountain, above Debra Berhan; Ayto Tesfos in the valley
below, by the side of the Angrab; on the road from Woggora to Gondar,
and all along the Angrab, till it joined the Kahha, and Kasmati
Gusho's camp, were Powussen and the rest of the confederate army; so
that by nine o'clock the town was completely invested, as if a wall
had been built round it. The water being all in possession of the
enemy, centinels were by them placed along the banks of each river,
with orders to suffer every townsman to fill single jars, such as one
man or woman could carry, and to break any supernumerary jars, that
might be brought by way of securing a larger provision[15]. All the
people of consequence who had property in and about Gondar, who had
fled to Fasil and to the provinces, from fear of Ras Michael when he
returned from Tigrè, had gone back upon Gusho's word, each man to his
house; Gondar was full of men in arms. In Gusho's and Ayabdar's army,
and depending on them, was the property of all Gondar. Ras Woodage,
Gusho's father, and brother to Ayabdar, had been Ras in Yasous' time,
till he died, universally beloved and regretted; Ayto Engedan and
Aylo, sons of Kasmati Eshté, (by a sister of king Yasous) had the
property of near one half of the town. Though Engedan was prisoner,
and Aylo had married Ras Michael's daughter, they were, by interest
and inclination, united to Gusho, and had served Michael only through
fear, from attachment to the king, so that Gusho and Ayabdar were the
only citizens in whom the inhabitants of Gondar confided. Powussen,
and the rest, were looked upon as free-booters in their inclinations,
at least by the townsmen; very little better than Michael, or his
troops of Tigrè.
From the moment the town was invested, and indeed in the field, before
Gusho had taken the lead, and though neither Ayabdar nor Powussen
were his friends, all Gondar was at his command; and in it an army
infinitely superior in number and riches, now they had got such a
chieftain, to all the Confederates put together, and Michael's army
added to them. Gusho, a man of great understanding, born and bred in
Gondar, knew this perfectly well, and that he alone was looked up to
as the father of his country. He knew, moreover, that he could not
ruin Michael so effectually as to lodge him safely in Gondar, amidst
a multitude of enemies, and blockade him there before he had time for
resources. He therefore detached Ayto Tesfos, the very day he arrived
before the town, after Darien, Basha of Belessin, whom Ras Michael had
sent before him into Woggora to effect a passage through that province
into Tigrè by fair means, promises, and presents. Tesfos came up with
Darien before he had time to enter upon his commission, and, having
beaten and taken him prisoner, raised all Woggora in arms against
Michael, so that not a man could longer pass between Tigrè and Gondar.
No person from the rebel army had yet entered Gondar. The king's
secretary, Azage Kyrillos, a relation of Gusho, had gone to his camp
the day of his arrival. The same day the kettle-drums were brought to
the brink of Kahha, and a proclamation made. That all soldiers of the
province of Tigrè, or who had bore arms under Ras Michael, should, on
the morrow before mid-day, bring their arms, offensive and defensive,
and deliver them on a spot fixed upon near the church of Ledeta, to
commissaries appointed for the purpose of receiving them; with further
intimation to the inhabitants of Gondar, That any arms found in any
house in that town, after noon of the day of proclamation, should
subject the owner of such house and arms to death, and the house, or
houses, to be razed to their foundation.
The first of the Tigrè troops who set this example was Guebra Mascal;
he carried down to the place appointed, and surrendered, about 6000
musquets, belonging to the Ras and his family; all the rest of the
principal officers followed, for the inhabitants of Gondar were
willing inquisitors, so that the whole arms were delivered before the
hour appointed, and locked up in the church of Ledeta, under a strong
guard both without and within the church. The Tigrè soldiers, after
surrendering their arms, were not suffered to depart, but a space was
assigned between Gusho's tent and the town, where they were disposed
that night, and centinels placed upon them, that they might not
disperse. This indeed was needless; for they were every day surrounded
with troops and enemies, so that all their wealth remained with their
landlords in Gondar, which home they were not suffered again to enter,
a measure which greatly added to Gusho's popularity in the town. A
great number of flour sacks were brought down to Gusho's camp, and
many mules, loaded therewith, were delivered to the disarmed army,
sufficient to carry them by speedy marches to their own country, for
which they had orders to set out the next morning.
Kefla Yasous alone, with about 400 men, had shut himself up in the
church of Debra Berhan, where there was water, and he had carried
in sufficient provisions for several days. He refused therefore
to surrender upon the general summons; on which Powussen, who was
encamped immediately below him, sent an officer to require him to
submit, which he not only peremptorily refused, but told the officer,
that, unless he instantly retired, he would give orders to fire upon
him, as he had a treaty with Gusho, and, till that was ratified by
Gusho himself, he would not surrender, nor suffer any other person to
approach his post; at any rate, that he did not intend to surrender
to a man of Powussen's low birth, however high his present post had
raised him, which he no longer acknowledged, being the mere gift
of Michael, one complaint against whom was that of levelling and
confounding the nobility with their inferiors.
Gusho accordingly sent an officer, a man of great character, and a
relation of the king, with a confirmation of his promise; whereupon
Kefla Yasous surrendered, and sent down his soldiers, with what arms
he pleased, to Gusho's camp, carrying the rest privately to his own
house, to which he retired that very evening. Kefla Yasous was much
beloved by the inhabitants of Gondar, though a Tigran, and perhaps in
neither party was there a man so universally esteemed. He had done the
townsmen often great service, having always stood between Michael and
them in those moments of wrath and vengeance when no one else dared
to speak; and, in particular, he had saved the town from burning that
morning the Ras had retired with the king to Tigrè, when warned, as
he said, by an apparition of Michael the archangel, or more probably
of the devil, to put the inhabitants of Gondar to the sword, and set
the city on fire; a measure that was supported by Nebrit Tecla, and
several other leading men among the Tigrans. If the devil can speak
true, here surely was one example of it, Gondar that very day had
proved fatal to the Ras; and Kefla Yasous himself told me, long after
Michael was gone, and all was peace, that having visited him that very
evening he left Debra Berhan, Michael had privately upbraided him with
having prevented his burning the town, and told him, that his guardian
spirit, Saint Michael the archangel, or the devil, or whatever we may
please to call it, had left him, and never appeared to him again since
he had passed the river Tacazzé on his return to Gondar; and to this
he attributed his present misfortunes.
All the king's arms were surrendered with the rest, and Kefla Yasous
was the only man that remained unsubdued, a distinction due to his
superlative merit, and preserved to him by his enemies themselves in
the very heat of conquest.
As for the Ras, he had continued in the house belonging to his office,
visited only by some private friends, but had sent Ozoro Esther to the
Iteghé's at Koscam, as soon as he entered Gondar. He ate, drank, and
slept as usual, and reasoned upon the event that had happened with
great equanimity and seeming indifference. There was no appearance of
guards set upon him; but every motion and look were privately, but
strictly watched. The next day, when he heard how ill his disarmed men
were treated by the populace, when they were dismissed to Tigrè, he
burst into tears, and cried out in great agony, Had I died before this
I had been happy. He played no more at drafts, by which game formerly
he pretended to divine the issue of every affair of consequence, but
gave his draft-board and men to a private friend; at the same time
renouncing his pretended divinations, as deceitful and sinful, by the
confidence he had placed in them.
The king behaved with the greatest firmness and composure; he was
indeed graver than usual, and talked less, but was not at all
dejected. Scarce any body came near him the first day, or even the
second, excepting the priests, some of the judges, and old inhabitants
of the town, who had taken no part. Some of the priests and monks,
as is their custom, used certain liberties, and mixed a considerable
degree of impertinence in their conversations, hinting it as doubtful,
whether he would remain on the throne, and mentioning it, as on the
part of the people, that he had imbibed from Michael a propensity
towards cruelty and bloodshed, what some months ago no man in Gondar
dared to have surmised for his life. These he only answered with
a very severe look, but said nothing. One of these speeches being
reported to Gusho, not as a complaint from the king, but through a
by-stander who heard it, that nobleman ordered the offender (a priest
of Erba Tensa, a church in Woggora) to be stript naked to his waist,
and whipt with thongs three times round Aylo Meidan, till his back
was bloody, for this violation of the majesty of the sovereign: and
this example, which met with the public approbation of all parties,
the clergy only excepted, very much lessened that insolence which the
king's misfortunes had excited.
He had ate nothing the first day but a small piece of wheat-loaf,
dividing the rest among the few servants that attended him, who had
all fared better than he, among their friends in town, though they
did not own it. The second day began in the same stile, and lasted
till noon, without any appearance of provisions. After the surrendry
of the arms, however, came great plenty, both from the town and the
camp, and so continued ever after; but he ate very sparingly, though
he had generally a very good appetite; and ordered the residue to be
given to his servants, or the poor about the gates of the palace, many
of whom, he said, must starve by the long stay of so large an army.
He seemed to be totally forgotten. About three o'clock of the second
day came his secretary from Gusho, staid about an hour, and returned
immediately; but what had passed I did not hear, at least at that
time. There was no alteration in his looks or behaviour. He went early
to bed, and had not yet changed the cloaths in which he came from the
camp.
The next day the unfortunate troops of Tigrè, loaded with curses and
opprobrious language, pelted with stones and dirt, and a few way-laid
and slain for private injuries, were conducted up the hill above Debra
Berhan, on the road through Woggora to Tigrè, by a guard of horse
from Gusho's camp, who protected them with great humanity as far as
they were able; but it was out of the power of any force but that of
an army to protect them from the enraged populace, over whom they had
tyrannised so many years. Arrived at the river Angrab, in the rear of
Powussen's army, they were consigned to him, and he delivered them to
Ayto Tesfos, who was to escort them across the Tacazzé. Many of the
mob, however, continued to pursue them even farther; but these were
all to a man disarmed, and stript naked, on their return to Gondar, by
Tesfos and Powussen's soldiers, who justly judged, that in the like
situation they would themselves have met with no better treatment.
While every rank of people was intent upon this spectacle, a body
of Galla, belonging to Maitsha, stole privately into the town, and
plundered several houses: they came next into the king's palace, and
into the presence-chamber, where he was sitting alone in an alcove,
whilst, just by his side, but out of sight, and without the alcove,
I and two of his servants were sitting on the floor. This room, in
the time of Yasous and the Iteghé, (the days of luxury and splendour
of the Abyssinian court), had been magnificently hung with mirrors,
brought at great expence from Venice, by way of Arabia and the Red
Sea; these were very neatly fixed in copper-gilt frames by some Greek
filligrane-workers from Cairo; but the mirrors were now mostly broken
by various accidents, especially when the palace was set on fire, in
Joas's time, upon Michael's coming from the campaign of Begemder.
These savages, though they certainly saw the king at the other end of
the room, attached themselves to the glass nearest the door, which
was a large oblong one, and after they had made many grimaces, and a
variety of antics before it, one of them struck it just in the middle
with the butt-end of his lance, and broke it to shivers, which fell
tinkling on the floor. Some of these pieces they took up, but in the
end they were mostly reduced to powder with the repeated strokes of
their lances. There were three glasses in the alcove where the king
sat, as also one in the wings on each side without the alcove; under
the king's right hand we three were sitting, and the Galla were
engaged with a mirror near the door, at the other end of the room, on
the left side, so that there was but one glass more to break before
they arrived at those in the alcove where the king was sitting.
I was in great fear of the consequences, as they were about thirteen
or fourteen in number; nor did we know how many more of their
companions might be below, or in the town, or of what party they were,
nor whether resistance on our part was lawful. We three had no arms
but a short knife at our girdle, nor had the king any, so that we were
in the greatest fear that, if their humour of breaking the glasses
had continued when they came near the king, he would strike one of
them, and we should be all massacred: We all three therefore got up
and stood before the king, who made a gentle motion with his hand,
as if to say, "Stay a little, or, have patience." At this instant,
Tensa Christos, (a man of considerable authority in Gondar, who was
understood by Gusho to be trusted with the care of the town, though he
had no name or post, for there was yet no form of government settled,)
hearing the Galla had plundered houses, and gone into the palace,
followed them as fast as possible, with about a hundred stout young
men belonging to Gondar, well-armed. The Galla soon saw there was a
more serious occupation awaiting them, and ran out to the great hall
of the king's chamber, called Aderasha, when one of these soldiers
of Gondar shut the door of the room where the king sat. The Galla
at first made a shew of resistance; but two of them being very much
wounded, and seeing themselves in a house where they did not know
their way, and all assistance from their comrades impossible, they
surrendered their arms; they then were tied two and two, and sent in
this manner down to Gusho's camp, who immediately ordered two of them
to be hanged, and the rest to be whipt and dismissed.
Tensa Christos, after having done this good service, came into the
room to the king, and kissed the ground in the usual manner before
him. The king immediately ordered him to rise, gave him his hands to
kiss, and then permitted him to withdraw, without having said one word
in his commendation for having delivered him from so great a danger.
That same day, a little after noon, a party of soldiers was sent into
the town, who apprehended Shalaka Becro and his son; Nebrit Tecla, and
his two sons; two sons of Lika Netcho a priest, and another man, whose
name I have forgot, in all eight persons, natives of the province
of Tigrè, dependants and servants of Ras Michael, and murderers of
the late king Joas. These being brought to the market-place, were
delivered into the hands of the Edjow Galla, formerly Joas's guard.
Becro and his son were hewn to pieces with knives; Nebrit Tecla's
sons, the eldest first, and then the youngest, were thrust through
with lances; and their father being then brought to them where they
lay, and desired to say if he knew who they were, and answering in
the negative, he was immediately cut to pieces, as were the others,
with great circumstances of cruelty, and their mangled bodies thrown
about the streets. These were all the executions which followed this
great and sudden revolution; a proof of very exemplary moderation in
the conquerors, considering the number of people concerned in the
parricide first, and the consequential rebellion after. Lika Netcho,
in particular, fully as guilty as his sons, was nevertheless spared,
because he had married one of the king's relations.
As yet none of the chiefs of the rebels had entered Gondar. Messages
had passed, but not frequently, between the king and Gusho; fewer
still between him and Powussen; as for the rest, they seemed to take
no lead at all.
On the 1st of June, Gusho and Powussen came both to the house of the
Ras, where they interrogated him very roughly as to all his past
conduct. Till the execution of Joas's murderers, he had constantly
dressed himself in his very best apparel, with all the insignia of
command. As soon as this was told him, he cloathed himself plainly,
and constantly in white, with a cowl of the same colour on his head,
like the monks, a sign he had retired from the world. It seemed as
if this was done through a fondness for life, for by that act he
devoted the remainder of his days to obscurity and penitence. Nothing
remarkable happened at this interview, at least as far as was known.
From thence Gusho and Powussen went to the king's palace, where they
did homage, and took the oaths of allegiance.
It was there resolved that Gusho should be Ras, and the other places
were all disposed of. From this time forward the king began to have a
shew of government, no party having testified any sort of discontent
with him; on the contrary, each of the rebel chiefs now waited upon
him separately, and had long conferences with him; but, what bade
fairest to re-establish his authority entirely was, the dissentions
that evidently reigned among the leaders of the rebels themselves,
whom we, however, shall no longer consider as such, not because their
treason had prospered, but because they were now returned to their
duty. It was strongly suspected that a treaty was on foot between
Gusho and Michael, by which the latter, in consideration of a large
sum, was to put the former again in possession of the province of
Tigrè; others again said, that Kefla Yasous, at Ras Michael's desire,
was to be made governor of Tigrè, and to have a large sum of gold,
which Michael was supposed to have concealed there, and which he was
to remit to Gusho, whilst he and Michael were to understand each other
about the government of the province.
Be that as it may, Powussen, on the 4th of June, without any previous
notice given to Gusho, marched into Gondar with a thousand horse,
and, without further ceremony, ordered Ras Michael to be placed upon
a mule, and, joining the rest of his army, who had all struck their
tents, marched away so suddenly to Begemder, that Ozoro Esther, then
residing at the queen her mother's house at Koscam, had scarcely time
to send her old husband a fresh mule, and some supply of necessary
provisions. All the rest of the troops decamped immediately after, the
rains beginning now to be pretty constant, and the soldiers desirous
to be at home. Some of the great men, indeed, remained at Gondar, such
as Ayabdar, Engedan, and others, who had views of preferment. Gusho
took possession of the Ras's house and office; the king's officers
and servants returned to the palace; the places of those that had
fallen in battle were filled, and the whole town began to resume an
appearance of peace, which every one who considered feared would be of
a very short duration.
A few days after the army of Begemder had left Gondar, Powussen sent
the usurper Socinios, loaded with irons, from Agar Salam, a small town
in Begemder, where he had been kept prisoner. He was brought before
the king in the same equipage he arrived, and being interrogated who
he was, answered with great boldness, that he was Socinios, son to
king Yasous, son of Bacussa; that he had not sought to be made king,
but was forced by the Iteghé and Sanuda; this every one knew to be
true. Soon after his mother was examined; but denying now what she
had formerly sworn, that she ever had any intimate connection with
the late king Yasous, Socinios was sentenced to death; but being in
his manners, figure, and conversation perfectly despicable, the king
directed he should serve as a slave in his kitchen, whence he was
taken, some time afterwards, and hanged for theft.
On the 21st of June, the Iteghé arrived from Gojam, and all the people
of Gondar flocked to see her without the town. Gusho had met her at
Tedda; and, at the same time that he welcomed her, told her, as from
the king, that it was his orders that neither Palambaras Mammo, nor
Likaba Beecho, were to enter the town with her. This she considered
as a very high affront, and the work of Gusho, not the king's orders.
She upbraided Gusho with avarice, pride, and malice, declared him a
greater tyrant than Michael, without his capacity, forbidding him
to appear any more before her, and with great difficulty could be
prevailed to go on to Koscam instead of returning to Gojam. It is
impossible to conceive the enthusiasm with which the sight of the old
queen inspired all sorts of people. Gusho had no troops, the king
as few, being left even without a servant in his palace. Then was
the season for mischief, had not Fasil been hovering with his army,
without declaring his approbation or disapprobation of any thing that
had been done, or was doing.
About the end of June he came at once to Abba Samuel, without
announcing himself before hand, according to his usual custom, and
he paid his first visit to the Iteghé, then a short one to the king,
where I saw him: he was very facetious with me, and pretended I had
promised him my horse when I returned from Maitsha, which I excused,
by observing the horse was out of town. Well, well, says he, that
shall not save you; tell me where he is and I will send for him, and
give you the best mule in the army in exchange, and take my chance of
recovering him wherever he is. With all my heart, replied I; you will
find him perhaps in the valley of Serbraxos, at the foot of the hill,
opposite to the south ford of the river Mariam. He laughed heartily
at this, shook me by the hand at parting, saying, Well, well, for all
this you shall not want your mule.
The king was exceedingly pleased at what had passed, and said, "I wish
you would tell me, Yagoube, how you reconcile all these people to you.
It is a secret which will be of much more importance to me than to
you. There is Gusho now, for example, so proud of his present fortune,
that he scarcely will say a civil word to me; and Fasil has brought
me a list of his own servants, whom he wants to make mine without
asking my leave, (Adera Tacca Georgis, whom he named to be Fit-Auraris
to the king, as he had done formerly when he wanted to quarrel with
Socinios, Gubena to be Cantiba, and some others), yet he never sees
you come into the room but he begins immediately joking and pleasant
conversation."
After these appointments, which were not disputed with him, though
otherwise very much against the king's inclination, Fasil retired with
his army to Maitsha.
In the mean time, Gusho set every thing to sale, content with the
money the offices produced, and what he could squeeze from people who
had crimes, real or alledged, to compound for. He did not perceive
that steps were taking by his enemies which would soon deprive him of
all the advantages he enjoyed. Instead of attending to this, he amused
himself with mortifying the Iteghé, whose daughter, Welleta Israel, he
had formerly married, but who had long left him by the persuasion of
her mother. He thought it was an affront to his dignity that the king
had pardoned Likaba Beecho, and Palambaras Mammo, the very day after
he had forbid them to enter the town; and, what was still stronger,
that the king, without his consent, had sent an invitation to the
Iteghé to return to Gondar, and govern, as his mother, to the extent
she did in the time of Joas; he resolved therefore to attempt the
creating a misunderstanding between the king and queen, a matter not
very difficult in itself to bring about.
Gusho had confiscated, in the name of the king, all the queen's
villages, which made her believe that this offer of the king to bring
her to Gondar was an insidious one. In order to make the breach the
wider, he had also prevailed upon the king's mother to come to Gondar,
and insist with her son to be crowned, and take the title and state
of Iteghé. The king was prevailed upon to gratify his mother, under
pretence that the Iteghé had refused to come upon his invitation; but
this, as it was a pretence only, so it was expressly a violation
of the law of the land, which permits but one Iteghé, and never
allows the nomination of a new one while the former is in life,
however distant a relation she may be to the then reigning king. In
consequence of this new coronation, two large villages, Tshemmera and
Tocussa, which belonged to the Iteghé as appendages of her royalty, of
course devolved upon the king's own mother, newly crowned, who sending
her people to take possession, the inhabitants not only refused to
admit her officers, but forcibly drove them away, declaring they would
acknowledge no other mistress but their old one, to whom they were
bound by the laws of the land.
If Gusho, in this manner, dealt hardly with the queen, his behaviour
to the king was neither more just nor generous: he had not only failed
to advance any gold for the king's subsistence, but had intercepted
that part of his revenue which he knew was ready to be paid him, and
in the hands of others of his subjects. A stated daily allowance was,
indeed, delivered to the king in kind for the maintenance of his
household, but even this was smaller than had been settled by Ras
Michael; besides which, 120 jars of honey, being one day sent the king
from Damot, and at the same time 1000 cotton coats from Walkayt, both
these were seized upon by Gusho, without any part being offered to the
king, who thereupon determined to break with him, as did the Iteghé
from the former provocation.
Ayabdar, never reconciled to him before the battle of Serbraxos, had
fresh reason of difference with him from an unequal distribution
of Ras Michael's effects, while Engedan, who had been promised the
province of Kuara, and whom the king very much favoured, solicited
that post in vain, unless he would advance a thousand ounces of
gold, which he positively refused to do. The king fomented all these
complaints by sending a person of consequence to Powussen, who advised
him to arrest Gusho immediately, and promised, if resistance was
made, to be at Gondar in three days. Engedan and Ayabdar were trusted
with the execution of this, but as Gusho was beloved by the people of
Gondar, the secret was not so well kept but that it came to his ears.
On the 16th of July, (the feast of Saint Michael) Gusho pretended
he had made a vow to visit the church of that Saint at Azazo, and
accordingly, early in the morning, he set out for that village,
attended with thirty horse and fifty musqueteers; but no sooner had
he passed the church than his real intention appeared, and he was
pursued by Gubeno, Cantiba of Dembea; Ayto Adigo, Palambaras; and Ayto
Engedan. Gubeno alone, being hearty in the cause, came up with him
first, as they had passed the river Derma, when Gusho, seeing Gubeno's
troops close behind him, turned quickly upon them, repassed the river,
and, having killed two of the foremost with his own hand, and repelled
the rest, he returned across the river, and faced about upon the banks
of it. Upon the other troops coming up, he called to Engedan, putting
him in mind how lately he had been in his hands, and advising them all
to return to Gondar, and tell the king he should again be with him in
fifteen days.
A council was thereupon held, and as it was plain, from the
countenance of the man, that he was resolved to resist to the utmost,
none of the leaders then present thought themselves warranted to risk
the death of a person so noble, and so powerfully related, especially
in an obscure skirmish, such as was then likely to happen, the motives
for which were not publicly known; they accordingly all returned to
Gondar, leaving the Ras to pursue his way, who being now advanced as
far as Degwassa, and thinking himself out of all danger, was suddenly
surrounded by Aclog, governor of a little district there, and even
from him he would have escaped by his own courage and exertion, had
not his horse sunk in miry ground whence he could not recover him.
After receiving these news, the king sent his Fit-Auraris, Adera Tacca
Georgis, and Ayto Engedan, with a number of troops, to bring Gusho to
town, when he returned a miserable figure, with his head shaven: he
was cloathed in black, and was confined that same day (the first of
August) a close prisoner, and in irons, in a high, damp, uninhabited
tower of the king's house, without being pitied by either party.
It was now the season of the year when this country used to overflow
with milk and honey; because, being in all the low part of it covered
with rain, the horsemen and soldiers, who used to obstruct the roads,
were all retired to quarters, and the peasants, bringing provisions to
the market, passed the high grounds in safety; all sorts of people,
profiting by the plenty which this occasioned, indulged themselves
to the greatest excess in every sort of pleasure to which their
respective appetites led them. The rains had fallen, indeed, as usual,
but had not, however, stopped the march of the armies, and if not a
famine, at least a scarcity of provisions in Gondar, had been the
consequence; not a word was heard, indeed, of Ras Michael, whether he
was alive or dead, but his familiar spirits seemed to preside in the
air, and pour down mischief.
CHAP. XI.
_The Author obtains Liberty to return Home--Takes Leave of the
Iteghé at Koscam--Last Interview with the Monks._
Since the queen came again to Koscam, I had passed a great part of my
time there, but my health declining every day, I had obtained, with
great difficulty, liberty from her to attempt my return home. The
king, too, after a hundred exceptions and provisos, had at length been
brought to give an unwilling consent. I had seen also Metical Aga's
servant, who, upon finding Ras Michael was disgraced, would not stay,
but hasted back, and would fain have prevailed upon me to return with
him thro' Tigrè into Arabia. But besides that I was determined to
attempt completing my journey through Sennaar and the desert, I by no
means liked the risk of passing again through Masuah, to experience
a second time the brutal manners of the Naybe and garrison of that
place.
Captain Thomas Price, of the Lion of Bombay, had been obliged, by his
business with the government of Mecca, to continue at Jidda till the
season after I went from thence to Abyssinia. I had already heard once
from him, and now a second time. He informed me my countrymen had been
in the greatest pain for me; that several reports had been current,
both at Jidda and Mocha, of my having been assassinated; sometimes it
was said by the Naybe of Masuah; sometimes that it had happened at
Gondar; by others at Sennaar, in my return home. Captain Price wrote
me in this last letter, that, thinking I must be distressed for want
of money, he had left orders with Ibrahim Seraff, the English broker
at Jidda, to advance me 1000 crowns, desiring my draft to be sent to
Ibrahim, directed to him or his brother at Bombay, and to make it
payable to a gentleman of that name who lived in Smithfield. I cannot
omit mentioning these instances of the philanthropy and generosity
of Mr Price, to whom I bore no relation, and who was but a common
acquaintance, whom I had acquired among my countrymen during my stay
at Jidda. The only title I had to this consideration was, that he
thought I was probably in distress, and that as it was in his power
alone to relieve me, this in itself, to a noble mind, constituted a
sufficient obligation. I do not believe Captain Price was able to read
a word of Latin, so that sentiment in Terence, "Homo sum, nihil humani
mihi alienum esse puto," was as much an original in Mr Price's breast
as if it had never before been uttered.
I told Metical Aga's servant the bad news I had got from Sennaar, and
he agreed perfectly with the contents, adding, that the journey was
not practicable; he declared they were so inhuman and so barbarous
a race, that he would not attempt the journey, Mahometan as he was,
for half the Indies. I begged him to say no more on that head, but to
procure from his master, Metical Aga at Mecca, a letter to any man of
consequence he knew at Sennaar.
My resolution being therefore taken, and leave obtained, this will
be now the place to resume the account of my finances. I have
already gone so far as to mention three hundred pounds which I had
occasionally borrowed from a Greek whose name was Petros. This man
was originally a native of the island of Rhodes, which he must have
left early, for he was not at this time much past thirty; he had been
by trade a shoemaker. For what reason he left his own country I know
not, but he was of a very pleasing figure and address, though very
timid. Joas and the Iteghé very much distinguished him, and the king
had made him Azeleffa el Camisha, which answers precisely to groom of
the stole, or first lord of the bed-chamber in England. Being pliant,
civil, and artful, and always well-dressed, he had gained the good
graces of the whole court; he was also rich, as the king was generous,
and his perquisites not inconsiderable.
After the campaign of Mariam Barea, when the dwarf was shot who was
standing before Ras Michael, and the palace set on fire in the fray
which followed, the crown, which was under Petros's charge, was
melted; the gold, indeed, that it consisted of, was afterwards found,
but there was said to have been on the top of it a pearl, or jewel,
of immense price and size, larger than a pigeon's egg; and this,
whatever it was, had disappeared, being in all probability consumed
by the fire. Ras Michael, on the contrary, believed that it had been
taken out by Petros with a view to sell it, and for this reason he had
constantly refused him liberty to leave Abyssinia, and had kept him
always in fear that some day or other he would strip him of all that
he had saved. While Michael was besieging the mountain Haramat, Petros
beseeched me to take L.300 of him, and give him my first, second, and
third bill of exchange upon Messrs Julian and Rosa, my correspondents
at Cairo, payable a month after sight, to the Maronite Bishop of
Mount Sinai, after which he set out for his own country, _in formâ
pauperis_, and thereby escaped the rapacity of both Ras Michael and
the Naybe of Masuah. As for the bill, it came duly to hand, and was
paid to the bishop, who would very fain have received for each of the
duplicates, and was near being bastinado'd for insisting upon this
before the Bey at Cairo.
A Bill drawn from Gondar is a very great curiosity when arrived
in London; it should be now upon the file in the shop of my very
worthy and honourable friends the Messrs Drummond and Company at
Charing-Cross. It was the only piece of writing of any kind which
found its way to its intended destination, though many had been
written by me on different occasions which presented for Arabia; so
that I will recommend to all travellers, for the future, to tack bills
of exchange to their letters of greatest consequence, as a sure method
of preventing their miscarriage.
I had made a shew, and with some degree of ostentation, of sending
my gold chain to Cairo by the hands of Metical Aga's servant,
declaring always that it was the only piece of Abyssinian gold I
should carry out of the country, which I was to leave, both in fact
and appearance, a _pauper_. Mules are the only beasts for carriage
commonly used in Abyssinia, though bulls and cows, of a particular
kind, are bought for the purpose by carriers, merchants, and such
like, in that country, especially near the mines or quarries of
salt; they are very slow, however, and capable of no great burden,
though very easily maintained. I had abundance of mules of my own for
carrying my instruments and baggage, and the king and Iteghé furnished
me with others for my own riding. I had, besides, two favourite
horses, which I intended to attempt to carry home, foolishly enough;
for though I thought in my own mind that I was sufficiently informed
of, and prepared for all sorts of hardships, I had not foreseen the
hundredth part of the difficulties and dangers that were then awaiting
me.
On the 6th of August messengers came from Fasil, and the day after
from Powussen, Begemder, Gojam, Damot, and Maitsha, which provinces,
by their deputies, desired that Gusho might be set at liberty. This
the king agreed to, but upon condition that the Ras should instantly
pay him 1000 ounces of gold, and 500 musquets, which, on the other
side, was as positively refused. Upon this Gusho was put into close
confinement, and heavier irons than before: and, what was the most
unjust, his two sons, who had left their own country to assist their
father in distress, were confined in chains with him. All these
violent measures were attributed to Ayabdar, Billetana Gueta Tecla,
Guebra Mascal, and Basha Hezekias, officers connected with Ras
Michael, whom the king had permitted to return from Tigrè, and very
much confided in their councils.
On the other hand, Adera Tacca Georgis, (the king's Fit-Auraris) and
Guebra Welleta Yasous, principal people in Maitsha, and whom Fasil had
put about the king, desired leave to retire to their own country, from
which it is probable they will never again return to Gondar, unless as
enemies.
Although the king still obstinately insisted that the Ras should pay
him his thousand ounces of gold, and five hundred musquets, as a price
for his being set at liberty, this was refused by Gusho, in terms that
shewed he was not now, as formerly, afraid of the king's power. On the
other hand, the king proclaimed Kefla Yasous governor of the province
of Tigrè, with the same extent of command as Ras Michael had enjoyed
it; and he was already there, and had taken upon him the government
of that province. At the same time the king superseded Gusho, and
deprived him of his province of Amhara, which was given to his nephew
Ayto Adigo, son of Palambaras Durrie, a man of very great interest and
property in the province; after which he immediately left Gondar, and
took his way thro' Begemder; but at the very entrance into Amhara, he
was defeated by a son of Gusho who was expecting him; his troops were
dispersed, and his brother, Ayto Aderesson, (the man who lost Gusho's
horse at the battle of Tedda) wounded and taken prisoner.
There remained no longer any doubt that, as soon as the rains were
over, the former scenes of bloodshed and confusion were to be acted
over again; for, by appointing Kefla Yasous to the government of
Tigrè, and Ayto Adigo to that of Amhara, and the peaceable passage
given to this young nobleman through Begemder, in order to supplant
his uncle Gusho, by the great confidence shewn by the king in the
old officers and relations of Ras Michael, now at Gondar, and the
dismission of Fasil's friends, (Adera Tacca Georgis and Confu Adam)
the most ample confession possible was made, that the king had again
thrown himself into the arms of the province of Tigrè and Begemder
united, to which Amhara was to be added, by keeping Gusho prisoner,
till such time as his nephew Adigo could gain entire possession.
To counterpoise this, a messenger arrived from Fasil, demanding
privately of the king, that Gusho should be set at liberty, and return
to his province of Amhara; that Lika Netcho, one of the murderers of
Joas, (who had been spared, as being married to a relation of the
king) should be immediately put to death, and that all the officers
belonging to Ras Michael, then at court, should be banished for ever
to Tigrè, their native country. The king returned a positive refusal,
not qualified in any shape whatever.
A disagreement now happened, which, more than all the rest, was
interesting, and disturbed me in particular. Positive information was
brought to the Iteghé, and, I believe, very authentic, that the king,
weary of the many councils held at Koscam by the servants and deputies
of the several parties, in the queen's presence, (to which he was not
called) had determined to give up the palace of Koscam, in which it
was thought there were great riches, to be plundered by his soldiers.
As the death of the queen by her confinement in some distant desert
and unwholesome convent, must have probably been the consequence of
success on one part, so an immediate revolution, and the death of the
king, was certainly to follow the miscarriage on the other, that is,
should he be defeated in, or after making the attempt.
Troops, headed by Engedan, Ayto Confu, and by Mammo, and all the
Iteghé's relations, now crowded into Koscam, into which great plenty
of provisions was also carried. The wall was high and strong, the
gates lately put into good repair, the tower, or castle, within in
perfect good order; the Iteghé had not surrendered her fire-arms, and
all the inhabitants around, especially the poorer sort, were firmly
attached to her, as in times of distress and famine her charity
afforded them a constant refuge.
Since the Iteghé had returned, I always lived at Koscam by her
own desire, as her health was very precarious since her residence
in Gojam. This suited my intention of withdrawing privately, and
therefore, not to multiply the number of leave-takings, I had seen
Gusho but once, and that for a moment, and Ayabdar not at all, so that
my whole attendance was now between the king and queen. The king had
denied publicly his intention of plundering Koscam, but in a manner
not at all satisfactory to the Iteghé; I ventured therefore to mention
it to him one day when he was alone, on which he said, "I would not do
it for your sake, Yagoube, were there no other reason; but my mother
(meaning the Iteghé) is ill-advised, and worse informed."
On the 13th of October, Powussen, with a very considerable army, and
without any previous intimation, arrived at Koscam, his head-quarters
all the last campaign. He continued there till the 22d of the same
month, and then decamped, passing by Gondar, without entering it; he
came to Ras Gusho's house, under the hill of Koscam, where he had
several interviews with the king and Iteghé, to what purport was never
known; but it probably was to endeavour some reconcilement between the
king and queen, and this was effected a few days afterwards (at least
in appearance) by Ayabdar, and some of the great men at Gondar, after
which Powussen returned to Begemder. For my part, I neither desired
nor obtained an interview; I saw that the storm was ready to break,
and I was taking the most speedy and effectual way to be out of the
sphere of its action.
On the 12th of November, all Gondar was struck with a panic at the
news brought in by the peasants from the country, flying for refuge
to the capital, destitute of every thing, and thankful only they
had escaped with life. Fasil had marched with a considerable army
from Ibaba, and advanced to Dingleber in peace, when he left the
main body, under the conduct of Welleta Yasous, and all his baggage,
considering that place as the limits of his government. He marched
from this, without taking for himself two changes of raiment, at the
head of 700 horse, the most wild and desperate banditti that ever were
introduced into any unfortunate country. With these he burnt every
village and every church between Dingleber and Sar-Ohha, murdered
every male, without distinction of priest or layman; killed every
woman past the age of child-bearing, and gave the others as slaves
to the wild Pagan Galla whom he had with him. In short, he just
indulged that body of men in the same enormities that they themselves
exercise in the inroads they make into countries unhappy enough to be
their neighbours in time of war. The whole country of Degwassa, the
district which Aclog commanded, was totally destroyed; men, women,
and children, were entirely extirpated, without distinction of age
or sex; the houses all razed to the ground, and the country about it
left as desolate as after the deluge. The villages belonging to the
king were as severely treated; an universal cry was heard from every
part, but no one dared to suggest any means of help; parties were so
entirely mixed and confounded, that no one could safely enter into any
confidence with his neighbour; but the common people, who had little
to lose, began again to cry out for the return and government of Ras
Michael.
Fasil, having given the king this sample of what he was capable
of doing, halted at Sar-Ohha, and from thence sent a peremptory
demand that Gusho should be at liberty. His messenger was a crooked,
diminutive dwarf, called Dohho, of whom I have already spoken. It
was a very bad sign of a treaty when such a one was the manager. He
upbraided the king in terms scarcely decent, with the protection,
life, and kingdom the Ras Fasil had given him, when the contrary
was absolutely in his power. He asked the king if he knew who had
protected him the night of the retreat from the hill of Serbraxos?
and told him, in plain terms, that, being entirely void of the noble
principles of gratitude himself, he had forced him, Fasil, to be
wanting to the next great virtue, that of hospitality, in suffering a
man of Gusho's quality to be made prisoner after arriving within the
limits of his government. He concluded, by telling the king plainly,
that, unless he restored Gusho to his liberty and government, without
condition, he would, in three days, make Gondar, the metropolis, as
desert and destitute of inhabitants as he had left the paltry district
of Degwassa.
The king received all this with great composure, for he had as much
fortitude, and as little fear as ever fell to the share of any man;
his misfortune, however, was, that he had no resources in which he
could trust; and the Tigrè officers about him, more imprudent, and
fully as fearless as he, gave him the same advices they would have
done had he been at the head of the army. Ras Michael was moreover
gone, and Kefla Yasous was at a distance; these two were the men for
planning and contriving business, and who saved others the trouble
of thinking. The rest, such as Billetana Gueta Tecla, Guebra Mascal,
and Basha Hezekias, were only fit to be trusted with execution, and
to proceed according to the letter of the orders they might receive,
and the consequences of which they could not, nor did they wish to
understand. By being used, however, to constant success in executing
plans maturely digested by wiser heads, they had acquired a degree
of presumption which made them very dangerous counsellors to a young
king, in the present case, where nothing but the greatest prudence,
assisted by the manifest interposition of the hand of Heaven, (many
examples of which he had already proved) could save him from perdition.
I was not present at the audience, being at Koscam, but his secretary,
to whom I am indebted for every thing that passed in private, in this
history, and which otherwise was beyond the reach of my knowledge,
assured me the king answered these threatenings without any change of
countenance or language, and in very few words: "Tell Kasmati Fasil
from me, that what I am obliged to do by the rules of justice, is not
to be measured either by his inclination or power to do wrong. Men
have crucified their Saviour; and many kings in this country (better
men than I am) have been, in various manners, slain by their deluded
subjects. The race of Solomon, however, God has preserved till this
day on the throne, where I am now sitting, while nothing but the
memory of those who oppressed them remains loaded with the curses of
mankind. I am king of this country, and have often been acknowledged
as such by Kasmati Fasil. I will not give up Gusho, but at my own
time, if ever; nor can he insist upon it, consistently with the duty
of a subject to his sovereign." Noble words these, had he been at the
head of an army to enforce them.
This message was quickly conveyed to Fasil, who was advanced to
Azazo, where it met him, and he continued his march without halting
till he came to Abba Samuel, about two miles from Gondar. It was on
the 13th of November that his army made a shew of encamping at Abba
Samuel, for there was not above six tents pitched, and next day, the
14th, by eight in the morning, a drum and trumpet, guarded by about
a hundred horse, came immediately under the town to the banks of the
river Kahha, where the trumpet having sounded three times, and the
kettle-drum beat as often, it was proclaimed, That all manner of
persons, of what degree soever, whether servants of the palace, or
others, should instantly leave Gondar as they regarded their lives;
and if any staid after this warning, their blood should be upon their
own head. The whole town, therefore, in an instant was deserted, and
very few, even of his own servants, remained with the king. I had
already once partaken of a similar scene, and found it of the most
disagreeable kind; Providence spared me, however, this repetition
of it, as I was at Koscam, and determined to be retired there so
perfectly, that I did not stir out of my apartment till night, when
the gates were locked, and the guards placed.
On the 15th, the king released Ras Gusho from his confinement, who
immediately went to the camp to Fasil; and next day, at night, he
returned, and had an audience at the palace with the king, and
again retired to sleep at Abba Samuel. On the 17th, a little before
noon, Fasil came to the palace for an audience, but first took
possession of every avenue leading to it; a strong guard was also
placed in the anti-chamber, and the charge of the door of the king's
presence-chamber was taken from the king's ordinary black servants,
and given to Confu Adam, who mounted guard there with about twenty
wild Galla. What further passed I did not strictly inquire, being
exceedingly distressed, by the bad prospect that presented itself,
and firmly resolved to take no further part. In general, however, I
understood, that all was humiliation; and Fasil having announced to
the king that he had given his daughter to Gusho in marriage, to him
the king gave Gojam, and restored the province of Amhara. Aclog was
condemned to find security for 1200 ounces of gold, which was said to
be the sum Gusho had with him when taken.
The king was to restore to the Iteghé the whole of her villages that
she had ever enjoyed, from the time of Bacuffa, her husband, to that
present moment. To Fasil, were given Damot, Maitsha, and Agow, and to
Confu Adam, Ibaba Azage; and, for the greater solemnity, the king
and Fasil took a formal oath, to ratify all these articles, and to
remain in friendship for ever. After which, the Abuna, in pontificals,
being called to be present, pronounced a formal curse and sentence of
excommunication, upon whichever of the parties should first break the
vow they had taken.
No word was mentioned of Tigrè, or Kefla Yasous, or of Powussen, nor
the smallest notice taken of Ras Ayabdar, who remained in his house
and office, as if he had not existed. It appeared to me the party was
again made by one half of the kingdom against the other; Kefla Yasous
and Powussen against Fasil and Gusho; as for Ayabdar and Ayto Tesfos
of Samen, these were left, contemptuously _in medio_, to take any
side they pleased, which, indeed, was of no consequence. After this
interview, Fasil never again entered the king's house, though he went
often to Koscam; but I neither saw him nor sought to see him, nor did
he ever inquire after me, as far as I could learn.
On the 19th of November Fasil sent orders to the palace, that four
bodies of the king's household-troops, Gimja Bet, Werk Sacala,
Ambaselé, and Edjow, should immediately join him, which they did, to
the number of 1200 men, all armed. These he carried, with Gusho his
son-in-law, in triumph to Damot, nor was this the only instance Fasil
gave of the great regard he had to his late oaths, and to the sacred
character of the person that administered them; for the morning he
marched off, a party of the Galla, meeting the Abuna, and a numerous
retinue mounted on mules, going to the king's house, obliged them all
to dismount at once, without distinction, taking their mules with
them to the camp, from whence they never returned, and leaving the
Abuna on foot, to find his way back to his house, at Kedus Raphael,
from the top of which, as from a castle, he wisely poured out his
excommunications, against an army, composed entirely of Pagans,
without one Christian among them.
It is here a proper period to finish the history of Abyssinia, as I
was no further present at, or informed of the public transactions
which followed. My whole attention was now taken up in preparations
for my return through the kingdom of Sennaar and the desert.
Neither shall I take up the reader's time with a long narrative
of leave-taking, or what passed between me and those illustrious
personages with whom I had lived so long in the most perfect and
cordial friendship. Men of little, and envious minds, would perhaps
think I was composing a panegyric upon myself, from which, therefore,
I most willingly refrain. But the several marks of goodness,
friendship, and esteem, which I received at parting, are confined
within my own breast, where they never shall be effaced, but continue
to furnish me with the most agreeable reflections, since they were
the fruit alone of personal merit, and of honest, steady, and upright
behaviour. All who had attempted the same journey hitherto, had met
with disappointment, disgrace, or death; for my part, although I
underwent every sort of toil, danger, and all manner of hardship,
yet these were not confined to myself. I suffered always honourably,
and in common with the rest of the state; and when sun-shiny days
happened, (for sun-shiny days there were, and very brilliant ones too)
of these I was permitted freely to partake; and the most distinguished
characters, both at court and in the army, were always ready to
contribute as far as possible, to promote what they thought or saw was
the object of my pursuits or entertainment.
I shall only here mention what passed at the last interview I had
with the Iteghé, two days before my departure. Tensa Christos, who
was one of the chief priests of Gondar, was a native of Gojam, and
consequently of the low church, or a follower of Abba Eustathius, in
other words, as great an enemy as possible to the Catholic, or as they
will call it, _the religion of the Franks_. He was, however, reputed
a person of great probity and sanctity of manners, and had been on
all occasions rather civil and friendly to me when we met, though
evidently not desirous of any intimate connections or friendship; and
as I, on my part, expected little advantage from connecting myself
with a man of his principles, I very willingly kept at all possible
distance; that I might run no risk of disobliging him was my only aim.
This priest came often to the Iteghé's and Ayto Aylo's, with both of
whom he was much in favour, and here I now happened to meet him, when
I was taking my leave in the evening. I beg of you, says he, Yagoube,
as a favour, to tell me, now you are immediately going away from this
country, and you can answer me without fear, Are you really a Frank,
or are you not? Sir, said I, I do not know what you mean by fear; I
should as little decline answering you any question you have to ask
had I ten years to stay, as now I am to quit this country to-morrow: I
came recommended, and was well received by the king and Ras Michael:
I neither taught nor preached; no man ever heard me say a word about
my particular mode of worship; and as often as my duty has called me,
I have never failed to attend divine service as it is established in
this country. What is the ground of fear that I should have, while
under the king's protection, and when I conform in every shape to the
laws, religion, and customs of Abyssinia? True, says Tensa Christos,
I do not say you should be alarmed; whatever your faith is I would
defend you myself; the Iteghé knows I always spoke well of you, but
will you gratify an old man's curiosity, in telling me whether or not
you really are a Frank, Catholic, or Jesuit?
I have too great a regard, replied I, to request of a man, so truly
good and virtuous as you, not to have answered you the question at
whatever time you could have asked me; and I do now declare to you,
by the word of a Christian, that my countrymen and I are more distant
in matters of religion, from these you call Catholics, Jesuits, or
Franks, than you and your Abyssinians are; and that a priest of my
religion, preaching in any country subject to those Franks, would as
certainly be brought to the gallows as if he had committed murder, and
just as speedily as you would stone a Catholic priest preaching here
in the midst of Gondar. They do precisely by us as you do by them, so
they have no reason to complain. And, says he, don't you do the same
to them? No, replied I; every man in our country is allowed to serve
God in his own way; and as long as their teachers confine themselves
to what the sacred books have told them, they can teach no ill, and
therefore deserve no punishment. No religion, indeed, teaches a man
evil, but, when forgetting this, they preach against government, curse
the king, absolve his subjects from allegiance, or incite them to
rebellion, as being lawful, the sword of the civil power cuts them
off, without any blame falling upon their religion, because these
things were done in contradiction to what their priests, from the
scripture, should have taught them were truly the tenets of that very
religion.
The Iteghé now interposed: What do you think, Tensa Christos, if
Yagoube is not a priest, should he not be one? Madam, says he, I have
one question more to inquire of him, and that shall be all, nor would
I ask it if he was not going away to-morrow. It is an unfair one, then
said I, but out with it; I cannot suffer in the opinion of good men,
by answering directly a question which you put to me out of curiosity.
It seems then, says he, you are not a frank, but you think your own
religion a better one than theirs; you are not of our religion,
however, for you say we are nearer the Catholics than you; now what
objection have you to our religion, and what is your opinion of it?
As far as I am informed, said I, I think well of it; it is the ancient
Greek church, under St Athanasius, successor to St Mark, in the
chair of Alexandria. This being the case, you cannot have a better,
as you have the religion nearest to that of the apostles, and, as I
have before said, no religion teaches a man evil, much less can your
religion give you such instruction, if you have not corrupted it; and
if you have, it is no longer the religion of St Athanasius, or the
Apostles, therefore liable to error. And now, Tensa Christos, let
me ask you two questions; you are in no fear of answering, neither
are you in danger, though not about to leave the country, Does your
religion permit you to marry one sister, to divorce her, and marry
the other, and then, keeping the aunt, to marry the niece likewise?
Does St Athanasius teach you to marry one, two, or three wives,
and divorce them as often as you please; to marry others, and then
go back to the former again? No, replied he. Then as you do this
daily, answered I, you certainly are not living in this one instance
according to the religion of St Athanasius. Now I ask you, If any
priest, truly a Christian, from our parts, (not a Frank, but agreeing
in every thing else with you), was to preach against this, and some
such like practices, frequently used in Abyssinia, could this priest
live amongst you, or how would you treat him? Stone him to death, says
Ayto Aylo, who was sitting by; stone him to death like a frank, or a
Jesuit; he should not live a week. Yagoube is hard upon me, continued
Tensa Christos, turning to the Iteghé, but I am sorry to say with
truth, I fear they never would abandon the flesh-pots of Egypt, their
ancient inheritance; for the teaching of any priest, however perfect
his religion might be, or pure his life, or however corrupt their
manners. Then Tensa Christos, said I, do not be over sure but that
shedding the blood of those Franks as you call them, may be criminal
in the sight of God. As their religion has so far served them, as to
prevent the practice of some horrid crimes, that are common here,
yours hath not yet had that effect upon you; if you do not want
precept, perhaps you may want example, these Franks are very capable
of shewing you this last, and your own religion instructs you to
imitate them.
All this time there was not the smallest noise in the room, in
which above a hundred people were present; but, as I wished this
conversation to go no further, and was afraid of some question about
the Virgin Mary, I got up, and, passing to the other side of the room,
I stood by Tensa Christos, saying to him, And now, holy father, I have
one, last favour, to ask you, which is your forgiveness, if I have at
any time offended you; your blessing, now that I am immediately to
depart, if I have not; and your prayers while on my long and dangerous
journey, through countries of Infidels and Pagans.
A hum of applause sounded all throughout the room. The Iteghé said
something, but what, I did not hear. Tensa Christos was surprised
apparently at my humility, which he had not expected, and cried out,
with tears in his eyes, Is it possible, Yagoube, that you believe my
prayers can do you any good? I should not be a Christian, as I profess
to be, Father, replied I, if I had any doubt of the effect of good
men's prayers. So saying, I stooped to kiss his hand, when he laid a
small iron cross upon my head, and, to my great surprise, instead of
a benediction, repeated the Lord's prayer. I was afraid he would have
kept me stooping till he should add the ten commandments likewise,
when he concluded, "Gzier y' Baracuc," May God bless you. After
which, I made my obeisance to the Iteghé, and immediately withdrew,
it not being the custom, at public audience, to salute any one in the
presence of the sovereign.
Twenty greasy monks, however, had placed themselves in my way as I
went out, that they might have the credit of giving me the blessing
likewise after Tensa Christos. As I had very little faith in the
prayers of these drones, so I had some reluctance to kiss their greasy
hands and sleeves; however, in running this disagreeable gauntlet, I
gave them my blessing in English,--Lord send you all a halter, as he
did to Abba Salama, (meaning the Acab Saat.) But they, thinking I was
recommending them to the patriarch Abba Salama, pronounced at random,
with great seeming devotion, their Amen;--So be it.
TRAVELS
TO DISCOVER
THE SOURCE OF THE NILE.
BOOK VIII.
THE AUTHOR RETURNS BY SENNAAR THROUGH NUBIA AND THE GREAT
DESERT--ARRIVES AT ALEXANDRIA, AND AFTER AT MARSEILLES.
CHAP. I.
_Journey from Gondar to Tcherkin._
The palace of Koscam is situated upon the south side of Debra Tzai;
the name signifies the Mountain of the Sun. The palace consists of a
square tower of three storeys, with a flat parapet roof, or terrace,
and battlements about it. The court of guard, or head-quarters of
the garrison of Koscam, is kept here; immediately below this is the
principal gate or entrance towards Gondar. It is surrounded by a high
outer-wall, which may have above an English mile of circumference.
This outer precinct is all occupied by soldiers, labourers, and
out-door servants; within this is another large court inclosed
by walls likewise, in this the apartments are but of one storey,
appropriated to the principal officers, priests, and servants. In this
also is the church, built by the present Iteghé herself, and reckoned
the richest in Abyssinia. They have large crosses of gold for their
processions, and kettle-drums of silver. The altar is all covered with
gold plates, all the gift of their magnificent patroness. The priests,
too, were all rich, till Ras Michael seized, and applied part of their
revenue to his own use, and that of the state, and thereby reduced
them to a condition much more agreeable to the vows of poverty, which
from pride they had made, than was their former one.
The third, or inner court, is reserved for the queen's own apartments,
and such of the noble women as are her attendants, are unmarried,
and make up her court. Behind the palace, higher up the hill, are
houses of people of quality, chiefly her own relations. Above these
the mountain rises very regularly, in form of a cone, covered with
herbage to the very top; on the east side is the road from Walkayt; on
the west from Kuara, and Ras el Feel; that is all the low country, or
north of Abyssinia, bordering upon the Shangalla, through which lies
the road to Sennaar.
It was the 26th of December 1771, at one o'clock in the afternoon,
that I left Gondar. I had purposed to set out early in the morning,
but was detained by the importunity of my friends. The king had
delayed my setting out, by several orders sent me in the evening each
day; and I plainly saw there was some meaning in this, and that he
was wishing to throw difficulties in the way, till some accident,
or sudden emergency (never wanting in that country) should make it
absolutely impossible for me to leave Abyssinia. When therefore the
last message came to Koscam on the 27th, at night, I returned my
respectful duty to his majesty, put him in mind of his promise, and,
somewhat peevishly I believe, intreated him to leave me to my fortune;
that my servants were already gone, and I was resolved to set out next
morning.
In the morning early, I was surprised at the arrival of a young
nobleman, lately made one of his bed-chamber, with fifty light
horse. As I was satisfied that leaving Abyssinia, without parade, as
privately as possible, was the only way to pass through Sennaar, and
had therefore insisted upon none of my friends accompanying me, I
begged to decline this escort; assigning for my reason, that, as the
country between this and Ras el Feel belonged first to the Iteghé,
and then to Ayto Confu, none of the inhabitants could possibly injure
me in passing. It took a long time to settle this, and it was now, as
I have said, one o'clock before we set out by the west side of Debra
Tzai, having the mountain on our right hand. From the top of that
ascent, we saw the plain and flat country below, black, and, in its
appearance, one thick wood, which some authors have called lately, the
Shumeta[16], or Nubian forest. But of the meaning of Shumeta I profess
myself entirely ignorant; no such word occurring, as far as I know,
in any language spoken in these countries.
All the disasters which I had been threatened with in the course of
that journey, which I had thus begun, now presented themselves to my
mind, and made, for a moment, a strong impression upon my spirits. But
it was too late to draw back, the dye was cast, for life or for death;
home was before me, however distant; and if, through the protection
of Providence, I should be fortunate enough to arrive there, I
promised myself both ease and the applause of my country, and of all
unprejudiced men of sense and learning in Europe, for having, by my
own private efforts alone, compleated a discovery, which had, from
early ages, defied the address, industry, and courage of all the world.
Having, by these reflections, rather hardened, than comforted my
heart, I now advanced down the steep side of the mountain, our course
nearly N. N. W. through very strong and rugged ground, torn up by
the torrents that fall on every side from above. This is called the
Descent of Moura; and though both we and our beasts were in great
health and spirits, we could not, with our utmost endeavours, advance
much more than one mile an hour. Two Greeks, one of whom only was my
servant; and a third, nearly blind, flying from poverty and want; an
old janissary, who had come to Abyssinia with the Abuna, and a Copht
who left us at Sennaar; these, and some common men who took charge
of the beasts, and were to go no further than Tcherkin, were my only
companions in this long and weary journey.
At a quarter past four we came to the river Toom Aredo, which arising
in the country of the Kemmont, (a people inhabiting the high grounds
above to the S. W.) falls into the river Mahaanah. The Kemmont were
a sect once the same as the Falasha, but were baptized in the reign
of Facilidas, and, ever since, have continued separate from their
ancient brethren. No great pains seem to have been taken with them
since their admission to Christianity, for they retain most of their
ancient customs. They eat the meat of cattle killed by Christians, but
not of those that are slaughtered, either by Mahometans or Falasha.
They hold, as a doctrine, that, being once baptized, and having
once communicated, no sort of prayer, nor other attention to divine
worship, is further necessary. They wash themselves from head to foot
after coming from the market, or any public place, where they may have
touched any one of a sect different from their own, esteeming all such
unclean. They abstain from all sorts of work on Saturday, keeping
close at home; but they grind corn, and do many other such like works,
upon Sunday.
Their women pierce their ears, and apply weights to make them hang
down, and to enlarge the holes, into which they put ear-rings almost
as big as shackles, in the same manner as do the Bedowis in Syria and
Palestine. Their language is the same as that of the Falasha, with
some small difference of idiom. They have great abhorrence to fish,
which they not only refrain from eating, but cannot bear the sight of;
and the reason they give for this is, that Jonah the prophet (from
whom they boast they are descended) was swallowed by a whale, or some
other such great fish. They are hewers of wood, and carriers of water,
to Gondar, and are held in great detestation by the Abyssinians.
We crossed the river to the miserable village of Door-Macary, which
is on the east side of it; and there we took up our quarters, after a
short but very fatiguing, day's journey. The people shewed great signs
of uneasiness upon our first appearance, and much reluctance to admit
us under their roofs; and discovering that we were not any of those
that had the honour of being descended from the prophet Jonah, they
hid all their pots and drinking-vessels, lest they should be prophaned
by our using them. From Door-Macary we discovered a high mountainous
ridge, with a very rugged top, stretching from North to South, and
towering up in the middle of the forest, about five miles distance; it
is called Badjena.
On the 28th, a little after mid-day, we passed Toom Aredo; and went,
first East, then turned North, into the great road. We soon after
passed a number of villages; those on the high mountain Badjena on
the East, and those belonging to the church of Koscam on the West.
Continuing still North, inclining very little to the West, we came to
a steep and rugged descent, at the foot of which runs the Mogetch,
in a course straight North; this descent is called the _And_. At a
quarter past two we passed the Mogetch, our direction N. W. It is
here a large, swift running stream, perfectly clear, and we halted
some time to refresh ourselves upon its banks; remembering how very
different it was from what we had once left it, discoloured with
blood, and choked up with dead bodies, after the defeat of the king's
wing at the battle of Serbraxos.
At half past three we resumed our journey. A sharp and pyramidal
mountain stands alone in the middle of the plain, presenting its high
sharp top through the trees, and making here a very picturesque and
uncommon appearance; it is called Gutch, and seemed to be distant
from us about six miles due North. A few minutes after this we passed
a small stream called Agam-Ohha, or the Brook of Jessamine; from a
beautiful species of that shrub, very frequent here, and on the sides
of the small streams in the province of Siré.
A few minutes past four we entered a thick wood, winding round a hill,
in a south-east direction, to get into the plain below, where we were
surrounded by a great multitude of men, armed with lances, shields,
slings, and large clubs or sticks, who rained a shower of stones
towards us, as I may say; for they were at such a distance, that all
of them fell greatly short of us. Whether this was owing to fear, or
not, we did not know; but supposing that it was, we thought it our
interest to keep it up as much as possible. I therefore ordered two
shots to be fired over their heads; not with any intention to hurt
them, but to let them hear, by the balls whistling among the leaves
of the trees, that our guns carried farther than any of their slings;
and that, distant as they then were, they were not in safety, if we
had a disposition to do them harm. They seemed to understand our
meaning, by gliding through among the bushes, and appearing at the top
of a hill farther off, where they continued hooping and crying, and
making divers signs, which we could not, neither did we endeavour to
understand. Another shot, aimed at the trees above them, shewed they
were still within our reach, upon which they dispersed, or sat down
among the bushes, for we saw them no more, till pitching our tent upon
the plain below two of their villages; it seemed they were uneasy, for
they had dispatched a man naked, and without arms, who, standing upon
the rock, cried out in the language of Tigrè, that he wanted to come
to us. This I absolutely refused, that he might not see the smallness
of our number, crying out to him to get farther off, or we would
instantly shoot him. There was no occasion to repeat the admonition.
From the rock where he stood, he slid down like an eel, and appeared
again at a considerable distance, still making a sign of wanting to
speak with us.
While resting on the banks of the river Mogetch, we had been overtaken
by two men, and two women, who were driving two loaded asses, and were
going to Tcherkin; they had desired leave to keep company with us,
for fear of danger on the road. I had two Abyssinian servants, but
they were not yet come up, attending one of the baggage mules that was
lame, as they said; but I believe, rather busied with some engagements
of their own in the villages. We were obliged then to have recourse to
one of these stranger women, who understood the language of Tigrè, and
undertook readily to carry our message to the stranger, who was still
very busy making signs from behind a tree, without coming one step
nearer.
My message to them was, that if they shewed the smallest appearance of
further insolence, either by approaching the tent, or flinging stones
that night, the next morning, when the horse I expected were come up,
I would burn their town, and put every man of them to the sword. A
very submissive answer was sent back, with a heap of lies in excuse
of what they called their mistake. My two servants coming soon after,
both of whom, hereafter, were to be in the service of Ayto Confu, went
boldly one to each village, to bring two goats, some jars of bouza,
and to prepare fifty loaves of bread for next morning. The goats were
dispatched instantly, so was the bouza; but when the morning came, the
people had all fled from their houses, without preparing any bread.
These villages were called Gimbaar. They were three in number; each
situated upon the top of a pointed hill, in a direction from east to
west, and made a very beautiful appearance from the plain below. They
belonged to my great enemies, Guebra Mehedin, and Confu, late sons of
Basha Eusebius.
On the other hand, as my servants told me that a messenger of the king
had passed that morning without taking any notice of us, I began to
suspect that it was some stratagem of his to frighten me from pursuing
my journey; which, after the letters I had received from Sennaar,
and which he himself had heard read, he never thought I would have
undertaken. This I still believe might be the case; for these peasants
did not shew any forwardness to do us harm; however, it turned out as
unfortunately for them, as if they really pursued us for vengeance.
As soon as we found the villages deserted, and that there were no
hopes of a supply of bread, we struck our tent, and proceeded on our
journey; the pointed mountain Gutch bore north from our tent, at the
distance of about two miles.
On the 29th, at ten in the forenoon, we left the inhospitable villages
of Gimbaar, not without entertaining some apprehensions of meeting
the inhabitants again in the course of the day. But though we took
every precaution against being surprised, that prudence could dictate,
our fears of the encounter did not rise to any great height. I got,
indeed, on horseback, leaving my mule; and, putting on my coat of
mail, leaving the fire-arms under the command of Hagi Ismael, the old
Turk, I rode always about a quarter of a mile before the baggage,
that they might not come suddenly upon us, as they had done the night
before.
In a few minutes we passed three small clear streams in a very fertile
country; the soil was a black loomy earth; the grass already parched,
or rather entirely burnt up by the sun. Though this country is finely
watered, and must be very fertile, yet it is thinly inhabited, and,
as we were informed, very unwholesome. At three quarters past ten we
came to the river Mahaanah, which swallows up these three brooks, its
course nearly N. W. it was (even at this dry season of the year) a
considerable stream.
Here we rested half an hour, and then pursued our journey straight
north. We passed a large and deep valley called Werk Meidan, or the
country of gold, though there is no gold in it. It is full of wood and
bushes. We had left it six miles, at least, on our left hand, and
the baggage near half a mile behind, when I met two men very decently
dressed; one mounted on a mule, the other on foot; both of them armed
with lances and shields, and both seemed surprised to see a man on
horseback alone completely armed. The rider passed by at a very quick
pace, apparently not desirous of any intercourse with me. The man on
foot at passing saluted me with a _Salam Alicum_; by which I knew him
to be a Mahometan, and we were about to enter into conversation, when
his neighbour called to him, with seeming impatience. He immediately
left me, saying only these short sentences, "He there before is a
Christian, and a liar; don't be afraid, Ayto Confu will be at Tcherkin
as soon as you."
Upon this we parted, I passed on something more than a mile further,
and at ten minutes after twelve stopped for the baggage. The Mahaanah
is here about a quarter of a mile to the N. E. and the sharp-pointed
mountain of Gutch S. E. and by east, distance about three miles. It
was some time before our baggage came up, when our companions who
escorted it exhibited some small marks of confusion.
The Turk was blustering violently in Turkish, and setting all at
defiance, wishing to be attacked by a hundred that minute; the others
seemed to be much more moderate, and not to agree with Hagi Ismael,
either in time or in number, but were very willing to be exempted from
attacks altogether. I asked them what was the occasion of all this
warlike discourse from Ismael, who scarcely spoke Arabic so as to be
understood? I could learn nothing but threats against the Christians.
At last, the servants told me, that the Abyssinians who passed had
informed them, that, at a certain pass, called Dav-Dohha, which we
should arrive at next day, above a thousand men, Christians, Pagans,
and Mahometans, all armed, were waiting for us, resolved to cut us to
pieces rather than let us pass: that the Shangalla were expected to
burn Tcherkin, and Ayto Confu's house; and that his Billetana Gueta,
Ammonios, had come with a multitude of mules to carry away all that
was valuable in it. He added, moreover, that Abba Gimbaro, chief of
Sancaho, was sent for by Ayto Confu, and entrusted with the defence
of Tcherkin Amba, the hill upon which Ayto Confu's house is situated.
He then called the Mahometan who spoke to me, to witness the truth
of all this, which he did with repeated oaths; and concluded, that
nothing remained for us but to return to Gondar. They all, in anxious
expectation, awaited my resolution. One of the servants said, that,
by going out of the way about half a day, we could avoid the pass of
Dav-Dohha altogether. I told them, this was neither a time nor place
for deliberation; that we should make the best of our way to Waalia,
where we were to sleep that night; as that was a town where there was
a market, and people came from every part, we should there hear news,
after which I promised to tell them my opinion. We accordingly set out
for Waalia, and at half past four in the afternoon encamped in the
market-place.
Waalia is a collection of villages, each placed upon the top of a
hill, and inclosing, as in a circle, an extensive flat piece of ground
about three miles over, on which a very well-frequented market is
kept. The name is given it from a species of small pigeons[17], with
yellow breasts and variegated backs, the fattest and best of all the
pigeon kind. Waalia lies due N. W. from Gondar.
Having finished our dinner, or rather supper, about seven, for we
made but one meal a-day, after taking care of our beasts, we entered
into consultation what was next to be done. I told them, the first
step we were to take was to send and call the Shum of one of the
villages, and after him another, and if, knowing me to be the king's
stranger, seeing the smallness of our number, and being informed that
we were going to Tcherkin, to the house of Ayto Confu, their master,
they did not tell us there were dangers on the road, we might be
sure the intelligence we had received was void of foundation. "Sir,
says one of the strangers that drove the asses, it is a lie. No man
but Ayto Confu, not even Ayto Confu himself, could raise 500 men in
this country; no not even 300, Pagans, Mahometans, and Christians
altogether. Where is he to get his Pagans? unless he means his own
Christian sort, who, indeed, are more Pagans than any thing else, and
capable of every mischief; but there is not a Mahometan on this road
that does not know who you are, and that you was Yasine's master, and
gave him Ras el Feel. Stay here but a few days till I send to Ras el
Feel, and to Tcherkin, and if you do not take the houses and wives,
and all that these five hundred men have in the world from them, with
the help you may find at Waalia, spit upon me for a liar, or my name
is not Abdullah." "Abdullah, said I, you are a sensible fellow, though
I did not know you was so well acquainted with me, nor do I wish that
you speak of me in that manner publickly. But what convinces me of the
truth of what you say is, that the man on foot had no more time but to
say to me, in Arabic, while passing, that his companion on the mule
was a liar, and that I should not be afraid, for there was no danger
on the road, and that Ayto Confu would be at Tcherkin as soon as I;
from which, and his saying just the contrary to you, I do believe the
whole is a stratagem of the king."
All agreed in this. Hagi Ismael mentioned it as a proof of the
worthlessness of Christians, that even their kings were as great
liars as common men; and we had scarcely done with this consultation,
and dispelled our fears, when word was brought to the tent, that the
chiefs of two of the principal villages were at the door, desiring
to be admitted, and had with them several servants loaded with
provisions. They were immediately introduced, and they presented
us with two goats, several jars of bouza, and a quantity of bread,
which I divided among my retinue, now become half Christians and half
Mahometans, neither of whom ate meat killed by the other.
After the first civilities were over, I asked the governor of Waalia
all the questions that were needful about the state of the roads and
the country, and whether the Shangalla ever made an attempt upon
Tcherkin? They said, All was peace; that the people came and went to
the market without being interrupted. They laughed at the question
about the Shangalla. Ayto Confu, they said, sometimes went down and
destroyed many of that people, and brought others away as slaves;
but the Shangalla were not men to attack a place where there was a
number of horse, nor to climb mountains to destroy houses well stored
with fire-arms. Have you, said I, seen nobody pass by from Ayto Confu
lately? About four or five days ago, answered he, a servant was here,
with orders to have victuals ready for you; who also told us, that
he would come himself in three or four days after. I heard also, that
his servant Ammonios had gone round Nara to take possession of some
villages the king had given Ozoro Esther, and that he had with him a
number of horse and foot, and several Ozoros, going to Tcherkin, but
they had gone the upper road, consequently had not come this way. Is
there no danger, said I, in passing _Dav-Dohha_? Why, at Dav-Dohha,
said he, there is danger, it is a bad place, nobody passes it on
horseback; but I see your horses are shod with iron, which none in
this country are; however, to avoid all danger, you had better lead
your horses and mules, and walk on foot, it is not far.
I could not help bursting out into a fit of laughter at the fancied
danger that attended us at Dav-Dohha; and, as I saw this disconcerted
our informant, and that he thought he had said something wrong, I
told him briefly what had passed at meeting with the two men upon the
road. He laughed very heartily at this in his turn. "That man did
not stop here, says he, and who he is I know not; but whoever he is,
he is a liar, and a beast of the field. All the people of Dav-Dohha
are our relations, and Ayto Confu's servants; if there had been any
body to attack you, there would have been found here people to defend
you. What signifies his ordering us to furnish you with victuals, if
he was to suffer your throats to be cut before you came to eat them?
I will answer for you between this and Tcherkin; after that, all is
wilderness, and no man knows if he is to meet friend or foe."
I told him then what had happened to us at Gimbaar, at which he seemed
exceedingly surprised. "These villages, says he, do not belong to
Ayto Confu, but to his cousins, the sons of Basha Eusebius. They
indeed died in rebellion, but our master has taken possession of them
for the family, lest the king should give them away to a stranger.
Some bad news must have arrived from Gondar; at any rate, if you are
afraid, I will accompany you to-morrow past Dav-Dohha." We thanked him
for the kind offer, but excused ourselves from accepting it, as we
fully relied upon his intelligence; and having made him some trifling
presents, about the value of what he brought, though in his eyes much
more considerable, we took our leave, mutually satisfied with each
other. From this I no longer doubted that the whole was a project of
the king to terrify me, and make me return. What struck me, as most
improbable of all, was the story of that lying wretch who said that
Ayto Confu had sent a number of mules to carry away his furniture, and
trusted the defence of his place to Abba Gimbaro, chief of the Baasa.
For, first, I knew well it did not need many mules to carry away
the furniture which Ayto Confu left at Tcherkin in time of war, and
when he was not there; next, had he known that any person whatever,
Shangalla or Christians, had intended to attack Tcherkin, he was not
a man to fight by proxy or lieutenants; he would have been himself
present to meet them, as to a feast, though he had been carried
thither in a sick-bed.
On the 30th, at half past six in the morning we set out from Waalia;
and, though we were perfectly cured of our apprehensions, the company
all joined in desiring me to go along with them, and not before them.
They _wisely_ added, that, in a country like that, where there was no
fear of God, I could not know what it might be in the power of the
devil to do. I therefore hung my arms upon my horse, and, taking a
gun in my hand, wandered among the trees by the road-side, in pursuit
of the doves or pigeons. In a few hours I had shot several scores of
them, especially on the banks of the Mai Lumi, or the River of Lemons.
We came to it in about an hour from Waalia, and coasted it for some
minutes, as it ran north-east parallel to our course.
A prodigious quantity of fruit loaded the branches of these trees
even likely to break them; and these were in all stages of ripeness.
Multitudes of blossoms covered the opposite part of the tree, and
sent forth the most delicious odour possible. We provided ourselves
amply with this fruit. The natives make no use of it, but we found it
a great refreshment to us, both mixed with our water, and as sauce to
our meat, of which we had now no great variety since our onions had
failed us, and a supply of them was no longer to be procured.
At fourteen minutes past seven, continuing north-west, we crossed
the river Mai Lumi, which here runs west; and, continuing still
north-west, at eight o'clock we came to the mouth of the formidable
pass, Dav-Dohha, which we entered with good countenance enough, having
first rested five minutes to put ourselves in order, and we found our
appetites failing us through excessive heat. The pass of Dav-Dohha is
a very narrow defile, full of strata of rocks, like steps of stairs,
but so high, that, without leaping, or being pulled up, no horse or
mule can ascend. Moreover, the descent, though short, is very steep,
and almost choked up by huge stones, which the torrents, after washing
the earth from about them, had rolled down from the mountain above.
Both sides of the defile are covered thick with wood and bushes,
especially that detestable thorn the kantuffa, so justly reprobated in
Abyssinia.
Having extricated ourselves successfully from this pass, our spirits
were so elated, that we began to think our journey now at an end, not
reflecting how many passes, full of real danger, were still before
us. At three quarters past eight we came to Werkleva, a village of
Mahometans. Above this, too, is Armatchiko, a famous hermitage, and
around it huts inhabited by a number of monks. These, and their
brethren of Magwena, are capital performers in all disorders of the
state; all prophets and diviners, keeping up the spirit of riot,
anarchy, and tumult, by their fanatical inventions and pretended
visions.
Having rested a few minutes at Tabaret Wunze, a wretched village,
composed of miserable huts, on the banks of a small brook, at a
quarter after two we passed the Coy, a large river, which falls
into the Mahaanah. From Mai Lumi to this place the country was but
indifferent in appearance; the soil, indeed, exceedingly good, but a
wildness and look of desolation covered the whole of it. The grass was
growing high, the country extensive, and almost without habitation,
whilst the few huts that were to be seen seemed more than ordinarily
miserable, and were hid in recesses, or in the edge of valleys
overgrown with wood. The inhabitants seemed to have come there by
stealth, with a desire to live concealed and unknown.
On the 31st of December we left our station at the head of a difficult
pass called Coy Gulgulet, or the Descent of Coy, at the foot of which
runs the river Coy, one of the largest we had yet seen, but I did not
discern any fish in it. Here we rested a little to refresh ourselves
and our beasts, after the fatigues we had met with in descending
through this pass.
At half after eight we came to the banks of the Germa, which winds
along the valley, and falls into the Angrab. After having continued
some time by the side of the Germa, and crossed it going N. W. we,
at ten, passed the small river Idola; and half an hour after came to
Deber, a house of Ayto Confu, on the top of a mountain, by the side
of a small river of that name. The country here is partly in wood,
and partly in plantations of dora. It is very well watered, and seems
to produce abundant crops; but it is not beautiful; the soil is red
earth, and the bottoms of all the rivers soft and earthy, the water
heavy, and generally ill-tasted, even in the large rivers, such as the
Coy and the Germa. I imagine there is some mineral in the red earth,
with a proportion of which the water is impregnated.
At Deber, I observed the following bearings from the mountains; Ras el
Feel was west, Tcherkin N. N. W. Debra Haria, north. We found nobody
at Deber that could give us the least account of Ayto Confu. We left
it, therefore, on the morning of the 1st of January 1772. At half
past ten o'clock we passed a small village called Dembic, and about
mid-day came to the large river Tchema, which falls into the larger
river Dwang, below, to the westward. About an hour after, we came to
the Mogetch, a river not so large as the Tchema, but which, like it,
joins the Dwang. Here we have a view of the steep mountain Magwena,
where there is a monastery of that name, possessed by a multitude of
lazy, profligate, ignorant monks. Magwena, excepting one mountain,
is a bare, even ridge of rocks, which seemingly bear nothing, but
are black, as if calcined by the sun. In the rainy season it is said
every species of verdure is here in the greatest luxuriancy; all
the plantations of corn about Deber are much infested with a small,
beautiful, green monkey, with a long tail, called Tota.
Between three and four in the afternoon we encamped at Eggir Dembic;
and in the evening we passed along the side of a small river running
west, which falls into the Mogetch.
I took advantage of the pleasantest and latest hour for shooting the
waalia, or the yellow-breasted pigeon, as also Guinea-fowls, which are
here in great abundance among the corn; in plumage nothing different
from ours, and very excellent meat. The sun was just setting, and I
was returning to my tent, not from weariness or satiety of sport, but
from my attendant being incapable of carrying the load of game I had
already killed, when I was met by a man with whom I was perfectly
acquainted, and who by his address likewise seemed no stranger to me.
I immediately recollected him to be a servant of Ozoro Esther, but
this he denied, and said he was a servant of Ayto Confu; however, as
Confu lived in the same house with his mother at Koscam, the mistake
seemed not to be of any moment. He said he came to meet Ayto Confu,
who was expected at Tcherkin that night, and was sent to search for
us, as we seemed to have tarried on the road. He had brought two
mules, in case any of ours had been tired, and proposed that the next
morning I should set out with him alone for Tcherkin, where I should
find Ayto Confu, and my baggage should follow me. I told him that it
was my fixed resolution, made at the beginning of my journey, and
which I should adhere to till the end, never to separate myself on the
road from my servants and company, who were strangers, and without any
other protection than that of being with me.
The man continued to press me all that evening very much, so that
we were greatly surprised at what he could mean, and I still more
and more resolved not to gratify him. Often I thought he wanted
to communicate something to me, but he refrained, and I continued
obstinate; and the rather so, as there was no certainty that Ayto
Confu was yet arrived. I asked him, if Billetana Gueta Ammonios was
not at Tcherkin? He answered, without the smallest alteration in his
countenance, that he was not. No people on earth dissemble like the
Abyssinians; this talent is born with them, and they improve it by
continual practice. As we had therefore previously resolved, we passed
the evening at Eggir Dembic, and the servant, finding he could not
prevail, left our tent, and we all went to bed. He did not seem angry,
but at going out of the tent, said, as half to himself, "I cannot
blame you; in such a journey nothing is like firmness."
On the 2d of January, in the morning, by seven o'clock, having dressed
my hair, and perfumed it according to the custom of the country, and
put on clean clothes, with no other arms but my knife, and a pair of
pistols at my girdle, I came out of the tent to mount my mule for
Tcherkin. I now saw Confu's servant, whose name was Welleta Yasous,
pulling the Guinea-fowls and pigeons out of the pannier, where my
servants had put them, and scattering them upon the ground, and he was
saying to those who interrupted him, "Throw away this carrion; you
shall have a better breakfast and dinner, too, to-day;" and turning
to me more than ordinarily pleased at seeing me dressed, and that I
continued to use the Abyssinian habit, he jumped upon his mule, and
appeared in great spirits, and we all set out at a brisker pace than
usual, by the assistance of the two fresh mules.
We passed through the midst of several small villages. At half an
hour past eight we came to the mountain of Tcherkin, which we rounded
on the west, and then on the north, keeping the mountain always
on our right. At twenty minutes past ten I pitched my tent in the
market-place at Tcherkin, which seemed a beautiful lawn laid out for
pleasure, shaded with fine old trees, of an enormous height and size,
and watered by a small but very limpid brook, running over beds of
pebbles as white as snow.
CHAP. II.
_Reception at Tcherkin by Ozoro Esther, &c.--Hunting of the
Elephant, Rhinoceros, and Buffalo._
The impatient Welleta Yasous would only give me time to see my
quadrant and other instruments safely stowed, but hurried me through
a very narrow and crooked path up the side of the mountain, at every
turn of which was placed a great rock or stone, the station for
musquets to enfilade the different stages of the road below, where it
was strait for any distance. We at last reached the outer court, where
we found the chamberlain Ammonios, whom Welleta Yasous had spoken of
as being still at Gondar; but this did not surprise me, as he told me
at the tent that Ayto Confu was arrived. I saw here a great many of my
old acquaintance whom I had known at Ozoro Esther's house at Gondar,
and who all welcomed me with the greatest demonstrations of joy, as if
I had come from a long journey.
I was then taken to an inner apartment, where, to my great surprise,
instead of Ayto Confu, I saw his mother, Ozoro Esther, sitting on a
couch, and at her feet the secretary's daughter, the beautiful Tecla
Mariam; and, soon after, the secretary himself, and several others
belonging to the court. After having made a profound obeisance,
"Ozoro Esther, said I, I cannot speak for surprise. What is the
meaning of your having left Gondar to come into this wilderness? As
for Tecla Mariam, I am not surprised at seeing her; I know she at
any time would rather die than leave you; but that you have both
come hither without Ayto Confu, and in so short a time, is what I
cannot comprehend."--"There is nothing so strange in this, replied
Ozoro Esther; the troops of Begemder have taken away my husband, Ras
Michael, God knows where; and, therefore, being now a single woman,
I am resolved to go to Jerusalem to pray for my husband, and to die
there, and be buried in the Holy Sepulchre. You would not stay with
us, so we are going with you. Is there any thing surprising in all
this?"
"But tell me truly, says Tecla Mariam, you that know every thing,
while peeping and poring through these long glasses, did not you learn
by the stars that we were to meet you here?"--"Madam, answered I, if
there was one star in the firmament that had announced to me such
agreeable news, I should have relapsed into the old idolatry of this
country, and worshipped that star for the rest of my life." Breakfast
now came in; the conversation took a very lively turn, and from the
secretary I learned that the matter stood thus: The king, restoring
the villages to the Iteghé, according to the stipulation of his last
treaty with Powussen, thought that he might so far infringe upon it,
from gratitude to Ras Michael, as to give part of the number to Ozoro
Esther, the Iteghé's daughter; and Ayto Confu, going to Tcherkin to
hunt, he took his mother along with him to put her in possession; for
the Iteghé's people were not lambs, nor did they pay much regard to
the orders of the king, nor to that of the Iteghé their mistress, at
all times, farther than suited their own convenience.
We now wanted only the presence of Ayto Confu to make our happiness
complete; he came about four, and with him Ayto Engedan, and a great
company. There was nothing but rejoicing on all sides. Seven ladies,
relations and companions of Ozoro Esther, came with Ayto Confu; and
I confess this to have been one of the happiest moments of my life.
I quite forgot the disastrous journey I had before me, and all the
dangers that awaited me. I began even to regret being so far in my
way to leave Abyssinia for ever. We learned from Ayto Confu, that it
had been reported at Gondar that we had been murdered by the peasants
of Gimbaar, but the contrary was soon known. However, Engedan and
he had set the lesser village on fire in their passage, and laid a
contribution of eleven ounces of gold upon the two larger.
Ayto Confu's house at Tcherkin is built on the edge of a precipice
which takes its name from the mountain Amba Tcherkin. It is built all
with cane very artificially, the outer wall being composed of fascines
of canes, so neatly joined together as not to be penetrated by rain
or wind. The entry is from the south side of it, very crooked and
difficult, half way up the rock. On the east, is a very plentiful
spring, which furnishes the house with excellent water. Yet, after
all, this house, though inaccessible, is not defensible, and affords
very little safety to its master; for the Shangalla, with flax, or any
thing combustible, tied to the point of their arrows, would easily set
it on fire if they once approached it; and the Abyssinians with guns
could as easily destroy it, as, on such occasions, they wrap their
balls in cotton wads. The inside of the state-rooms were hung with
long stripes of carpeting, and the floors covered with the same.
There is great plenty of game of every sort about Tcherkin; elephants,
rhinoceroses, and a great number of buffaloes, which differ nothing in
form from the buffaloes of Europe or of Egypt, but very much in temper
and disposition. They are fierce, rash, and fearless of danger; and,
contrary to the practice of any other creature not carnivorous, they
attack the traveller and the hunter equally, and it requires address
to escape from them. They seem to be, of all others, the creature
the most given to ease and indulgence. They lie under the most shady
trees, near large pools of water, of which they make constant use, and
sleep soundly all the day long. The flesh of the female is very good
when fat, but that of the male, hard, lean, and disagreeable. Their
horns are used in various manners by the turners, in which craft the
Abyssinians are very expert. In the woods there are many civet cats,
but they know not the use of them, nor how to extract the civet. The
Mahometans only are possessed of this art.
Though we were all happy to our wish in this enchanted mountain, the
active spirit of Ayto Confu could not rest; he was come to hunt the
elephant, and hunt him he would. All those that understood any thing
of this exercise had assembled from a great distance to meet Ayto
Confu at Tcherkin. He and Engedan, from the moment they arrived, had
been overlooking, from the precipice, their servants training and
managing their horses in the market-place below. Great bunches of the
finest canes had been brought from Kuara for javelins; and the whole
house was employed in fitting heads to them in the most advantageous
manner. For my part, tho' I should have been very well contented to
have remained where I was, yet the preparations for sport of so noble
a kind roused my spirits, and made me desirous to join in it. On the
other hand, the ladies all declared, that they thought, by leaving
them, we were devoting them to death or slavery, as they did not
doubt, if the Shangalla missed us, they would come forward to the
mountain and slay them all. But a sufficient garrison was left under
Azage Kyrillos, and Billetana Gueta Ammonios; and we were well assured
that the Shangalla, being informed we were out, and armed, and knowing
our numbers, would take care to keep close in their thickets far out
of our way.
On the 6th, an hour before day, after a hearty breakfast, we mounted
on horseback, to the number of about thirty belonging to Ayto Confu.
But there was another body, both of horse and foot, which made hunting
the elephant their particular business. These men dwell constantly
in the woods, and know very little the use of bread, living entirely
upon the flesh of the beasts they kill, chiefly that of the elephant
or rhinoceros. They are exceedingly thin, light, and agile, both
on horseback and foot; are very swarthy, though few of them black;
none of them woolly-headed, and all of them have European features.
They are called Agageer, a name of their profession, not of their
nation, which comes from the word Agar, and signifies to hough or
ham-string with a sharp weapon. More properly it means, indeed, the
cutting the tendon of the heel, and is a characteristic of the manner
in which they kill the elephant, which is shortly as follows:--Two
men, absolutely naked, without any rag or covering at all about
them, get on horseback; this precaution is from fear of being laid
hold of by the trees or bushes, in making their escape from a very
watchful enemy. One of these riders sits upon the back of the horse,
sometimes with a saddle, and sometimes without one, with only a
switch or short stick in one hand, carefully managing the bridle
with the other; behind him sits his companion, who has no other arms
but a broad-sword, such as is used by the Sclavonians, and which is
brought from Trieste. His left hand is employed grasping the sword by
the handle, and about fourteen inches of the blade is covered with
whip-cord. This part he takes in his right hand, without any danger of
being hurt by it; and, though the edges of the lower part of the sword
are as sharp as a razor, he carries it without a scabbard.
As soon as the elephant is found feeding, the horseman rides before
him as near his face as possible; or, if he flies, crosses him in all
directions, crying out, "I am such a man and such a man; this is my
horse, that has such a name; I killed your father in such a place, and
your grandfather in such another place, and I am now come to kill you;
you are but an ass in comparison of them." This nonsense he verily
believes the elephant understands, who, chafed and angry at hearing
the noise immediately before him, seeks to seize him with his trunk
or proboscis, and, intent upon this, follows the horse everywhere,
turning and turning round with him, neglectful of making his escape
by running straight forward, in which consists his only safety. After
having made him turn once or twice in pursuit of the horse, the
horseman rides close up alongside of him, and drops his companion just
behind on the off side; and while he engages the elephant's attention
upon the horse, the footman behind gives him a drawn stroke just above
the heel, or what in man is called the tendon of Achilles. This is the
critical moment; the horseman immediately wheels round, and takes his
companion up behind him, and rides off full speed after the rest of
the herd, if they have started more than one; and sometimes an expert
Agageer will kill three out of one herd. If the sword is good, and the
man not afraid, the tendon is commonly entirely separated; and if it
is not cut through, it is generally so far divided, that the animal,
with the stress he puts upon it, breaks the remaining part asunder.
In either case, he remains incapable of advancing a step, till the
horseman returning, or his companions coming up, pierce him through
with javelins and lances; he then falls to the ground, and expires
with the loss of blood.
The Agageer nearest me presently lamed his elephant, and left him
standing. Ayto Engedan, Ayto Confu, Guebra Mariam, and several
others, fixed their spears in the other, before the Agageer had cut
his tendons. My Agageer, however, having wounded the first elephant,
failed in the pursuit of the second, and, being close upon him at
entering the wood, he received a violent blow from a branch of a
tree which the elephant had bent by his weight, and, after passing,
allowed it to replace itself, when it knocked down both the riders,
and very much hurt the horse. This, indeed, is the great danger in
elephant-hunting; for some of the trees, that are dry and short,
break, by the violent pressure of so immense a body moving so rapidly,
and fall upon the pursuers, or across the roads. But the greatest
number of these trees, being of a succulent quality, they bend without
breaking, and return quickly to their former position, when they
strike both horse and man so violently, that they often beat them to
pieces, and scatter them upon the plain. Dextrous, too, as the riders
are, the elephant sometimes reaches them with his trunk, with which
he dashes the horse against the ground, and then sets his feet upon
him, till he tears him limb from limb with his proboscis; a great many
hunters die this way. Besides this, the soil, at this time of the
year, is split into deep chasms, or cavities, by the heat of the sun,
so that nothing can be more dangerous than the riding.
The elephant once slain, they cut the whole flesh off his bones into
thongs, like the reins of a bridle, and hang these, like festoons,
upon the branches of trees, till they become perfectly dry, without
salt, and they then lay them by for their provision in the season of
the rains.
I need say nothing of the figure of the elephant, his form is known,
and anecdotes of his life and character are to be found everywhere.
But his description, at length, is given, with his usual accuracy and
elegance, by that great master of natural history the Count de Buffon,
my most venerable, learned, and amiable friend, the Pliny of Europe,
and the true portrait of what a man of learning and fashion should be.
I shall only take upon me to resolve a difficulty which he seems to
have had,--for what use the teeth of the elephant, and the horns of
the rhinoceros, were intended. He, with reason, explodes the vulgar
prejudice, that these arms were given them by Nature to fight with
each other. He asks very properly, What can be the ground of that
animosity? neither of them are carnivorous; they do not couple
together, therefore are not rivals in love; and, as for food, the vast
forests they inhabit furnish them with an abundant and everlasting
store.
But neither the elephant nor rhinoceros eat grass. The sheep, goats,
horses, cattle, and all the beasts of the country, live upon branches
of trees. There are, in every part of these immense forests, trees of
a soft, succulent substance, full of pith. These are the principal
food of the elephant and rhinoceros. They first eat the tops of these
leaves and branches; they then, with their horns or teeth, begin as
near to the root as they can, and rip, or cut the more woody part,
or trunks of these, up to where they were eaten before, till they
fall in so many pliable pieces of the size of laths. After this, they
take all these in their monstrous mouths, and twist them round as we
could do the leaves of a lettuce. The vestiges of this process, in
its different stages, we saw every day throughout the forest; and the
horns of the rhinoceros, and teeth of the elephant, are often found
broken, when their gluttony leads them to attempt too large or firm a
tree.
There now remained but two elephants of those that had been
discovered, which were a she one with a calf. The Agageer would
willingly have let these alone, as the teeth of the female are very
small, and the young one is of no sort of value, even for food, its
flesh shrinking much upon drying. But the hunters would not be limited
in their sport. The people having observed the place of her retreat,
thither we eagerly followed. She was very soon found, and as soon
lamed by the Agageers; but when they came to wound her with the darts,
as every one did in their turn, to our very great surprise, the young
one, which had been suffered to escape unheeded and unpursued, came
out from the thicket apparently in great anger, running upon the
horses and men with all the violence it was master of. I was amazed;
and as much as ever I was, upon such an occasion, afflicted, at seeing
the great affection of the little animal defending its wounded mother,
heedless of its own life or safety. I therefore cried to them, for
God's sake to spare the mother, tho' it was then too late; and the
calf had made several rude attacks upon me, which I avoided without
difficulty; but I am happy, to this day, in the reflection that I did
not strike it. At last, making one of its attacks upon Ayto Engedan,
it hurt him a little on the leg; upon which he thrust it through
with his lance, as others did after, and it then fell dead before
its wounded mother, whom it had so affectionately defended. It was
about the size of an ass, but round, big-bellied, and heavily made;
and was so furious, and unruly, that it would easily have broken the
leg either of man or horse, could it have overtaken them, and jostled
against them properly.
Here is an example of a beast (a young one too) possessing abstracted
sentiments to a very high degree. By its flight on the first
appearance of the hunters, it is plain it apprehended danger to
itself, it also reflected upon that of its mother, which was the cause
of its return to her assistance. This affection or duty, or let us
call it any thing we please, except instinct, was stronger than the
fear of danger; and it must have conquered that fear by reflection
before it returned, when it resolved to make its best and last
efforts, for it never attempted to fly afterwards. I freely forgive
that part of my readers, who know me and themselves so little, as to
think I believe it worth my while to play the mountebank, for the
great honour of diverting them; an honour far from being of the first
rate in my esteem. If they should shew, in this place, a degree of
doubt, that, for once, I am making use of the privilege of travellers,
and dealing a little in the marvellous, it would be much more to the
credit of their discernment, than their prodigious scruples about the
reality or possibility of eating raw flesh; a thing that has been
recorded by the united testimony of all that ever visited Abyssinia
for these two hundred years, has nothing unreasonable in itself,
though contrary to our practice in other cases; and can only be called
in question now, through weakness, ignorance, or an intemperate desire
to find fault, by those that believed that a man could get into a
quart bottle.
What I relate of the young elephant contains difficulties of another
kind; though I am very well persuaded some will swallow it easily, who
cannot digest the raw flesh. In both instances I adhere strictly to
the truth; and I beg leave to assure those scrupulous readers, that
if they knew their author, they would think that his having invented
a lie, solely for the pleasure of diverting them, was much more
improbable than either of the two foregoing facts. He places his merit
in having accomplished these travels in general, not in being present
at any one incident during the course of them; the believing of which
can reflect no particular honour upon himself, nor the disbelieving
it any sort of disgrace in the minds of liberal and unprejudiced men.
It is for these only he would wish to write, and these are the only
persons who can profit from his narrative.
The Agageers having procured as much meat as would maintain them a
long time, could not be persuaded to continue the hunting any longer.
Part of them remained with the she-elephant, which seemed to be the
fattest; tho' the one they killed first was by much the most valuable,
on account of its long teeth. It was still alive, nor did it seem an
easy operation to kill it, without the assistance of our Agageers,
even though it was totally helpless, except with its trunk.
We sought about for the buffaloes and rhinoceroses; but though there
was plenty of both in the neighbourhood, we could not find them; our
noise and shooting in the morning having probably scared them away.
One rhinoceros only was seen by a servant. We returned in the evening
to a great fire, and lay all night under the shade of trees. Here we
saw them separate the great teeth of the elephant from the head, by
roasting the jaw-bones on the fire, till the lower, thin, and hollow
part of the teeth were nearly consumed; and then they come out
easily, the thin part being of no value.
The next morning we were on horseback by the dawn of day in search of
the rhinoceros, many of which we had heard make a very deep groan and
cry as the morning approached; several of the Agageers then joined
us, and after we had searched about an hour in the very thickest part
of the wood, one of them rushed out with great violence, crossing the
plain towards a wood of canes that was about two miles distance. But
though he ran, or rather trotted, with surprising speed, considering
his bulk, he was, in a very little time, transfixed with thirty or
forty javelins; which so confounded him, that he left his purpose of
going to the wood, and ran into a deep hole, ditch, or ravine, a _cul
de sac_, without outlet, breaking above a dozen of the javelins as
he entered. Here we thought he was caught as in a trap, for he had
scarce room to turn; when a servant, who had a gun, standing directly
over him, fired at his head, and the animal fell immediately, to all
appearance dead. All those on foot now jumped in with their knives to
cut him up, and they had scarce begun, when the animal recovered so
far as to rise upon his knees; happy then was the man that escaped
first; and had not one of the Agageers, who was himself engaged in
the ravine, cut the sinew of the hind-leg as he was retreating, there
would have been a very sorrowful account of the foot-hunters that day.
After having dispatched him, I was curious to see what wound the shot
had given, which had operated so violently upon so huge an animal;
and I doubted not it was in the brain. But it had struck him nowhere
but upon the point of the foremost horn, of which it had carried off
above an inch; and this occasioned a concussion that had stunned him
for a minute, till the bleeding had recovered him. I preserved the
horn from curiosity, and have it now by me[18]. I saw evidently the
ball had touched no other part of the beast.
While we were busy with the rhinoceros, Ammonios joined us. A message
from the king had carried away Azage Kyrillos the secretary. Two
other messengers had arrived from the queen, one to Ayto Confu, and
another to Ozoro Esther; and it was Ozoro Esther's commands to her
son, to leave the hunting and return. There was no remedy but to obey;
Ammonios, however, wanted to have his part of the hunting; and the
country people told us, that multitudes of buffaloes were to be found
a little to the westward, where there were large trees and standing
pools of water. We agreed then to hunt homeward, without being
over-solicitous about returning early.
We had not gone far before a wild boar arose between me and Ayto
Engedan, which I immediately killed with my javelin. Before he, on
his horse, came up to it, another of its companions shared the same
fate about a quarter of an hour after. This was the sport I had been
many years used to in Barbary, and was infinitely more dextrous at it
than any of the present company; this put me more upon a par with my
companions, who had not failed to laugh at me, upon my horse's refusal
to carry me near either to the elephant or rhinoceros. Nobody would
touch the carcase of the boar after it was dead, being an animal which
is considered as unclean.
Ammonios was a man of approved courage and conduct, and had been in
all the wars of Ras Michael, and was placed about Ayto Confu, to
lead the troops, curb the presumption, and check the impetuosity
of that youthful warrior. He was tall, and aukwardly made; slow in
speech and motion, so much as even to excite ridicule; about sixty
years of age, and more corpulent than the Abyssinians generally are;
in a word, as pedantic and grave in his manner as it is possible to
express. He spent his whole leisure time in reading the scripture,
nor did he willingly discourse of any thing else. He had been bred a
foot-soldier; and, though he rode as well as many of the Abyssinians,
yet, having long stirrup-leathers, with iron rings at the end of
them, into which he put his naked toe only, instead of stirrups, he
had no strength or agility on horseback, nor was his bridle such as
could command his horse to stop, or wind and turn sharply among trees,
though he might make a tolerable figure on a plain.
A Boar, roused on our right, had wounded a horse and a footman of Ayto
Confu, and then escaped. Two buffaloes were found by those on the
right, one of which wounded a horse likewise. Ayto Confu, Engedan,
Guebra Mariam, and myself, killed the other with equal share of
merit, without being in any sort of danger. All this was in little
more than an hour, when our sport seemed to be at the best; our
horses were considerably blown, not tired, and though we were beating
homewards, still we were looking very keenly for more game. Ammonios
was on the left among the bushes, and some large, beautiful, tall
spreading-trees, close on the banks of the river Bedowi, which stands
there in pools. Whether the buffalo found Ammonios, or Ammonios the
buffalo, is what we could never get him to explain to us; but he had
wounded the beast slightly in the buttock, which, in return, had gored
his horse, and thrown both him and it to the ground. Luckily, however,
his cloak had fallen off, which the buffalo tore in pieces, and
employed himself for a minute with that and with the horse, but then
left them, and followed the man as soon as he saw him rise and run.
Ammonios got behind one large tree, and from that to another still
larger. The buffalo turned very aukwardly, but kept close in pursuit;
and there was no doubt he would have worn our friend out, who was not
used to such quick motion. Ayto Engedan, who was near him, and might
have assisted him, was laughing, ready to die at the droll figure a
man of Ammonios's grave carriage made, running and skipping about
naked, with a swiftness he had never practised all his life before;
and Engedan continued calling to Confu to partake of the diversion.
The moment I heard his repeated cries, I galloped out of the bushes to
the place where he was, and could not help laughing at the ridiculous
figure of our friend, very attentive to the beast's motions, which
seemed to dodge with great address, and keep to his adversary with
the utmost obstinacy. As soon as Engedan saw me, he cried, "Yagoube!
for the love of Christ! for the love of the blessed Virgin! don't
interfere till Confu comes up." Confu immediately arrived, and laughed
more than Engedan, but did not offer to interfere; on the contrary,
he clapped his hands, and cried, "Well done, Ammonios," swearing he
never saw so equal a match in his life. The unfortunate Ammonios had
been driven from tree to tree, till he had got behind one within a
few yards of the water; but the brush-wood upon the banks, and his
attention to the buffalo, hindered him from seeing how far it was
below him. Nothing could be more ridiculous than to see him holding
the tree with both his hands, peeping first one way, and then another,
to see by which the beast would turn. And well he might be on his
guard; for the animal was absolutely mad, tossing up the ground with
his feet both before and behind. "Sir, said I, to Ayto Confu, this
will be but an ugly joke to-night, if we bring home that man's corpse,
killed in the very midst of us, while we were looking on." Saying
this, I parted at a canter behind the trees, crying to Ammonios to
throw himself into the water, when I should strike the beast; and
seeing the buffalo's head turned from me, at full speed I ran the
spear into the lower part of his belly, through his whole intestines,
till it came out above a foot on the other side, and there I left
it, with a view to hinder the buffalo from turning. It was a spear
which, though small in the head, had a strong, tough, seasoned shaft,
which did not break by striking it against the trees and bushes, and
it pained and impeded the animal's motions, till Ammonios quitting
the tree, dashed through the bushes with some difficulty, and threw
himself into the river. But here a danger occurred that I had not
foreseen. The pool was very deep, and Ammonios could not swim; so
that though he escaped from the buffalo, he would infallibly have
been drowned, had he not caught hold of some strong roots of a tree
shooting out of the bank; and there he lay in perfect safety from the
enemy, till our servants went round, and brought him out of the pool
on the further side.
In the mean time, the buffalo, mortally wounded, seeing his enemy had
escaped, kept his eyes intent upon us, who were about forty yards
from him, walking backwards towards us, with intent to turn suddenly
upon the nearest horse; when Ayto Confu ordered two men with guns to
shoot him through the head, and he instantly fell. The two we first
killed were females; this last was a bull, and one of the largest,
confessedly, that had ever been seen. Though not fat, I guess he
weighed nearer fifty than forty stone. His horns from the root,
following the line of their curve, were about fifty-two inches, and
nearly nine where thickest in the circumference. They were flat, not
round. Ayto Confu ordered the head to be cut off, and cleared of its
flesh, so that the horns and skeleton of the head only remained; this
he hung up in his great hall among the probosces of elephants, and
horns of rhinoceroses, with this inscription in his own language,
"_Yogoube the Kipt killed this upon the Bedowi_."
We were now within sight of home, to which we went straight without
further hunting. Neither the ridicule nor the condolence of the young
men could force one word from Ammonios; only when I asked him whether
or not he was hurt, he answered from the scripture, "He that loveth
danger shall perish in it." But at night Ozoro Esther, either really
or feignedly, expressing herself as displeased with her son Ayto
Confu, Ammonios, who loved the young man sincerely, could not bear to
be the occasion of this; so that all resolved itself into mirth and
joke. What added to the merriment was, that the messengers from the
Iteghé brought a large increase to our stock of brandy; but brought
also positive orders, both from her and the king, to Ozoro Esther, to
determine me, by all possible means, to return to Gondar, or else to
repair thither instantly herself.
The evening of the day whereon we set out to hunt, some men arrived
from Ras el Feel, sent by Yasine, with camels for our baggage,
nothing but mules being used at Tcherkin. They brought word, that
the Shangalla were down near the Tacazzé, so that now was the time
to pass without fear; that Abd el Jeleel, the former Shum of Ras el
Feel, Yasine's mortal enemy, had been seen lurking in the country near
Sancaho; but as he had only four men, and was himself a known coward,
it was not probable he would attempt any thing against us, though it
would be always better that we keep on our guard.
Tcherkin has a market on Saturdays, in which raw cotton, cattle,
honey, and coarse cotton cloths are sold. The Shangalla formerly
molested Tcherkin greatly, but for thirty years past they had done
little damage. The small-pox raged so violently for a number of
years among them, that it has greatly diminished their numbers, and
consequently their power of troubling their neighbours. At Tcherkin we
saw a prodigious quantity of black scorpions, of a very small kind,
seldom in the houses, but chiefly hid under stones; several of our
people were stung by them, but no other mischief followed, but a small
swelling, and a complaint of cold in the part, which went away in a
few hours.
From the descent of Moura, after leaving Debra Tzai, and Koscam, all
was thick woods till we arrived at Tcherkin; the roads very rugged
and broken, but the weather was exceedingly pleasant; for though the
thermometer was sometimes at 115°, it was always cool in the shade;
and by the side of every river there was a fresh gentle breeze from
N. E. especially at mid-day. The mornings were always calm, or with
little wind at N. E. It regularly changed about nine to N. W. and then
fell calm. About four in the afternoon it generally was at west or
near it; but two currents were constantly distinguished at night; the
lower N. E. veering easterly towards morning; while the white small
clouds very thin and high, coming very rapidly from the S. W. shewed
the direction and strength of the higher current. The mornings and
nights were cloudy from the first of January, but the days perfectly
serene.
On Wednesday the eighth of January, having rectified my quadrant with
great attention, I found the latitude of Tcherkin, by a meridian
altitude of the sun, to be 13° 7´ 30´´ N.; and taking a mean
between that and the meridian altitude of eleven different stars,
the following night, I found the true latitude of Tcherkin Amba
to be 13° 7´ 35´´ north. But though from that time I was ready to
depart, I could not possibly get disengaged from my friends, but by
a composition, which was, that I should stay till the 15th, the day
before Ozoro Esther and her company were to set out on their return
to Gondar; and that they, on their part, should suffer me to depart
on that day, without further perswasion, or throwing any obstacle
whatever in my way. The king had recommended to them this sort of
agreement, if I was obstinate, and this being settled, we abandoned
ourselves to mirth and festivity.
CHAP. III.
_From Tcherkin to Hor-Cacamoot, in Ras el Feel--Account of
it--Transactions there._
On the 15th of January, at a quarter past eight in the morning, we
left Tcherkin, and entered immediately into thick woods; but proceeded
very slowly, the road being bad and unknown, if it could be called a
road, and our camels overloaded. About an hour afterwards we passed
a small village of elephant hunters on our right, and our course
was straight north, through dark thick woods, overgrown with long
grass, till at half an hour past ten we came to another small village
close on our right. We then turned N. W. and continued in that
direction, passing several villages, all of elephant hunters, and
mostly Mahometans. At three quarters after twelve we came to a small
river which runs W. N. W. and falls into the Germa; here we rested.
At ten minutes past one we set out again, thro' the thickest and most
impenetrable woods I ever saw; and at half past four we encamped
about two miles west of Amba Daid, a small village of elephant
hunters, often destroyed by the Shangalla, but now lately rebuilt, and
strengthened by Agageers and their families under protection of Ayto
Confu. We went not to the village, for the sake of a small brook which
we had found here, running north, and falling into the Angrab.
On the 16th, at half after seven in the morning we resumed our
journey, going westward; about an hour and a half afterwards we
arrived at the Germa, a large river which runs N. N. W. and falls into
the Angrab; and a quarter after nine we passed the Germa, and going
N. W. through the very thickest woods, came to Dabdo, a hill almost
deserted, its inhabitants having been so frequently destroyed by the
Pagan Shangalla.
At twenty minutes past ten, still going through the thickest woods,
and ground all opened by the heat of the sun, we found, in a grassy
marsh, a pretty abundant spring of foul water. This is the resort of
the hunters of the elephant, as also of their rivals and enemies the
Shangalla; and here much human blood has been shed by people whose
occupation and intention, when they went from home, were that of
slaying the wild beasts only. The Baasa or Dobena Shangalla, possess
the country which lies about four days journey N. E. from this.
At a quarter past eleven we came to the river Terkwa; which, after
running N. W. falls into the Angrab; it then flood in large deep
pools; the banks were covered with tall green grass; the taste of the
water foul, and earthy. At twelve we passed the river Terkwa; and
going north, about an hour after we came to the Dongola, running east
and west; and an hour after that to Jibbel Myrat river, which, running
east and west, was once the boundary between Sennaar and Abyssinia.
History does not tell us when these boundaries were altered, or upon
what occasion. It was probably upon the first invasion that new ones
were settled. It should seem that the Abyssinians had then the better
of Nubia; for a large accession of territory was ceded by the latter
to the former. A few minutes after we came to the river Woodo, larger
than the last. It has a rocky bottom, and is full of small fish of
a brownish and silver colour. Where we crossed, it runs from west
to east, and falls into the Angrab. There we passed the night, not
without alarms, as fresh footsteps in the sand were very plainly
discovered, which, by the length of the foot, and the largeness of
the heels, our people pronounced were surely Shangalla; but nothing
disastrous appeared all night.
On the 17th, before seven in the morning we were again upon our
journey, our direction N. and N. W. winding to due West. Andoval
mountain stood W. N. W. distant from us four miles. At forty minutes
past eight, going due west, Andoval mountain lay to the north of us;
and Awassa mountains to the south. This is a ridge which, coming from
the north, stretches south to Dabda, and Abra Amba. Andoval mountain
is a small pointed peek, which constitutes the north end of them. We
halted here a few minutes, and resumed our route to the westward, and
N. W. till we came to Sancaho, at half an hour past one, and there we
rested.
Sancaho is an old frontier territory of Abyssinia. The town may
consist of about 300 huts or houses, neatly built of canes, and
curiously thatched with leaves of the same. It rises in the midst of
a plain, and resembles in shape Tcherkin Amba, though much larger; a
considerable district all around belongs to it, of wilds and woods,
if such as these, abandoned entirely to wild beasts, can be said to
belong to any man. The east end slopes with rather a steep descent
into the plain; and through that is a narrow winding road, seemingly
the work of art, being obstructed at turns by huge stones, and at
different stages, for the purpose of defence by guns or arrows;
all the other sides of the rock are perpendicular precipices. The
inhabitants of the town are Baasa, a race of Shangalla, converted to
the Mahometan religion; it is an absolute government, has a nagareet
or kettle-drum for proclamations, yet is understood to be inferior to
Ras el Feel, and dependent on it; and always subject to that nobleman,
who is Kasmati of Ras el Feel, such as Ayto Confu then was, after he
had resumed his government at my departure, though during my stay in
Abyssinia it had devolved upon me by his surrendering it.
Gimbaro, the Erbab or chief of Sancaho, was the tallest and stoutest
man of his nation; about six feet six inches high, and strongly made
in proportion; hunted always on foot; and was said, among his people,
to have singly killed elephants with one blow of his spear. The
features of his face might well be called hideous; he paid his part
of the revenue in buffaloes hides, of which the best shields were
made; and with elephants' teeth, and rhinoceros's horns, used for the
handles of the crooked knives, which the Abyssinians carry at their
girdles. All the inhabitants of Sancaho are hunters of elephants. It
is their principal food. Erbab Gimbaro came with Yasine, and brought
more than a hundred of the Shangalla to the king's army at Serbraxos,
where the Moors alledged he did not any way distinguish himself. I
had, however, taken considerable notice of him; and at his earnest
desire carried him into the tent, and shewed him the king.
We encamped at the bottom of the hill on the south-west side of the
town, on the banks of the river, which rises in the mountains six
miles off to the south, and encompasses the half of the hill where
Sancaho stands; after which it turns northward, but was now mostly
dry. While we were pitching our tent, I sent one of Yasine's men to
order Gimbaro to send us the usual quantity of provision for ourselves
and camels, and told him also, that my camels were few in number,
and weak; desiring he would send two, or one at least, which should
be stated in his deftar, or account of rent, for that year. I was
astonished to see Yasine's men return, bringing with them only a
woolly-headed black, the Erbab's son, as it seemed, who, with great
freedom and pertness, and in very good Amharic, said, "My father
salutes you; if ye eat what he eats, ye shall be very welcome." I
asked him, What that was?--He said, "Elephant killed yesterday; and
as for camels ye demand, he tells you he has none; elephants are his
camels, and rhinoceroses are his mules."
Ayto Confu's servants, who heard this message delivered, and who were
as desirous of getting over this journey to Ras el Feel as I was,
advised me to go with him up the hill to the town, and expostulate
with the Erbab, who, he said, would be ashamed to refuse. Accordingly,
I armed myself with a pair of pistols at my girdle, with a fusil and
bayonet in my hand; and took with me two servants with their pistols
also, each carrying a large ship-blunderbuss. We mounted the hill with
great difficulty, being several times obliged to pull up one another
by the hands, and entered into a large room about fifty feet long. It
was all hung round with elephants heads and trunks, with skeletons of
the heads of some rhinoceroses, and of monstrous hippopotami, as also
several heads of the giraffa. Some large lion skins were thrown on
several parts of the room, like carpets; and Gimbaro stood upright at
one end of it, naked, only a small cloth about his middle; the largest
man I ever remembered to have seen, perfectly black, flat-nosed,
thick-lipped, and woolly-headed; and seemed to be a perfect picture of
those Cannibal giants which we read of as inhabiting enchanted castles
in fairy tales.
He did not seem to take notice at my first entering the room, nor
till I was very near him. He then came aukwardly forward, bowing,
endeavouring to kiss my hand, which I withdrew from him, and said in a
firm voice, "I apprehend, Sir, you do not know me." He bowed and said
he did, but did not conceive, at the time, it was me that encamped at
the brook. "You did know, Sir, when you sent your son with Yasine's
servant, and you know that you are considerably in my debt. Besides,
if you had any gratitude, you would remember the arrears I remitted
you, and the presents I made you when at Serbraxos, even though you
misbehaved there. Your message to me while below at the river was the
language of a rebel. Are you willing to be declared in rebellion?"
He said, "By no means; he had always been a faithful servant to Ayto
Confu, Ras Michael, and the king, and had come to Serbraxos upon
receiving the first order, and would obey whatever I should command."
"Then pay me the meery you owe me, and begin first by bringing two
camels." "He said, he never refused the camels, and the message he
sent was but in sport." "And was it sport too, Sir, said I, when you
said you would send me the flesh of elephants to eat? Did you ever
know a Christian eat any sort of flesh that a Mahometan killed?" He
answered, "No; and begging my pardon, promised he would send me bread
and honey, and the camels should be ready in the morning. They must
be ready to-night, said I, and before night too; for I am to dispatch
a servant this evening to Ayto Confu to complain of your behaviour,
as I do not know what you may meditate against us in our way to Ras
el Feel." He begged now, in the most earnest manner, I would not
complain; and said, he would have all his spies out to the eastward,
that not a Shangalla should pass to molest us, without our being
informed of them. Some of his principal people now interfering, I
consented to forget and forgive what had passed. We then ate bread,
and drank beer, to show the reconciliation was sincere, and so the
affair ended.
About six in the evening came two strong camels, and about thirty
loaves of bread made of Dora; two large wheat loaves for me, as also a
jar of wild honey, of excellent flavour, and with these a present to
Ayto Confu's servant.
On the 18th, about six in the morning, Erbab Gimbaro, coming down
to our tent, brought thirty loaves of Dora as before, and four of
wheat, for the journey; and we had already enough of honey, upon
which we breakfasted with the Erbab, who, to confirm the friendship,
took two or three glasses of strong spirits, which put him into
excellent humour. His son, too, that he might atone for his last
night's misbehaviour, brought a better camel than any we had seen, and
exchanged it for one of those that came yesterday in the evening. I,
on the other hand, gave him a cotton cloth, and some trifles, which
made him perfectly happy; and we parted in the most cordial friendship
possible, after having made a promise that, at my return, I should
stay a week at Sancaho to hunt the elephant and rhinoceros.
Before leaving Sancaho, I had an opportunity of verifying a fact
hitherto doubtful in natural history. Mr Hasselquist, the Swedish
traveller, when at Cairo, saw the skins of two giraffos stuffed, which
came from Sennaar. He gives as minute a description as possible he
could from seeing the skins only; but says nothing about the horns,
because I suppose he did not see them; on which account the doubt
remained undecided, whether the giraffo's horns were solid as the
deer's, and cast every year; or whether they were hollow, attached
to a core, or bone, like those of sheep, and consequently permanent.
The Count de Buffon conjectures them to be of this last kind, and so
I found them. They are twisted in all respects like the horns of an
antelope.
At ten minutes past eight we set out from Sancaho; but my people took
it into their heads, that, notwithstanding the fair behaviour of Erbab
Gimbaro, he intended to lay some ambush to cut us off, and rob us
on the way. For my part, I was very well satisfied of the contrary;
but this did not hinder them from forsaking the accustomed road, and
getting among a thick wood of canes; we were obliged to cut our way
out of them when our direction was west, or to the southward of west.
They were also afraid of Abd el Jileel.
At ten minutes past eleven we crossed the Bedowi, which we had passed
twice before; at half past eleven we crossed it again, travelling
southward; and a quarter after twelve we were so entangled with
woods, and so fatigued with cutting the way for our camels, that we
thought we should get no further. We had, however, continued till
three quarters past one in a direction south-east, at which time we
were not above five miles from Sancaho; and, at half past two, had
turned south-west on the banks of the large river Tokoor-Ohha, which
signifies the Black River. It comes from the mountains of Awassa on
the south-east, and, after winding considerably, it falls into the
Guangue, about eight miles from Guanjook.
Tokoor-Ohha is a river famous for the number of buffaloes that are
upon its banks, which are covered with large beautiful shady-trees,
all of a hard red wood, called Dengui Sibber, or Breaker of Stones.
They had neither fruit nor flower on them at this time, by which we
might judge to what tribe they belong; but they are not ebony, which
in this country is known by the name of Zopé.
On the 19th, at three quarters past six we left our station on
Tokoor river, which we crossed about a quarter of an hour after,
our direction being nearly S. W. The territory here is called
Gilmaber, from Gilma, a small village a mile and a half distant to
the southward. Gilmaber is about a mile and a half long, full of
tall canes. From the time we left Tokoor river, we had been followed
by a lion, or rather preceded by one, for it was generally a small
gun-shot before us; and wherever it came to a bare spot, it would sit
down and grumble as if it meant to dispute the way with us. Our beasts
trembled, and were all covered with sweat, and could scarcely be kept
on the road. As there seemed to be but one remedy for this difficulty,
I took a long Turkish rifled gun, and crawling under a bank as near
as possible, shot it in the body, so that it fell from the bank on
the road before us, quite dead, and even without muscular motion. It
proved to be a large lioness. All the people in this country eat the
flesh of lions; as I have seen some tribes[19] in Barbary do likewise.
We left the lioness to the inhabitants of the neighbouring village,
skin and all; for we were so tired with this day's journey, that we
could not be at the pains of skinning her.
A few minutes after this we passed the river Gilma, twice, which runs
to the northward. At half past nine we joined Dabda road, and a few
minutes after crossed the Quartucca, a small river running north.
The country here becomes more open, for the thick woods have small
plains between them. In the entrance of a wood we found a man that had
been murdered, and that very lately, as the wild beasts had not yet
begun to touch the body; he had been ham-strung, and his throat cut,
a performance probably of the neighbouring Shangalla. At fifty minutes
past ten, our route being west, we passed under a hill a quarter of
a mile on our right, upon which is a village called Salamgué. At
a quarter past eleven we crossed the small river of Kantis; and a
quarter of an hour afterwards we ascended a hill upon which stands a
village of that name, inhabited by Mahometan Shangalla of the tribe of
Baasa.
On the 20th we proceeded but a mile and a half; our beasts and
ourselves being equally fatigued, and our cloaths torn all to rags.
Guanjook is a very delightful spot by the river side; small woods
of very high trees interspersed with very beautiful lawns; several
fields also cultivated with cotton; variety of game (especially Guinea
fowls, in great abundance) and, upon every tree, perroquets, of all
the different kinds and colours, compose the beauties of Guanjook. I
saw no parrots, and suppose there were none; but on firing a gun, the
first probably ever heard in those woods, there was such a screaming
of other birds on all sides, some flying to the place whence the
noise came, and some flying from it, that it was impossible to hear
distinctly any other sound. It was at this place that I shot that
curious bird called the Erkoom[20] in Amhara; the Abba Gumba, in
Tigrè; and here at Guanjook, _Teir el Naciba_, or the Bird of Destiny.
On the 22d, at three quarters past six we left Guanjook, and a few
minutes after passed a small river called Gumbacca, and afterwards
the river Tokoor. At half an hour past eight we rested there, and
three hours after came to the Guangue. The Guangue is the largest
river we had seen in Abyssinia except the Nile and Taccazé. It rises
near Tchelga, or between Tchelga and Nara. It joins the Tacazzé in the
Barabra, in the kingdom of Sennaar. The two rivers when joined are
called the Atbara, which gives its name to the province. It abounds
with hippopotami, and crocodiles, chiefly the former, which however we
thought were mostly smaller than those of the Nile.
At a quarter after one we came to Mariam-Ohha, and at half past three
arrived at Hor-Cacamoot. Hor in that country signifies the dry deep
bed of a torrent, which has ceased to run; and Cacamoot, the shade of
death; so that Yasine's village, where we now took up our quarters,
is called the Valley of the Shadow of Death: A bad omen for weak and
wandering travellers as we were, surrounded by a multitude of dangers,
and so far from home, that there seemed to be but one that could bring
us thither. We trusted in Him, and He did deliver us.
Hor-Cacamoot is situated in a plain in the midst of a wood, so much
only of which has been cleared away as to make room for the miserable
huts of which it consists, and for the small spots of ground on which
they sow mashilla, or maize, to furnish them with bread. Their other
food consists entirely of the flesh of the elephant and rhinoceros,
and chiefly of the former; for the trouble of hunting the elephant is
not greater than chasing the rhinoceros, and the difference of gain is
much superior. The elephant has a greater quantity of better flesh,
while his large teeth are very valuable, and afford a ready price
everywhere. The inhabitants being little acquainted with the use of
fire-arms, the smaller game, of the deer kind, are not much molested,
unless by the wild Shangalla, who make use of bows and arrows, so that
these animals are increased beyond imagination.
Ras el Feel consisted once of thirty-nine villages. All the Arabs of
Atbara resorted to them with butter, honey, horses, gold, and many
other commodities; and the Shekh of Atbara, living upon the frontier
of Sennaar, entertained a constant good correspondence with the Shekh
of Ras el Feel, to whom he sent yearly a Dongola horse, two razors,
and two dogs. The Shekh of Ras el Feel, in return, gave him a mule and
a female slave; and the effect of this intercourse was to keep all the
intermediate Arabs in their duty.
Since the expedition of Yasous II. against Sennaar, no peace has ever
subsisted between the two states; on the contrary, all the Arabs
that assisted the king, and were defeated with him, pay tribute no
longer to Sennaar, but live on the frontiers of Abyssinia, and are
protected there. The two chiefs of Atbara, and Ras el Feel, understand
one another perfectly, and give the Arabs no trouble; and, if they
pay their rent to either, it is divided between both. It was through
the means of these Arabs the king of Abyssinia's army was furnished,
as we have seen, with heavy horses; and it was in consequence of my
depending on this friendship with the Shekh of Teawa, that I attempted
going thro' that province to Sennaar.
Sometime before I left Gondar I had been threatened with an attack
of the dysentery. At my arrival at Hor-Cacamoot it grew worse,
and had many unpromising symptoms, when I was cured by the advice
and application of a common Shangalla, by means of a shrub called
Wooginoos[21], growing very common in those parts, the manner of using
which he taught me.
The country, from Tcherkin to Ras el Feel, or Hor-Cacamoot, is all
a black earth, called Mazaga, which some authors have taken for the
name of the province. However, the word Mazaga, in the language of
the country, signifies fat, loose, black earth, or mold, such as all
that stripe of land from 13° to 16° of latitude is composed of, at
least till you reach to the deserts of Atbara, where the rains end.
Ras el Feel is, I suppose, one of the hottest countries in the known
world. On the 1st day of March, at three o'clock in the afternoon,
Fahrenheit's thermometer, in the shade, was 114° which was at 61° at
sun-rise, and 82° at sun-set. And yet this excessive heat did not make
a proportional impression upon our feelings. The evenings, on the
contrary, rather seemed cold, and we could hunt at mid-day. And this I
constantly observed in this sultry country, that, what was hot by the
glass, never appeared to carry with it any thing proportionate in our
sensations.
Ras el Feel formerly paid 400 ounces of gold, which is 4000 crowns;
Sancaho paid 100. But trade having decreased, since the expedition of
Yasous II. to Sennaar, without the king's demand being lessened, many
people have left it, and are gone to Tcherkin.
I have several times, in the course of this work, taken notice of a
black nation called Shangalla, who surround all the N. N. W. and N.
E. of Abyssinia, by a belt scarcely sixty miles broad. This is called
by the Abyssinians, Kolla, or the Hot Country, which is likewise one
of their names for hell. Two gaps, or spaces, made for the sake of
commerce, in this belt, the one at Tchelga, the other at Ras el Feel,
have been settled and possessed by strangers, to keep these Shangalla
in awe; and here the custom-houses were placed, for the mutual
interest of both kingdoms, before all intercourse was interrupted
by the impolitic expedition of Yasous against Sennaar. Ras el Feel
divides this nation of woolly-headed blacks into two, the one west
below Kuara, and bordering on Fazuclo (part of the kingdom of Sennaar)
as also on the country of Agows. These are the Shangalla that traffic
in gold, which they find in the earth, where torrents have fallen
from the mountains; for there is no such thing as mines in any part
of their country nor any way of collecting gold but this; nor is
there any gold found in Abyssinia, however confidently this has been
advanced; neither is there gold brought into that kingdom from any
other quarter but this which we are now speaking of; notwithstanding
all the misrepresentations of the missionaries to make the attempts
to subdue this kingdom appear more lucrative and less ridiculous to
European princes. The other nation, on the frontiers of Kuara, has Ras
el Feel on the east, about three days journey from the Cacamoot. The
natives are called Ganjar; a very numerous and formidable nation of
hunters, consisting of several thousand horse. The origin of these is
said to have been, that when the Funge (or black nation now occupying
Sennaar) dispossessed the Arabs from that part of the country, the
black-slaves that were in service among these Arabs, all fled and took
possession of the districts they now hold; where they have greatly
increased in numbers, and continue independent to this day. They are
the natural enemies of Ras el Feel, and much blood has been shed
between them, from making inroads one upon the other, murdering the
men and carrying their women into slavery. Yasine, however, had become
too strong for them, by the assistance of Ayto Confu, and they had
offered to assist the king at the campaign of Serbraxos. But they were
found not fit to be trusted, so were sent away, under pretence that
they should attack Coque Abou Barea governor of Kuara for the rebels,
and hinder him from coming to their assistance; and even this they did
not do.
The title of their chief is Sheba, which signifies the Old Man. His
residence is called Cashumo, by his own people; and Dendy Kolla, by
the Abyssinians of Kuara. Yasine, however, was now at peace with them,
without which our journey would scarce have been possible. Sheba sent
his son to see me at Ras el Feel; we thought, at that time, he came
as a spy. However, when we departed I gave him a small present; and
we swore mutual friendship, that he was to be ready always to fight
against my enemies, and that we were to act kindly by each other,
though we were to meet, horse to horse, alone in the desert.
Yasine had done every thing, on his part, to secure me a good
reception from Fidele Shekh of Atbara. Every assurance possible had
been given, and I had before travelled some thousand miles upon much
slighter promises, which had, however, been always faithfully kept; so
that I did not at all suspect that any thing unfair could be intended
me at Teawa, where Fidele resided. But as the loss of life was the
consequence of being mistaken, I never did omit any means to double my
security.
Mahomet Gibberti, as we have before observed, had already carried a
letter of mine from Gondar to his master Metical Aga, Selictarto the
Sherriffe of Mecca in Arabia, requesting that he would write to some
man of consideration in Sennaar, and, taking it for granted that I was
then arrived at Teawa, desire that a servant of the king might be sent
to give me safe conduct from that frontier to the capital. Yasine had
written to the same effect, directly to Sennaar, and sent a servant
of his, who, for security sake, had nothing but the letter and an old
ragged cloth about his waist; and he had long ago arrived at Sennaar,
the before-named place of his destination.
Among the tribes of Arabs that were protected by Yasine, and furnished
with pasture, water, and a market for their cattle, and milk and
butter, at Ras el Feel, were the Daveina, by much the most powerful of
all the Arabs in Atbara; but they ventured no further southward than
Beyla, for fear of the troops of Sennaar.
The Shekh of Beyla was a man of very great character for courage and
probity. His name was Mahomet; and I had often corresponded with him
upon the subject of horses for the king while I was at Gondar. He
was greatly tormented with the stone, and by means of Yasine I had
several times sent him soap-pills, and lime, with directions how to
make lime-water. I therefore sent a servant of mine with a letter to
the Shekh of Beyla, mentioning my intention of coming to Sennaar by
the way of Teawa and Beyla, and desiring him to forward my servant
to Sennaar, to Hagi Belal my correspondent there, and, at the same
time, write to some other friend of his own, to see that the king's
servant should be dispatched to Teawa without delay. This servant,
with the letters, I committed to the care of the Shekh of the Daveina,
who promised that he would himself see him safe into Beyla; and, by a
particular Providence, all these letters and messengers arrived safe,
without miscarriage of one, at the places of their destination, though
we were long kept in suspence before they took effect.
I was now about to quit Ras el Feel for ever, in a firm perswasion
that I had done every thing man could do to insure a safe journey
and good reception at Sennaar, till one day I received a visit from
Mahomet Shekh of Nile; which does not mean Shekh of the river, but of
a tribe of that name, which is but a division of the Daveina. To this
Shekh I had shewn a particular attention in several trips he had made
to Gondar, in consequence of which he was very grateful and anxious
for my safety. He told me, that he saw I was setting out perfectly
content with the measures I had taken for my safety at Sennaar, and he
owned that they were the best that human prudence could suggest; "but,
says he, in my opinion, you have not yet been cautious enough about
Teawa. I know Fidele well, and I apprehend your danger is there, and
not at Sennaar." He then drew a most unfavourable picture of that
Shekh, whom he affirmed to have been a murderer and a thief all his
days, and the son of a father no better than himself; that he was of
no religion, neither Mahometan, Christian, nor Pagan, but absolutely
without fear of God; he said, however, he believed him to be a great
coward; and therefore the whole of my safety reduced itself to this.
Was he really afraid of Yasine, or not? If he was, that became the
best handle we could lay hold on; but if, on the contrary, he was not
afraid of Yasine, or was persuaded, as he very well might be by wicked
people about him, that, when once I was out of the country, Yasine
took no further charge of me, he doubted very much I should never
pass Teawa, or, at least, without suffering some heavy affront or
ill-usage, the extent of which it was impossible to determine.
These sensible suggestions made a very strong impression on Yasine and
me; Yasine's first position was, that Fidele was certainly afraid to
disoblige him; but, allowing the possibility he was not, he owned he
had not substituted any second measure to which I could trust. We all
regretted that our friends the Daveina had been suffered to depart
without taking me with them by Sim-Sim and Beyla; but it was now too
late, as the Daveina had for some days arrived at the station the
nearest Beyla and the farthest from us. It was then agreed, that Nile
should send a relation of his, who was married to one of the tribes of
Jehaina Arabs, encamped upon Jibbel Idriss near to Teawa, with whom
Fidele was at that time making peace, lest they should burn the crop
about the town. This man was not to enter the town of Teawa with me,
but was to come there the next day, as if from his friends at Jibbel
Idriss; and, if I then informed him there was danger, should return to
the Jehaina, mount a hajan or dromedary, and give Yasine information
with all possible speed. All this being now settled, I prepared for my
journey, having first, by many observations by night and day, fixed
the latitude of Hor-Cacamoot to be 13° 1´ 33´´ north.
CHAP. IV.
_From Hor-Cacamoot to Teawa, Capital of Atbara._
It was on the 17th of March that we set out from Hor-Caamoot on our
journey to Teawa, capital of the province of Atbara. Our course was N.
N. W. through thick brush-wood, with a few high trees; our companions
being eleven naked men, with asses loaden with salt. We had several
interruptions on the road. At three in the afternoon we encamped at
Falaty, the east village of Ras el Feel, a little to the northward.
A small mountain, immediately north from this village, the one end
of which is thought to resemble the head of an elephant, gives the
name to the village and the province[22]. This mountain stretches
in a direction nearly north and south, as do the villages, and the
small river when it has water, but it was now apparently dry. However,
by digging pretty deep in the sand, the water filtering through the
sides of the holes filled in a certain time with a putrid, ill-tasted,
unwholesome beverage, which is all this miserable village has for its
use. The people look sickly and ill-coloured. Falaty is three miles
and a half distant from Hor-Cacamoot, its name interpreted is Poverty.
On the 18th, at half after six in the morning we continued our journey
through thick, and almost impenetrable woods full of thorns; and in
two hours we came to the bed of a torrent, though in appearance dry,
upon digging with our hands in the loose sand, we found great plenty
of fresh water exceedingly well tasted, being sheltered by projecting
rocks from the action of the sun. This is called Surf el Shekh. Here
we filled our girbas, for there is very little good water to be found
between this and Teawa.
A girba is an ox's skin squared, and the edges sewed together very
artificially by a double seam, which does not let out water, much
resembling that upon the best English cricket-balls. An opening is
left in the top of the girba, in the same manner as the bung-hole
of a cask. Around this the skin is gathered to the size of a large
handful, which, when the girba is full of water, is tied round with
whip-cord. These girbas generally contain about sixty gallons each,
and two of them are the load of a camel. They are then all besmeared
on the outside with grease, as well to hinder the water from oozing
through, as to prevent its being evaporated by the action of the sun
upon the girba, which in fact happened to us twice, so as to put us
in imminent danger of perishing with thirst.
Yasine had provided a camel and two girbas, as well as every other
provision necessary for us, till we should arrive at Teawa. Surf el
Shekh is the boundary of Ras el Feel. Here I took an affectionate
leave of my friend Yasine, who, with all his attendants, shewed, at
parting, that love and attachment they had constantly preserved to me
since our first acquaintance.
Soliman, my old and faithful servant, who had carried my first letter
to Sennaar, though provided for in the king's service, insisted upon
attending me to Sennaar, and dying with me if it should be my fate;
or else gaining the reward which had been promised him, if he brought
back the good news of my safe arrival and good reception there. At
parting, I gave the faithful Yasine one of my horses and my coat of
mail, that is my ordinary one; for the one that was given me by Ozoro
Esther had belonged to king Yasous, and as it would have been an
affront to have bestowed it on a common man like Yasine, who, besides,
was a Mahometan, so I gave it (with Ozoro Esther's consent) to Ayto
Engedan, king Yasous's grandson. Before parting, Yasine, like an old
traveller, called the whole company together, and obliged them to
repeat the Fedtah, the Prayer of Peace.
At half past seven in the evening we came to Engaldi, a large bason
or cavity, several hundred yards in length, and about thirty feet
deep, made for the reception of water by the Arabs, who encamp by
its side after the rains. The water was almost exhausted, and what
remained had an intolerable stench. However, flocks of Guinea fowls,
partridges, and every sort of bird, had crowded thither to drink, from
the scarcity of water elsewhere. I believe, I may certainly say, the
number amounted to many thousands. My Arabs loaded themselves in a
very little while, killing them, with sticks and stones; but they were
perfectly useless, being reduced to skeletons by hunger and thirst.
For this reason, as well as that I might not alarm any strolling
banditti within hearing, I did not suffer a shot to be fired at them.
At eight we came to Eradeeba, where is neither village nor water, but
only a resting-place about half a mile square, which has been cleared
from wood, that travellers, who pass to and from Atbara, might have a
secure spot whence they could see around them, and guard themselves
from being attacked unawares by the banditti sometimes resorting to
those deserts.
At a quarter past eleven we arrived at Quaicha, a bed of a torrent
where there was now no water; but the wood seemed growing still
thicker, and to be full of wild beasts, especially lions and hyænas.
These do not fly from man, as those did that we had hitherto seen, but
came boldly up, especially the hyæna, with a resolution to attack us.
Upon our first lighting a fire they left us for a time; but towards
morning they came in greater numbers, than before; a lion carried
away one of our asses from among the other beasts of burden, and a
hyæna attacked one of the men, tore his cloth from his middle, and
wounded him in his back. As we now expected to be instantly devoured,
the present fear overcame the resolutions we had made, not to use
our fire arms, unless in the utmost necessity. I fired two guns,
and ordered my servants to fire two large ship-blunderbusses, which
presently freed us from our troublesome guests. Two hyænas were
killed, and a large lion being mortally wounded was dispatched by our
men in the morning. They came no more near us; but we heard numbers of
them howling at a distance till day-light, either from hunger or the
smarts of the wounds they had received, perhaps from both; for each
ship-blunderbuss had fifty small bullets, and the wood towards which
they were directed, at the distance of about twenty yards, seemed to
be crowded with these animals. The reason why the hyæna is more fierce
here than in any part of Barbary, will be given in the natural history
of that wild beast in the Appendix.
Though this, our first day's journey from Falaty and Ras el Feel, to
Quaicha, was of eleven hours, the distance we had gone in that time
was not more than ten miles; for our beasts were exceedingly loaded,
so that it was with the utmost difficulty that either we or they could
force ourselves through those thick woods, which scarcely admitted
the rays of the sun. From this station, however, we were entertained
with a most magnificent sight. The mountains at a distance towards
the banks of the Tacazzé, all Debra Haria, and the mountains towards
Kuara, were in a violent bright flame of fire.
The Arabs feed all their flocks upon the branches of trees; no beast
in this country eats grass. When therefore the water is dried up, and
they can no longer stay, they set fire to the woods, and to the dry
grass below it. The flame runs under the trees, scorches the leaves
and new wood, without consuming the body of the tree. After the
tropical rains begin, the vegetation immediately returns; the springs
increase, the rivers run, and the pools are filled with water. All
sorts of verdure being now in the greatest luxuriancy, the Arabs
revisit their former stations. This conflagration is performed at two
seasons; the first, by the Shangalla and hunters on the southern parts
of this woody country, begins in the month of October, on the return
of the sun, the circumstances of which I have already mentioned; the
latter, which happens in March, and lasts all April, besides providing
future sustenance for their flocks, is likewise intended to prevent,
at least to diminish, the ravages of the fly; a plague of the most
extraordinary kind, already described.
We left Quaicha a little before four in the morning of the 19th of
March, and at half an hour past five we came to Jibbel Achmar, a small
mountain, or rather mount; for it is of a very regular form, and not
above 300 feet high, but covered with green grass to the top. What
has given it the name of Jibbel Achmar, or the Red Mountain, I know
not. All the country is of red earth about it; but as it hath much
grass, it should be called[23] the Green Mountain, in the middle of
the red country; though there is nothing more vague or undetermined
than the language of the Arabs, when they speak of colours. This hill,
surrounded with impenetrable woods, is in the beginning of autumn
the rendezvous of the Arabs Daveina, when there is water; at which
time the rhinoceros and many sorts of beasts, crowd hither; tho' few
elephants, but they are those of the largest kind, mostly males;
so that the Arabs make this a favourite station, after the grass is
burnt, especially the young part of them, who are hunters.
We reached Imserrha at half past eleven, the water being about half
a mile distant to the S. W. The wells are situated upon a small
ridge that runs nearly east and west. At one extremity of this is a
small-pointed mountain, upon which was formerly a village belonging
to the Arabs, called Jehaina, now totally destroyed by the hunting
parties of the Daveina, the great tyrants of this country, who,
together with the scarcity of water, are the principal causes that
this whole territory is desolate. For though the soil is sandy and
improper for agriculture, yet it is thickly overgrown with trees;
and were the places where water is found sufficiently flocked with
inhabitants, great numbers of cattle might be pastured here, every
species of which live upon the leaves and the young branches of trees,
even on spots where grass is abundant.
On the 20th, at six o'clock in the morning we set out from Imserrha,
and in two hours arrived at Rashid, where we were surprised to see the
branches of the shrubs and bushes all covered with a shell of that
species of univalve called Turbines, white and red; some of them from
three to four inches long, and not to be distinguished by the nicest
eye from those sea-shells, of the same species, which are brought in
great quantities from the West India islands, especially St Domingo.
How these came first in a sandy desert so far from the sea is a
disquisition I shall not now enter into. There are of this fish
great numbers in the Red Sea, and in the Indian Ocean; how they came
upon the bushes, or at the roots of them, appears more the business
of the present narrative. To confine myself to the matter of fact,
I shall only say, that throughout this desert are many springs of
salt-water; great part of the desert is fossile salt, which, buried in
some places at different depths according to the degree of inclination
of all minerals to the horizon, does at times in these fountains
appear very near the surface. Here I suppose the seed is laid, and,
by the addition of the rain-water that falls upon the salt during the
tropical rains, the quantity of salt-water is much increased, and
these fishes spread themselves over the plain as in a temporary ocean.
The rains decrease, and the sun returns; those that are near springs
retire to them, and provide for the propagation of future years. Those
that have wandered too far off in the plains retire to the bushes as
the only shelter from the sun. The intense heat at length deprives
them of that shade, and they perish with the leaves to which they
crept for shelter, and this is the reason that we saw such a quantity
of shells under the bushes; that we found them otherwise alive in the
very heart of the springs, we shall further circumstantiate in our
Appendix, when we speak of mussels so found in our history of the
formation of pearls.
Rashid was once full of villages, all of which are now ruined by the
Arabs Daveina. There are seven or eight wells of good water here, and
the place itself is beautiful beyond description. It is a fairy land,
in the middle of an inhospitable, uninhabited desert; full of large
wide spreading trees, loaded with flowers and fruit, and crowded with
an immense number of the deer kind. Among these, we saw a large one,
like the antelope, his buttocks (a considerable way up his back) being
covered with white, which terminated upon his thigh in a black line,
drawn from the haunch down very nigh to the joint of his hind leg.
These we had never seen before. They are called Ariel in Arabia, go
in large flocks, are exceedingly swift; though, from the necessity of
coming to water, and its only being found in particular places, they
were an easy victim to those that watched for them at night.
Sim Sim is a copious spring, which supplies a large bason the Arabs
have dug for it near thirty feet deep. It lies west of Rashid, or
a little to the southward of west. It is in a sandy desert, in the
direct way to Beyla and Sennaar, and here the Daveina kept their
flocks, equally secure from the fly and the troops of Sennaar, the two
great enemies they have to fear; and being in the neighbourhood of Ras
el Feel, they keep a large market there, supplying that country amply
with provisions of all kinds, and getting from it, in return, what
they have not in their own district.
We were just two hours in coming to Rashid, for we were flying for
our lives; the _Simoom_, or hot-wind, having struck us not long after
we had set out from Imserrha, and our little company, all but myself,
fell mortally sick with the quantity of poisonous vapour that they had
imbibed. I apprehend, from Rashid to Imserrha it is about five miles;
and though it is one of the most dangerous halting-places between
Ras el Feel and Sennaar, yet we were so enervated, our stomachs so
weak, and our head-achs so violent, that we could not pitch our tent,
but each wrapping himself in his cloak, resigned himself immediately
to sleep, under the cool shade of the large trees, invited by the
pleasant breeze from the north, which seemed to be merely local,
confined to this small grove, created probably by the vicinity of the
water, and the agitation we had occasioned in it.
In this helpless state to which we were reduced, I alone continued
not weakened by the simoom, nor overcome by sleep. A Ganjar Arab, who
drove an ass laden with salt, took this opportunity of stealing one
of the mules, together with a lance and shield belonging to one of my
servants. The country was so woody, and he had so much advantage of us
in point of time, and we were in so weak and discouraged a state, that
it was thought in vain to pursue him one step. So he got off with his
booty, unless he was intercepted by some of those wild beasts, which
he would find everywhere in his way, whether he returned to Ras el
Feel, or the frontiers of Kuara, his own country.
Having refreshed ourselves with a little sleep, the next thing was to
fill our girbas, or skins, with water. But before we attempted this, I
thought to try an experiment of mixing about twenty drops of spirit of
nitre in a horn of water about the size of an ordinary tumbler. This I
found greatly refreshed me, though my headach still continued. It had
a much better effect upon my servants, to whom I gave it; for they all
seemed immediately recovered, and their spirits much more so, from the
reflection that they had with them a remedy they could trust to, if
they should again be so unfortunate as to meet this poisonous wind or
vapour.
On the 21st, we set out from Rashid at two o'clock in the morning, and
at a little past eight arrived at Imhanzara, having gone mostly N. W.
to north and by west. This, too, is a station of the Arabs Daveina;
and there had been here large pools of water, the cavities, apparently
dug by the hands of men, were from twenty to thirty feet deep, and
not less than sixty yards long. The water was just then drying up;
and stood only about half a foot in depth, in the bottom of one of
the pools. The borders of the basons were thick set with acacia and
jujeb-trees; but the fruit of the latter was drying upon the stones,
and had fallen shrivelled in great quantities upon the ground. We
gathered about a couple of pecks, which was a very great refreshment
to us. The fruit, though retaining a very sharp acid taste, is mixed
with a sweetness not unlike the tamarind; and which it communicated to
water, upon a handful of the dry fruit being steeped therein for half
an hour. The ordinary jujeb in Barbary is oblong like an olive; this
is perfectly round like the cherry, but something smaller. The tree is
thorny, and differs in nothing from the other, but only in the shape
of the fruit. When dried, it is of a golden colour; and is here called
Nabca, being the principal sustenance of the Arabs, till these pools
are dry, when they are obliged to seek other food, and other water, at
some more distant station.
This day, being the fifth of our journey, we had gone about five hours
very diligently, though, considering the weak state we were in, I do
not think we advanced more than seven or eight miles; and it was to me
very visible, that all the animals, mules, camels, and horses, were
affected as much as we were by the simoom. They drank repeatedly, and
for a considerable length of time, but they seemed to go just so much
the worse for it.
Upon approaching the pool, that had water in it, though yet at some
distance from it, my servants sent me word to come up speedily, and
bring fire-arms with me. A lion had killed one of the deer, called
Ariel, and had ate a part of it, but had retired upon the noise we
had made in alighting. In place of him, five or six hyænas had seized
the carcase, and several others were at the instant arriving to join
them, and partake of the prey the lion had abandoned. I hastened
upon the summons, carrying with me a musket and bayonet, and a ship
blunderbuss, with about forty small bullets in it. I crept through the
bushes, and under banks as near to them as possible, for fear of being
seen; but the precaution seemed entirely superfluous; for though they
observed me approaching, they did not seem disposed to leave their
prey, but in their turn looked at me, raising the bristles upon their
back, shaking themselves as a dog does when he comes out of water,
and giving a short but terrible grunt. After which they fell to their
prey again, as if they meant to dispatch their deer first, and then
come and settle their affairs with me. I now began to repent having
ventured alone so near; but knowing, with the short weapon I had,
the execution depended a good deal upon the distance, I still crept
a little nearer, till I got as favourable a position as I could wish
behind the root of a large tree that had fallen into the lake. Having
set my musket at my hand, near and ready, I levelled my blunderbuss at
the middle of the group, which were feeding voraciously like as many
swine, with a considerable noise, and a civil war with each other. Two
of them fell dead upon the spot; two more died about twenty yards
distance; but all the rest that could escape fled without looking
back, or shewing any kind of resentment: I then took my musquet in my
hand, and stood, prepared with my bayonet, behind the tree, but fired
no more, not knowing what their humour or disposition might be as to a
return upon accession of new companions.
About twenty small foxes, and a flock of several hundred Guinea-fowls,
now came up from the inside of the pool. The fowls lighted
immediately, and ran back again to the water. The foxes retired
quickly into the woods. Whether they had assembled with a view of
getting a share of the deer, an animal of this kind being generally
attendant upon the lion, or whether, as is most likely, they were
seeking the Guinea-fowls, I do not know. I suspect it was the latter,
by their number; for never more than one at a time is remarked to
accompany the lion.
We observed a variety of traps and cages, some of them very ingenious,
which the Daveina, or other Arabs, had set to catch these birds,
several of which we found dead in these snares, and some of them had
not yet been touched by beasts; and as there was but a small distance
between the traps and the water's edge, which could only be answerable
to a few days evaporation, we with great reason inferred, that the
Daveina, or some other Arabs, had been there a very short time before.
We found in the mud of the pool large green shell-snails, with the
animals alive in them; some of them weighed very near a pound, in
nothing, but size and thickness of the shell, different from common
garden-snails.
Not a little alarmed at this discovery that the Arabs were near us, we
left Imhanzara at four o'clock in the evening of the 21st, our journey
mostly N. W.; at eight we lost our way, and were obliged to halt in a
wood. Here we were terrified to find, that the water in our girbas was
entirely gone; whether by evaporation of the hot wind, or otherwise,
I know not; but the skin had the appearance of water in it, till its
lightness in unloading discovered the contrary. Though all the people
were sick, the terror of being without water gave us something like
alacrity, and desire to push on. We set out at eleven, but still
wandered in the wood till three o'clock in the morning of the 22d,
when we were obliged again to alight. I really then began to think we
were lost. I ordered the girbas to be examined: a large one which we
had filled at Rashid was entirely empty; and that one which we had
partly filled at Imhanzara on account of the badness of the water,
had not much more in it than what kept liquid the mud which had been
taken up with it. This, however, (bad as it was) was greedily guzzled
up in a moment. The people who conducted the asses, seeing that we
had skins to contain plenty of water for us, had omitted to fill the
small goat-skin which each of them carried. A general murmur of fear
and discontent prevailed through our whole company; for we could have
no guess at the nearness or situation of the next well, as we had lost
our road; and some of the caravan even pretended that we had passed
it. But though we had travelled thirteen hours, I cannot compute the
distance to have been above fourteen miles.
This day, being the sixth from Ras el Feel, at half after five in the
morning, we set off in great despondency; and, upon the first dawn of
day, I set our route by the compass, and found it north and by east,
or more easterly. This did not seem the probable road to Sennaar,
after having gone so considerably to the north-west. But, before I
could make much reflection upon the observation, one of the caravan
declared he knew the road, and that we had gone very little out of it,
and were now proceeding straight to the well. Accordingly, at half
past nine, we reached it; it is called Imgellalib[24]. There is great
plenty of water, with a leather-bucket, and a straw rope to draw it
up, but it is very ill-tasted. However, the fear of dying with thirst,
more than having materially suffered from it, made every one press to
drink; and the effect of this hurry was very soon seen. Two Abyssinian
Moors, a man and woman, died after drinking; the man instantly, and
the woman a few minutes after; for my own part, though thirsty, I was
sensible I could have held out a considerable time without danger;
and, indeed, I did not drink till I had washed my head, face, and
neck all over. I then washed my mouth and throat, and, having cooled
myself, and in great measure assuaged my thirst, I then drank till I
was completely satisfied, but only by small draughts. I would have
persuaded all my companions to do the same, but I was not heard; and
one would have thought, like the camels, they had been drinking once
for many days to come. Yet none of them had complained of thirst till
they heard the girbas were empty; and it was not sixteen hours since
they had drank at Imhanzara, and but twelve since the girbas were
found to be dry, when we first lost our way, and stopped in the wood.
The extensive, and very thick forest, which had reached without
interruption all the way from Tcherkin, ended, here at Imgellalib. The
country is perfectly flat, and hath very little water. The forest,
however, though thick, afforded no sort of shade; the hunters, for
the sake of their sport, and the Arabs, for destroying the flies,
having set fire to all the dry grass and shrubs, which, passing with
great rapidity, in the direction of the wood from east to west,
though it had not time enough to destroy the trees, did yet wither,
and occasion every leaf that was upon them to fall, unless in those
spaces where villages had been, and where water was. In such spots a
number of large spreading trees remained full of foliage, which, from
their great height, and being cleared of underwood, continued in full
verdure, loaded with large, projecting, and exuberant branches. But,
even here, the pleasure that their shade afforded was very temporary,
so as to allow us no time for enjoyment. The sun, so near the zenith,
changed his azimuth so rapidly, that every few minutes I was obliged
to change the carpet on which I lay round the trunk of the tree,
to which I had fled, for shelter; and, though I lay down to sleep,
perfectly skreened by the trunk, or branches, I was presently awakened
by the violent rays of a scorching sun, the shade having passed beyond
me; and this was particularly incommodious, when the trees, under
which we placed ourselves, were of the thorny kind, very common in
those forests. The thorns, being all scattered round the trunk upon
the ground, made either changing-place, or lying, equally uneasy; so
that often, however averse we were to fatigue, with the effects of the
simoom, we found, that, pitching the head of our tent, and sometimes
the whole of it, was the only possible means of securing a permanent
protection from the sun's oppressive heat. In all other places, though
we had travelled constantly in forests, we never met with a tree that
could shade us for a moment, the fire having deprived them of all
their leaves.
---------------- _Latè tibi gurgite rupto
Ambitur nigris Meroë fœcunda colonis,
Læta comis hebeni; quæ quamvis arbore multâ
Frondeat, æstatem nullâ sibi mitigat umbrâ,
Linea tam rectum mundi ferit illa leonem._
LUCAN.
Having refreshed ourselves for near two hours by the enjoyment of this
water at Imgellalib, and raked a sufficient quantity of sand over the
dead bodies of our two companions, from piety and decency rather than
for use, we abandoned them to the hyænas, who had already smelled the
mortality, and were coming, two and three together, at the distance
of a long shot from the well where we were then drinking. We set
out at eleven, our road being thro' a very extensive plain; and, at
two in the afternoon, we alighted at another well, called Garigana;
the water was bad, and in small quantity. In this plain is situated
the principal village of Atbara, called Teawa. The thermometer,
slung under the camel, in the shade of the girba of water, had yet,
nevertheless, varied within these three hours from 111° to 119½.
At five o'clock we left Garigana, our journey being still to the
eastward of north; and, at a quarter past six in the evening, arrived
at the village of that name, whose inhabitants had all perished with
hunger the year before; their wretched bones being all unburied and
scattered upon the surface of the ground where the village formerly
stood. We encamped among the bones of the dead; no space could be
found free from them; and on the 23d, at six in the morning, full of
horror at this miserable spectacle, we set out for Teawa: this was
the seventh day from Ras el Feel. After an hour's travelling we came
to a small river, which still had water standing in some considerable
pools, although its banks were perfectly destitute of any kind of
shade.
At three quarters after seven in the evening we arrived at Teawa, the
principal village and residence of the Shekh of Atbara, between three
and four miles from the ruins of Garigana. The whole distance, then,
from Hor-Cacamoot, may be about sixty-five miles to Teawa, as near as
I then could compute; that is, from Hor-Cacamoot to Rashid, thirty-two
miles, and from Rashid to Teawa, thirty-three miles; but Rashid from
Hor-Cacamoot bears N. W. and by N. and the latitudes are:--
Teawa, lat. 14° 2´ 4´´ N.
Hor-Cacamoot, 13° 1´ 33´´
-------------
Difference, lat. 1° 0´ 31´´
-------------
The difference of longitude is then but five or six miles; so that
Teawa is very little to the westward of due north from Hor-Cacamoot,
and nearly in the same meridian with Ras el Feel, which is four miles
west of Hor-Cacamoot. From Imhanzara to Teawa, but especially from
Imgellalib, we went always to the eastward of north. From Teawa we
observed the following bearings and distances:
Beyla, W. S. W. about 28 miles at farthest.
Hasib, S. and by W.
Jibbel Imsiddera, S. about 8 miles, where is good water.
Mendera, N. 48 miles; indifferent water from deep wells.
Rashid, S. nearly 33 miles; plenty of good water all the year.
Jibbel Isriff, E. N. E. about three miles; water.
Jibbel Attesh and Habharras, W. and by N. between 50 and 60
miles.
Sennaar, W. and by N. as far as we could guess about 70 miles.
Guangue River, from 14 to 16 miles due east.
Derkin, E. N. E. about 27 miles.
At Garigana, several of our caravan, with their asses and loading
of salt, left us, either afraid of entering Teawa, or because their
friends dwelt at Jibbel Isriff, where the clan of Jehaina were then
encamped, being afraid of the Arabs Daveina, who, the preceding year,
had destroyed all the crops and villages that belonged to them, or
rather reaped them for their own advantage. The whole tribe of Jehaina
is greatly their inferiors in all respects, and as by assembling upon
Jibbel Isriff, a low though very rugged ridge of hills, abounding in
water, where the pits in which they hide their grain were, and where,
too, they had deposited the principal of their effects, they had given
this pledge of mutual assistance to the inhabitants of Teawa in case
of an attack from those great destroyers the Daveina.
The Daveina being Arabs, who constantly live in tents, bear a mortal
enmity to all who inhabit villages, and, as occasion offered, had
destroyed, starved, and laid waste the greatest part of Atbara. They
had been outlawed by the government of Sennaar for having joined
Yasous II. upon the expedition against that kingdom. They had ever
since been well-received by the Abyssinians, lived independent, and
in perpetual defiance of the government of Sennaar. They had often
threatened Teawa, but had given the Shekh of Beyla an assurance of
friendship ever since Yasine had married a daughter of that Shekh.
The strength of Teawa was about 25 horse, of which about ten were
armed with coats of mail. They had about a dozen of firelocks, very
contemptible from the order in which they were kept, and still more
so from the hands that bore them. The rest of the inhabitants might
amount to twelve hundred men, naked, miserable, and despicable Arabs,
like the rest of those that live in villages, who are much inferior in
courage to the Arabs that dwell in tents: weak as its state was, it
was the seat of government, and as such a certain degree of reverence
attended it. Fidele, the Shekh of Atbara, was reputed by his own
people a man of courage; this had been doubted at Sennaar. Welled
Hassan, his father, had been employed by Nasser the son, late king of
Sennaar, in the murder of his father and sovereign Baady, which he had
perpetrated, as I have already mentioned. Such was the state of Teawa.
Its consequence was only to remain till the Daveina should resolve to
attack it, when its corn-fields being burnt and destroyed in a night
by a multitude of horsemen, the bones of its inhabitants scattered
upon the earth, would be all its remains, like those of the miserable
village of Garigana.
I have already observed, in the beginning of the journey, that the
Shekh of the Arabs Nile, who resided in Abyssinia, near Ras el Feel,
since the expedition of Yasous, had warned me, at Hor-Cacamoot, to
distrust the fair promises and friendly professions of Shekh Fidele,
and had, indeed, raised such doubts in my mind, that, had not the
Daveina been parted from Sim Sim, (or the confines of Abyssinia)
though there would have been a risk, that if, coming with that tribe,
I should have been-ill received at Sennaar, I nevertheless would have
travelled with them, rather than by Teawa; but the Daveina were gone.
The Shekh of Atbara, having no apparent interest to deceive us, had
hitherto been a friend as far as words would go, and had promised
every thing that remained in his power; but, for fear of the worst,
Nile had given us a confidential man, who was related to the Jehaina
and to the principal Shekh of that tribe. This man conducted an ass,
loaded with salt, among the other Arabs of the caravan, and was to
set off to Ras el Feel upon the first appearance of danger, which he
was to learn by coming once in two days, or oftner, either to Teawa,
where he was no farther known than as being one of the Jehaina, or to
the river, where my Soliman was to meet him at the pools of water; but
his secret was only known to Soliman, myself, and a Greek servant,
Michael. From leaving Hor-Cacamoot, he had no personal interview with
me; but the night, when we were like to perish for thirst in the wood,
he had sent me, by Soliman, privately, a horn-full of water, which he
had in his goat's skin, and for which I had rewarded him handsomely
in the instant, glad of that opportunity of confirming him in his duty.
This man we set off to Jibbel Isriff, as a stranger, with orders not
to come to us till the third day; for we were well-persuaded, whatever
the end was to be, that our first reception would be a gracious one.
Indeed we were all of us inclined to believe, that our suspicions of
Fidele Shekh of Atbara, and of his intentions towards us, were rather
the effects of the fear that Shekh Nile had infused into us, than any
apprehension which we could reasonably form after so many promises; at
the same time, it was agreed on all hands, that, life being at stake,
we could not be too careful, in providing means that could, if the
worst happened, at the least diminish our risk.
CHAP. V.
_Transactions at Teawa--Attempts of the Shekh to detain the
Author there--Administer Medicines to him and his Wives--Various
Conversations with him, and Instances of his Treachery._
At the passage of the small river, about a quarter of a mile from
Teawa, we were met by a man on horseback, cloathed with a large,
loose gown of red camlet, or some such stuff, with a white muslin
turban upon his head, and about 20 naked, beggarly servants on foot,
with lances, but no shields; two small drums were beating, and a pipe
playing before them. He stopt upon my coming near them, and affected
a delicacy in advancing to salute me, he being on horseback, and I
upon a mule, for my horse was led behind, saddled and bridled, with a
loose blue cloth covering him. Soliman, who first accosted him, told
him it was the custom of Abyssinia not to mount horses but in time
of war, upon which he immediately dismounted, and, upon seeing this,
I alighted likewise. We saluted one another very courteously. He was
a man about seventy, with a very long beard, and of a very graceful
appearance. It was with the utmost difficulty I could prevail upon
him to mount his horse, as he declared his intention was to walk by
the side of my mule till he entered the town of Teawa. This being
over-ruled, by an invincible obstinacy on my part, he was at last
constrained to mount on horseback, which he did with an agility only
to be expected from a young man of twenty.
Being mounted, he shewed us a variety of paces on horseback. All this,
too, was counted a humiliation and politeness on his part, as playing
tricks, and prancing on horseback, is never done but by young men
before their elders, or by meaner people before their superiors. We
passed by a very commodious house, where he ordered my servants to
unload my baggage, that being the residence assigned for me by the
Shekh. He and I, with Soliman on foot by the side of my mule, crossed
an open space of about five hundred yards, where the market is kept;
he protested a thousand times by the way, what a shame it was to him
to appear on horseback, when a _great man_ like me was riding on a
mule.
A little after, having passed this square, we came to the Shekh's
house, or rather a collection of houses, one storey high, built with
canes; near the street, at entering, there was a large hall of unburnt
brick, to which we ascended by four or five steps. The hall was a very
decent one, covered with straw-mats; and there was in the middle of
it, a chair[25], understood to be the place of the grand signior. The
Shekh himself was sitting on the ground for humility's sake, reading
the Koran, or pretending to read it. At our entry he seemed to be
surprised, and made an attempt as if to rise up, which immediately I
prevented him from doing, holding him down by the hand, which I kissed.
I shall not fatigue the reader with the uninteresting conversation
that passed at this first interview. He affected to admire my size and
apparent strength, introduced some loose hints about Abyssinian women;
and, in general, pretended to blame me for exposing myself to travel
in such a country. In return, I complained of the extreme fatigue of
the journey and heat, the beasts of prey, the thick woods without
shade, the want of water, and, above all, the poisonous blasts of the
simoom that had almost overcome me, the effects of which I was at that
instant feeling.
He then blamed himself very politely, in a manner natural to the
Arabs, for having suffered me to come to him before I had reposed
myself, which he excused by his desire of seeing so _great_ a man as
me. He said also, that he would detain me no longer; bid me repose a
day or two in quiet and in safety; and, upon my rising to go away,
he got up likewise, and holding me by the hand, said, "The greatest
part of the dangers you have passed in the way are, I believe, as
yet unknown to you. Your Moor, Yasine, of Ras el Feel, is a thief
worse than any in Habesh. Several times you escaped very narrowly, by
mere chance, from being cut off, especially at Rashid, by the Arabs
Daveina, whom Yasine had posted there to murder you. But you have a
clean heart, and clean hands. God saw their designs, and protected
you; and, I may say also, on my own part, I was not wanting."
Being then on my legs for retiring, I returned no answer, but the
usual one (Ullah Kerim) _i. e._ God is merciful. Soliman, on the other
side, echoed, "_Ullah Kerim!_" by which I saw he understood me. We
both went out, and were conducted to the apartment provided by the old
man in the red cloak, who met us on our first arrival at the river,
and who now walked before me till we came to the house. It was a very
decent one, consisting only of one large room, and stood close upon
the river. This situation was chosen with an intention to keep open
the correspondence with the Shekh of Nile's servant, whom we had sent
to the Jehaina, and who occasionally was to meet us there; but Soliman
told the old man, it was necessary to me, on account of frequent
ablutions before prayer, which my religion obliged me to perform.
This old man was called Hagi Soliman Kaiya, that is, the Shekh's
Lieutenant. He had been at Mecca, and had seen Metical Aga, and knew
his post and consequence; but he was a murderer and robber like his
master, a liar and dissembler beyond all conception.
We had scarce taken possession of our lodging, or thrown off our
clothes to put ourselves at our ease, when several slaves of both
sexes, brought us a quantity of dishes of meat from the Shekh, with
many flattering compliments and good wishes. The whole was dispatched
very speedily, and some of our poor companions of the caravan, with
the salt, came and helped us very thankfully, without ceremony, as is
the custom of the country. When all was over, I was astonished at one
young man, who came and put his mouth close to my ear, saying these
few words in Arabic, "Seitan Fidele! el Shekh el Atbara Seitan!" _i.
e._ Fidele is a devil! the Shekh of Atbara is the devil himself!
All strangers were now dismissed, under pretence of our going
immediately to repose. We had, indeed, much need of rest in our
present situation, but still more of council, for which we immediately
assembled by ourselves, after having shut the door. I asked Soliman
what he thought of the Shekh of Atbara, and his discourse. He
answered, without hesitation, "He is a traitor, has deceived Yasine,
and means you ill." The word, _great man_, so often applied to me--the
abuse bellowed upon Yasine, whom in his letters he had called his dear
brother--the wondering that I came that way, after, in his letters,
and by his servants, he had so often persuaded us, while at Ras el
Feel, that it was the best, nay, the only road possible; all this
united together, seemed to leave us no doubt but that we had fallen
into a trap, from which our own activity and resolutions, under the
protection of Providence, could alone release us.
It may be remembered that, some time before our setting out from Ras
el Feel, I had dispatched a servant with the Daveina to Sennaar, whom
they were to escort as far as Beyla; and they had consigned him into
the hands of Mahomet, Shekh of Beyla, who was to forward him to
Sennaar; and this he certainly would have done immediately without
delay, but for a misfortune that happened, and entirely disconcerted
the plan. The Daveina, on their way to Beyla, had heard that an
encampment of Arabs, (who usually, at this time, occupy the banks
of the Nile) had come eastward towards Atbara. Whether the Daveina
intended to attack these Arabs, or were afraid the Arabs intended to
fall upon them, I know not; but they returned westward to the left,
instead of coming to Beyla; they sent my servant forward, after
some loss of time, and Mahomet, Shekh of Beyla, had forwarded him
to Sennaar. Here, too, he was detained by Shekh Adelan, the first
minister, who happened then not to be at Sennaar, but levying taxes
upon the Arabs. This we did not know at that time; so every moment we
expected his arrival. We were disappointed, likewise, in not finding
a servant of the Shekh of Beyla waiting for us, who was to inform us
of the situation of the country about Beyla. This we more wondered
at, because, being ill of the gravel, he had expressed himself very
anxious, in his letter to Yasine, to have some lime-water, which his
servant was to get from me at Teawa. We did not then know, as we soon
afterwards did, that this servant had been waiting for us at Teawa,
and that Shekh Fidele had informed him that I was no longer coming by
Atbara, but that Coque Abou Barea had sent me, under the care of some
Ganjar horse, straight down the Dender from Kuara; so that the Shekh
of Beyla did not expect to see me.
All this being unknown to us; we were in constant expectation of
servants from Sennaar, and the message from the Shekh of Beyla. But,
as we all agreed we were in danger, we resolved, the next day, at
meeting Shekh el Nile's servant, to dispatch him to Ras el Feel,
requiring Yasine to send some person, as from the king or Ayto Confu,
to ask the reason of our being detained, and to be a witness of the
Shekh's behaviour and our departure. In the mean time, we determined
to make our interviews with him as few as possible, till some
assistance should arrive. Soliman met the Shekh el Nile's servant, and
gave him the letter he was to carry to Yasine, explaining himself to
the Arab by word of mouth.
On the night of the 24th of March, the day after our arrival, our
dispatch set off from Jibbel Isriff for Ras el Feel; where he arrived
safely, but found Yasine was gone to Ayto Confu at Tcherkin, else he
would certainly have been the first to bring us comfort, for he had
executed his commission with great fidelity. This day I had staid in
the house, being ill of the simoom; but had sent to Fidele, to let
him know I should wait upon him next day, having as yet given him no
present, and being desirous to know what effect that might have.
On the 25th, at four o'clock I waited upon the Shekh accordingly, in
his own house. Soliman the Moor, Hagi Ismael the Turk, who, besides,
was a sherriffe, and my Greek servant, were along with me. I gave the
Shekh, for a present, a large piece of blue Indian cotton cloth, with
gold flowers, a silk and cotton sash, about two ounces of civet, two
pounds of nutmegs, and ten pounds of pepper. He received the presents
very graciously to appearance, and laid all the articles down beside
him. I desired that he would dispatch me as soon as possible, and,
for that end, be preparing the camels. He answered, the camels were
fifteen days journey off, in the sandy desert, for fear of the flies;
but that the want of them should not detain us, if he had leave from
Sennaar, for which he was to write that night. He added, that they
always were exceedingly tedious at Sennaar, and both the town and
road were, at present, in a very unsettled state. I told him, I was
surprised at this, as Hagi Belal had written to Yasine and myself
also, in a letter (then in my custody) that orders were gone both
to him and the Shekh of Beyla, to receive me kindly, and forward me
safely and speedily to Sennaar: that he himself had confessed this to
Yasine in a letter written to him from Teawa, desiring that I would
come speedily, as he had every thing ready, which letter I myself had
read. Fidele seemed in the utmost surprise at this. He lifted up his
hands and eyes, as if I had been telling the greatest of lies. He
said, "he never wrote a letter about me to Yasine in his life; or, at
least, not this year; that it was all a forgery of Yasine, knowing
that I had a quantity of gold with me, to get me out into the desert,
to rob and murder me there; that I might see he never could receive
such orders, or else it would have been as much as his life was worth,
not to have prepared to dispatch me immediately; but so far from
that, says he, seek all over the town, and if you find one camel, or
any other number, I will make you a present of them all, for this is
entirely a forgery of Yasine."
Soliman could bear this no longer. He told Fidele, "That it was he
who was a forger and a liar, not Yasine. Will you persuade me that I
do not know of your letter to Yasine? Have not your servants Ibrahim
and Nasser lived with us at Ras el Feel for weeks together as bearers
of these letters, which I have seen in their hands before reading,
and also read them afterwards? Was I not speaking to them both this
morning about the letters? and are not they just now waiting without?
If you have a mind to call them in, and question them, do it now
before me. What do you think Yasine will say when he hears of the fine
character you give him?" "Soliman, replies the Shekh, in a very soft
tone of voice, I may have forgotten, in the many letters and affairs
that pass through my hands in a day; but Yasine is my brother, and I
will do every thing for him and you that you could wish: stay only
this week, and if my camels do not arrive, I will send and take them
from the Arabs, wherever they can be found. They are for the king's
business, and not mine." He said this with such an air of candour and
sincerity, that it was impossible to doubt him.
On the 26th, I went in the forenoon to see the Shekh; I sat a few
minutes with him, then rose to go away. He then inquired if I had
any thing particular to ask? I answered, I had nothing but to pay my
compliments to him. He made me a very civil bow, and I took my leave.
Next day, the 27th, I staid in the house all day, it being the Shekh's
festival. In the evening, the old man, who was the Kaiya, came to my
house with compliments from the Shekh. He told me Fidele was often ill
with complaints in the stomach, and hinted that it was from excessive
drinking. He wished that I would give him some medicine to vomit
him, and restore his appetite, which he had perfectly lost. The old
man added, that this was the way to make the Shekh do what I wished,
sooner than all the presents in the world. I told him, that he might
assure Fidele, that I both could, and would do him that service, and
for that purpose would wait upon him at 6 o'clock next evening.
On the 28th, in the evening I went to the Shekh's house with the
medicine, and it answered all our expectations. I observed, however,
when the cup with the ipecacuanha was in his hands, that they
trembled, and also his under lip. He was apparently at that time
under some apprehension, which his conscience suggested, of what it
was in my power to do to him. In these countries they have an emetic
which they take occasionally, which operates so violently, that it
often throws them into convulsions. What it may be I know not. Some
say it is the small seed of a flower like the poppy; some, the pith
of a tree, after it has been dried and rubbed into a fine powder by
the hand; whatever it may be, it is so severe in proportion to the
strongest doze of ipecacuanha, that the latter seemed but like a sport
in comparison. The ease that warm water occasioned, which he had
never experienced before, was so unexpected, that he could hardly be
satisfied with drinking. After this was over, all was thankfulness,
and promises of doing whatever I should desire of him, provided I
would administer two or three dozes more to him, and, if he forwarded
me quickly, leave him some of the powder, with directions how to take
it in my absence. This I engaged faithfully to do, and we parted
apparently the best friends in the world.
The 29th, early in the morning, before sun-rise, I had a message from
him again by the Kaiya, to whom I gave coffee at the door while I was
dressing. He told me, the Shekh was wonderfully well, and never in
such health and spirits in his life, but desired that I would come to
him in the evening, for two of his wives were ill of the same disorder
that he had. I excused myself, under pretence that it was Sunday, my
festival, and that I never went out upon any business.
This excuse passed as to the Shekh, but at noon a black common slave
came down with a message from her mistresses, who thought the answer
given to the Kaiya was a refusal. They said, they were sorry if I
had not meat to my liking; that they dressed it with their own hands
every day in the best manner possible, but they would alter it in any
respect I chose, if I would instruct them. I soon found how necessary
it was to content my benefactresses. I explained my answer to the
Shekh about Sunday; but assured them, that on Monday evening I should
be with them, to vomit them till they were perfectly satisfied; in the
mean time, I took a small cup, which I filled with civet, and sent it
by the slave to her mistresses; giving likewise, at the same time, two
handfuls of pepper for herself.
On the 30th, in the evening I went to the Shekh's house according
to promise, and was carried into a large room, where he was sitting
alone, smoaking in an alcove; I suppose meditating future mischief,
for he had no other apparent employment. He was perfectly sober,
however, and seemed rather thoughtful; was very civil, and thanked
me in an unusual strain of kindness, for the care I had taken of his
family. I asked him if he was recovered? He declared, he had never
been so well in his life as since I had given him the last vomit;
but that he had received very bad news from Sennaar, that Mahomet
Abou Calec (the first minister) had taken the greatest part of the
horse and troops, and was gone to Kordofan, a very distant province,
surrounded with deserts, where he governed independently; and by his
manners and discourse seemed resolved to withdraw himself from his
duty to the king: That Shekh Adelan, his younger brother, with the
remaining troops, had left Sennaar, and was encamped at Aira, a few
miles from the town, where he too governed despotically by his own
will; it being the prerogative of the minister to have absolute power
as soon as he has left the capital, and put himself at the head of the
army, for levying the tax from the Arabs; but that he had parted with
the king on terms very little short of rebellion. He then said, "Since
this is the case, that Providence has thrown your lot here, that you
cannot go forward to Sennaar, nor back to Abyssinia, if you will
resolve to stay with me, and turn Mahometan, which is the only true
religion, I will give you my daughter for your wife, and you shall be
second man in the government of Teawa; and as my intention is to go
next year to Mecca, you shall then be appointed to the government of
Atbara, while I go to Sennaar, and procure an office fitter for an old
man."
Although I seldom, in my life, was less inclined to merriment, I
affected to break out into a loud fit of laughter; at which he looked
grave, seeming to take it ill, and asking me if I laughed at him?
"Exactly so, said I, at you; I was laughing to think that a man set
over a province to govern it, like you, should yet know so little of
mankind as to imagine one like me capable of turning renegado. You
may deny it for some purpose of your own, but I know you are well
informed of the degree of favour and honour in which I was whilst in
Abyssinia, where I had every thing that I desired. They were people of
my religion, and yet I never could consent either to stay with them
or marry among them. What then could be my inducement to marry here,
to change my religion, and live in a country where there is nothing
but poverty, misery, famine, fear, and dependence?" "Hearken, says he,
you are a fool; this country is a thousand times healthier and sweeter
than Abyssinia; but, since you wont take my advice, I shall say no
more; come and see my Harem[26]."--"With all my heart, replied I, as
far as that I will go, and shall be happy to do both you and your
family all the good I can."
The Shekh went before me, through several apartments, well
proportioned, but very meanly furnished, slovenly, and in bad order.
This was the part of the house that belonged to himself, and formed
one side of a square. We crossed the square to the opposite side,
where there were several apartments furnished in a much better style.
The floors were all covered with Turkey carpets. In an alcove sat one
of his wives upon the ground, with a number of black slaves about her.
Her face was uncovered; the circle made way for me; so that, first
putting my hand to my lips, I touched the end of her fingers with the
end of mine. In the mean time, the Shekh had brought a second wife
from another apartment, and set her down beside the first. They were
both women past the middle age, seemed to have a great many slaves
attending them, but never had been handsome. One of them, I learned
afterwards, was daughter to the first minister Shekh Adelan.
I thought it necessary to explain myself a little with Fidele. "You
know, Shekh, said I, it is not always that you and I agree, and
though I have lived many years with people of your religion of all
ranks, yet I am far from knowing what are the manners of Atbara; what
will offend you or them, or what not; for, as I have no view but your
good and theirs, I would not expose myself to any ill usage to which
a mistake of your customs may subject me. In short, I must ask these
ladies a number of questions, which, if you choose to hear, you may,
but no person else must, as is the custom of my country." "What has
he to do with us and our physician? said the eldest of the two; all
his business is to pay you money when you have made us well." "What
would become of him, says Adelan's daughter, if we were to be ill?
he would starve for want of people to make ready his meat."--"Aye,
and his drink too, says the other, which he is fonder of than his
meat."--"No, no, says Shekh Fidele, in perfect good humour, we know
you, Hakim; you are not like us; ask them all the questions you
please, I neither wish nor intend to hear them; I hear too much of
them every day against my will, and only wish to God you would cure
them or make them dumb altogether, and then they will not teaze me
with their illness any longer; a sick woman is plague sufficient for
a devil."--"Then, clear the room, said I, in the first place, of all
these idle women-servants; only leave two or three of the steadiest
slaves to serve their mistresses." He did not seem at a loss how to do
this, for he took up a short whip, or switch, which lay at hand, and
happy were they who got first to the door. I saw among these a genteel
female figure, covered from head to foot, whom Fidele pulled in with
his hand, after he had pushed the others out of the door, saying,
"Come in, Aiscach;" and immediately after this he went away.
I was very sensible that I was playing a farce upon which a very great
deal depended. Though in these countries the daughters of ministers
and great men are given to inferiors, this is only with a view of
having them provided for; they are spies upon their husbands, and keep
up the consequence of their birth in their husband's house even after
they are married, and this I understood was precisely the case with
Adelan's daughter. Notwithstanding the bad character I had of Fidele,
I knew he durst not rob me, without murdering me also; and I was sure
he did not dare to do either, if it was once known that I was arrived
in the dominions of Sennaar; and this his wife could inform Adelan her
father of, whenever she pleased. This was then the first step towards
safety.
I shall not trouble my reader with a repetition of my medical
inquiries, nor the complaints of ladies, which are properly secrets
with me, though at the distance of Atbara. The ipecacuanha operation
gave high satisfaction. It was now happily terminated; but, whilst
it was administering, I observed the figure, who till then appeared
covered, had unveiled her face and head down to her shoulders; and
soon after one of the slaves, her attendant, as in play, pulled off
the remaining part of the veil that covered her. I was astonished
at the sight of so much beauty. Her hair, which was not woolly, but
long, and in great quantity, was braided and twisted round like a
crown upon the top of her head, ornamented with beads, and the small
white Guinea-shells, commonly known here by the name of blackamoor's
teeth. She had plain rings of gold in her ears, and four rows of gold
chain about her neck, to which was hung a number of sequins pierced;
the rest of her dress was a blue shift, which hung loosely about her,
and covered her down to her feet, though it was not very rigorously
nor very closely disposed all below her neck. She was the tallest of
the middle size, and not yet fifteen years of age; her whole features
faultless; they might have served alone for the study of a painter all
his life, if he was in search of absolute beauty. Her mother being an
Arab of the tribe of Jehaina, her complexion was a dark brown. Such
was the beautiful Aiscach, daughter of the eldest of the ladies that I
was then attending.
Neither sickness nor medicine could prevent those who were present
from discovering plainly how exceedingly I was disconcerted. Adelan's
daughter said to me, You will think nothing of the women in Atbara,
after so long a stay in Abyssinia; but the women in Europe, they say,
are so white, that they are the handsomest of all. I never was less
persuaded of that truth than at present, said I; and I see perfectly
you observe it. "Aye, aye, says her mother, and so we do; if Aiscach
was ill, you would take better care of her than of either of us."
"Pardon me, said I, Madam; if the beautiful Aiscach was ill, I feel I
should myself be so much affected as not to be able to attend her at
all."
Aiscach made the most gracious inclination with her head, to shew
she was perfectly sensible of the compliment. The women laughed out
aloud. "Send for Yasine and your horse from Ras el Feel, cries a
voice behind me laughing, but speaking perfect good Amharic; take
her away, and carry her back with you to Abyssinia, I'll go with you
with all my heart, and so will she, I swear to you." I turned with
surprise to the person that spoke the language, which I had not heard
spoken of late. "She is a poor Christian slave, says the eldest of
Fidele's wives, taken by the Jehaina when the Mek Baady was defeated
in his return to Sennaar; she is a foolish, but merry creature, as
you see." All our diet and regimen being settled, I took my leave,
and was attended to the door by the Abyssinian slave and Aiscach, who
seemed to be very much her friend. When she came to the outer door,
she covered herself again with her veil, from head to foot, as before,
saying, in a low voice, Shall we not see you to-morrow?
On the 31st of March, Fidele again insisted upon undergoing another
experiment of the ipecacuanha. I waited upon him at the same hour as
before, curious to know what he would say to me about his wives. Upon
my inquiring after them, he only answered, that they were well; and
when coffee was brought, before I went away, told me, that he knew
perfectly well, from Ras el Feel, that, when I set out from thence,
I had disposed, in various boxes and chests, (which I pretended were
instruments) 2000 ounces of gold, besides variety of cloth of gold,
and other valuable things for presents; and as all this was now in his
power, he could not think me mad enough to refuse him 500 piastres,
which were only 50 of these ounces I carried with me; that, if I gave
them to him civilly, he would forward me to Sennaar in two days; if
not, I was in his hands, and he could easily take the whole by force,
and after dispose of me as he pleased.
"Well done! out with it! said I; this is but what I knew long to be
in your heart. But let me set you right; I have not three ounces
of gold in all my possession. It is of no use to me in my country;
take all my cases and boxes, and search them; the gold that you find
there I freely give you, and without reserve. As for the cloth of
gold, which I have, it is a present from the king of Abyssinia to the
king of Sennaar, to be delivered with his letter. I have likewise a
present to Shekh Adelan, with a letter to him; and some other trifles
for Sennaar, presents to people in government: look at them; if you
think they are too great, apply to your own use what part of them you
please, and account with the king and Adelan for what you take from
them, with your reason for so doing. The little money I may want at
Sennaar, Hagi Belal, Metical Aga's servant from Mecca, will furnish me
with, and, upon my letter, will take payment for the amount from my
countrymen on board the East India ships at Jidda. As for force, do
not deceive yourself; if all those cases were gold it never would be
in your power to open one of them. Do not think that I am a girl or a
child; consider the danger and difficulties I have passed, under God's
protection only, and by my own force and courage: I am well armed, and
have brave men about me, so try your force when you please. I dare say
you will keep yourself out of danger, to give an account of your brave
exploit to the king of Sennaar afterwards." I then arose, and said,
"Good evening." The Shekh called after me to stay. I said, "Another
time;" and immediately left him.
We had hitherto been supplied plentifully with provisions from the
Shekh's house once a-day. When I came home at night, I found that
after Magrib, which is after sun-set, a large store had been sent
by the ladies from the Shekh's house, as acknowledgements for the
attention I had paid them; but no particular message, except than
that they had been exceedingly well after their medicines, and hoped I
would not abandon them, but see them again. A Greek servant of mine,
who knew perfectly their customs, had answered, that I certainly would
wait upon them when the Shekh should desire me so to do.
The weather was extremely hot, and people, avoiding sun-shine of the
day, generally sat up the whole of the night, enjoying the only hours
when it was possible to breathe freely. It was about eleven o'clock at
night, when the old Kaiya, whom I never saw but upon these occasions,
came to me for coffee, of which he drank at least twenty dishes every
visit. He appeared at first very moderate, and, as he pretended, a
friend. But immediately afterwards, being seated, and assuming a new
kind of air and tone of voice, he reproved me roundly for my behaviour
to the Shekh that day. He extolled him highly for his generosity,
courage, and his great interest at Sennaar from his father's merits,
and from his having married Shekh Adelan's daughter. He said, it was
the greatest presumption, in a set of infidels like us, to behave in
the manner we had done to Fidele that day. "Hagi Soliman, answered I,
you are an old man; if years have not given you wisdom, your journey
to Mecca, and conversation with persons of all nations there, should
at least have taught you an appearance of it, which, at this time,
you have not. I am here, immediately under the protection of the
sherriffe of Mecca, the chief of your religion, and Metical Aga his
minister. I have letters from the king of Abyssinia to your king of
Sennaar, requesting only, under the faith of nations, to pass through
your country in my way to Cairo, to rejoin Ali Bey, whose physician I
am, and in whose hands at least three thousand subjects of Sennaar,
and their effects, are at this moment. I say to you now, as I did to
your master in the morning, that he cannot either rob or murder me at
Teawa without all your nation being responsible for it, wherever they
shall go. But I am not a sheep, or a lamb, to be spoiled of my goods,
or robbed of my life, without defending myself to the utmost; and I
tell you, for your proper instruction, that there are probably now at
Sennaar, people from the king of Abyssinia, complaining of my being
detained here, and demanding justice."
He seemed to pay no attention to this threat. He did not think it
possible that I could have had any communication with Ras el Feel
since I came to Teawa, but declared, that, as my particular friend, he
had calmed the Shekh's wrath, and obliged him to promise, that, for
2000 piastres, he would dispatch me in two days to Sennaar. Indeed,
Hagi Soliman, said I, I have not 20 piastres in the world to give
either him or you, nor would I give them if I had them. The Shekh may
take all that I have by force, and is welcome to try the experiment.
You, as his friend and soldier, may command the party, if you please;
but I am resolved, were he willing, never to leave Teawa till I depart
under the conduct of another man than one of your or of Shekh Fidele's
chusing. Upon my saying this, he arose, shook the bosom of his cloak,
and said, he was sorry for it; but he washed his hands of all the
consequences.
Immediately after this we shut our doors; and our fire-arms being
cleaned, loaded, and primed, we resolved to abide the issue of this
bad affair in the best manner possible, and live or die together.
One thing, however, diverted us: One of the large blunderbusses being
accidentally laid across the door, this veteran soldier started back
at the sight of it, and, although the muzzle was pointed far from
him, would not enter till the piece was removed, and placed at a
considerable distance from him.
As we saw things were growing to a crisis, we became every hour more
impatient for the arrival of relief, either from Ras el Feel or
Sennaar. On the 1st of April came a servant from the Shekh of Beyla,
and delivered a message to Fidele: What it was I know not; but about
noon he came to inquire after us, and pay us a visit.
All this time Fidele had kept our arrival at Teawa a secret from the
Shekh of Beyla; but the people, who frequented the market of Teawa,
having told their governor that they had seen strangers there, he all
at once suspected the truth, and dispatched a confidential servant to
Fidele, under a shew of business, to inquire whether we were those
strangers. An explanation immediately followed upon his coming to my
house, and especially concerning the message the Shekh of Beyla had
received from the Shekh of Atbara, that we were gone by Kuara down
the Dendar. He said, that his master either had sent, or intended to
send, advice of this to my servant at Sennaar, who, expecting us no
longer by Teawa, would neither come himself, nor seek a king's servant
to conduct us from hence, but would seek measures for our safety the
other way, or wait at Sennaar, expecting our arrival daily; for the
way from Kuara was through a number of outlawed, or banditti Arabs, so
that it was not in the power of the government of Sennaar, if ever so
well inclined, to conduct us one step in safety on that road till we
should be within two days journey of Sennaar. The servant therefore
proposed, that he should return instantly to Beyla, (as he did that
night) and that his master should send a messenger on a dromedary
express to Sennaar, to inform Hagi Belal of our situation, and procure
immediate relief. He promised further, that his master should send
a Moullah, (or man of extraordinary holiness and learning) in whose
presence Shekh Fidele would not dare to proceed to extremities,
as this was a man universally esteemed, and of great weight and
reputation at Sennaar, both with Abou Calec and Adelan, as well as
throughout Atbara.
I must here obviate a very reasonable objection which may be made
by my reader:--"Why, when you knew your safety depended upon the
government of Sennaar, when you was arrived at Teawa, did you not
take the first opportunity of notifying it to Fidele, that you had
already sent to acquaint your correspondent at Sennaar that you had
set out for that place?" I answer, That to do this had been many
times in agitation among us, but was always rejected. It was thought
a dangerous measure to leave a man like Fidele, the only person who
had seen us, to give us any character and description he pleased, who,
from the connection and correspondence he must have in that capital,
and the confidence necessarily placed in him, as governor of a
frontier province, might so far prejudice the minds of that credulous
and brutal people, by misrepresenting us, as either to get orders to
cut us off upon our journey, or procure us a fate similar to that of
M. du Roule, the French envoy, after our arriving in that capital.
It was by the goodness of Providence alone that we were restrained
from adopting that measure, often considered as the most adviseable,
but which, we since have certainly known, would have ended in our
destruction.
Nothing material passed on the 3d of April, their festival day; but on
the 4th no meat was sent us. However, on Sunday the 5th it was brought
rather in larger proportion than before, and we spent the whole day in
conjecturing what was become of our servants, and of the Moullah whom
the Shekh of Beyla's servant had promised us. On the 6th the Kaiya
came, and, without ceremony, told me that the Shekh had heard I wanted
to escape to Beyla, in which journey I should certainly perish, and
therefore he had taken my horse from me, which was in a stable at some
distance. From this time we got our victuals very sparingly. On the
7th he sent me word, that I should bring him a vomit the day after,
which I promised to comply with. It was very plainly seen Beyla's
secret was not kept, and to this we attributed the delay of the
Moullah; but nothing could comfort us for the want of an answer from
Ras el Feel.
On the 8th, in the evening, a little before six o'clock, when I was
making ready to go to the Shekh, a message came, that he was busy, and
could not see me; with which, for a time, I was very well pleased.
About ten, arrived a naked, very ill-looking fellow, more like an
executioner than any other sort of man, with a large broad-sword in
his hand, and seemingly very drunk. He said he was one of the Shekhs
of Jehaina, and in a little time became extremely insolent. He first
demanded coffee, which was given him, then a new coat, then some
civet, and, last of all, drawing his sword, that we should instantly
provide him with a new scabbard, his own being but a piece of common
leather, which he threw with a kind of indignation down upon the
floor. Till that time I had been writing these very memoirs, at least
the journal of the day. I was not any way afraid of one drunkard, but
laid down my pen, wondering where this insolence was to end. Before
I had time to speak a word, I heard my old Turk, the sherriffe, Hagi
Ismael, say, "You are of the Jehaina, are you? then I am of the
Daveina;" and with that he caught the stranger by the throat, taking
his sword from him, which he threw out of the house, after casting the
owner violently upon the floor. The fellow crept out upon all-four,
and, as soon as he had picked up his sword, attempted again to enter
the house, which Soliman perceiving, snatched his own short, crooked
sword, from a pin where it hung, and ran readily to meet him, and
would very speedily have made an end of him, had I not cried out, "For
God's sake, Soliman, don't hurt him; remember where you are." Indeed,
there was little reason for the caution; for when the Arab observed
a drawn sword in the Turk's hand, he presently ran away towards the
town, crying, Ullah! Ullah! Ullah! which was, God! God! God! an
exclamation of terror, and we saw no more of him; whilst, instead of
a new scabbard, he left his old one in the house. Seeing at once the
cowardice and malice of our enemies, we were now apprehensive of fire,
things were come to such an extremity; and as our house was composed
of nothing but dry canes, it seemed the only obvious way of destroying
us.
On the 9th, in the morning I sent Soliman with the scabbard to Fidele,
and a grievous complaint against the supposed Shekh of the Jehaina
for his insolence the night before. Shekh Fidele pretended to be
utterly ignorant of the whole, made light of what had passed, and said
the fellow was a fool. But a violent altercation took place between
him and my servant black Soliman, who then told him all his mind,
threatening him with Yasine's immediate vengeance, and assuring him he
was, before this, fully informed of his behaviour. They, however, both
cooled before parting. Fidele only recommended to Soliman to persuade
me to give him 2000 piastres, without which he swore I never should go
alive out of Atbara. Soliman, on the other hand, declared, that I was
a man that set no value upon money, and therefore carried it not about
with me, otherwise I should not refuse what he desired, but warned him
to think well before he uttered such expressions as he now had done.
In the course of conversation, as Soliman told me, the Shekh gave him
several hints, that, if he would agree with him, and help to rob and
murder me, he should share the booty with him, and it never would be
known. But Soliman pretended not to understand this, always assuring
him that I was not the man he took me for; and that, except the king's
present, all I had was brass, iron, and glass bottles, of no value
to any but myself, who only knew how to use them. They then finished
their discourse; and he desired Soliman to tell me, that he expected
me at the usual hour of 6 o'clock to-morrow evening, which was Friday
the 10th.
This seemed to me to be an extraordinary appointment, because Friday
is their festival, when they eat and drink heartily, nor did I ever
remember any of them take medicine upon that day. But with Fidele all
was festival, not even their annual solemn fast of Ramadan did he ever
keep, but was universally known to be an unbeliever, even in what was
called his own religion. I had still this further objection to wait
upon him at night, that he had gone so far as to solicit Soliman to
assist him in murdering me. But I considered at last, that we could
not escape from his hands; and that the only way to avoid the danger
was to brave it. Providence, indeed, seemed all along to have reserved
our deliverance for our own exertions, under its direction, as all
the ways we had taken to get relief from others had hitherto, in
appearance at least, miscarried. However, it was resolved to go armed,
for fear of the worst; but to conceal our weapons, so as to give no
umbrage. I had a small Brescian blunderbuss, about 22 inches in the
barrel, which had a joint in the stock, so that it folded double. It
hung by an iron hook to a thin belt under my left arm, close to my
side, quite unperceived, like a cutlass. I likewise took a pair of
pistols in my girdle, and my knife as usual. All these were perfectly
covered by my burnoose; so that, with a little attention, when I
sat down, it was impossible to discover my having any weapons about
me; Hagi Ismael the Turk, Soliman my servant, and two other Moorish
servants, took also their fire arms, small and great, and swords,
along with them. We all went to the house of the Shekh a little
before seven o'clock in the evening. I entered the back door into
the square where the women's house was; but declined going so far as
their apartment without leave, turning to the left hand into the side
of the square where he usually staid. I was surprised to meet but one
servant, a black boy, in the whole house, and he carried me to the
Shekh, my servants remaining at the outer-door.
Fidele was sitting in a spacious room, in an alcove, on a large broad
sofa like a bed, with India curtains gathered on each side into
festoons. Upon seeing the boy, in a very surly tone he called for
a pipe; and, in much the same voice, said to me, "What! alone?" I
said, "Yes, what were his commands with me?" I saw he either was, or
affected to be, drunk, and which ever was the case, I knew it would
lead to mischief; I therefore repented heartily of having come into
the house alone.
After he had taken two whiffs of his pipe, and the slave had left the
room, "Are you prepared? says he; have you brought the _needful_ along
with you?" I wished to have occasion to join Soliman, and answered,
"My servants are at the outer door, and have the vomit you wanted."
"D--n you and the vomit too, says he with great passion, I want money,
and not poison. Where are your piastres?" "I am a bad person, said I,
Fidele, to furnish you with either. I have neither money nor poison;
but I advise you to drink a little warm water to clear your stomach,
cool your head, and then lie down and compose yourself, I will see
you to-morrow morning." I was going out. "Hakim, says he, infidel,
or devil, or whatever is your name, hearken to what I say. Consider
where you are; this is the room where Mek Baady, a king, was slain by
the hand of my father: look at his blood, where it has stained the
floor, which never could be washed out. I am informed you have 20,000
piasters in gold with you; either give me 2000 before you go out of
this chamber, or you shall die; I will put you to death with my own
hand." Upon this he took up his sword, that was lying at the head of
his sofa, and, drawing it with a bravado, threw the scabbard into the
middle of the room; and, tucking the sleeve of his shirt above his
elbow like a butcher, said, "I wait your answer."
I now stept one pace backwards, and dropt the burnoose behind me,
holding the little blunderbuss in my hand, without taking it off the
belt. I said, in a firm tone of voice, "This is my answer: I am not a
man, as I have told you before, to die like a beast by the hand of a
drunkard; on your life, I charge you, stir not from your sofa." I had
no need to give this injunction; he heard the noise which the closing
the joint in the stock of the blunderbuss made, and thought I had
cocked it, and was instantly to fire. He let his sword drop, and threw
himself on his back on the sofa, crying, "For God's sake, Hakim, I was
but jesting." At the same time, with all his might, he cried, "Brahim!
Mahomet! El coom! El coom[27]!"--"If one of your servants approach me,
said I, that instant I blow you to pieces; not one of them shall enter
this room till they bring in my servants with them; I have a number of
them armed at your gate, who will break in the instant they hear me
fire."
The women had come to the door. My servants were admitted, each having
a blunderbuss in his hand and pistols at his girdle. We were now
greatly an overmatch for the Shekh, who sat far back on the sofa, and
pretended that all he had done was in joke, in which his servants
joined, and a very confused, desultory discourse followed, till the
Turk, sherriffe Ismael, happened to observe the Shekh's scabbard of
his sword thrown upon the floor, on which he fell into a violent fit
of laughter. He spoke very bad Arabic, mixed with Turkish, as I have
often observed. He endeavoured to make the Shekh understand, that
drunkards and cowards had more need of the scabbard than the sword;
that he, Fidele, and the other drunkard that came to our house two or
three nights before, who said he was Shekh of the Jehaina, were just
possessed of the same portion of courage and insolence.
As no good could be expected from this expostulation, I stopt it, and
took my leave, desiring the Shekh to go to bed and compose himself,
and not try any more of these experiments, which would certainly end
in his shame, if not in his punishment. He made no answer, only wished
us good night.
CHAP. VI.
_Transactions at Teawa continued--A Moullah and Sherriffe arrive
from Beyla--News from Ras el Feel and Sennaar--An Eclipse of the
Moon--Leave Teawa._
We went to the door, through the several apartments, very much upon
our guard, for there was no person to light us out, and we were afraid
of some treachery or ambush in the anti-chamber and dark passages;
but we met nobody; and were, even at the outer gate, obliged to open
the door ourselves. Without the gate there were about twenty people
gathered together, but none of them with arms; and, by the half words
and expressions they made use of, we could judge they were not the
Shekh's friends. They followed us for a little, but dispersed before
we arrived at our house. Soliman, my servant, told me by the way, that
the Moullah was arrived, and that the Shekh of Beyla's servant, who
had come with him, had been at my house ever since I went to Fidele's.
Accordingly we found him still there, and explained to him what had
happened, and the great distress we had been in from the Moullah's not
arriving sooner, as also from receiving no message either from Sennaar
or Ras el Feel. He told us, the reason of our servants not joining us
was the false information his master the Shekh of Beyla had received
from Fidele; that we were coming by the Dender, and not by Teawa, as
already mentioned. He now advised us to come up, and shew ourselves in
the morning to the Moullah, who would be sitting with Shekh Fidele,
administering justice; but to take no particular notice of him, and
only observe to what his discourse pointed, and he would bring us word
if any thing more was necessary.
I recommended to this servant of the Shekh of Beyla that he should
tell the Moullah that he was not to expect I was to open my baggage
here, but that I was a man who understood perfectly the value of a
favour done me, and should not be in his debt longer than arriving
at Beyla, which I wished to reach as soon as possible; nothing can
be quicker than these people are on the smallest hint given; we
separated, fully satisfied that we were now a sufficient match for the
Shekh, even at his own weapons.
Ever since the adventure of the Shekh of the Jehaina, one of us had
kept guard, the door being open every night for fear of fire, and it
was my turn that night, a post that I never declined, for the sake
of good example; but my spirits were so exhausted this day, that I
gave the old Turk plenty of coffee and tobacco, to undertake, as he
did with great willingness, the office of that night for me. I went
to bed, and fell presently into a profound sleep, from which I was
awakened, a little before midnight, by a message from the ladies,
my patients, in the Shekh's house, sent by the black slave that had
spoken in the Abyssinian language to me while I was attending her
mistress. They advised me to be upon my guard, for the Shekh was
absolutely resolved to take a severe revenge upon us all: That after
we had left him that evening, an express arrived from the lower part
of Atbara, giving him an account that Shekh Ibrahim, a great man at
Sennaar, and favourite of Adelan the prime minister, while he was
employed in gathering the taxes from the Arabs, had fought with the
tribe called Shukorea, somewhere east of Sennaar; that he had been
completely beaten, and many of his people killed; as also, that
Shekh Ibrahim and his two sons were wounded; that Shekh Fidele had
immediately sent back word, that he had then with him a surgeon and
physician, meaning me, who could, upon occasion, even bring a dead man
to life, but that I would never consent to come to him unless I was
forced; therefore, if he would dispatch a sufficient number of armed
men, to help him to surprise me in the night, he would conduct the
execution of that scheme, and would send me to him in irons. He said
I was an infidel, a white man from Abyssinia, and had several stout
people with me expert in fire-arms, (of which I had a number,) who
would be of great use to him in subduing the Arabs. They assured me,
however, of their friendship, and begged me to consider what I had to
do in time, for many wild men would be poured in upon me, who would
not fail to kill me if I resisted.
I returned my most humble thanks to my kind informants; with a small
gratification of civet to the two elder ladies, and a separate portion
to the beautiful Aiscach, assuring them I should not fail to profit by
any advice they should give me. After this I again fell into a sound
sleep, which continued till morning; and, though my affairs had not
the most prosperous appearance, I felt a calmness of mind to which
I had been utterly a stranger ever since I had left Ras el Feel. My
servants awakened me in the morning of the 11th; I drank coffee, and
dressed, and took along with me Soliman and Ismael, without arms in
our hands, but having knives and pistols in our girdles, to shew that
we had lived in fear.
The Moullah's name was Welled Mestah, or the _son of interpretation_,
or _explanation_. He was reputed to have attained such a degree of
holiness as to work miracles, and, more than once in his life, to
have been honoured with the conversation of angels and spirits, and,
at times, to have called the devil into his presence, and reproved
him. He was a man below the middle size, of a very dark complexion,
and thin beard, seemingly past sixty, hollow-eyed, and very much
emaciated. If holy, we could not say he was the beauty of holiness.
I understood, afterwards, he was much addicted to the use of opium,
to the effects of which he probably was indebted for his conversation
with spirits. He had brought with him another saint, much younger
and robuster than himself, who had been several times at Mecca, and
had seen Metical Aga, but did not know him. He had seen likewise the
English ships at Jidda, and knew the name of the nation, but nothing
more. He was a sherriffe, (that is, a descendant of Mahomet) a
degree of nobility much respected among the Arabs, distinguished by
wearing a green turban. The Daveina, when they burnt all the country
between Teawa and Beyla, saved this man's house, effects, and crop,
in veneration of his sanctity. These two were sitting on each side of
Shekh Fidele, and before him stood two black slaves holding each a
monstrous long broad-sword. I approached these powers, ecclesiastical
and civil, with great composure, as if nothing had happened; but
Ismael, the Turk, had almost spoiled my gravity, for, seeing the
swords in the men's hands before Fidele, he said, in his barbarous
language, loud enough to be heard, "O, ho, they have got their
scabbards upon their swords to-day."
Fidele seemed to have a very serene countenance, till we approached
nearer, when, seeing the pistols in our girdles, he appeared rather
discomposed, and probably he thought the blunderbuss was not far off;
I made him, however, a bow, and shook him by the hand; I likewise made
another bow to their two holinesses. As people of that sanctity seldom
chuse to have, even their cloaths, touched by unbelievers in public,
I made no further advance towards them. The sherriffe no sooner saw
Ismael's turban, than he got up, took him in his arms, and, as he was
an older man than himself, though all in rags, kissed his forehead
with great respect. This was returned by Hagi Ismael, first kissing
his forehead and then his hand; after which the Moullah did the same,
as I thought with rather less ceremony. Ismael gave a very slight
salutation of _Salama_ to the Shekh, and we all sat down.
"Brother, says the sherriffe to Ismael, you seem a stranger in this
country." "I am a Turk, answered Ismael, born in Anatolia, a janizary
of Ali Bey at Cairo." "He came, says Shekh Fidele, to Habesh, with
their Kafr, the Abuna or great priest, and is returning to Cairo with
that white man, who is physician to Ali Bey." "Kafr there, or Kafr
here, continued Ismael (who did but half underhand what was said) the
greatest of all Kafrs (that is Infidel) is, I believe, in Teawa. I do
not think there is one Mussulman in this cursed place." "Is this the
Frank, says the Moullah, whose servant brought letters to the Shekh of
Beyla some weeks ago, and was forwarded to Sennaar?" "No, says Fidele,
he does not know the Shekh of Beyla." "I am sure, says the Moullah,
that, such a day, when I was at Sennaar, there was a talk of a man
of this kind, whose servant was at Aira with Shekh Adelan, and had
orders to come hither with a servant of his, and one from the king;
and I am sure, upon reflection, continued the Moullah, this must be
the man." "Shekh, says he, turning to me, (who sat silent, overjoyed
at the train I saw the affair taking) did you come from Habesh? have
you letters for Sennaar?" "I came from Habesh, replied I, with letters
to the king of Sennaar; likewise letters to him from the sherriffe of
Mecca, and from Ali Bey of Cairo, (you are welcome to see them all,)
yet, contrary to faith, observed even in Pagan nations, I am here
detained by Shekh Fidele, who last night attempted to murder me in his
own house, because I would not pay him 2000 piastres." Shekh Fidele's
face turned pale; he could scarcely utter, "That is not true." "As
that book is the word of God, says Ismael, (pointing to the Koran,
lying in the sherriffe's lap) it is every word true. Look upon my
turban, (says he to Fidele) do you call me a liar?" _Fid._ "I did
not call you a liar, only that Christian lied." _Ism._ "I say, that
every word he spoke is truth, or I am no true believer. Was not your
sword drawn, and your scabbard lying on the floor, when I entered the
room? Was there any one present but him and you? Whom did you draw
your sword upon?" "Pure merriment for a little amusement, says Fidele,
turning to the Moullah, I was diverting myself with the Christian, who
came to give me medicines." "The diversion, I fancy, was over on your
part, says Soliman, my servant, when you threw away your sword, after
drawing it, and called upon all your servants for assistance. Were not
your women at the door upon my entering it?" _Fid._ "Would you have
had me shot in my own house by an infidel? Did he not present a pistol
at me?" _Ism._ "Lord! Lord! he was only diverting himself, too? Did
not you see that? You should have gone on with your merriment:--What
stopt you?" "Look you, Shekh, said I, your inward thoughts are seen by
me. Did not you send two messengers to Shekh Ibrahim in Atbara that
very night, within these twelve hours, desiring him to take me by
force, while asleep, to heal his wounded men? Was this amusement, too?
Beware in time, for every thought in your heart is known to me as soon
as it is formed."
The sherriffe muttered to himself, "Hakim y'Eref--he is a learned man;
he knows these things." "Shekh Ibrahim is returned to Sennaar, says
the Moullah, that is the reason why he should make haste, and all this
that has passed is very improper. If a man diverts himself with drawn
swords, is he not likely, when angry, to kill? this ought not to be;
send the man away; you can get camels from the Jehaina. Men like
him have no money. There are many of them, at all times and places,
wandering over the face of the earth, and will be so till Hagiuge
Magiuge[28] come; they are Dervishes, study the herbs and the water,
and cure diseases." "God bless the truth! said I; there it is. I am
a Dervish, a poor, but an innocent man." The Moullah seemed to take
credit to himself for all this learning. "I saw, says the Sherriffe,
a number of his countrymen in large ships from the Indies, when I was
at Jidda; they are called Inglese." "They are brave men, says Ismael,
and came first from Turkey. Their country is called Caz Dangli to this
day. I have seen it, and am sure no man would hurt Yagoube that knew
him." _Fid._ "So, Yagoube is his name; the first time I knew it."
_Moul._ "Yagoube el Hakim; now I remember it perfectly. Ali Tchelebi,
Mahomet Abou Calec's factor, is ill of an enchantment from an enemy;
his bowels are out of order; he it was that asked me if such a man
was yet come to Beyla. They surely expect that you should forward him
to Sennaar. True, Yagoube el Hakim, that was his name." _Fid._ "He
shall go next week, since it is so, if I can but get camels." Upon
this we rose, seeing other people coming in. When I took hold of the
Shekh's hand at going away, he asked me, in apparent good humour,
"Well, Yagoube, are we friends now?" I answered him, in the most
complacent tone of voice possible, "Sir, I never was your enemy; so
far otherwise, that my only anxiety now is, lest your behaviour may
bring upon you powerful adversaries, before whom you are not able to
stand. The ill-usage I have met with will not be easily passed over
either in Abyssinia or at Sennaar. I am neither servant nor merchant;
and it has been your ill-luck to try your wicked experiments upon
a man like me, who never in his life carried much money about him,
because he never valued it." _Moul._ "You must forget all, and I will
be your friend with the Shekh, since you come from the Sherriffe of
Mecca." "And I, too, says the other, for the kindness you have shewed
our brother Ismael there, in carrying him home from among the Kafrs of
Habesh; and if Fidele cannot procure camels, we will try and help him;
so go in peace, and get ready."
We had scarce got rid of this real danger, when the apprehension of
an imaginary one struck us violently. The water at Teawa is stagnant
in pools, and exceedingly bad. Either that, or the bouza, a kind of
new beer which they sent us with our meat, had given all of us, at the
same time, a violent diarrhœa, and I was tormented with a perpetual
thirst ever since we had been overtaken by the simoom; and the bouza
being acid, was not only more agreeable, but, I thought, relieved me
more than bad water; in this, therefore, I certainly had exceeded.
When we found we were all taken ill at the same time, it came into
our wise heads that Shekh Fidele had given us poison in our dinner,
and we were very much perplexed what we should do the next day. None
of us, therefore, tasted the meat sent us; when at night, our friend,
the black slave came, and to her we frankly told our doubts. The poor
creature fell into such violent fits of laughing, which followed so
close the one upon the other, and lasted so long, that I feared she
would have expired upon the spot. "It is the water, says she; it does
so to all strangers;" and then she fell into another great fit of
laughter. "Child, answered I, you know the Shekh is not our friend,
and there is no easier way to get rid of us than by poison, as we eat
everything that comes from you without fear."--"And so you may, says
she; the Shekh could do no such thing without our knowledge, and we
would rather all be burnt alive than be guilty of so vile an action.
Besides, says she, this is not like Habesh, where both meat and drink,
brought to you, are tasted by the bearer before you use them. There
is no such thing as poison in Atbara; the lance and the knife in the
field, that is the manner in which they kill one another here."
We then shewed her our dinner uneaten, and she again fell into a
violent fit of laughter, and took the meat away that she might warm
it, and we heard her laughing all the way as she went by herself. She
was not long in returning with provisions in plenty, and told us, that
her mistresses never were so diverted in their lives, and that she
left them still laughing. The black slave then called me to the door,
and gave me an India green handkerchief, which she said Aiscach had
pulled from her head, and sent with her to me, with orders to inquire,
"Do the women of your country do such things, Yagoube, which, for all
the fathers and gold in the world, Aiscach would not be guilty of? My
father is indeed a Funge[29], but my mother is a Jehaina[30]."
Neither the Shekh nor Moullah expected me out on Sunday, which I
told them was my festival. I employed that day in mounting and
rectifying my quadrant, and that same evening had a clear and distinct
observation of Procyon, and several other of the fixed stars, the
largest and fittest for my purpose. The next day also, having a good
observation of the sun in the meridian, all equations adopted from
a mean, I found the latitude of Teawa, the capital of Atbara, to be
14° 2´ 4´´ north. With regard to longitude, Hor-Cacamoot is about six
miles east of Teawa, which is nearly under the same meridian with Ras
el Feel, so there was no occasion for any observation on that subject.
On the 13th of April arrived a naked Arab of the Jehaina, with
intelligence that a caravan belonging to Atbara, which had come to
Nara in Abyssinia for salt, had been all seized by Ammonios, Ayto
Confu's governor of Nara, their asses and salt taken from them, and
the men put in close prison. The Shekh of the Jehaina, an old man
of very comely presence, with ten or twelve of his clan on camels,
came over to Shekh Fidele that morning before I went out, and they
found the Moullah sitting with him. The news struck all of them with
a panic, but none more so than our Shekh of Atbara. The Shekh of
the Jehaina said he had not heard the cause of it, but so violent a
procedure had not happened even when Yasous II. invaded Sennaar, for
the people of the two frontiers had all that time been friends. He
begged, however, Shekh Fidele immediately to interfere, and send some
person to Ras el Feel, to his friend Yasine. When they had settled
thus far, a message came for me to attend the Shekh. I immediately
went, leaving my servants to put up my quadrant. I had, indeed,
an inclination to observe the approaching eclipse; but as I knew
perfectly the situation of Teawa with regard to Ras el Feel, I thought
I might spare myself this unnecessary trouble, and only make use of
the eclipse to frighten Fidele as part of the punishment he so amply
deserved.
There was a prodigious number of people assembled at the Shekh's door.
The Jehaina had all come upon camels; two or three of the principal
ones were sitting with him and the Moullah. One of these, whom I did
not know, but who had seen me at Ras el Feel, upon my approaching
the Shekh, got up, took me by the hand, and made a very respectful
salutation. As he was a friend of Yasine, and Shekh el Nile, I never
doubted from that minute that this was a contrivance of theirs in my
favour.
The Moullah had alledged, that probably I had dispatched some
intelligence to Yasine of my being detained, which had caused him
to make this reprisal; but Shekh Fidele assured them that he knew
it to be impossible, and that this seizure of the caravan must have
been occasioned by some ill-usage to the people belonging to Tchelga
and Nara, the frontier villages to the westward. In this the Shekh
of Jehaina agreed; for he had heard Ammonios mentioned, but nothing
of Yasine. The Moullah was unconvinced, but asked me, "Hakim, have
you never sent a complaint to Yasine since you came to Teawa? tell
me truly; no harm shall befal you from it." "If I were not to tell
you truly said I, Shekh, I would not answer you at all. I am under
no obligation to do it, nor am I under any fear. You are but at the
beginning of this affair, and many will suffer before I do." "Truly,
says the Moullah, but have you sent intelligence to Ras el Feel?" "No,
no, says Fidele, he had it not in his power; nor is there a man in
Teawa, that durst go on such an errand, it is some disturbance about
Tchelga."
I easily perceived that the Moullah wanted me to confess, which I
likewise saw the use of myself. "I sent, said I, messengers from
Teawa two several times. The first, when Fidele pretended Yasine
was to murder me in the desert; the second, when he said he had no
camels; and I also mentioned the piastres, and his intention to
murder me." "Ammonios, says black Soliman, and Yasine, Nara, and Ras
el Feel, all belong to Ayto Confu, and were given to Yagoube by him,
for his maintenance all the time he was at Gondar. Ayto Confu and
he are brothers; they were together in the camp, slept together in
the same house; they are brothers and more than brothers, for they
swore to each other, when we passed Tcherkin, upon the heart of the
elephant[31]. I swear by our holy faith, that Confu will be down here
himself; what does he care for a journey of two days?"
All now with one voice condemned Fidele, who had not a word to say,
only, that if he knew the person who carried that message, he would
cut off his head, if he was his brother. "But it is impossible, says
the Shekh; should I not have known of the messenger being absent?
impossible!" Then turning to his servant, said, "Is Kutcho el Hybari
here? I have not seen him lately."--"Sir, says he, you know you sent
Kutcho to Mendera long before the Hakim arrived."--"True, says
Fidele, then it is impossible." "Your messengers and mine, said I,
Shekh, are not of the same sort, nor shall I ask your leave when I
am to send to Ras el Feel or Sennaar, nor shall you ever cut off the
head from any one of them. But why are you alarmed at these asses
being taken? Should you not be afraid of something similar happening
at Mecca? Am not I under the protection of the sherriffe? When
Metical Aga hears this, will he not resent it? Will Yousef Kabil,
the Christian, the sherriffe's vizir at Jidda, through whose hands
your people pass, will he be gentler to them upon this account?"--"A
curse upon him! says the sherriffe; he gentle! he is a shark."
"Meloun Ibn Sheitan, says the Turk Ismael, _i. e._ accursed wretch,
child of the devil!"--"Well then, said I, the difficulty is only to
know if he is informed of this at Mecca. Friday the 17th is your
festival. If the afternoon of that shall pass like those of common
days, I am a worthless man and an impostor; but if on that day, before
el'asser[32], a sign be seen in the heavens that shall be thought
by all of you unusual and extraordinary, then am I an innocent man,
and Fidele's designs against me are known to the world, at Sennaar
and at Mecca, at Cairo and at Gondar, and everywhere else, and will
not be pleasing either to God or man." Yarif el Hakim[33], says the
sherriffe; Hakim[34]! says the Shekh of the Jehaina; Ullah Akbar[35]!
says the Moullah, lifting his eyes up to heaven, and counting his
beads very devoutly.
The foretelling the sign seemed not at all to please the Shekh, who
appeared very much disconcerted with the supposed invisibility of
messengers. I got up, having pushed my design just far enough. I then
shook hands with the Shekh, saying, "I am glad to see you don't want
camels, alluding to the number I saw come with the Jehaina; get your
bouza made, and your provisions ready, you'll have strangers with you
soon." He said only, "(Ullah Kerim!") _i. e._ God is merciful; which
was echoed by every mouth in the room. I saluted particularly the
Shekh of the Jehaina, who had seen me at Ras el Feel, and I then went
out of the room, leaving them all there, and going home very chearful,
began to prepare for leaving Teawa, which we were satisfied was now
near at hand.
On the 14th, in the morning, the Moullah and sherriffe, with the Shekh
of Beyla's servant, and the old Kaiya Soliman, came to see our clocks
and watches. They sat upon benches at the door and drank coffee, not
caring to enter the house, I suppose, for fear of being defiled. As
the old Kaiya was there, it was almost impossible to speak concerning
our affairs, all was about our religion, and the manner in which a
Dervish lived. All at once, a servant behind cried out, "News from
Sennaar!" and, presently after, we saw three men; one of whom was my
servant, whom I sent to Sennaar with the Daveina, who delivered to
me a letter from Hagi Belal, informing me, that Mahomet Abou Calec,
and Shekh Adelan, were both at a distance from Sennaar, at the head
of armies, and the king in the capital almost alone, under great
apprehensions; but as no mischief had yet happened, and the king
had no force, it was hoped things might be made up. He added, that
he thought it better to wait a little, to get a servant of Adelan
to accompany the king's, than to trust to that one alone. Having
communicated the contents of my letter to Shekh Fidele, and received
his congratulations, they all left me, and went to the Shekh to hear
what further news were brought to him. What I told him was confirmed;
and the Shekh having no longer any option, declared his resolution
to obey without further delay, and desired us to get ready for our
journey.
It was told us, however, soon after, that the king's servant who had
arrived, whose name was Mahomet, was a great friend of Shekh Fidele,
and the usual one sent to him at Teawa; and that he was a great
drunkard, and reprobate. On the contrary, Adelan's servant, though
young, was a very gentle, sober person, a slave that had been given to
Adelan by the Shekh of Beyla; and he was very urgent for us to depart.
We soon saw the consequence of this difference of manners; and that
Shekh Fidele had not relinquished his view to the piastres. For having
tutored the king's servant all night, and gained him to his interest,
he had, early in the morning of the 15th, declared that he was not
to stir from Teawa for a fortnight, and he was ordered to get the
camels from some distance in Atbara, the place I do not remember. This
displeased Adelan's servant much, who declared before the assembly,
that he was determined to set out the next day, that he knew not the
orders the king had given, but he knew his master's orders; and that
if the Shekh did not furnish him with camels, or opposed our setting
out, he would take him with him to Adelan at Aira, or, upon his
refusal to go, denounce him a rebel, and his master's enemy, and leave
him to what would be the consequence. Upon this bold speech, every
body left the Shekh, and went away, whispering, two and two together.
The king's servant joined his companion, who told me to be ready, and
fear nothing, for he would see me to-morrow night at Beyla.
About half an hour after my return home I was again called to the
Shekh, who had only the Moullah and the old Kaiya sitting by him, with
two short letters in his hand from Yasine, full of reproaches for his
behaviour to me, and declaring with most solemn oaths, that if those
letters found me at Teawa, or if I was not gone from thence in peace,
he would, before a fortnight was elapsed, be down as an enemy upon
Teawa; and unless the Daveina did engage to burn every stalk of corn
between that and Beyla as soon as it was in the ear, he would shut
Abyssinia against them, and that they should neither eat bread nor
drink water in it as long as he was alive and governor of Ras el Feel.
These letters mentioned a complaint likewise that had been sent to
Shekh Adelan at Sennaar, but by whom they did not say, probably from
Ayto Confu, complaining of Fidele's usage to me. Yasine's men, that
brought the letters from Ras el Feel to Teawa, were said to be three
in number, mounted on camels, or dromedaries, and armed with coats
of mail and head-pieces. They refused to come into Teawa, to eat of
Shekh Fidele's bread[36], or drink of his water, looking upon him as
a declared enemy of Yasine, their master. Fidele with some difficulty
at last allowed black Soliman to go to meet them, to persuade them to
enter the town; but all to no purpose, for the only favour he could
obtain was, that they should stay with the Jehaina at Jibbel Isriff
till they heard I was fairly set out on my journey.
The next day, the 16th of April, I received a message from the
Moullah, that the camels were all ready, that girbas for the water
were wanting, but girbas should be found for me; and he would give me
his word they should be found filled at the river where I directed;
as also all sorts of provisions and necessaries to carry me to Beyla,
to which place I should set out the moment I pleased; only that I
must not go from Teawa without making peace with the Shekh, and
promising to forgive him, and not make any complaint against him at
Sennaar or elsewhere, provided he, on his part, gave over all further
machinations against me. I answered, That however ill-used, yet,
for his sake, I would do any thing he wished me to do, and that I
was ready to pacify Yasine, by writing to him by the return of his
messengers. All was agreed, so we packed up our baggage with the
utmost diligence.
On the 17th, in the forenoon, I was appointed to meet the Shekh at
his own house, and told the Moullah I expected he would have the
camels ready. As we suspected, our girbas were insufficient, and
indeed we had found them so when they lost our water in the wood near
Imgellalib; we got three new ones from the Shekh in perfect good
condition, and gave him our two in exchange, which were something
larger than his. Each of these skins are valued at 12 dollars, or
about three pounds sterling. There is great art and labour required in
making the seams water-tight; they are all stitched most dexterously,
strongly greased, and then laid over thick on the outside with warm
tar, and need constant care and inspection. About nine o'clock we
went to the Shekh, and entered presently upon business. I engaged
to pacify Yasine, whose servants, upon my message, came to town to
see me depart, and were kindly received and cloathed by the Shekh. A
large breakfast was ordered; Fidele and I, with Yasine's servants, ate
together of several very good dishes. The two holy men, and another
stranger equally holy, ate together out of a separate plate; after
which we all stood up, and said the prayer of peace, and I took my
leave. We all then went out together into the market-place, and eight
camels were ordered down to my house, with people to wait upon them.
The girbas, which lay filled and soaking at the river-side, were
ready to be loaded upon our camels. A servant of the Kaiya held my
horse, which had been taken from me by Fidele soon after my arriving
at Teawa, but which was now restored me. My servant who came from
Sennaar had indeed told me that no horses would live there; that
those that were necessary for the troops of the government were all
kept at a distance from Sennaar, and maintained at Aira, or places in
the sand at a small distance, but free from the plague of the fly.
The Shekh made no observation upon this. I said, The horse is a very
excellent one, and I will now shew him to you. I sent for a short
double-barrelled gun, threw off my burnoose, and mounting the horse,
made him do every thing he was capable of, putting him to his full
speed, firing to right and left on each side of him.
They were all struck with amazement, and with a kind of terror. They
had never before seen a gun fired on horseback, much less a gun
fired twice without charging. I did not want to explain the matter
to them; and, as far as I could perceive, the Moullah especially was
very glad when I sent it home. "This is the way, said I, that my
countrymen ride, and the way they fight; no people on earth understand
fire-arms or horsemanship like them. For my part, I am a man of peace,
a Dervish, and no soldier; it is not my profession, and I do the
thing aukwardly. If you saw some of our soldiers ride, it would be a
sight indeed." Fidele laughed, or counterfeited a laugh, but being a
soldier, it was his part to say something. "If many of your countrymen
like you were here, man of peace as you are, unless they were friends
to us they would get all Atbara to themselves. If they were friends,
says he, I think I could do something with them; that horse seems to
have the sense of a man."--"Such as he is, said I, dismounting, a
prince gave him to me, and such as he is I now give him to you, as a
proof that I am your friend, and that I should not grudge you a few
paltry piasters, if I had not been under a vow of poverty; money is
of no kind of value to me, and consequently not carried about with
me." The horse was gladly received, though, as I was going to Sennaar,
where no horses are kept, the compliment was a cheap one on my part.
"How could you, Fidele, says the Moullah in great surprise, have it
in your heart to torment such a man as this? I told you what he was,
our books speak of them: they are not Kafrs, but spend all their lives
in wandering over the face of the earth in search of wisdom, and are
always to do so till Hagiuge Magiuge come, and then there will be an
end of the world." I made a bow of assent to the Moullah, and all the
rest turned up their eyes to heaven in wonder of so much learning,
repeating their usual ejaculation, "Ullah Akbar!" God is great. I now
took my leave of them, and was going home, when the younger sherriffe
called after me, and said, "I suppose, now you are all at peace, we
shall not see the sign that you foretold us was to appear in the
heavens to-day." "I should be thought a liar if it did not appear,
said I; do you wish to see it?"--"I wish to see it, says he, if it
will do no harm."--"Then, replied I, you shall see it, and it shall
do no harm now. I hope it will bring health and happiness, and a good
crop to Teawa, and all the kingdom of Sennaar. Go home, while I order
my affairs. Something more than two hours after this I will come to
you, and it will then appear." They all went away, and, as I thought
by their looks, they would have been better satisfied that affair had
been forgot, the Shekh saying peevishly to the sherriffe, "Let him
mind his affairs and his journey; what is the use of these things now?"
I had rectified my watch by observation. I knew I could not be far
wrong, having seen in the ephemerides the hour the eclipse was to
begin. I passed a corner of the Shekh's house, and went in at the
back-door. He was there with his usual friends, the Moullah, the
sherriffe, the Kaiya, and one or two more. The sherriffe asked me
where the sign would appear; and the Moullah, if there would be any
thunder and lightning? I told them there would be nothing disagreeable
at all. I went to the door, and saw it was begun. There was to be
a total eclipse of the moon. I did not tell them at first, till it
had advanced some way, and was apparent upon the disk. "Now! look at
that, said I; in some time after this the moon shall be so totally
swallowed up in darkness, that a small light shall only be seen in the
edges." They were frightened at the denunciation, rather than at any
thing they observed, till a little before the eclipse became total. A
violent apprehension then fell upon them all; and the women from their
apartments began to howl as they do on all melancholy occasions of
misfortune, or death. They were in the inner square. "Now, continued
I, I have kept my word; it will soon be clear again, and will do no
harm to man or beast."
It was agreed among them that I should not go home till it was totally
at an end. I consented to this; and only said to the Shekh, that I
wished he would let me see my patients before I went away, for that
one of them was really ill, and needed advice. He seemed to take it
very kindly, and desired me to go in. I was met in the anti-chamber
by Aiscach, and two or three black slaves, who cried out in great
terror, "O! Hakim! what is this! what are you going to do!" "I am
going to do, Madam, said I, one of the most disagreeable things I ever
did in my life; I am going to take leave of you." I was immediately
surrounded with a number of women, some of them crying, some of them
with children in their arms. I went into the room where the two
ladies were, whom I quieted and satisfied to the utmost of my power.
We parted with reciprocal professions of friendship and regret at
separation. I then begged that I might see their slave, who used to
bring us meat, with a clean cloth, to wrap up something I had for
them. They told me, Sennaar was but a bad place for white people; but
promised to send recommendations in my favour, both to Adelan and the
king's women, by Adelan's servant, who was to conduct us.
When I returned to the Shekh, the emersion was far advanced, and they
all seemed to be regaining their composure, though strong marks of
surprise remained in their countenances. After a little conversation,
turning chiefly upon Hagiuge Magiuge, and their silly stories about
them, which I shall not repeat, I took my leave, and went home,
renewing my assurances that all was forgotten.
At night, the slave came and brought a clean cotton cloth. I sent a
piece of thin India yellow satin, and six handsome crimson and green
handkerchiefs, to the beautiful Aiscach; and, to the best of my power,
discharged all our obligations to those that were our friends and had
been kind to us.
In a country so desert, and exceedingly poor as Teawa, under such a
government, it is not to be expected that trade of any kind should
flourish; yet there is a miserable manufacture of coarse cotton cloths
of the size of large towels, just enough to go round the middle, which
pass current, like specie, all over Atbara: They are called Dimoor,
and are used in place of small silver money. The Mahalac, a very bad
copper coin, passes for smaller matters; so that the currency of Teawa
stands thus:--
20 Mahalac, 1 Crush,
12 Crush, 1 Metical,
4 Metical, 1 Vakia.
The vakia of gold is worth about forty-five shillings; but the only
commerce of Teawa is carried on by exchange, as salt for grain, camels
for salt; the value of goods varying according to the scarcity or
plenty of one sort of commodities with respect to the other.
The reader will, I believe, by this, be as desirous to get out of
Teawa as I was; and if so, it is charity in time to deliver him. I
took leave of the Shekh on the 18th in the morning; but before we
could get all ready to depart it was five in the afternoon. The day
had been immoderately hot, and we had resolved to travel all night,
though we did not say so to the Shekh, who advised us to sleep at
Imgededema, where there was fresh water. But we had taken a girba of
water with us, or rather, in case of accident, a little in each of
the three girbas; and all being ready on the river-side, except the
king's servant, we set out, and he overtook us in less than two hours
afterwards, pretty well refreshed with the Shekh's bouza, and strongly
prejudiced against us, as we had occasion to discover afterwards.
CHAP. VII.
_Arrival at Beyla--Friendly Reception there, and after, amongst
the Nuba--Arrival at Sennaar._
When we got a few miles into the plain, my servant delivered me a
message from the Moullah, that he would join us the next day at
Beyla; that we were not to trust to the king's servant in any thing,
but entirely to that of the Shekh Adelan; and if these two had any
dispute together, to take no share in it, but leave them to settle it
between themselves; that, upon no account whatever, we should suffer
any companions to join us upon the road to Beyla, but drive them off
by harsh words, beat them if they did not go away, and, if they still
persisted, to shoot them, and make our way good by force; that between
Teawa and Beyla was a place, the inhabitants of which had withdrawn
themselves from their allegiance to the king of Sennaar, who could
not there protect us; therefore we were to trust to ourselves, and
admit of no parley; for if we passed, we should pass with applause, as
if the king's force had conducted us; and if we miscarried, the blame
would be laid upon ourselves, as having ventured, so thinly attended,
through a country laid waste by rebel Arabs, expressly in defiance
of government. He added, that he did not believe it was in Shekh
Fidele's power, from want of time, to do us any injury upon the road;
that the people in Teawa were in general well-affected to us, and
afraid we should bring Yasine and the Daveina upon them, and so were
the Jehaina; and as for the pack of graceless soldiers that were then
about the Shekh, their belief that we had really no money with us,
and the last exhibition I had shewn them on horseback, had perfectly
cured them of venturing their lives for little, against people so much
superior to them in the management of arms; yet he wished us to be
active and vigilant like men, and trust in nothing till we had seen
the Shekh of Beyla, and not to lose a moment on the road.
Our journey, for the first seven hours, was through a barren, bare,
and sandy plain, without finding a vestige of any living creature,
without water, and without grass, a country that seemed under the
immediate curse of Heaven. At twelve o'clock at night we turned a
little to the eastward of south, to enter through very broken ground
into a narrow defile, between two hills of no considerable height.
This pass is called Mattina. One of our camel-drivers declared that
he saw two men run into the bushes before him, upon which our people
took all to their slings, throwing many stones before them into the
bushes, directed nearly to a man's height. At their earnest desire I
ordered Ismael to fire our large ship-blunderbuss, with fifty small
bullets in it, among the bushes, in the direction of the road-side;
but we neither saw nor heard any thing of those people thereafter, if
there really were any, nor did I, at the time, indeed, believe the
camel-driver had seen any one but through the medium of his own fears;
for the Arabs never attack you till near sun-set, if they are doubtful
of their own superiority, or at dawn of day, if they think they have
the advantage, that they may have time to pursue you.
We, however, all continued on foot, from four till the grey of the
morning of the 19th of April. Indeed, so violent an inclination to
sleep had fallen upon me, that I was forced to walk, for fear of
breaking my neck by a fall from my camel, till eight o'clock, when
we halted in a wood of ebony bushes, growing like the birch tree in
many shoots from the old stems, which had been cut down for fear of
harbouring the fly, and totally deprived of their leaves afterwards,
by the burning of grass, from the same reason. This place is called
Abou Jehaarat, and is the limit between the government of Teawa and
Beyla. After such a very fatiguing journey, we rested at Abou Jehaarat
till the afternoon. The sun was very hot, but fortunately some
shepherds caves were dug in the bank, and to these we fled for shelter
from the intense heat of the sun, where the ebony trees, though in a
very thick wood, could afford us no shade, for the reasons already
given.
At three o'clock in the afternoon we set out from Abou Jehaarat, in
a direction west, and at eight in the evening we arrived at Beyla.
There is no water between Teawa and Beyla. Once, Imgededema, and a
number of villages, were supplied with water from wells and had
large crops of Indian corn sown about their possessions. The curse of
that country, the Arabs Daveina, have destroyed Imgededema, and all
the villages about it, filled up their wells, burnt their crops, and
exposed all the inhabitants to die by famine.
We found Beyla to be in lat. 13° 42´ 4´´; that is, about eleven miles
west of Teawa, and thirty-one and a half miles due south. We were met
by Mahomet, the Shekh, at the very entrance of the town. He said, he
looked upon us as risen from the dead; that we must be good people,
and particularly under the care of Providence, to have escaped the
many snares the Shekh of Atbara had laid for us. Mahomet, the Shekh,
had provided every sort of refreshment possible for us; and, thinking
we could not live without it, he had ordered sugar for us from
Sennaar. Honey for the most part hitherto had been its substitute. We
had a good comfortable supper; as fine wheat-bread as ever I ate in my
life, brought from Sennaar, as also rice; in a word, everything that
our kind landlord could contribute to our plentiful and hospitable
entertainment.
Our whole company was full of joy, to which the Shekh greatly
encouraged them; and if there was an alloy to the happiness, it
was the seeing that I did not partake of it. Symptoms of an aguish
disorder had been hanging about me for several days, ever since the
diarrhœa had left me. I found the greatest repugnance, or nausea,
at the smell of warm meat; and, having a violent headach, I insisted
upon going to bed supperless, after having drank a quantity of warm
water by way of emetic. Being exceedingly tired, I soon fell sound
asleep, having first taken some drops of a strong spirituous tincture
of the bark which I had prepared at Gondar, resolving, if I found any
remission, as I then did, to take several good dozes of the bark in
powder on the morrow, beginning at day-break, which I accordingly did
with its usual success.
On the 20th of April, a little after the dawn of day, the Shekh, in
great anxiety, came to the place where I was lying, upon a tanned
buffaloe's hide, on the ground. His sorrow was soon turned into joy
when he found me quite recovered from my illness. I had taken the
bark, and expressed a desire of eating a hearty breakfast of rice,
which was immediately prepared for me.
The Shekh of Beyla was an implicit believer in medicine. Seeing me
take some drops of the tincture before coffee, he insisted upon
pledging me, and I believe would have willingly emptied the whole
bottle. After having suffered great agony with his own complaint, he
had passed some small stones, and was greatly better, as he said,
for the soap-pills. I put him in a way to prepare these, as also his
lime-water. It was impossible to have done any favour for him equal
to this, as his agony had been so great. He told me our Moullah was
arrived from Teawa, and had left Shekh Fidele still repining at our
departure, without leaving him the piastres. As for the eclipse, he
said he did not care a straw, nor for what they did or knew at Mecca,
for he had no interest there. I understood our friend Mahomet, Shekh
of Beyla, had been under great uneasiness at the eclipse, when it
advanced in the immersion, and became total. Some time before this,
as he said, there had been another, but not so great, on the day
the Daveina burnt Imgededema, with above thirty other villages, and
dispersed or destroyed about two thousand inhabitants of Atbara.
It was now the time to give the Shekh a present, and I had prepared
one for him, such as he very well deserved; but no intreaty, nor any
means I could use, could prevail upon him to accept of the merest
trifle. On the contrary, he solemnly swore, that if I importuned him
further he would get upon his horse and go into the country. All that
he desired, and that too as a favour, was, that, when I had rested at
Sennaar, he might come and consult me further as to his complaints,
for which he promised he should bring a recompence with him. We then
settled to give his present to the Moullah, with which he was very
well pleased, and which he took without any of those difficulties the
Shekh of Beyla had started when it was offered to him.
All being friends now, and contented, the day was given to repose and
joy. The king's servant came and told me, by way of secret, that we
could not do less to please the Shekh than stay with him a week at
Beyla, and I believe it would not have displeased him; but after so
much coming and going, so much occasion for talk relative to me, I
was resolved to follow Hagi Belal's advice, and press on to Sennaar
before affairs there were in a desperate situation, or some scheme
of mischief should be contrived by Fidele. One thing Shekh Adelan's
servant told us, that he had, by his master's orders, taken from
Fidele the present I had given him, though he had already made it
up into a gown, or robe, for himself. "He is a poor wretch, says
the Shekh of Beyla; he has spent two years of the king's revenues
from Atbara, and nobody has supported him except Shekh Adelan, whose
daughter he married, but he now has given him up since he has fully
known him; and, if our troubles do not follow quickly, I suppose one
of these days I shall have him here in his way to Sennaar, never to
return; for everybody knows now that it was in hatred to him, and for
the many faithless and bad actions he was guilty of, that the Arabs
have destroyed all that part of the country, though they have not
burnt a straw about Beyla."
We had again a large and plentiful dinner, and a quantity of bouza;
venison of several different species of the antelope or deer-kind, and
Guinea-fowls, boiled with rice, the best part of our fare, for the
venison smelled and tasted strongly of musk. This was the provision
made by the Shekh's two sons, boys about fourteen or fifteen years
old, who had got each of them a gun with a match-lock and whose favour
I secured to a very high degree, by giving them some good gunpowder,
and plenty of small leaden bullets.
In the afternoon we walked out to see the village, which is a very
pleasant one, situated upon the bottom of a hill, covered with wood,
all the rest flat before it. Through this plain there are many
large timber trees, planted in rows, and joined with high hedges,
as in Europe, forming inclosures for keeping cattle; but of these
we saw none, as they had been moved to the Dender for fear of the
flies. There is no water at Beyla but what is got from deep wells.
Large plantations of Indian corn are everywhere about the town. The
inhabitants are in continual apprehension from the Arabs Daveina
at Sim Sim, about 40 miles south-east from them; and from another
powerful race called Wed abd el Gin, _i. e._ _Son of the slaves of the
Devil_, who live to the south-west of them, between the Dender and the
Nile. Beyla is another frontier town of Sennaar, on the side of Sim
Sim; and between Teawa and this, on the Sennaar side, and Ras el Feel,
Nara, and Tchelga, upon the Abyssinian side, all is desert and waste,
the Arabs only suffering the water to remain there without villages
near it, that they and their flocks may come at certain seasons while
the grass grows, and the pools or springs fill elsewhere.
Although I went early to bed with full determination to set out
by day-break, yet I found it was impossible to put my design in
execution, or get from the hands of our kind landlord. One of our
girbas seemed to fail, and needed to be repaired. Nothing good, as he
truly said, could come from the Shekh of Atbara. A violent dispute
had arisen in the evening, after I was gone to bed, over their bouza,
between the king's servant and that of Shekh Adelan. It was about
dividing their fees which they had received from Shekh Fidele. This
was carried a great length, and it was at last agreed that it should
be determined by the Shekh of Beyla in the morning, when both of them,
as might be supposed, should have cooler heads. For my part, I took no
thought or concern about it, as no circumstance of its origin had been
notified to me; but it took up so much of our time, that it was after
dinner before we were ready.
On the 21st of April we left Beyla at three o'clock in the afternoon,
our direction south-west, through a very pleasant, flat country, but
without water; there had been none in our way nearer than the river
Rahad. About eleven at night we alighted in a wood: The place is
called Baherie, as near as we could compute, nine miles from Beyla.
On the 22d, at half past five o'clock in the morning we left Baherie,
still continuing westward, and at nine we came to the banks of the
Rahad. The ford is called Tchir Chaira. The river itself was now
standing in pools, the water foul, stinking, and covered with a
green mantle; the bottom soft and muddy, but there was no choice.
The water at Beyla was so bad, that we took only as much as was
absolutely necessary till we arrived at running water from the Rahad.
We continued half an hour travelling along the river at N. W. and W.
N. W. till three quarters past ten. At noon we again met the river
Rahad, which now had turned to the westward of north, and by its sides
we pitched our tents near the huts of the Arabs, called _Cohala_, a
stationary tribe, that do not live in tents, but are tributary to the
Mek, and regularly pay all the taxes and exactions the government of
Sennaar lays upon them, and from these, therefore, we were not under
any apprehension.
On the 23d, at six o'clock in the morning we left the Cohala,
continuing along the river Rahad, which here runs a very little to
the eastward of north. At three o'clock we alighted at Kumar, another
station of the same Arabs of Cohala, on the river side. This river,
here called Rahad, or Thunder, winds the most of any stream in
Abyssinia. It begins not far from Tchelga, passes between Kuara and
Sennaar, separating Abyssinia from Nubia, and making, with the river
Atbara, the Astaboras or Tacazzé, and the Nile, a perfect island,
whereas before it was only a peninsula. It seems to intercept all the
springs that would go down to the middle of the peninsula, from the
high country of Abyssinia, and is probably the reason of the great
dearth of water there. While it is in Abyssinia it is called Shimfa.
It falls into the Nile at Habharras, about thirty-eight miles north of
Sennaar.
The quarrel between our two conductors was so little made up, that the
king's servant would not travel with us, but always went half a day
before, and we joined him when we encamped in the evening. We did not
pay him the compliment of asking him why he did this, but allowed him
to take his own way, which he seemed not to be pleased with, giving
many hints at night, that he had, all his life, been averse to the
having any thing to do with white people.
We set out at five in the afternoon from Kumar, and in the close
of the evening met several men, on horseback and on foot, coming
out from among the bushes, who endeavoured to carry off one of our
camels. We indeed were somewhat alarmed, and were going to prepare for
resistance. The camel they had taken away had on it the king's and
Shekh Adelan's presents, and some other things for our future need.
Our clothes too, books, and papers, were upon the same camel. Adelan's
servant, though he was at first surprised, did not lose his presence
of mind; he soon knew these Arabs could not be robbers, and guessed
it to be a piece of malice of the king's servant to frighten us, and
extort money from us, in order to obtain restitution of the camel. He
therefore rode up to one of the villages of the Arabs, to ask them
who those were that had taken away our camel.
In one of the huts he found the king's servant regaling himself; upon
which he said to him, "I suppose, Mahomet, you have taken charge
of that camel, and will bring it with you to Sennaar; it has your
master's presents, and mine also, upon it:" and saying this, he rode
off to join us, and to punish those that had taken the camel, who,
we were sure after this notification, must follow us. We kept on at
a very brisk pace, for it was eleven o'clock before they came up to
where we were encamped for the night, bringing our camel, which they
had taken, along with them, with an Arab on horseback, attended with
two on foot, and with them the king's servant. I did not seem at
all to have understood the affair, only that robbers had taken away
our camel. But it did not sit so easy upon the Arabs, who did not
know there was any with us but the king's servant, and who wanted to
frighten us for not making them a present for eating their grass and
drinking their water. At first, Adelan's servant refused to take the
camel again upon any terms, insisting that the Cohala should carry it
to Sennaar; but, after a great many words, I determined to make peace,
upon condition they should furnish us with milk, wherever they had
cattle, till we arrived at Sennaar. This was very readily consented
to; and as this affair probably was owing to the malice of the king's
servant, so it ended without further trouble.
On the 24th, we set out at half after five in the morning, and passed
through several small villages of Cohala on the right and on the left,
till at eleven we came to the river Dender, standing now in pools,
but by the vast wideness of its banks, and the great deepness of its
bed, all of white sand, it should seem that in time of rain it will
contain nearly as much water as the Nile. The banks are everywhere
thick overgrown with the rack and jujeb tree, especially the latter.
The wood, which had continued mostly from Beyla, here failed us
entirely, and reached no further towards Sennaar. These two sorts of
trees, however, were in very great beauty, and of a prodigious size.
Here we found the main body of Cohala, with all their cattle, living
in perfect security both from Arabs and from the plague of the fly.
They were as good as their word to us in supplying us plentifully with
excellent milk, which we had scarcely ever tasted since we left Gondar.
At six o'clock in the evening of the 24th we set out from a shady
place of repose on the banks of the Dender, through a large plain,
with not a tree before us; but we presently found ourselves
encompassed with a number of villages, nearly of a size, and placed
at equal distances in form of a semi-circle, the roofs of the houses
in shape of cones, as are all those within the rains. The plain was
all of a red, soapy earth, and the corn just sown. This whole country
is in perpetual cultivation, and though at this time it had a bare
look, would no doubt have a magnificent one when waving with grain.
At nine we halted at a village of Pagan Nuba. These are all soldiers
of the Mek of Sennaar, cantoned in these villages, which, at the
distance of four or five miles, surround the whole capital. They are
either purchased or taken by force from Fazuclo, and the provinces to
the south upon the mountains Dyre and Tegla. Having settlements and
provisions given them, as also arms put in their hands, they never
wish to desert, but live a very domestic and sober life. Many of them
that I have conversed with seem a much gentler sort of negro than
those from Bahar el Aice, that is, than those of whom the Funge, or
government of Sennaar, are composed.
These have small features likewise, but are woolly-headed, and
flat-nosed, like other negroes, and speak a language rather pleasant
and sonorous, but radically different from many I have heard. Though
the Mek, and their masters at Sennaar, pretend to be Mahometans, yet
they have never attempted to convert these Nuba; on the contrary,
they entertain, in every village, a certain number of Pagan priests,
who have soldiers pay, and assist them in the offices of their
religion. Not knowing their language perfectly, nor their customs,
it is impossible to say any thing about their religion. Very few
of the common sort of them speak Arabic. A false account, in these
cases, is always worse than no account at all. I never found one of
their priests who could speak so much Arabic as to be able to give
any information about the objects of their worship in distinct and
unequivocal terms; but this was from my not understanding them, and
their not understanding me, not from any desire of concealment, or
shyness on their part; on the contrary, they seemed always inclined to
agree with me, when they did not comprehend my meaning, and there is
the danger of being misinformed.
They pay adoration to the moon; and that their worship is performed
with pleasure and satisfaction, is obvious every night that she
shines. Coming out from the darkness of their huts, they say a few
words upon seeing her brightness, and testify great joy, by motions
of their feet and hands, at the first appearance of the new moon. I
never saw them pay any attention to the sun, either rising or setting,
advancing to or receding from the meridian; but, as far as I could
learn, they worship a tree, and likewise a stone, tho' I never could
find out what tree or stone it was, only that it did not exist in the
country of Sennaar, but in that where they were born. Their priests
seemed to have great influence over them, but through fear only, and
not from affection. They are distinguished by thick copper bracelets
about their wrists, as also sometimes one, and sometimes two about
their ancles.
These villages are called Dahera, which seems to me to be the same
word as Dashrah, the name given to the Kabyles, or people in Barbary,
who live in fixed huts on the mountains. But not having made myself
master enough of the Kabyles language when in Barbary, and being
totally ignorant of that of the Nuba we are now speaking of, I cannot
pretend to pursue this resemblance farther. They are immoderately
fond of swine's flesh, and maintain great herds of them in their
possession. The hogs are of a small kind, generally marked with black
and white, exceedingly prolific, and exactly resembling a species
of that kind common in the north of Scotland. The Nuba are not
circumcised. They very rarely turn Mahometans, but the generality of
their children do. Few of them advance higher than to be soldiers and
officers in their own corps. The Mek maintains about twelve thousand
of these near Sennaar, to keep the Arabs in subjection. They are
very quiet, and scarcely ever known to be guilty of any robberies
or mutinous disorders, declaring always for the master, that is, the
great one set over them. There is no running water in all that immense
plain they inhabit, it is all procured from draw-wells. We saw them
cleaning one, which I measured, and was nearly eight fathoms deep. In
a climate so violently hot as this, there is very little need of fuel,
neither have they any, there being no turf, or any thing resembling
it, in the country, no wood, not even a tree, since we had passed the
river Dender. However, they never eat their meat raw as in Abyssinia;
but with the stalk of the dora, or millet, and the dung of camels,
they make ovens under ground, in which they roast their hogs whole,
in a very cleanly, and not disagreeable manner, keeping the skins
on till they are perfectly baked. They had neither flint nor steel
wherewith to light their fire at first, but do it in a manner still
more expeditious, by taking a small piece of stick, and making a sharp
point to it, which they hold perpendicular, and then make a small hole
of nearly the same size in another piece of stick, which they lay
horizontal; they put the one within the other, and, between their two
hands, they turn the perpendicular stick, (in the same manner that we
do a chocolate mill) when both these sticks take fire, and flame in a
moment upon the friction; so perfectly dry and prepared is everything
here upon the surface to take fire, notwithstanding they are every
year subject to six months rain.
On the 25th, at four o'clock in the afternoon we set out from the
villages of the Nuba, intending to arrive at Basboch, where is the
ferry over the Nile; but we had scarcely advanced two miles into the
plain, when we were inclosed by a violent whirlwind, or what is
called at sea the water-spout. The plain was red earth, which had been
plentifully moistened by a shower in the night-time. The unfortunate
camel that had been taken by the Cohala seemed to be nearly in the
center of its vortex. It was lifted and thrown down at a considerable
distance, and several of its ribs broken. Although, as far as I could
guess, I was not near the center, it whirled me off my feet, and threw
me down upon my face, so as to make my nose gush out with blood. Two
of the servants likewise had the same fate. It plaistered us all over
with mud, almost as smoothly as could have been done with a trowel. It
took away my sense and breathing for an instant, and my mouth and nose
were full of mud when I recovered. I guess the sphere of its action to
be about 200 feet. It demolished one half of a small hut as if it had
been cut through with a knife, and dispersed the materials all over
the plain, leaving the other half standing.
As soon as we recovered ourselves, we took refuge in a village, from
fear only, for we saw no vestige of any other whirlwind. It involved
a great quantity of rain, which the Nuba of the villages told us
was very fortunate, and portended good luck to us, and a prosperous
journey; for they said, that had dust and sand arisen with the
whirlwind, in the same proportion it would have done had not the earth
been moistened, we should all infallibly have been suffocated; and
they cautioned us, by saying, that tempests were very frequent in the
beginning and end of the rainy season, and whenever we should see one
of them coming, to fall down upon our faces, keeping our lips close to
the ground, and so let it pass; and thus it would neither have power
to carry us off our feet, nor suffocate us, which was the ordinary
case.
Our kind landlords, the Nuba, gave us a hearty welcome, and helped us
to wash our clothes first, and then to dry them. When I was stripped
naked, they saw the blood running from my nose, and said, they could
not have thought that one so white as me could have been capable of
bleeding. They gave us a piece of roasted hog, which we ate, (except
Ismael and the Mahometans) very much to the satisfaction of the Nuba.
On the other hand, as our camel was lame, we ordered one of our
Mahometan servants to kill it, and take as much of it as would serve
themselves that night; we also provided against wanting ourselves
the next day. The rest we gave among our new-acquired acquaintance,
the Nuba of the village, who did not fail to make a feast upon it
for several days after; and, in recompence for our liberality, they
provided us with a large jar of bouza, not very good, indeed, but
better than the well-water. This I repaid by tobacco, beads, pepper,
and stibium, which I saw plainly was infinitely more than they
expected. Although we had been a good deal surprised at the sudden and
violent effects of the whirlwind of that day, and severely felt the
bruises it had occasioned, yet we passed a very social and agreeable
evening; those only of the Nuba who had been any time at Sennaar speak
a bad kind of Arabic, as well as their own language. I had seldom, in
my life, upon a journey, passed a more comfortable night. I had a very
neat, clean hut, entirely to myself, and a Greek servant that sat near
me. Some of the Nuba watched for us all night, and took care of our
beasts and baggage. They sung and replied to one another alternately,
in notes full of pleasant melody,
_Et cantare pares & respondere parati_----
VIRGIL.
till I fell fast asleep, involuntarily, and with regret, for, tho'
bruised, we were not fatigued, but rather discouraged, having gone no
further than two miles that day.
The landlord of the hut where I was asleep having prepared for our
safety and that of our baggage, thought himself bound in duty to go
and give immediate information to the prime minister of the unexpected
guests that then occupied his house. He found Adelan at supper, but
was immediately admitted, and a variety of questions asked him, which
he answered fully. He described our colour, our number, the unusual
size and number of our fire-arms, the poorness of our attire, and,
above all, our great chearfulness, quietness, and affability, our
being contented with eating any thing, and in particular mentioned
the hogs flesh. One man then present, testifying abhorrence to this,
Adelan said of me to our landlord, "Why, he is a soldier and a Kafr
like yourself. A soldier and a Kafr, when travelling in a strange
country, should eat every thing, and so does every other man that
is wise; has he not a servant of mine with him?" He answered, "Yes,
and a servant of the king too; but he had left them, and was gone
forward to Sennaar." "Go you with them, says he, and stay with them at
Basboch till I have time to send for them to town." He had returned
from Aira long before we arose, and told us the conversation, which
was great comfort to us all, for we were not much pleased with the
king's servant going before, as we had every reason to think he was
disaffected towards us.
On the 26th, at six o'clock in the morning, we set out from this
village of Nuba, keeping something to the westward of S. W. our way
being still across this immense plain. All the morning there were
terrible storms of thunder and lightning, some rain, and one shower of
so large drops that it wet us to the skin in an instant. It was quite
calm, and every drop fell perpendicularly upon us. I think I never
in my life felt so cold a rain, yet it was not disagreeable; for the
day was close and hot, and we should have wished every now and then
to have had so moderate a refrigeration; this, however, was rather
too abundant. The villages of the Nuba were, on all sides, throughout
this plain. At nine o'clock we arrived at Basboch, which is a large
collection of huts of these people, and has the appearance of a town.
The governor, a venerable old man of about seventy, who was so feeble
that he could scarcely walk, received us with great complacency, only
saying, when I took him by the hand, "O Christian! what dost thou, at
such a time, in such a country?" I was surprised at the politeness of
his speech, when he called me Nazarani, the civil term for Christian
in the east; whereas Infidel is the general term among these brutish
people; but it seems he had been several times at Cairo. I had here a
very clean and comfortable hut to lodge in, though we were sparingly
supplied with provisions all the time we were there, but never were
suffered to fast a whole day together.
Basboch is on the eastern bank of the Nile, not a quarter of a mile
from the ford below. The river here runs north and south; towards the
sides it is shallow, but deep in the middle of the current, and in
this part it is much infested with crocodiles. Sennaar is two miles
and a half S. S. W. of it. We heard the evening drum very distinctly,
and not without anxiety, when we reflected to what a brutish people,
according to all accounts, we were about to trust ourselves. The
village of Aira, where the vizir Adelan had then his quarters, was
three miles south and by west.
Next morning, the 27th, Shekh Adelan's servant left us to the charge
of the Nuba, to give his master an account of his journey, and our
safe arrival. He found Mahomet, the king's servant, our other guide,
before him there, and Adelan well informed of all that had passed
relating to Fidele, though not from Mahomet; for as soon as he began
to mention that he had found us at Teawa, Adelan said in a very angry
stile, "Will no one save me the disgrace of hanging that wretch?"
Adelan sent back his servant to inform us, that, two days afterwards,
we should be admitted. Mahomet, the king's servant, too, came back
with him, and staid till the evening; then he returned to Sennaar; but
he did not give us the satisfaction to tell us one word of what the
king had said to him about us, or how we were likely to be received,
leaving us altogether in suspence.
On the 29th, leave was sent us to enter Sennaar. It was not without
some difficulty that we got our quadrant and heavy baggage safely
carried down the hill, for the banks are very steep to the edge of
the water. The intention of our assistants was to slide the quadrant
down the hill, in its case, which would have utterly destroyed it; and
as our boat was but a very indifferent embarkation, it was obliged to
make several turns to and fro before we got all our several packages
landed on the western side. This assemblage, and the passage of our
camels, seemed to have excited the appetite, or the curiosity, of
the crocodiles. One, in particular, swam several times backwards
and forwards along the side of the boat, without, however, making
any attack upon any of us; but, being exceedingly tired of such
company, upon his second or third venture over, I fired at him with
a rifle-gun, and shot him directly under his fore shoulder in the
belly. The wound was undoubtedly mortal, and very few animals could
have lived a moment after receiving it. He, however, dived to the
bottom, leaving the water deeply tinged with his blood. Nor did we
see him again at that time; but the people at the ferry brought him
to me the day after, having found him perfectly dead. He was about
twelve feet long; and the boatmen told me that these are by much the
most dangerous, being more fierce and active than the large ones. The
people of Sennaar eat the crocodile, especially the Nuba. I never
tasted it myself, but it looks very much like Congor eel.
CHAP. VIII.
_Conversation with the King--With Shekh Adelan--Interview with
the King's Ladies_, &c. &c.
We were conducted by Adelan's servant to a very spacious good house
belonging to the Shekh himself, having two storeys, a long quarter
of a mile from the king's palace. He left a message for us to repose
ourselves, and in a day or two to wait upon the king, and that he
should send to tell us when we were to come to him. This we resolved
to have complied with most exactly; but the very next morning, the
30th of April, there came a servant from the palace to summon us
to wait upon the king, which we immediately obeyed. I took with me
three servants, black Soliman, Ismael the Turk, and my Greek servant
Michael. The palace covers a prodigious deal of ground. It is all
of one storey, built of clay, and the floors of earth. The chambers
through which we passed were all unfurnished, and seemed as if
a great many of them had formerly been destined as barracks for
soldiers, of whom I did not see above fifty on guard. The king was
in a small room, not twenty feet square, to which we ascended by two
short flights of narrow steps. The floor of the room was covered with
broad square tiles; over it was laid a Persian carpet, and the walls
hung with tapestry of the same country; the whole very well kept, and
in good order.
The king was sitting upon a matress, laid on the ground, which was
likewise covered with a Persian carpet, and round him was a number
of cushions of Venetian cloth of gold. His dress did not correspond
with this magnificence, for it was nothing but a large, loose shirt
of Surat blue cotton cloth, which seemed not to differ from the
same worn by his servants, except that, all round the edges of it,
the seams were double-stitched with white silk, and likewise round
the neck. His head was uncovered; he wore his own short black hair,
and was as white in colour as an Arab. He seemed to be a man about
thirty-four, his feet were bare, but covered by his shirt. He had a
very plebeian countenance, on which was stamped no decided character;
I should rather guess him to be a soft, timid, irresolute man. At my
coming forward and kissing his hand, he looked at me for a minute
as if undetermined what to say. He then asked for an Abyssinian
interpreter, as there are many of these about the palace. I said
to him in Arabic, "That I apprehended I understood as much of that
language as would enable me to answer any question he had to put to
me." Upon which he turned to the people that were with him, "Downright
Arabic, indeed! You did not learn that language in Habesh?" said he
to me. I answered, "No; I have been in Egypt, Turkey, and Arabia,
where I learned it; but I have likewise often spoken it in Abyssinia,
where Greek, Turkish, and several other languages, were used." He
said, "Impossible! he did not think they knew any thing of languages,
excepting their own, in Abyssinia."
There were sitting in the side of the room, opposite to him, four
men dressed in white cotton shirts, with a white shaul covering
their heads and part of their face, by which it was known they were
religious men, or men of learning, or of the law. One of these
answered the king's doubt of the Abyssinians knowledge in languages.
"They have languages enough; and you know that Habesh is called the
paradise of asses." During this conversation, I took the sherriffe of
Mecca's letter, also one from the king of Abyssinia; I gave him the
king's first, and then the sherriffe's. He took them both as I gave
them, but laid aside the king's upon a cushion, till he had read the
sherriffe's. After this he read the king's, and called immediately
again for an Abyssinian interpreter; upon which I said nothing,
supposing, perhaps, he might chuse to make him deliver some message
to me in private, which he would not have his people hear. But it
was pure confusion and absence of mind, for he never spoke a word
to him when he came. "You are a physician and a soldier," says the
king. "Both, in time of need," said I. "But the sherriffe's letter
tells me also, that you are a nobleman in the service of a great
king that they call Englise-man, who is master of all the Indies,
and who has Mahometan as well as Christian subjects, and allows them
all to be governed by their own laws."--"Though I never said so
to the sherriffe, replied I, yet it is true; I am as noble as any
individual in my nation, and am also servant to the greatest king now
reigning upon earth, of whose dominions, it is likewise truly said,
these Indies are but a small part."--"The greatest king! says he that
spoke about the asses, you should not say that: You forgot the grand
signior; there are four, Otman, Fersee, Bornow, and Habesh."--"I
neither forgot the grand signior, nor do him wrong, replied I. What I
have said, I have said."--"Kafrs and slaves! all of them, says Ismael;
there is the Turk, the king of England, and the king of France; what
kings are Bornow and the rest?--Kafrs."--"How comes it, says the
king, you that are so noble and learned, that you know all things,
all languages, and so brave that you fear no danger, but pass, with
two or three old men, into such countries as this and Habesh, where
Baady my father perished with an army? how comes it that you do not
stay at home and enjoy yourself, eat, drink, take pleasure and rest,
and not wander like a poor man, a prey to every danger?"--"You,
Sir, I replied, may know some of this sort of men; certainly you do
know them; for there are in your religion, as well as mine, men of
learning, and those too of great rank and nobility, who, on account of
sins they have committed, or vows they have made, renounce the world,
its riches and pleasures: They lay down their nobility, and become
humble and poor, so as often to be insulted by wicked and low men, not
having the fear of God before their eyes."--"True, these are Dervish,"
said the other three men. "I am then one of these Dervish, said I,
content with the bread that is given me, and bound for some years to
travel in hardships and danger, doing all the good I can to poor and
rich, serving every man, and hurting none." "Tybe! that is well," says
the king. "And how long have you been travelling about?" adds one of
the others. "Near twenty years," said I.--"You must be very young,
says the king, to have committed so many sins, and so early; they must
all have been with women?"--"Part of them, I suppose, were, replied I;
but I did not say that I was one of those who travelled on account of
their sins, but that there were some Dervishes that did so on account
of their vows, and some to learn wisdom." He now made a sign, and a
slave brought a cushion, which I would have refused, but he forced me
to sit down upon it.
I found afterwards who the three men were who had joined in our
conversation; the first was Ali Mogrebi, a native of Morocco, who was
Cadi, or chief judge at Sennaar, and was then fallen into disgrace
with the two brothers, Mahomet Abou Kalec, governor of Kordofan, and
Shekh Adelan, prime minister at Sennaar, then encamped at Aira at the
head of the horse and Nuba, levying the tax upon the Arabs as they
went down, out of the limits of the rains, into the sandy countries
below Atbara to protect their cattle from the fly. Another of these
three was Cadi of Kordofan, in the interest of Mahomet Abou Kalec,
and spy upon the king. The third was a saint in the neighbourhood,
conservator of a large extent of ground, where great crops of dora
not only grow, but when threshed out are likewise kept in large
excavations called Matamores; the place they call Shaddly. This man
was esteemed another Joseph among the Funge, who accumulated grain in
years of plenty, that he might distribute it at small prices among the
poor when scarcity came. He was held in very great reverence in the
neighbourhood of Sennaar.
The cadi then asked me, "If I knew when Hagiuge Magiuge was to come?"
Remembering my old learned friend at Teawa, I scarce could forbear
laughing. "I have no wish to know any thing about him, said I; I hope
those days are far off, and will not happen in my time." "What do your
books say concerning him? (says he, affecting a great look of wisdom)
Do they agree with ours?" "I don't know that, said I, till I hear
what is written in your books." "Hagiuge Magiuge, says he, are little
people, not so big as bees, or like the zimb, or fly of Sennaar,
that come in great swarms out of the earth, aye, in multitudes that
cannot be counted; two of their chiefs are to ride upon an ass, and
every hair of that ass is to be a pipe, and every pipe is to play
a different kind of music, and all that hear and follow them are
carried to hell." "I know them not, said I, and, in the name of the
Lord, I fear them not, were they twice as little as you say they
are, and twice as numerous. I trust in God I shall never be so fond
of music as to go to hell after an ass for all the tunes that he or
they can play." The king laughed violently. I rose to go away, for I
was heartily tired of the conversation. I whispered the Abyssinian
servant in Amharic, to ask when I should bring a trifle I had to offer
the king. He said, Not that night, as I should be tired, but desired
that I should now go home, and he would send me notice when to come.
I accordingly went away, and found a number of people in the street,
all having some taunt or affronting matter to say. I passed through
the great square before the palace, and could not help shuddering,
upon reflection, at what had happened in that spot to the unfortunate
M. du Roule and his companions, though under a protection which should
have secured them from all danger, every part of which I was then
unprovided with.
The drum beat a little after six o'clock in the evening. We then had
a very comfortable dinner sent us, camels flesh stewed with an herb
of a viscous slimy substance, called Bammia. After having dined, and
finished the journal of the day, I fell to unpacking my instruments,
the barometer and thermometer first, and, after having hung them up,
was conversing with Adelan's servant when I should pay my visit to his
master. About eight o'clock came a servant from the palace, telling
me now was the time to bring the present to the king. I sorted the
separate articles with all the speed I could, and we went directly to
the palace. The king was then sitting in a large apartment, as far as
I could guess, at some distance from the former. He was naked, but
had several clothes lying upon his knee, and about him, and a servant
was rubbing him over with very stinking butter or grease, with which
his hair was dropping as if wet with water. Large as the room was, it
could be smelled through the whole of it. The king asked me, If ever
I greased myself as he did? I said, Very seldom, but fancied it would
be very expensive. He then told me, That it was elephants grease,
which made people strong, and preserved the skin very smooth. I said,
I thought it very proper, but could not bear the smell of it, though
my skin should turn as rough as an elephant's for the want of it. He
said, "If I had used it, my hair would not have turned so red as it
was, and that it would all become white presently when that redness
came off. You may see the Arabs driven in here by the Daveina, and all
their cattle taken from them, because they have no longer any grease
for their hair. The sun first turns it red and then perfectly white;
and you'll know them in the street by their hair being the colour of
yours. As for the smell, you will see that cured presently."
After having rubbed him abundantly with grease, they brought a pretty
large horn, and in it something scented, about as liquid as honey. It
was plain that civet was a great part of the composition. The king
went out at the door, I suppose into another room, and there two men
deluged him over with pitchers of cold water, whilst, as I imagine,
he was stark-naked. He then returned, and a slave anointed him with
this sweet ointment; after which he sat down, as completely dressed,
being just going to his women's apartment where he was to sup. I told
him I wondered why he did not use rose-water as in Abyssinia, Arabia,
and Cairo. He said, he had it often from Cairo, when the merchants
arrived; but as it was now long since any came, his people could not
make more, for the rose would not grow in his country, though the
women made something like it of lemon-flower.
His toilet being finished, I then produced my present which I told him
the king of Abyssinia had sent to him, hoping that, according to the
faith and custom of nations, he would not only protect me while here,
but send me safely and speedily out of his dominions into Egypt. He
answered, There was a time when he could have done all this, and more,
but those times were changed. Sennaar was in ruin, and was not like
what it once was. He then ordered some perfumed sorbet to be brought
for me to drink in his presence, which is a pledge that your person is
in safety. I thereupon withdrew, and he went to his ladies.
It was not till the eighth of May I had my audience of Shekh Adelan
at Aira, which is three miles and a half from Sennaar; we walked out
early in the morning, for the greatest part of the way along the side
of the Nile, which had no beauty, being totally divested of trees, the
bottom foul and muddy, and the edges of the water white with small
concretions of calcarious earth, which, with the bright sun upon them,
dazzled and affected our eyes very much.
We then struck across a large sandy plain without trees or bushes, and
came to Adelan's habitation; two or three, very considerable houses of
one storey occupied the middle of a large square, each of whose sides
was at least half of an English mile. Instead of a wall to inclose
this square, was a high fence or impalement of strong reeds, canes,
or stalks of dora, (I do not know which) in fascines strongly joined
together by stakes and cords. On the outside of the gate, on each
hand, were six houses of a slighter construction than the rest; close
upon the fence were sheds where the soldiers lay, the horses picqueted
before them with their heads turned towards the sheds, and their food
laid before them on the ground; above each soldier's sleeping-place,
covered only on the top and open in the sides, were hung a lance, a
small oval shield, and a large broad-sword. These, I understood, were
chiefly quarters for couriers, who being Arabs, were not taken into
the court or square, but shut out at night.
Within the gate was a number of horses, with the soldiers barracks
behind them; they were all picqueted in ranks, their faces to their
masters barracks. It was one of the finest sights I ever saw of the
kind. They were all above sixteen hands high, of the breed of the old
Saracen horses, all finely made, and as strong as our coach-horses,
but exceedingly nimble in their motion; rather thick and short in the
forehand, but with the most beautiful eyes, ears, and heads in the
world; they were mostly black, some of them black and white, some of
them milk-white foaled, so not white by age, with white eyes and white
hoofs, not perhaps a great recommendation.
A steel shirt of mail hung upon each man's quarters opposite to his
horse, and by it an antelope's skin made soft like shamoy, with which
it was covered from the dew of the night. A head-piece of copper,
without crest or plumage, was suspended by a lace above the shirt of
mail, and was the most picturesque part of the trophy. To these was
added an enormous broad-sword in a red leather scabbard; and upon the
pummel hung two thick gloves, not divided into fingers as ours, but
like hedgers gloves, their fingers in one poke. They told me, that,
within that inclosure at Aira, there were 400 horses, which, with the
riders, and armour complete for each of them, were all the property
of Shekh Adelan, every horseman being his slave, and bought with his
money. There were five or six (I know not which) of these squares or
inclosures, none of them half a mile from the other, which contained
the king's horses, slaves, and servants. Whether they were all in as
good order as Adelan's I cannot say, for I did not go further; but
no body of horse could ever be more magnificently disposed under the
direction of any Christian power.
Adelan was then sitting upon a piece of the trunk of a palm-tree, in
the front of one of these divisions of his horses, which he seemed
to be contemplating with pleasure; a number of black people, his own
servants and friends, were standing around him. He had on a long
drab-coloured camlet gown, lined with yellow sattin, and a camlet cap
like a head piece, with two short points that covered his ears. This,
it seems, was his dress when he rose early in the morning to visit
his horses, which he never neglected. The Shekh was a man above six
feet high, and rather corpulent, had a heavy walk, seemingly more from
affectation of grandeur than want of agility. He was about sixty,
of the colour and features of an Arab and not of a Negro, but had
rather more beard than falls to the lot of people in this country;
large piercing eyes, and a determined, tho', at the same time, a very
pleasing countenance. Upon my coming near him he got up, "You that are
a horseman, (says he, without any salutation) what would your king
of Habesh give for these horses?"--"What king, answered I, in the
same tone, would not give any price for such horses if he knew their
value?"--"Well, replies he, in a lower voice, to the people about him,
if we are forced to go to Habesh (as Baady was) we will carry our
horses along with us." I understood by this he alluded to the issue of
his approaching quarrel with the king.
We then went into a large saloon, hung round with mirrors and scarlet
damask; in one of the longest sides, were two large sofas covered with
crimson and yellow damask, and large cushions of cloth of gold, like
to the king's. He now pulled off his camlet gown and cap, and remained
in a crimson sattin coat reaching down below his knees, which lapped
over at the breast, and was girt round his waist with a scarf or sash,
in which he had stuck a short dagger in an ivory sheath, mounted with
gold; and one of the largest and most beautiful amethysts upon his
finger that ever I saw, mounted plain, without any diamonds, and a
small gold ear-ring in one of his ears.
"Why have you come hither, says he to me, without arms, and on foot,
and without attendants?" _Yagoube._ "I was told that horses were not
kept at Sennaar, and brought none with me." _Adelan._ "You suppose
you have come through great dangers, and so you have. But what do you
think of me, who am day and night out in the fields, surrounded by
hundreds and thousands of Arabs, all of whom would eat me alive if
they dared?" I answered, "A brave man, used to command as you are,
does not look to the number of his enemies, but to their abilities; a
wolf does not fear ten thousand sheep more than he does one." _Ad._
"True; look out at the door; these are their chiefs whom I am now
taxing, and I have brought them hither that they may judge from what
they see whether I am ready for them or not." _Yag._ "You could not
do more properly; but, as to my own affairs, I wait upon you from the
king of Abyssinia, desiring safe conduct through your country into
Egypt, with his royal promise, that he is ready to do the like for you
again, or any other favour you may call upon him for." He took the
letter and read it. _Ad._ "The king of Abyssinia may be assured I am
always ready to do more for him than this. It is true, since the mad
attempt upon Sennaar, and the next still madder, to replace old Baady
upon the throne, we have had no formal peace, but neither are we at
war. We understand one another as good neighbours ought to do; and
what else is peace?" _Yag._ "You know I am a stranger and traveller,
seeking my way home. I have nothing to do with peace or war between
nations. All I beg is a safe conduct through your kingdom, and the
rights of hospitality bestowed in such cases on every common stranger;
and one of the favours I beg is, your acceptance of a small present.
I bring it not from home; I have been long absent from thence, or it
would have been better." _Ad._ "I'll not refuse it, but it is quite
unnecessary. I have faults like other men, but to hurt, or ransom
strangers, was never one of them. Mahomet Abou Kalec, my brother, is
however a much better man to strangers than I am; you will be lucky if
you meet him here; if not, I will do for you what I can when once the
confusion of these Arabs is over."
I gave him the sherriffe's letter, which he opened, looked at, and
laid by without reading, saying only, "Aye, Metical is a good man,
he sometimes takes care of our people going to Mecca; for my part, I
never was there, and probably never shall." I then presented my letter
from Ali Bey to him. He placed it upon his knee, and gave a slap upon
it with his open hand. _Ad._ "What! do you not know, have you not
heard, Mahomet Abou Dahab, his Hasnadar, has rebelled against him,
banished him out of Cairo, and now sits in his place? But don't be
disconcerted at that, I know you to be a man of honour and prudence;
if Mahomet, my brother, does not come, as soon as I can get leisure I
will dispatch you." The servant that had conducted me to Sennaar, and
was then with us, went forward close to him, and said, in a kind of
whisper, "Should he go often to the king?"--"When he pleases; he may
go to see the town, and take a walk, but never alone, and also to the
palace, that, when he returns to his own country, he may report he saw
a king at Sennaar, that neither knows how to govern, nor will suffer
others to teach him; who knows not how to make war, and yet will not
sit in peace." I then took my leave of him, but there was a plentiful
breakfast in the other room, to which he sent us, and which went far
to comfort Hagi Ismael for the misfortune of his patron Ali Bey. At
going out, I took my leave by kissing his hand, which he submitted to
without reluctance. "Shekh, said I, when I pass these Arabs in the
square, I hope it will not disoblige you if I converse with some of
them out of curiosity?" _Ad._ "By no means, as much as you please;
but don't let them know where they can find you at Sennaar, or they
will be in your house from morning till night, will eat up all your
victuals, and then, in return, will cut your throat if they can meet
you upon your journey."
I returned home to Sennaar, very well pleased with my reception at
Aira. I had not seen, since I left Gondar, a man so open and frank in
his manners, and who spoke without disguise what apparently he had in
his heart; but he was exceedingly engaged in business, and it was of
such extent that it seemed to me impossible to be brought to an end in
a much longer time than I proposed staying at Sennaar. The distance,
too, between Aira and that town was a very great discouragement to
me. The whole way was covered with insolent, brutish people, so that
every man we met between Sennaar and Aira produced some altercation,
some demand of presents, gold, cloth, tobacco, and a variety of other
disagreeable circumstances, which had always the appearance of ending
in something serious.
I had a long conversation with the Arabs I met with at Aira, and
from them I learned pretty nearly the situation of the different
clans or tribes in Atbara. These were all in their way northward to
the respective countries in the sands to the eastward of Mendera and
Barbar. These sands, so barren and desolate the rest of the year, were
beginning now to be crowded with multitudes of cattle and inhabitants.
The fly, in the flat and fertile mold which composes all the soil
to the southward of Sennaar, had forced this number of people to
migrate, which they very well knew was to cost them at least one half
of their substance; of such consequence is the weakest instrument in
the hand of Providence. The troops of Sennaar, few in number, but well
provided with every thing, stood ready to cut these people off from
their access to the sands, till every chief of a tribe had given in a
well-verified inventory of his whole stock, and made a composition, at
passing, with Shekh Adelan.
All subterfuge was in vain. The fly, in possession of the fertile
country, inexorably pursued every single camel till he took refuge
in the sands, and there he was to stay till the rains ceased; and
if, in the interim, it was discovered that any concealment of number
or quality had been made, they were again to return in the beginning
of September to their old pastures; and in this second passage, any
fraud, whether real or alledged, was punished with great severity.
Resistance had been often tried, and as often found ineffectual.
However great their numbers, encumbered with families and baggage as
they were, they had always fallen a sacrifice to those troops, well
mounted and armed, that awaited them in their way within sight of
their own homes. Arrived once in the sands, they were quiet during
the rains, having paid their passage northward, and so they were
afterwards, for the same reason, when they came again to their own
station, southward, when those rains had ceased.
It may be asked reasonably, What does the government of Sennaar do
with that immense number of camels which they receive from all those
tribes of Arabs in their passage by Sennaar? To this I answer, That
all this tribute is not paid in kind. The different tribes possessing
so many camels, or so many other cattle, have a quantum laid upon them
at an average value. This is paid in gold, or in slaves, the rest in
kind; so many for the maintenance of the king and government; for
there is no flesh commonly used at Sennaar in the markets but that of
camels. The residue is bought by the merchants of Dongola, and sent
into Egypt, where they supply that great consumption of these animals
made every year by the caravans going to Mecca.
One thing had made a very strong impression on me, which was the
contemptuous manner in which Adelan expressed himself as to his
sovereign. I was satisfied that, with some address, I could keep
myself in favour with either of them; but in the terms they then were,
or were very soon to be, I could not but fear I was likely to fall
into trouble between the two.
The next morning, after I came home from Aira, I was agreeably
surprised by a visit from Hagi Belal, to whom I had been recommended
by Metical Aga, and to whom Ibrahim Seraff, the English broker at
Jidda, had addressed me for any money I should need at Sennaar. He
welcomed me with great kindness, and repeated testimonies of joy and
wonder at my safe arrival. He had been down in Atbara at Gerri, or
some villages near it, with merchandize, and had not yet seen the king
since he came home, but gave me the very worst description possible of
the country, insomuch that there seemed to be not a spot, but the one
I then stood on, in which I was not in imminent danger of destruction,
from a variety of independent causes, which it seemed not possibly
in my power to avoid. He sent me in the evening some refreshments,
which I had long been unaccustomed to; some tea, excellent coffee,
some honey and brown sugar, several bottles of rack, likewise nutmegs,
cinnamon, ginger, and some very good dates of the dry kind which he
had brought from Atbara.
Hagi Belal was a native of Morocco. He had been at Cairo, and also at
Jidda and Mocha. He knew the English well, and professed himself both
obliged and attached to them. It was some days before I ventured to
speak to him upon money business, or upon any probability of finding
assistance here at Sennaar. He gave me little hopes of the latter,
repeating to me what I very well knew about the disagreement of the
king and Adelan. He seemed to place all his expectations, and those
were but faint ones, in the coming of Shekh Abou Kalec from Kordofan.
He said, nothing could be expected from Shekh Adelan without going to
Aira, for that he would never trust himself in Sennaar, in this king's
lifetime, but that the minister was absolute the moment he assembled
his troops without the town.
One morning he came to me, after having been with the king, when I
was myself preparing to go to the palace. He said, he had been sent
for upon my account, and had been questioned very narrowly what sort
of a man I was. Having answered very favourably, both of me and my
nation, he was asked for Metical Aga's letters, or any other letters
he had received concerning me from Jidda; he said, that he had only
shewn Metical's letter, wrote in the name of the sherriffe, as also
one from himself; that there were several great officers of government
present; and the Cadi (whom I had seen the first time I had been with
the king) had read the letters aloud to them all: That one of them
had asked, How it came that such a man as I ventured to pass these
deserts, with four or five old servants, and what it was I came to
see; that he answered, he apprehended my chief object at Sennaar was
to be forwarded to my own country. It was also asked, Why I had not
some Englishmen with me, as none of my servants were of that nation,
but poor beggarly Kopts, Arabs, and Turks, who were none of them of my
religion? Belal answered, That travellers through these countries must
take up with such people as they can find going the same way; however,
he believed some English servants had died in Abyssinia, which country
I had left the first opportunity that had offered, being wearied by
the perpetual war which prevailed. Upon which the king said, "He has
chosen well, when he came into this country for peace. You know, Hagi
Belal, I can do nothing for him; there is nothing in my hands. I could
easier get him back into Abyssinia than forward him into Egypt. Who is
it now that can pass into Egypt?" The Cadi then said, "Hagi Belal can
get him to Suakem, and so to Jidda to his countrymen." To which Belal
replied, "The king will find some way when he thinks farther of it."
A few days after this I had a message from the palace. I found the
king sitting alone, apparently much chagrined, and in ill-humour. He
asked me, in a very peevish manner, "If I was not yet gone?" To which
I answered, "Your Majesty knows that it is impossible for me to go a
step from Sennaar without assistance from you." He again asked me,
in the same tone as before, "How I could think of coming that way?"
I said, "nobody imagined in Abyssinia but that he was able to give a
stranger safe conduct through his own dominions." He made no reply,
but nodded a sign for me to depart, which I immediately did, and so
finished this short, but disagreeable interview.
About four o'clock that same afternoon I was again sent for to the
palace, when the king told me that several of his wives were ill,
and desired that I would give them my advice, which I promised to do
without difficulty, as all acquaintance with the fair sex had hitherto
been much to my advantage. I must confess, however, that calling these
the fair sex is not preserving a precision in terms. I was admitted
into a large square apartment very ill lighted, in which were about
fifty women, all perfectly black, without any covering but a very
narrow piece of cotton rag about their waists. While I was musing
whether or not these all might be queens, or whether there was any
queen among them, one of them took me by the hand and led me rudely
enough into another apartment. This was much better lighted than the
first. Upon a large bench, or sofa, covered with blue Surat cloth,
sat three persons cloathed from the neck to the feet with blue cotton
shirts.
One of these, who found was the favourite, was about six feet high,
and corpulent beyond all proportion. She seemed to me, next to the
elephant and rhinoceros, to be the largest living creature I had
met with. Her features were perfectly like those of a Negro; a ring
of gold passed through her under lip, and weighed it down, till,
like a flap, it covered her chin, and left her teeth bare, which
were very small and fine. The inside of her lip she had made black
with antimony. Her ears reached down to her shoulders, and had the
appearance of wings; she had in each of them a large ring of gold,
somewhat smaller than a man's little finger, and about five inches
diameter. The weight of these had drawn down the hole where her ear
was pierced so much that three fingers might easily pass above the
ring. She had a gold necklace, like what we used to call Esclavage, of
several rows, one below another, to which were hung rows of sequins
pierced. She had on her ancles two manacles of gold, larger than any I
had ever seen upon the feet of felons, with which I could not conceive
it was possible for her to walk, but afterwards I found they were
hollow. The others were dressed pretty much in the same manner; only
there was one that had chains which came from her ears to the outside
of each nostril, where they were fastened. There was also a ring put
thro' the gristle of her nose, and which hung down to the opening
of her mouth. I think she must have breathed with great difficulty.
It had altogether something of the appearance of a horse's bridle.
Upon my coming near them, the eldest put her hand to her mouth and
kissed it, saying, at the same time, in very vulgar Arabic, "Kifhalek
howaja?" (how do you do, merchant). I never in my life was more
pleased with distant salutations than at this time. I answered, "Peace
be among you! I am a physician, and not a merchant."
I shall not entertain the reader with the multitude of their
complaints; being a lady's physician, discretion and silence are my
first duties. It is sufficient to say, that there was not one part of
their whole bodies, inside and outside, in which some of them had not
ailments. The three queens insisted upon being blooded, which desire I
complied with, as it was an operation that required short attendance;
but, upon producing the lancets, their hearts failed them. They then
all cried out for the Tabange, which, in Arabic, means a pistol;
but what they meant by this word was, the cupping instrument, which
goes off with a spring like the snap of a pistol. I had two of these
with me, but not at that time in my pocket. I sent my servant home,
however, to bring one, and, that same evening, performed the operation
upon the three queens with great success. The room was overflowed with
an effusion of royal blood, and the whole ended with their insisting
upon my giving them the instrument itself, which I was obliged to do,
after cupping two of their slaves before them, who had no complaints,
merely to shew them how the operation was to be performed.
Another night I was obliged to attend them, and gave the queens, and
two or three of the great ladies, vomits. I will spare my reader the
recital of so nauseous a scene. The ipecacuanha had great effect, and
warm water was drunk very copiously. The patients were numerous,
and the floor of the room received all the evacuations. It was most
prodigiously hot, and the horrid, black figures, moaning and groaning
with sickness all around me, gave me, I think, some slight idea of
the punishment in the world below. My mortifications, however, did
not stop here. I observed that, in coming into their presence, the
queens were all covered with cotton shirts; but no sooner did their
complaints make part of our conversation, than, to my utmost surprise,
each of them, in her turn, stript herself entirely naked, laying her
cotton shirt loosely on her lap as she sat cross-legged like a tailor.
The custom of going naked in these warm countries abolishes all
delicacy concerning it. I could not but observe that the breasts of
each of them reached the length of their knees.
This exceeding confidence on their part, they thought merited some
consideration on mine; and it was not without great astonishment that
I heard the queen desire to see me in the like dishabille in which she
had spontaneously put herself. The whole court of female attendants
flocked to the spectacle. Refusal, or resistance, were in vain. I
was surrounded with fifty or sixty women, all equal in stature and
strength to myself. The whole of my cloathing was, like theirs, a long
loose shirt of blue Surat cotton cloth, reaching from the neck down
to the feet. The only terms I could possibly, and that with great
difficulty, make for myself were, that they should be contented to
strip me no farther than the shoulders and breast. Upon seeing the
whiteness of my skin, they gave all a loud cry in token of dislike,
and shuddered, seeming to consider it rather the effects of disease
than natural. I think in my life I never felt so disagreeably. I
have been in more than one battle, but surely I would joyfully have
taken my chance again in any of them to have been freed from that
examination. I could not help likewise reflecting, that, if the king
had come in during this exhibition, the consequence would either have
been impaling, or stripping off that skin whose colour they were so
curious about; tho' I can solemnly declare there was not an idea in my
breast, since ever I had the honour of seeing these royal beauties,
that could have given his majesty of Sennaar the smallest reason for
jealousy; and I believe the same may be said of the sentiments of the
ladies in what regarded me. Ours was a mutual passion, but dangerous
to no one concerned. I returned home with very different sensations
from those I had felt after an interview with the beautiful Aiscach
of Teawa. Indeed, it was impossible to be more chagrined at, or more
disgusted with, my present situation than I was, and the more so, that
my delivery from it appeared to be very distant, and the circumstances
were more and more unfavourable every day.
An event happened which added to my distress. Going one evening to
wait upon the king, and being already within the palace, passing
through a number of rooms that are now totally deserted, where the
court of guard used to be kept, I met Mahomet, the king's servant, who
accompanied us from Teawa. Such people, though in reality often enough
drunk, yet if they happen to be sober at the time of their committing
a crime, counterfeit drunkenness, in order to avail themselves of
it as an excuse. This fellow, seeing me alone, came staggering up
to me, saying, "Damn you, Yagoube, I have met you now, pay me for
the trouble of going for you to Teawa;" and with that he put his
arm to lay hold of me by the breast. I said to him, "Off hands, you
ruffian;" and, taking him by the arm, I gave him such a push that he
had very near fallen backward; on which he cried out, in great fury,
"Give me fifty patakas (about twelve guineas) or I'll ham-string you
this instant." I had always pistols in my pocket for an extremity;
but I could not consider this drunkard, though armed, to have reduced
me to that situation; I therefore immediately closed upon him, and,
catching him by the throat, gave him a violent wrench backward, which
threw him upon the ground. I then took his sword out of his hand;
and in the instant my black servant Soliman appeared, who had staid
behind conversing with some acquaintance in the street. Several
other black companions of this rascal likewise appeared; part seemed
to defend, and part to intercede for him, but none to condemn him.
Soliman, however, insisted upon carrying him before the king with his
drawn sword in his hand. But how were we surprised, when the king's
answer to our complaint was, "That the man was drunk, and that the
people in that country were not used to see franks, like me, walking
in the street." He then gave Soliman a sharp reproof for having the
presumption, as he called it, to disarm one of his servants in his
palace, and immediately ordered his sword to be restored him.
We were retiring full of thoughts what might be the occasion of this
reception, when we were met by Kittou, Adelan's brother, who was
left with the care of the town. I told the whole affair. He heard me
very attentively, and with apparent concern. "It is all the king's
fault; every slave does what he pleases, said he. If I mention this
to Adelan, he will order the drunkard's head to be struck off before
the palace-gate. But it is better for you that nothing of this kind
happen while you are here. Mahomet Abou Kalec is daily expected, and
all these things will be put upon another footing. In the mean time,
keep at home as much as possible, and never go out without two or
three black people along with you, servants, or others. While you are
in my brother's house, as you now are, and we alive, there is no body
dares molest you, and you are perfectly at liberty to refuse or admit
any person you please, whether they come from the king or not, by only
saying, Adelan forbids you. I will answer for the rest. The less you
come here the better, and never venture into the street at night."
At this instant a message from the king called him in. I went away,
better satisfied than before, because I now had learned there was a
place in that town where I could remain in safety, and I was resolved
there to await the arrival of Abou Kalec, to whom I looked up as to
the means Providence was to use to free me from the designs the king
was apparently meditating against me. I was more confirmed in the
belief of these bad intentions, by a conversation he had with Hagi
Belal, to whom he said, That he was very credibly informed I had along
with me above 2000 ounces of gold, besides a quantity of silver, and
rich embroideries from India, from which last place, and not from
Cairo, I was come as a merchant, and not a physician. I resolved,
therefore, to keep close at home, and to put into some form the
observations that I had made upon this extraordinary government; a
monarchy that had started up, as it were, in our days, and of which no
traveller has as yet given the smallest account.
CHAP. IX.
_Conversations with Achmet--History and Government of
Sennaar--Heat--Diseases--Trade of that Country--The Author's
distressed Situation--Leaves Sennaar._
From Salidan's time, till the conquest of Selim emperor of the Turks,
who finished the reign of the Mamalukes by the murder of Tomum Bey,
that is, from the twelfth to the sixteenth century, the Arabs in Nubia
and Beja, and the several countries above Egypt, had been incorporated
with the old indigenous inhabitants of those territories, which were
the _Shepherds_, and, upon conversion of these last to the Mahometan
religion, had become one people with those Saracens who over-ran this
country in the Khalifat of Omar. The only distinction that remained
was, that the Arabs continued their old manner of life in tents, while
the indigenous inhabitants lived in huts, mostly by the sides of
rivers, and among plantations of date-trees.
It must be, however, remembered, that this, though a pretty general
observation, does not hold without exception; for the Arabs of
Mahomet's own family, the Beni Koreish, mostly lived in towns, such
as Mecca, Tajef, and Medina, especially after the expulsion of the
Jews and the establishment of his empire. Many also of these, who
came over to Beja and the eastern part of Nubia, continued their
practice of living in small towns or villages, and were distinguished
by the name of Jaheleen: This appellation, literally interpreted,
signifies Pagans; but by extention, the ancient races of Arabs
converted immediately from Paganism to the Mahometan faith, by Mahomet
himself, without having ever embraced Christianity, or any other Pagan
superstition besides pure Sabaism, and this was the old religion of
Arabia, and of the whole peninsula of Africa to the Western Ocean.
These Jaheleen are generally known by their name, referring to men
of consideration in the time of Mahomet's life, whom they call their
father, or to some circumstance relating to Mahomet himself. An
example of the first of the race is, Rabatab, that is, _Rabat was
our father_, or, "we are the children of Rabat." An example of the
second is the Macabrab, or, _the sepulchre is our father_, meaning the
sepulchre of their prophet at Medina.
These Jaheleen are, as I have said, truly noble Arabs of the race
of Beni Koreish. Though they live in villages, they are the most
dangerous and most fanatic wretches a traveller can meet. All this
country, though nominally subject to Egypt for the sake of trade, had
their own prince of the race of Beni Koreish, whose title was Welled
Ageeb, _Son of the Good_, which was his general inauguration name;
and, besides this, he was called Ali, or Mahomet Welled Ageeb, which
is part of his title, or, as it were, his Christian name added to that
of his family. This prince was, nevertheless, but the Shekh of all
the Arabs, to whom they paid a tribute to enable him to maintain his
dignity, and a sufficient strength to keep up order and inforce his
decrees in public matters. As for œconomical ones, each tribe was
under the government of its own Shekh, old men, fathers of families in
each clan.
The residence of this Arab prince, called for shortness Wed Ageeb,
was at Gerri, a town in the very limits of the tropical rains,
immediately upon the ferry which leads across the Nile to the desert
of Bahiouda, and the road to Dongola and Egypt, joining the great
desert of Selima. This was a very well-chosen situation, it being a
toll-gate, as it were, to catch all the Arabs that had flocks, who,
living within the rains in the country which was all of fat earth,
were every year, about the month of May, obliged by the fly to pass,
as it were, in review, to take up their abode in the sandy desert
without the tropical rains. By the time fair weather returned in the
fertile part of the country to the southward, and freed them from the
fly, all sorts of verdure had grown up in great luxuriancy, while
hunger stared them now in the face among the sands to the northward,
where every thing eatable had been consumed by the multitudes of
cattle that had taken refuge there. The Arab chief, with a large
army of light, unincumbered horse, stood in the way of their return
to their pastures, till they had paid the uttermost farthing of
tribute, including arrears, if any there were. Such was the state and
government of the whole of this vast country, from the frontiers of
Egypt to those of Abyssinia, at the beginning of the 16th century.
In the year 1504, a black nation, hitherto unknown, inhabiting the
western banks of the Bahar el Abiad, in about latitude 13°, made a
descent, in a multitude of canoes, or boats, upon the Arab provinces,
and in a battle near Herbagi, they defeated Wed Ageeb, and forced him
to a capitulation, by which the Arabs were to pay to their conquerors,
in the beginning, one half of their stock, and every subsequent year,
one-half of the increase, which was to be levied at the time of their
passing into the sands to avoid the fly. Upon this condition, the
Arabs were to enjoy their former possessions unmolested, and Wed Ageeb
his place and dignity, that he always might be ready to use coercion
in favour of the conquerors, in case any of the distant Arabs refused
payment, and he thus became as it were their lieutenant.
This race of negroes is, in their own country, called Shillook. They
founded Sennaar, less advantageously situated than Gerri, and removed
the seat of government of Wed Ageeb to Herbagi, that he might be more
immediately under their own eye. It was the year 1504 of the Christian
æra that Amru, son of Adelan, the first of their sovereigns on the
eastern side of the Nile, founded this monarchy, and built Sennaar,
which hath ever since been the capital. From this period, till the
time when I was at Sennaar, 266 years had elapsed, in which 20 kings
had reigned, that is, from Amru the first, to Ismain the present king.
He was about 34 years of age, and had reigned three years, so that,
notwithstanding the long reigns of Amba Rabat the first, and the two
Baadys, the duration of the reigns of the kings of Sennaar will be
but 13 years upon an average; eight of the twenty have been deposed,
and Ismain the present king stands the fairest chance possible of
being very soon the 9th of that number.
At the establishing of this monarchy, the king, and the whole
nation of Shillook, were Pagans. They were soon after converted to
Mahometism, for the sake of trading with Cairo, and took the name
of Funge, which they interpret sometimes lords, or conquerors, and,
at other times, free citizens. All that can be said with certainty
of this term, as there is no access to the study of their language,
is, that it is applicable to those only that have been born east of
the Bahar el Abiad. It does not seem to me that they should pride
themselves in being free citizens, because the first title of nobility
in this country is that of slave; indeed there is no other. Upon any
appearance of your undervaluing a man at Sennaar, he instantly asks
you if you know who he is? if you don't know that he is a slave,
in the same idea of aristocratical arrogance, as would be said in
England upon an altercation, do you know to whom you are speaking? do
you know that I am a peer? All titles and dignities are undervalued,
and precarious, unless they are in the hands of one who is a slave.
Slavery in Sennaar is the only true nobility.
As I do not know that the names of these sovereigns are to be found
any where else, I have set them down here. The record from which I
drew them is at least as extraordinary as any part of their history;
it was the hangman's roll, or register. It is one of the singularities
which obtains among this brutish people, that the king ascends his
throne under an admission that he may be lawfully put to death by
his own subjects or slaves, upon a council being held by the great
officers, if they decree that it is not for the advantage of the
state that he be suffered to reign any longer. There is one officer
of his own family, who, alone, can be the instrument of shedding his
sovereign and kinsman's blood. This officer is called, Sid el Coom,
master of the king's household, or servants, but has no vote in
deposing him; nor is any guilt imputed to him, however many of his
sovereigns he thus regularly murders. Achmet Sid el Coom, the present
licensed parricide, and resident in Ismain's palace, had murdered the
late king Nasser, and two of his sons that were well grown, besides a
child at his mother's breast; and he was expecting every day to confer
the same favour upon Ismain; though at present there was no malice on
the one part nor jealousy on the other, and I believe both of them had
a guess of what was likely to happen. It was this Achmet, who was very
much my friend, that gave me a list of the kings that had reigned, how
long their reign lasted, and whether they died a natural death, or
were deposed and murdered.
This extraordinary officer was one of the very few that shewed me any
attention or civility at Sennaar. He had been violently tormented with
the gravel, but had found much ease from the use of soap-pills that
I had given him, and this had produced, on his part, no small degree
of gratitude and friendship; he was also subject to the epilepsy, but
this he was persuaded was witchcraft, from the machinations of an
enemy who resided far off. I often staid at his house all night, when
he suffered excessive pains, and I may say then only I was in safety.
Achmet seemed, by strange accident, to be one of the gentlest spirits
of any that it was my misfortune to converse with at Sennaar. He was
very little attached to, or convinced of, the truth of the Mahometan
religion, and as little zealous or instructed in his own. He used
often to qualify his ignorance, or disbelief, by saying, that any, or
no religion, was better than that of a Christian. His place of birth
was in a village of Fazuclo, and it appeared to me that he was still a
Pagan. He was constantly attended by Nuban priests, powerful conjurers
and sorcerers, if you believed him. I often conversed with these in
great freedom, when it happened they understood Arabic, and from them
I learned many particulars concerning the situation of the inland
part of the country, especially that vast ridge of mountains, Dyre
and Tegla, which run into the heart of Africa to the westward, whence
they say anciently they came, after having been preserved there from
a deluge. I asked them often, (powerful as they were in charms), Why
they did not cure Achmet of the gravel, or epilepsy? Their answer was,
That it was a Christian devil, and not subject to their power.
Achmet did not believe that I was a Christian, knew I was no
Mahometan, but thought I was like himself, something between the two,
nor did I ever undeceive him. I was no missionary, nor had I any care
of souls, nor desire to enter into conversation about religion with
a man whose only office was to be the deliberate murderer of his
sovereign. He spoke good Arabic, was offended at no question, but
answered freely, and without reserve, whether about the country,
religion, or government, or the post which he enjoyed, if we can term
it _enjoying_ an office created for such horrid crimes. He told me,
with great coolness, in answer to a question why he murdered Nasser's
son in his father's presence, that he did not dare to do otherwise
from duty to Nasser, whose right it was to see his son slain in a
regular and lawful manner, and this was by cutting his throat with a
sword, and not by a more ignominious and painful death, which, if it
had not been done in the father's sight, the vengeance of his enemies
might have suggested and inflicted. He said, that Nasser was very
little concerned at the spectacle of his son's death, but very loth
when it came to his turn to die himself; that he urged him often to
suffer him to escape, but, finding this in vain, he submitted without
resistance. He told me, Ismain, the present king, stood upon very
precarious ground; that both the brothers, Adelan and Abou Kalec, were
at the head of armies in the field; that Kittou had at his disposal
all the forces that were in Sennaar; and that the king was little
esteemed, and had neither experience, courage, friends, money, nor
troops.
I asked him if he was not afraid, when he entered into the king's
presence, lest he, too, might take it into his head to shew him,
that to die or be slain was not so slight a matter as he made of it.
He said, "By no means; that it was his duty to be with the king the
greatest part of the morning, and necessarily once very late in the
evening; that the king knew he had no hand in the wrong that might be
done to him, nor any way advanced his death; but, being come to the
point that he must die, the rest was only a matter of decency, and
it would undoubtedly be the object of his choice rather to be slain
by the hands of his own relation in private, than those of a hired
assassin, an Arab, or a Christian slave, in public view before the
populace." When Baady the king's father was taken prisoner, and sent
to Teawa to Welled Hassan governor of Atbara, (Shekh Fidele's father)
Adelan ordered him to be put to death there, and Welled Hassan carried
that order into execution. The king being always armed, was stout,
and seemed to be upon his guard; and Welled Hassan found no way of
killing him but by thrusting him through the back with a lance while
washing his hands. The people murmured against Adelan exceedingly,
not on account of the murder itself, but the manner of it, and Welled
Hassan was afterwards put to death himself, though he acted by express
orders, because, not being the officer appointed, he had killed the
king, and next, because he had done it with a lance, whereas the only
lawful instrument was a sword.
I have already said, that it was the year of the Hegira, answering to
1504 of the Christian æra, that this people, called Shillook, built
the town of Sennaar, and established their monarchy, which has now
subsisted under a succession of twenty kings of the same family.
List of the KINGS of Sennaar.
YEARS
REIGNED. _A. D._
Amru, son of Adelan, began his reign in the
year 1504, and reigned 30 | 1534
Neil, his son, 17 | 1551
Abdelcader, son of Amru, 8 | 1559
Amru, son of Neil, deposed, 11 | 1570
Dekin, son of Neil, 17 | 1587
Douro, his son, deposed, 3 | 1590
Tiby, son of Abdelcader, 3 | 1593
Ounsa, deposed, 13 | 1606
Abdelcader, son of Ounsa, deposed, 4 | 1610
Adelan, son of Ounsa, deposed, 5 | 1615
Baady, son of Abdelcader, 6 | 1621
Rebat, son of Baady, 30 | 1651
Baady, his son, 38 | 1689
Ounsa, son of Nasser son of Rebat, 12 | 1701
Baady el Achmer, his son, 25 | 1726
Ounsa, his son, deposed, 3 | 1729
L'Oul, son of Baady, 4 | 1733
Baady, his son, deposed, 33 | 1766
Nasser, his son, deposed, 3 | 1769
Ismain, 3 | 1772
Although these kings began with a very remarkable conquest, it does
not appear they added much to their kingdom afterwards. Ounsa, son
of Nasser, is said to have first subdued the province of Fazuclo. I
shall but make three observations upon this list, which is undoubtedly
authentic. The first is, that this monarchy having been established
in the 1504, it must answer to the 9th year of the reign of Naod in
the Abyssinian annals, as that prince began to reign in 1495.--The
second is, that Tecla Haimanout, the son of Yasous the Great, writing
to Baady el Achmer, or the White, who was the son of Ounsa, about the
murder of M. du Roule the French Ambassador, in the beginning of this
century, speaks of the ancient friendship that had subsisted between
the kings of Abyssinia and those of Sennaar, ever since the reign of
Kim, whom he mentions as one of Baady's remote predecessors on the
throne of Sennaar. Now, in the whole list of kings we have just given,
we do not find one of the name of Kim; nor is there one word mentioned
of a king of Sennaar, or a treaty with him, in the whole annals of
Abyssinia, till the beginning of Socinios's reign. I therefore imagine
that the Kim[37], which Tecla Haimanout informs us his predecessors
corresponded with in ancient times, was a prince, who, under the
command of the Caliph of Cairowan, in the kingdom of Tunis in Africa,
took Cairo and fortified it, by surrounding it with a strong wall, and
who reigned, by himself and successors, 100 years, from 998 to 1101,
when Hadec, the last prince of that race, was slain by Salidan, first
Soldan of Egypt, with which country the Abyssinians at that time
were in constant correspondence, though I never heard they were with
Sennaar, which indeed did not exist at that time, nor was there either
city or kingdom till the reign of Naod; so it was a correspondence
with the sovereigns of Cairo, Tecla Haimanout mistook for that with
Sennaar, which monarchy was not then founded.--The third observation
is, that this Baady el Achmer, being the very king who murdered M.
du Roule in 1704, did, nevertheless, live till the year 1726, having
reigned 25 years; whereas M. de Maillet[38] writes to his court, that
this prince had been defeated and slain in a battle he had with the
Arabs, under their Shekh at Herbagi in 1705.
Upon the death of a king of Sennaar, his eldest son succeeds by right;
and immediately afterwards as many of the brothers of the reigning
prince as can be apprehended are put to death by the Sid el Coom,
in the manner already described. Achmet, one of the sons of Baady,
brother of Nasser, and Ismain now on the throne, fled, upon his
brother's accession, to the frontiers of Kuara, and gathering together
about a hundred of the Ganjar horse, he came to Gondar, and was
kindly received by the Iteghé, who persuaded him to be baptised. Some
time after he returned to Kuara, and joined the king's army a little
before the battle of Serbraxos, with about the same number of horse,
and there he misbehaved, taking flight upon the first appearance of
the enemy, before a man was killed or wounded on either side. He was
graceful in his person and carriage, but a liar and drunkard beyond
all conception.
The practice which obtains at Sennaar of murdering all the collaterals
of the royal family, seems to be but a part of the same idea[39]
which prevails in Abyssinia, of confining the princes all their lives
upon a mountain. The difference of treatment, in cases perfectly
parallel, seems to offer a just manner of judging, how much the one
people surpasses the other in barbarity of manners and disposition.
In Abyssinia, the princes are confined for life on a mountain, and in
Sennaar they are murdered in their father's sight, in the palace where
they were born.
[39] Bear, like the Turk, no brother near the throne. POPE.
As in Abyssinia, so neither in Sennaar do women succeed to
sovereignty. No historical reason is given for this exclusion. It
probably was a rule brought from El-aice, their own country, before
founding their monarchy, for the very contrary prevailed among the
Shepherds, whom they subdued in Atbara. The princesses, however, in
Abyssinia, are upon a much better footing than those of Sennaar. These
last have no state nor settled income, and are regarded very little
more than the daughters of private individuals. Among that crowd of
women which I saw the two nights I was in the palace, there were many
princesses, sisters of the king, as I was after told. At that time
they were not distinguishable by their manners, nor was any particular
mark of respect shewn them.
The royal family were originally Negroes, and remain so still, when
their mothers have been black like themselves; but when the king has
happened to marry an Arab woman, as he often does, the black colour of
the father cedes to the white of the mother, and the child is white.
Such was the case of Baady, therefore named Achmer; his father Rebat
was black, but marrying an Arab, his son who succeeded him was white.
The last Baady who was slain at Teawa was a perfect Negro; and by a
slave from his own country he had the late king Nasser, who, like his
father, was a perfect black. By an Arab of the tribe of Daveina he
had Ismain the present king, who is white, and so it has invariably
happened in the royal family, as well as in private ones. But what is
still more extraordinary, though equally true, an Arab who is white,
marrying a black woman slave, has infallibly white children. I will
not say that this is so universal as that an example of the contrary
may not be found, but all the instances I happened to see confirmed
this. The Arabs, from choice, cohabit only with Negro women in the
hot months of summer, on account of the remarkable coolness of their
skins, in which they are said to differ from the Arab women; but I
never saw one black Arab in the kingdom of Sennaar, notwithstanding
the generality of this intercourse.
There is a constant mortality among the children in and about this
metropolis, insomuch that, in all appearance, the people would be
extinct were they not supplied by a number of slaves brought from
all the different countries to the southward. The men, however, are
strong and remarkable for size, but short-lived, owing, probably, to
their indulging themselves in every sort of excess from their very
infancy. This being the case, this climate must have undergone a
strange revolution, as Sennaar is but a small distance from where the
ancients place the Macrobii, a nation so called from the remarkable
length of their lives. But perhaps these were mountaineers from the
frontiers of Kuara, being described as having gold in their territory,
and are the race now called Guba. It is very remarkable, that, though
they are Mahometans, they are so brutal, not to say indelicate, with
regard to their women, that they sell their slaves after having lived
with, and even had children by them. The king himself, it is said, is
often guilty of this unnatural practice, utterly unknown in any other
Mahometan country.
Once in his reign the king is obliged, with his own hand, to plow
and sow a piece of land. From this operation he is called Baady, the
countryman or peasant; it is a name common to the whole race of kings,
as Cæsar was among the Romans, though they have generally another
name peculiar to each person, and this not attended to has occasioned
confusion in the narrative given by strangers writing concerning them.
No horse, mule, ass, or any beast of burden, will breed, or even live
at Sennaar, or many miles about it. Poultry does not live there.
Neither dog nor cat, sheep nor bullock, can be preserved a season
there. They must go all, every half year, to the sands. Though all
possible care be taken of them, they die in every place where the fat
earth is about the town during the first season of the rains. Two
greyhounds which I brought from Atbara, and the mules which I brought
from Abyssinia, lived only a few weeks after I arrived. They seemed to
have some inward complaint, for nothing appeared outwardly. The dogs
had abundance of water, but I killed one of them from apprehension of
madness. Several kings have tried to keep lions, but no care could
prolong their lives beyond the first rains. Shekh Adelan had two,
which were in great health, being kept with his horses at grass in the
sands but three miles from Sennaar: neither rose, nor any species of
jessamin, grow here; no tree but the lemon flowers near the city, that
ever I saw; the rose has been often tried, but in vain.
Sennaar is in lat. 13° 34´ 36´´ north, and in long. 33° 30´ 30´´
east from the meridian of Greenwich. It is on the west side of the
Nile, and close upon the banks of it. The ground whereon it stands
rises just enough to prevent the river from entering the town, even
in the height of the inundation, when it comes to be even with the
street. Poncet says, that when he was at this city, his companion,
father Brevedent, a Jesuit, an able mathematician, on the 21st of
March 1699, determined the latitude of Sennaar to be 13° 4´ N. the
difference therefore will be about half a degree. The reader however
may implicitly rely upon the situation I have given it, being the
mean result of above fifty observations, made both night and day, on
the most favourable occasions, by a quadrant of three feet radius,
and telescopes of two, and sometimes of three feet focal length, both
reflectors and refractors made by the best masters.
The town of Sennaar is very populous, there being in it many good
houses after the fashion of the country. Poncet says, in his time
they were all of one storey high; but now the great officers have
all houses of two. They have parapet roofs, which is a singular
construction; for in other places, within the rains, the roofs are
all conical. The houses are all built of clay, with very little
straw mixed with it, which sufficiently shews the rains here must be
less violent than to the southward, probably from the distance of
the mountains. However, when I was there, a week of constant rain
happened, and on the 30th of July the Nile increased violently,
after loud thunder, and a great darkness to the south. The whole
stream was covered with wreck of houses, canes, wooden bowls, and
platters, living camels and cattle, and several dead ones passed
Sennaar, hurried along by the current with great velocity. A hyæna,
endeavouring to cross before the town, was surrounded and killed by
the inhabitants. The water got into the houses that stand upon its
banks, and, by rising several feet high, the walls melted, being clay,
which occasioned several of them to fall. It seemed, by the floating
wreck of houses that appeared in the stream, to have destroyed a great
many villages to the southward towards Fazuclo.
The soil of Sennaar, as I have already said, is very unfavourable
both to man and beast, and particularly adverse to their propagation.
This seems to me to be owing to some noxious quality of the fat earth
with which it is every way surrounded, and nothing may be depended
upon more surely than the fact already mentioned, that no mare, or
she-beast of burden, ever foaled in the town, or in any village within
several miles round it. This remarkable quality ceases upon removing
from the fertile country to the sands. Aira, between three and four
miles from Sennaar, with no water near it but the Nile, surrounded
with white barren sand, agrees perfectly with all animals, and here
are the quarters where I saw Shekh Adelan the minister's horse, (as
I suppose, for their numbers) by far the finest in the world, where
in safety he watched the motion of his sovereign, who, shut up in his
capital of Sennaar, could not there maintain one horse to oppose him.
But however unfavourable this soil may be for the propagation of
animals, it contributes very abundantly both to the nourishment of
man and beast. It is positively said to render three hundred for one,
which, however confidently advanced, is, I think, both from reason and
appearance, a great exaggeration. It is all sown with dora, or millet,
the principal food of the natives. It produces also wheat and rice,
but these at Sennaar are sold by the pound, even in years of plenty.
The salt made use of at Sennaar is all extracted from the earth about
it, especially at Halfaia, so strongly is the soil impregnated with
this useful fossile.
About twelve miles from Sennaar, nearly to the N. W. is a collection
of villages called Shaddly, from a great saint, who in his time
directed large pits to be dug, and plastered closely within with clay,
into which a quantity of grain was put when it was at the cheapest,
and these were covered up, and plastered again at the top, which they
call sealing, and the hole itself matamore. These matamores are in
great number all over the plain, and, on any prospect of corn growing
dearer, they are opened, and corn sold at a low price both to the town
and country.
To the north of Shaddly, about twenty-four miles, is another
foundation of this sort, called Wed Aboud, still greater than
Shaddly. Upon these two charities the chief subsistence of the Arabs
depends; for as there is continual war among these people, and their
violence being always directed against the crops rather than the
persons of their enemies, the destruction of each tribe would follow
the loss of its harvest, was it not for the extraordinary supplies
furnished at such times by these granaries.
The small villages of soldiers are scattered up and down through this
immense plain to watch the grain that is sown, which is dora only,
and it is said that here the ground will produce no other grain.
Prodigious excavations are made at proper distances, which fill
with water in the rainy season, and are a great relief to the Arabs
in their passage between the cultivated country and the sands. The
fly, that inexorable persecutor of the Arabs, never pursues them to
the north of Shaddly. The knowledge of this circumstance was what,
perhaps, determined the first builders of Sennaar to place their
capital here; this too, probably, induced the two saints, Shaddly and
Wed Aboud, to make here these vast excavations for corn and water.
This is the first resting-place the Arabs find, where, having all
things necessary for subsistence, they can at leisure transact their
affairs with government.
To the westward of Shaddly and Aboud, as far as the river Abiad, or
El-aice, the country is full of trees, which make it a favourite
station for camels. As Shaddly is not above three hours ride on
horseback from Sennaar, there could not be chosen a situation more
convenient for levying the tribute; for though Gerri, from the
favourable situation of the ground, being mountainous and rocky, and
just on the extremity of the rains, was a place properly chosen for
this purpose by the Arab prince before the conquest of the Funge, (for
his troops there cut them off, either from the sands, or the fertile
country, as he pleased), yet many of them might have remained behind
at Shaddly, and to the westward, free from the terror of the fly, and
consequently without any necessity of advancing so far north as Gerri,
and there subjecting themselves to contribution.
In this extensive plain, near Shaddly, arise two mountainous
districts, the one called Jibbel Moia, or the Mountain of Water, which
is a ridge of considerable hills nearly of the same height, closely
united; and the other Jibbel Segud, or the Cold Mountain, a broken
ridge composed of parts, some high and some low, without any regular
form. Both these enjoy a fine climate, and are full of inhabitants,
but of no considerable extent. They serve for a protection to the
Daheera, or farms of Shaddly and Wed Aboud. They are also fortresses
in the way of the Arabs, to detain and force them to payment in
their flight from the cultivated country and rains to the dry lands
of Atbara. Each of these districts is governed by the descendant of
their ancient and native princes, who long resisted all the power of
the Arabs, having both horse and foot. They continued to be Pagans
till the conquest of the Funge. Bloody and unnatural sacrifices were
said to have been in use in these mountainous states, with horrid
circumstances of cruelty, till Abdelcader, son of Amru, the third of
the kings of Sennaar, about the year 1554, besieged first the one
and then the other of these princes in their mountain, and forced
them to surrender; and, having fastened a chain of gold to each of
their ears, he exposed them in the public market-place at Sennaar
in that situation, and sold them to the highest bidder, at the vile
price of something like a farthing each. After this degradation,
being circumcised, and converted to the Mahometan religion, they were
restored each to their government, as slaves of Sennaar, upon very
easy conditions of tribute, and have been faithful ever since.
Nothing is more pleasant than the country around Sennaar, in the end
of August and beginning of September, I mean so far as the eye is
concerned; instead of that barren, bare waste, which it appeared on
our arrival in May, the corn now sprung up, and covering the ground,
made the whole of this immense plain appear a level, green land,
interspersed with great lakes of water, and ornamented at certain
intervals with groups of villages, the conical tops of the houses
presenting, at a distance, the appearance of small encampments.
Through this immense, extensive plain, winds the Nile, a delightful
river there, above a mile broad, full to the very brim, but never
overflowing. Every where on these banks are seen numerous herds of the
most beautiful cattle of various kinds, the tribute recently extorted
from the Arabs, who, freed from all their vexations, return home with
the remainder of their flocks in peace, at as great a distance from
the town, country, and their oppressors, as they possibly can.
The banks of the Nile about Sennaar resemble the pleasantest parts of
Holland in the summer season; but soon after, when the rains cease,
and the sun exerts his utmost influence, the dora begins to ripen, the
leaves to turn yellow and to rot, the lakes to putrify, smell, and be
full of vermin, all this beauty suddenly disappears; bare, scorched
Nubia returns, and all its terrors of poisonous winds and moving
sands, glowing and ventilated with sultry blasts, which are followed
by a troop of terrible attendants, epilepsies, apoplexies, violent
fevers, obstinate agues, and lingering, painful dysenteries, still
more obstinate and mortal.
War and treason seem to be the only employment of this horrid people,
whom Heaven has separated, by almost impassable deserts, from the rest
of mankind, confining them to an accursed spot, seemingly to give them
earnest in time of the only other worse which he has reserved to them
for an eternal hereafter.
The dress of Sennaar is very simple. It consists of a long shirt of
blue Surat cloth called Marowty, which covers them from the lower
part of the neck down to their feet, but does not conceal the neck
itself; and this is the only difference between the men's and the
women's dress; that of the women covers their neck altogether, being
buttoned like ours. The men have sometimes a sash tied about their
middle; and both men and women go bare-footed in the house, even
those of the better sort of people. Their floors are covered with
Persian carpets, especially the women's apartments. In fair weather,
they wear sandals; and without doors they use a kind of wooden
patten, very neatly ornamented with shells. In the greatest heat at
noon, they order buckets of water to be thrown upon them instead of
bathing. Both men and women anoint themselves, at least once a-day,
with camels grease mixed with civet, which they imagine softens their
skin, and preserves them from cutaneous eruptions, of which they are
so fearful, that the smallest pimple in any visible part of their
body keeps them in the house till it disappears. For the same reason,
though they have a clean shirt every day, they use one dipt in grease
to lie in all night, as they have no covering but this, and lie upon a
bull's hide, tanned, and very much softened by this constant greasing,
and at the same time very cool, though it occasions a smell that no
washing can free them from.
The principal diet of the poorer sort is millet, made into bread or
flour. The rich make a pudding of this, toasting the flour before
the fire, and pouring milk and butter into it; besides which, they
eat beef, partly roasted and partly raw. Their horned cattle are the
largest and fattest in the world, and are exceedingly fine; but the
common meat sold in the market is camels flesh. The liver of the
animal, and the spare rib, are always eaten raw through the whole
country. I never saw one instance where it was dressed with fire: it
is not then true that eating raw flesh is peculiar to Abyssinia; it is
practised in this instance of camels flesh in all the black countries
to the westward.
Hogs flesh is not sold in the market; but all the people of Sennaar
eat it publicly: men in office, who pretend to be Mahometans, eat
theirs in secret. The Mahometan religion made a very remarkable
progress among the Jews and Christians on the Arabian, or eastern
side of the Red Sea, and soon after also in Egypt; but it was either
received coolly, or not at all, by the Pagans on the west side, unless
when, after a signal victory, it was strongly enforced by the sword of
the conqueror.
The Saracens, who over-ran this country, were bigots in their
religion, as their posterity continue to be at this day. They have
preserved the language of the Koran in its ancient purity, and adhere
rigidly to the letter of its precepts. They either extirpated the
Pagans, or converted them; but this power and tyranny of the Saracens
received a check, both in Egypt and Arabia, about the 16th century, by
Selim, who established Turkish garrisons in all their principal places
on the frontiers of Beja, or Barbaria, and in the Ber el Ajam, or
ancient Azamia, along the west coast of the Red Sea.
These Turks were all truly atheists in their hearts, who despised
the zeal of the Arabs, and oppressed them so, that Paganism again
ventured to shew its head. The Shillook, as I have said before, made
an eruption into Beja, and conquered the whole of that country. They
became masters of the Arabs, and embraced their religion as a form,
but never anxiously followed the law of Mahomet, which did not hold
out to them that liberty and relaxation by which it had tempted the
Jews and Christians. These the law of Mahomet had freed from many
restraints upon pleasures and pursuits forbidden by the gospel,
and thus made their yoke easier. But it was not so with the Pagan
nations. The Mahometan religion diminished their natural liberty,
by imposing prayers, ablutions, alms, circumcision, and suchlike,
to which before they were under no obligation. The Pagans therefore
of Sennaar, and all the little states to the westward, Dar-Fowr,
Dar-Sele, Bagirma, Bornou, and Tombucto, and all that country upon the
Niger, called Sudan, trouble themselves very little with the detail
of the Mahometan religion, which they embraced merely for the sake
of personal freedom and advantages in trade; but they are Pagans in
their hearts and in their practices, Mahometans in their conversation
only. As for the sons of these, they are Pagans like their fathers,
unless some Fakir, or Arab saint, takes pains to instruct and
teach them to read, otherwise the whole of their religion consists
in the confession of faith, "La Illah el Ullah, Mahomet Rasoul
Ullah,"--"There is but one God, and Mahomet is his prophet."
There are three principal governments in the kingdom of Sennaar.
The first is at El-aice, the capital of that country, from which
the Shillook come. The Bahar el Abiad spreads itself all over the
territory, and, divided into a quantity of small channels, (whether
by art or nature I know not) surrounds a number of little islands,
upon each of which is a village, and this collection of villages is
called the town of El-aice. The inhabitants are all fishermen, and
have a number of boats, like canoes, in which they sail up and down
to the cataracts. With incredible fleets of these their invasion
was made when they undertook the conquest of the Arabs, who had not
the smallest warning of the attempt. They had, at that time, no
weapons of iron: their swords and lances were of a hard wood called
Dengui-Sibber. It must be a relation of the Mek of Sennaar that
commands at El-aice; and he is never suffered to leave that post, or
come to Sennaar.
The second government, next to this in importance, is Kordofan. The
revenue consists chiefly in slaves procured from Dyre and Tegla.
It seems this situation is the most convenient for invading those
mountains, either from its having water in the way, or from some
other circumstance that is not known. Mahomet Abou Kalec had this
government, and with him about 1000 black horse, armed with coats of
mail, with whom he maintained himself at this time independent of the
king. It is a frontier nearest to Dar-Fowr, a black state still more
barbarous, if possible, than Sennaar, and by them it often has been
taken from Sennaar, and again retaken.
The third government is Fazuclo, bounded by the river El-aice on the
west, and the Nile on the east, and the mountains of Fazuclo, where
are the great cataracts, on the south. These are part of the large
chain of mountains of Dyre and Tegla, which reach so far westward into
the continent, from whence comes the chief supply both of gold and
slaves which constitute the riches of this country; for the greatest
part of the revenue of Fazuclo is gold; and the person that commands
it is not a Funge, but the same native prince from whom the army
of Sennaar conquered it. This seems to be a very remarkable piece
of policy in this barbarous nation, which must have succeeded, as
they constantly adhere to it, of making the prince of the state they
have conquered their lieutenant in the government of his own country
afterwards. Such was the case with Dongola, whose Mek they continue;
also with Wed Ageeb, prince of the Arabs, whom they subdued; and such
was the case with Fazuclo, Wed Aboud, Jibbel Moia, and other petty
states, all of which they conquered, but did not change their prince.
The forces at Sennaar, immediately around the capital, consist of
about 14,000 Nuba, who fight naked, having no other armour but a short
javelin and a round shield, very bad troops, as I suppose; about
1800 horse, all black, mounted by black slaves, armed with coats
of mail, and without any other weapon but a broad Sclavonian sword.
These I suppose, by the weight and power of man and horse, would bear
down, or break through double the number of any other troops in the
world: nobody, that has not seen this cavalry, can have any idea to
what perfection the horse rises here. The Mek has not one musket in
his whole army. Besides these horse, there is a great, but uncertain
number of Arabs, who pay their tribute immediately to the Mek and to
the great men in government, and live under their protection close
by the town, and thereby have the advantage of trading with it, of
supplying it with provisions, and, no doubt, must contribute in part
to its strength and defence in time of need.
After what I have said of the latitude of Sennaar, it will scarcely
be necessary to repeat that the heats are excessive. The thermometer
rises in the shade to 119°, but as I have observed of the heats of
Arabia, so now I do in respect to those of Sennaar. The degree of
the thermometer does not convey any idea of the effect the sun has
upon the sensations of the body or the colour of the skin. Nations of
blacks live within lat. 13° and 14°, when 10° south of them, nearly
under the Line, all the people are white, as we had an opportunity
of seeing daily in the Galla, whom we have described. Sennaar, which
is in lat. 13°, is hotter, by the thermometer, 50 degrees, when the
sun is most distant from it, than Gondar is, though a degree farther
south, when the sun is vertical.
Cold and hot are terms merely relative, not determined by the
latitude, but elevation of the place; when, therefore, we say hot,
some other explanation is necessary concerning the place where we
are, in order to give an adequate idea of the sensations of that heat
upon the body, and the effects of it upon the lungs. The degree of
the thermometer conveys this very imperfectly; 90° is excessively hot
at Loheia in Arabia Felix, and yet the latitude of Loheia is but 15°,
whereas 90° at Sennaar is, as to sense, only warm, although Sennaar,
as we have said, is in lat. 13°.
At Sennaar, then, I call it _cold_, when one, fully cloathed and at
rest, feels himself in want of fire. I call it _cool_, when one, fully
cloathed and at rest, feels he could bear more covering all over, or
in part, more than he has then on. I call it _temperate_, when a man,
so cloathed and at rest, feels no such want, and can take moderate
exercise, such as walking about a room without sweating. I call it
_warm_, when a man, so cloathed, does not sweat when at rest, but,
upon moderate motion, sweats, and again cools. I call it _hot_, when
a man sweats at rest, and excessively on moderate motion. I call it
_very hot_, when a man, with thin or little cloathing, sweats much
though at rest. I call it _excessive hot_, when a man, in his shirt,
at rest, sweats excessively, when all motion is painful, and the
knees feel feeble as if after a fever. I call it _extreme hot_, when
the strength fails, a disposition to faint comes on, a straitness is
found in the temples, as if a small cord was drawn tight around the
head, the voice impaired, the skin dry, and the head seems more than
ordinary large and light. This, I apprehend, denotes death at hand, as
we have seen in the instance of Imhanzara, in our journey to Teawa;
but this is rarely or never effected by the sun alone, without the
addition of that poisonous wind which pursued us through Atbara, and
will be more particularly described in our journey down the desert,
to which Heaven, in pity to mankind, has confined it, and where it
has, no doubt, contributed to the total extinction of every thing
that hath the breath of life. A thermometer graduated upon this scale
would exhibit a figure very different from the common one; for I am
convinced by experiment, that a web of the finest muslin, wrapt round
the body at Sennaar, will occasion at mid-day a greater sensation of
heat in the body than the rise of 5° in the thermometer of Fahrenheit.
At Sennaar, from 70° to 78° in Fahrenheit's thermometer is cool;
from 79° to 92° temperate; at 92° begins warm. Although the degree
of the thermometer marks a greater heat than is felt by the body of
us strangers, it seems to me that the sensations of the natives bear
still a less proportion to that degree than ours. On the 2d of August,
while I was lying perfectly enervated on a carpet, in a room deluged
with water, at twelve o'clock, the thermometer at 116°, I saw several
black labourers pulling down a house, working with great vigour,
without any symptoms of being at all incommoded.
The diseases of Sennaar are the dysentery, or bloody flux, fatal in
proportion as it begins with the first of the rains, or the end of
them, and return of the fair weather. Intermitting fevers accompany
this complaint very frequently, which often ends in them. Bark is
a sovereign remedy in this country, and seems to be by so much
the surer, that it purges on taking the first doze, and this it
does almost without exception. Epilepsies and schirrous livers are
likewise very frequent, owing, as is supposed, to their defeating or
diminishing perspiration, or stopping the pores by constant unction,
as also by the quantity of water they deluge themselves with at the
time they are hottest. The influence of the moon in epilepsies,
and the certainty with which the third day after the conjunction
brings back the paroxysm in regular intermitting fevers, is what
naturally surprises people not deeper read than I am in the study of
medicine. Those who live much in camps, or in the parts of Atbara far
from rivers, have certainly, more or less, the gravel, occasioned,
probably, by the use of well-water; for at Sennaar, where they drink
of the river, I never saw but one instance of it, that of the Sid el
Coom; as for Shekh Ibrahim, whom I shall speak of afterwards, he had
passed a great part of his life at Kordofan. The venereal disease is
frequent here, but never inveterate, insomuch that it does not prevent
the marriage of either sex. Sweating and abstinence never fail to cure
it, although, where it had continued for a time, I have known mercury
fail.
The elephantiasis, so common in Abyssinia, is not known here. The
small-pox is a disease not endemial in the country of Sennaar.
It is sometimes twelve or fifteen years without its being known,
notwithstanding the constant intercourse they have with, and
merchandizes they bring from Arabia. It is likewise said this disease
never broke out in Sennaar, unless in the rainy season. However, when
it comes, it sweeps away a vast proportion of those that are infected:
The women, both blacks and Arabs, those of the former that live in
plains, like the Shillook, or inhabitants of El-aice, those of the
Nuba and Guba, that live in mountains, all the various species of
slaves that come from Dyre and Tegla, from time immemorial have known
a species of inoculation which they call Tishteree el Jidderee, or,
_the buying of the small pox_. The women are the conductors of this
operation in the fairest and driest season of the year, but never at
other times. Upon the first hearing of the small pox any where, these
people go to the infected place, and, wrapping a fillet of cotton
cloth about the arm of the person infected, they let it remain there
till they bargain with the mother how many she is to sell them. It is
necessary that the terms be discussed judaically, and that the bargain
be not made collusively or gratuitously, but that one piece of silver,
or more, be paid for the number. This being concluded, they go home,
and tie the fillet about their own child's arm; certain, as they say,
from long experience, that the child infected is to do well, and not
to have one more than the number of pustules that were agreed and paid
for. There is no example, as far as I could learn, either here or
in Abyssinia, of this disease returning, that is, attacking any one
person more than once.
The trade of Sennaar is not great; they have no manufactures, but the
principal article of consumption is blue cotton cloth from Surat.
Formerly, when the ways were open, and merchants went in caravans
with safety, Indian goods were brought in quantities to Sennaar from
Jidda, and then dispersed over the black country. The return was made
in gold, in powder called Tibbar, civet, rhinoceros's horns, ivory,
ostrich feathers, and, above all, in slaves or glass, more of which
was exported from Sennaar than all the east of Africa together. But
this trade is almost destroyed, so is that of the gold and ivory.
However, the gold still keeps up its reputation of being the purest
and best in Africa, and therefore bought at Mocha to be carried to
India, where it all at last centers. If the wakea of Abyssinian gold
sells at 16 patakas, the Sennaar gold sells at the same place for 22
patakas. The ivory sells at 1½ oz.[40] per rotol at Cairo, which
is about 25 per cent lighter than the rotol of Mocha. Men-slaves,
at a medium, may be about a wakea per head at Sennaar. There are
women, however, who sell for 13 or 14 wakeas. What their peculiar
excellencies may be, which so far alters the price, I cannot tell,
only they are preferred by rich people, both Turks and Moors, to the
Arab, Circassian, and Georgian women, during the warm months in summer.
The Daveina Arabs, who are great hunters, carry the ivory to
Abyssinia, where they are not in fear. But no caravan comes now from
Sudan[41] to Sennaar, nor from Abyssinia or Cairo. The violence of the
Arabs, and the faithlessness of the government of Sennaar, have shut
them up on every side but that of Jidda, whether they go once a-year
by Suakem.
The wakea of Sennaar, by which they sell gold, civet, scented oils,
&c. consists of 10 drams; 10 of these wakeas make a rotol. This wakea
at Sennaar is accounted the same as that of Masuah and Cairo. It is
equal to 7 drams 57 grains troy weight.
1 Rotol 10 Wakeas.
1 Wakea 10 Drams.
But there is another wakea used by the merchants called the Atareys.
1 Rotol 12 Wakeas,
1 Wakea 12 Drams.
But this is only used for coarse goods. There is but one long measure
in Sennaar, called the Draa, which is the peek, or cubit, and is
measured from the center of the elbow-joint to the point of the middle
finger. This is probably the ancient cubit of Egypt, and of the holy
scripture.
I have said, that the 5th and 6th of August it rained, and the river
brought down great quantities of fragments of houses which it had
swept away from the country to the southward. It was a very unusual
sight to observe a multitude of men swimming in this violent current,
and then coming ashore riding upon sticks and pieces of timber. Many
people make a trade of this, as fuel is exceedingly scarce at Sennaar.
But there were other signs in this inundation, that occupied the
imagination of this superstitious people. Part of the town had fallen,
and a hyæna, as already observed, had come alive across the river,
from which the wise ones drew melancholy presages.
I had not been out of the house for two days on account of the rain.
On the 7th I intended to have gone to Aira; but on the morning was
told by Hagi Belal, that Mahomet Abou Kalec had advanced to the river
El-aice, to cross it into Atbara, and that Shekh Adelan had decamped
from Aira, and was gone to meet him; to this it was added, that Wed
Ageeb had been sent to by the king, to collect all his forces among
the Arabs, and join him between Herbagi and Sennaar. It was foreseen,
that if this was true, a revolution of some kind was near at hand,
probably the deposing and death of the king, and that, in the interim,
all subordination would cease in the town, and every man do what
seemed good in his own eyes.
Hagi Belal had, besides, told me that Shekh Fidele of Teawa had been
several days in the palace with the king, and had informed him that
I was laden with money, besides a quantity of cloth of gold, the
richest he had ever seen, which the king of Abyssinia had destined as
a present to him, but which I had perverted to my own use: He added,
that the king had expressed himself in a very threatening manner, and
that he was very much afraid I was not in safety if Shekh Adelan was
gone from Aira. Upon this I desired Hagi Belal to go to the palace,
and obtain for me an audience of the king. In vain he represented to
me the risk I ran by this measure; I persisted in my resolution, I was
tied to the stake. To fly was impossible, and I had often overcome
such dangers by braving them.
He went then unwillingly to the palace. Whether he delivered the
message I know not, but he returned saying, the king was busy, and
could not be seen. I had, in the interim, sent Soliman to the Gindi,
or Sid el Coom, telling him my difficulties, and the news I had heard.
In place of returning an answer, he came directly to me himself; and
was sitting with me when Hagi Belal returned, who, I thought, appeared
somewhat disconcerted at the meeting. He told me the story of Abou
Kalec was false, as also that of Wed Ageeb; but it was really true
that Shekh Adelan had left Aira, and was then encamped at Shaddly. He
chid Hagi Belal very sharply, asking him, what good all that tittle
tattle did either to him or me? and insinuated pretty plainly, that he
believed Hagi Belal did this in concert with the king, to extort some
present from me. "What is the difference to Yagoube, says he, if Shekh
Adelan be at Aira, three hours journey from Sennaar, or at Shaddly,
five? Is not Kittou in town? and shall not I bring every slave of the
king to join him upon the first requisition? At a time like this,
will you persuade me, Hagi Belal, the king is not rather thinking of
his own safety than of robbing Yagoube? I do not wish that Yagoube
should stay a minute longer at Sennaar; but, till some way be found
to get necessaries for his journey, it is not in the king's power to
hurt him in the house where he is; and he is much safer in Sennaar
than he could be any where out of it. Before the king attempts to hurt
Yagoube, as long as he stays in Adelan's house, he will think twice
of it, while any of the three brothers are alive. But I will speak to
Kittou in the evening, and the king too, if I have an opportunity. In
the mean time, do you, Yagoube, put your mind at rest, defend yourself
if any body attempts to enter this house, and do what you will to
those that shall force themselves into it." I then attended him down
stairs, with many professions of gratitude; and at the door he said,
in a very low voice, to me, "Take care of yon Belal, he is a dog,
worse than a Christian."
I resolved at all events to leave Sennaar, but I had not yet sounded
Hagi Belal as to money-affairs. It was now the 20th; and, for several
days since Adelan's departure, no provisions were sent to my house,
as before was usual. Money therefore became absolutely necessary,
not only for daily subsistence, but for camels to carry our baggage,
provisions, and water, across the desert.
I now despaired absolutely of assistance of any kind from the king;
and an accident that happened made me lay all thoughts aside of ever
troubling him more upon the subject. There are at Mecca a number of
black eunuchs, whose services are dedicated to that temple, and the
sepulchre at Medina. Part of these, from time to time, procure liberty
to return on a visit to their respective homes, or to the large cities
they were sold from, on the Niger, Bornou, Tocrur, and Tombucto, where
they beg donations for the holy places, and frequently collect large
sums of gold, which abounds in these towns and territories. One of
these, called Mahomet Towash, which signifies Eunuch, had returned
from a begging voyage in Sudan, or Nigritia, and was at Sennaar
exceedingly ill with an intermitting fever. The king had sent for me
to visit him, and the bark in a few days had perfectly recovered him.
A proportional degree of gratitude had, in return, taken place in the
breast of Mahomet, who, going to Cairo, was exceedingly desirous of
taking me with him, and this desire was increased when he heard I had
letters from the sherriffe of Mecca, and was acquainted with Metical
Aga, who was his immediate master.
Nothing could be more fortunate than this rencounter at such a time,
for he had spare camels in great plenty, and the Arabs, as he passed
them, continued giving him more, and supported him with provisions
wherever he went, for these people, being accounted sacred, and
regarded with a certain religious awe, as being in the immediate
service of their prophet, till now used to pass inviolate wherever
they were going, however unsettled the times, or however slenderly
attended.
Every thing was now ready, my instruments and baggage packed up, and
the 25th of August fixed when we should begin our journey for Atbara.
Mahomet, who passed a great part of his time at my house, had not been
seen by us for several days, which we did not think extraordinary,
being busy ourselves, and knowing that his trade demanded continual
attendance on the great people; but we were exceedingly surprised at
hearing from my black Soliman, that he and all his equipage had set
out the night of the 20th for Atbara. This we found afterwards was
at the earnest persuasion of the king, and was at that time a heavy
disappointment to us, however fortunate it turned out afterwards.
The night of the 25th, which was to have been that of our departure,
we sat late in my room up stairs, in the back, or most private part
of the house. My little company was holding with me a melancholy
council on what had so recently happened, and, in general, upon the
unpromising face of our affairs. Our single lamp was burning very low,
and suggested to us that it was the hour of sleep, to which, however,
none of us were very much inclined. Georgis, a Greek, who, on account
of the soreness of his eyes had staid below in the dark, and had
fallen asleep, came running up stairs in a great fright, and told us
he had been wakened by the noise of men endeavouring to force open
the door; that he hearkened a little, and found there were many of
them. Our arms were all ready, and we snatched them up and ran towards
the door; but I stopt, and planted them upon the first landing-place
in the staircase, as I wished not to fire till the enemy was fairly
in the house, that no excuse might remain for this their violation of
hospitality.
I stationed Ismael at the outer door of the house, intending that he
should fire first, as it would be less odious in him, being a Turk
and a sherriffe, than for us Christians. I then went out to the outer
gate, and Soliman with me. The entry into the yard was through a kind
of porters lodge, where servants used to sit in the day-time, and
sleep at night. It had a door from the street, and then another into
the yard, the latter small, but very strong. They had forced the outer
gate, and were then in the lodge, endeavouring to do the same by the
inner, having put a handspike under it to lift it up from the hinges.
"Are you not madmen, said I, and weary of your lives, to attempt to
force Adelan's house, when there are within it men abundantly provided
with large fire-arms, that, upon one discharge through the door, will
lay you all dead where you now stand?" "Stand by from the door, cries
Ismael, and let me fire. These black Kafrs don't yet know what my
blunderbuss is." They had been silent from the time I had spoken, and
had withdrawn the handspike from under the door. "Ullah! Ullah! cries
one of them softly, how sound you sleep! we have been endeavouring
to waken you this hour. The king is ill; tell Yagoube to come to the
palace, and open the door instantly." "Tell the king, said I, to drink
warm water, and I will see him in the morning." Ah! Mahomet, cries
Soliman, is that you? I thought you had had a narrow enough escape in
the palace the other day, but stay a little, a servant is gone over
the back wall to call the Gindi, and we are here numerous enough to
defend this house till morning against all the servants the king has,
so do not attempt to break the door, and Yagoube will go to the king
with the Gindi.
At this time one of my servants fired a pistol in the air out of an
upper window, upon which they all ran off. They seemed to be about ten
or twelve in number, and left three handspikes behind them. The noise
of the pistol brought the guard, or patrole, in about half an hour,
who carried intelligence to the Sid el Coom, our friend, by whom I was
informed in the morning, that he had found them all out, and put them
in irons; that Mahomet, the king's servant, who met us at Teawa, was
one of them; and that there was no possibility now of concealing this
from Adelan, who would order him to be impaled.
Things were now come to such a crisis that I was determined to leave
my instruments and papers with Kittou, Adelan's brother, or with
the Sid el Coom, while I went to Shaddly to see Adelan. But first I
thought it necessary to apply to Hagi Belal to try what funds we could
raise to provide the necessaries for our journey. I shewed him the
letter of Ibrahim, the English broker of Jidda, of which before he
had received a copy and repeated advices, and told him I should want
200 sequins at least, for my camels and provisions, as well as for
some presents that I should have occasion for, to make my way to the
great men in Atbara. Never was surprise better counterfeited than by
this man. He held up his hands in the utmost astonishment, repeating,
200 sequins! over twenty times, and asked me if I thought money grew
upon trees at Sennaar, that it was with the utmost difficulty he could
spare me 20 dollars, part of which he must borrow from a friend.
This was a stroke that seemed to insure our destruction no other
resource being now left. We were already indebted to Hagi Belal
twenty dollars for provision; we had seven mouths to feed daily; and
as we had neither meat, money, nor credit, to continue at Sennaar
was impossible. We had seen, a few nights before, that no house
could protect us there; and to leave Sennaar was, in our situation,
as impossible as to stay there. We had neither camels to carry our
provisions and baggage, nor skins for our water, nor, indeed, any
provisions to carry, nor money to supply us with any of these, nor
knew any person that could give us assistance nearer than Cairo,
from which we were then distant about 17° of the meridian, or above
1000 miles in a straight line; great part of which was thro' the
most barren, unhospitable deserts in the world, destitute of all
vegetation, and of every animal that had the breath of life. Hagi
Belal was inflexible; he began now to be weary of us, to see us but
seldom, and there was great appearance of his soon withdrawing himself
entirely.
My servants began to murmur; some of them had known of my gold chain
from the beginning, and these, in the common danger, imparted what
they knew to the rest. In short, I resolved, though very unwillingly,
not to sacrifice my own life and that of my servants, and the
finishing my travels now so far advanced, to childish vanity.
I determined therefore to abandon my gold chain, the honourable
recompence of a day full of fatigue and danger. Whom to intrust it to
was the next consideration; and, upon mature deliberation, I found it
could be to nobody but Hagi Belal, bad as I had reason to think he
was. However, to put a check upon him, I sent for the Sid el Coom,
in whose presence I repeated my accusation against Belal; I read the
Seraff's letter in my favour, and the several letters that Belal had
written me whilst I was at Gondar, declaring his acceptance of the
order to furnish me with money when I should arrive at Sennaar; and
I upbraided him in the strongest terms with duplicity and breach of
faith.
But all that I could say was very far short of the violent
expostulation from the Gindi that immediately followed. He gave Hagi
Belal many not obscure hints, "that he looked upon this injury as
done to himself, and would repay him; that though he had done this
to please the king, the time might not be far off when that favour
would be of very little use to him; on the contrary, might be a
reason for stripping him of all he had in the world." The force
of these arguments seemed to strike Hagi Belal's imagination very
powerfully. He even offered to advance 50 sequins, and to see if he
could raise any more among his friends. The Gindi (a rare instance in
that country) offered to lend him fifty. But the dye was now cast,
the chain had been produced and seen, and it was become exceedingly
dangerous to carry such a quantity of gold in any shape along with
me. I therefore consented to sell it to Hagi Belal in presence of
the Gindi, and we immediately set about the purchase of necessaries,
with this proviso, that if Adelan, upon my going to Shaddly, did
furnish me with camels and necessaries, so much of the chain should be
returned.
It was the 5th of September that we were all prepared to leave
this capital of Nubia, an inhospitable country from the beginning,
and which, every day we continued in it, had engaged us in greater
difficulties and dangers. We flattered ourselves, that, once
disengaged from this bad step, the greatest part of our sufferings was
over; for we apprehended nothing but from men, and, with very great
reason, thought we had seen the worst of them.
In the evening I received a message from the king to come directly to
the palace. I accordingly obeyed, taking two servants along with me,
and found him sitting in a little, low chamber, very neatly fitted up
with chintz, or printed callico curtains, of a very gay and glaring
pattern. He was smoaking with a very long Persian pipe through water,
was alone, and seemed rather grave than in ill-humour. He gave me his
hand to kiss as usual, and, after pausing a moment without speaking,
(during which I was standing before him) a slave brought me a little
stool and set it down just opposite to him; upon which he said, in
a low voice, so that I could scarcely hear him, "Fudda, sit down,"
pointing to the stool. I sat down accordingly. "You are going, I
hear, says he, to Adelan." I answered, "Yes." "Did he send for you?"
I said, "No; but, as I wanted to return to Egypt, I expected letters
from him in answer to those I brought from Cairo." He told me, Ali
Bey that wrote these letters was dead; and asked me if I knew Mahomet
Abou Dahab? _Yagoube._ "Perfectly; I was well acquainted with him
and the other members of government, all of whom treated me well,
and respected my nation." _King._ "You are not so gay as when you
first arrived here." _Ya._ "I have had no very great reason." Our
conversation was now taking a very laconic and serious turn, but he
did not seem to understand the meaning of what I said last. _K._
"Adelan has sent for you by my desire; Wed Abroff and all the Jehaina
Arabs have rebelled, and will pay no tribute. They say you have a
quantity of powerful fire-arms with you that will kill twenty or
thirty men at a shot." _Ya._ "Say fifty or sixty, if it hits them."
_K._ "He is therefore to employ you with your guns to punish those
Arabs, and spoil them of their camels, part of which he will give to
you." I presently understood what he meant, and only answered, "I am
a stranger here, and desire to hurt no man. My arms are for my own
defence against robbery and violence." At this instant the Turk, Hagi
Ismael, cried from without the door, in broken Arabic, "Why did not
you tell those black Kafrs, you sent to rob and murder us the other
night, to stay a little longer, and you would have been better able
to judge what our fire-arms can do, without sending for us either to
Abroff or Adelan. By the head of the prophet! let them come in the
day-time, and I will fight ten of the best you have in Sennaar."
_K._ "The man is mad, but he brings me to speak of what was in my head
when I desired to see you. Adelan has been informed that Mahomet, my
servant, who brought you from Teawa, has been guilty of a drunken
frolic at the door of his house, and has sent soldiers to take him
to-day, with two or three others of his companions." _Ya._ "I know
nothing about Mahomet, nor do I drink with him, or give him drink.
About half a score of people broke into Adelan's house in the night,
with a view to rob and murder us, but I was not at the pains to fire
at such wretches as these. Two or three servants with sticks were
all that were needful. I understand, indeed, that Shekh Adelan is
exceedingly displeased that I did not fire at them, and has sent to
the Gindi, ordering him to deliver two of them to him to-morrow to
be executed publicly before the door of his house on the market-day.
But this, you know, is among yourselves. I am very well pleased none
of them are dead, as they might have been, by my hands or those of my
people." _K._ "True; but Adelan is not king, and I charge you when
you see him to ask for Mahomet's life, or a considerable deal of
blame will fall upon you. When you return back, I will send him to
conduct you to the frontiers of Egypt." Upon this I bowed, and took
my leave. I went home perfectly determined what I was to do. I had
now obtained from the king an involuntary safe-guard till I should
arrive at Adelan's, that is, I was sure that, in hopes I might procure
a reprieve for Mahomet, no trap would be laid for me on the road. I
determined therefore to make the best use of my time; and every thing
being ready, we loaded the camels, and sent them forward that night
to a small village called Soliman, three or four miles from Sennaar;
and having settled my accounts with Hagi Belal, I received back six
links, the miserable remains of one hundred and eighty-four, of which
my noble chain once consisted.
This traitor kept me the few last minutes to write a letter to the
English at Jidda, to recommend him for the service he had done me
at Sennaar; and this I complied with, that I might inform the broker
Ibrahim that I had received no money from his correspondent, and give
him a caution never again to trust Hagi Belal in similar circumstances.
CHAP. X.
_Journey from Sennaar to Chendi._
After leaving Sennaar I was overtaken on the road by a black slave,
who at first gave me some apprehension, as I was alone with only one
Barbarian, a Nubian servant, by the side of my camel, and was going
slowly. Upon inquiry I found him to be sent from Hagi Belal, with a
basket containing some green tea and sugar, and four bottles of rack,
in return for my letter. I sent back the messenger, and gave the care
of the basket to my own servant; and, about ten o'clock in the evening
of the 5th of September, we all met together joyfully at Soliman.
Before my departure from Sennaar I had prevailed on a Fakir, or
Mahometan monk, servant to Adelan, to write a letter to his master,
unknown to any other person whatever, to let him know my apprehensions
of the king, and that, in the uncertainty how far his occupations
might oblige him to move from Shaddly, my way was directly for
Herbagi, and requesting that he would give me such recommendations to
Wed Ageeb as should put me in safety from the king's persecution, and
insure me protection and good reception in Atbara. I begged him, in
the most serious manner, to consider, however slightly he had thought
of the king of Abyssinia's recommendatory letters, he would not treat
those of the regency of Cairo, and of the sherriffe of Mecca, in the
same manner; that my nation was highly respected in both places; and
that it was known, by letters written from Sennaar, that I actually
was arrived there; that they should take care therefore, and not by
ill-usage of me expose their merchants, either at Mecca or Cairo,
to a severe retaliation that would immediately follow the receiving
bad news of me, or no news at all. My faithful Soliman, who was now
to leave me, was charged to carry the answers they should choose to
return to the letters I brought from Abyssinia, and I sent him that
very night, together with the Fakir, to Adelan at Shaddly, fully
instructed with every particular of ill-usage I had received from the
king, of which he had been an eye-witness.
Although my servants, as well as Hagi Belal, and every one at Sennaar
but the Fakir and Soliman, did imagine I was going to Shaddly, yet
their own fears, or rather good sense, had convinced them that it was
better to proceed at once for Atbara than ever again to be entangled
between Adelan and the king. Sennaar sat heavy upon all their spirits,
so that I had scarce dismounted from my camel, and before I tasted
food, which that day I had not done, when they all intreated me with
one voice that I would consider the dangers I had escaped, and,
instead of turning westward to Shaddly, continue north through Atbara.
They promised to bear fatigue and hunger chearfully, and to live and
die with me, provided I would proceed homeward, and free them from
the horrors of Sennaar and its king. I did not seem to be convinced
by what they said, but ordered supper, to which we all sat down in
company. As we had lemons enough, and Hagi Belal had furnished us
with sugar, we opened a bottle of his rack and in punch (the liquor
of our country) drank to a happy return thro' Atbara. I then told
them my resolution was perfectly conformable to their wishes; and
informed them of the measures I had taken to insure success and
remove danger as much as possible. I recommended diligence, sobriety,
and subordination, as the only means of arriving happily at the end
proposed; and assured them all we should share one common fare, and
one common fortune, till our journey was terminated by good or bad
success. Never was any discourse more gratefully received; every toil
was welcome in flying from Sennaar, and they already began to think
themselves at the gates of Cairo.
As I had recommended great diligence and little sleep, before four in
the morning the camels were loaded, and on their way, and it was then
only they came to awake me. The camels were abundantly loaded, and we
had then but five, four of which carried all the baggage, the other, a
smaller one, was reserved for my riding. This I told them I willingly
accepted at the beginning of the journey, and we should all of us take
our turn, while water and provisions were to be procured, and that
Ismael the Turk, an old man, and Georgis the Greek, almost blind,
required an additional consideration, so long as it possibly could be
done with safety to us all; but, when we should advance to the borders
of the desert, we must all resolve to pass that journey on foot, as
upon the quantity of water, and the quantity of provisions alone, to
be carried by us, could depend our hopes of ever seeing home.
On the 8th of September we left the village of Soliman, and about
three o'clock in the afternoon came to Wed el Tumbel, which is not a
river, as the name would seem to signify, but three villages situated
upon a pool of water, nearly in a line from north to south. The
intermediate country between this and Herbagi is covered with great
crops of dora. The plain extends as far as the sight reaches. Though
there is not much wood, the country is not entirely destitute of it,
and the farther you go from Sennaar the finer the trees. At Wed el
Tumbel there is great plenty of ebony-bushes, and a particular sort
of thorn which seems to be a species of dwarf acacia, with very small
leaves, and long pods of a strong saccharine taste. This is here in
great abundance, and is called Lauts, or Loto, which I suspect to be
the tree on whose fruit, we are told, the ancient Libyans fed. At a
quarter past three we left Wed el Tumbel, and entered into a thick
wood, in which we travelled till late, when we came to the Nile. We
continued along the river for about 500 yards, and alighted at Sit el
Bet, a small village about a mile's distance from the stream. Here we
saw the tomb of a Shekh, or saint, built of brick in a conical form,
much after the same figure as some we had seen in Barbary, which were
of stone.
On the 12th, at ten minutes past six we set out from Sit el Bet, and
a few minutes after came to a village called Ageda, and five miles
further to another, whose name is Usheta. At half past nine we passed
a third village, and at half after eleven encamped near a pool of
water, called Wed Hydar, or the River of the Lion. All the way from
Wed el Tumbel to this village we were much tormented with the fly,
the very noise of which put our camels in such a fright that they ran
violently into the thickest trees and bushes, endeavouring to brush
off their loads. These flies do not bite at night, nor in the cool of
the morning. We were freed from this disagreeable companion at Wed
Hydar, and were troubled with it no more.
At four o'clock we again set out through an extensive plain, quite
destitute of wood, and all sown with dora, and about five miles
further we encamped at a place named Shwyb, where there is a Shekh
called Welled Abou Hassan. While at Abou Hassan, we were surprised
with a violent storm of rain and wind, accompanied with great flashes
of lightning. This storm being blown over, we proceeded to a village
called Imsurt. At one mile and a half further we joined the river. The
Nile here is in extreme beauty, and winds considerably; it is broader
than at Sennaar, the banks flat, and quite covered with acacia and
other trees in full bloom. The thick parts of this wood were stored
with great numbers of antelopes, while the open places were covered
with large flocks of cattle belonging to the Arabs Refaa, who were
returning from the sands to their pastures to the southward. Large
flocks of storks, cranes, and a variety of other birds, were scattered
throughout the plain, which was overgrown with fine grass, and which
even the multitude of cattle that thronged upon it seemed not capable
of consuming. At three quarters past six in the evening we came to a
large village called Wed Medinai, close upon the side of the river,
which here having made a large turn, comes again from the S. E. This
town or village belongs to a Fakir, who received us very hospitably.
On the 14th, at six in the morning we set out from Wed Medinai in
a direction N. W. and at three quarters past eight arrived at the
village Beroule. We then entered a thick wood, and thence into a very
extensive and cultivated plain, sown with dora and bammia; a plant
which makes a principal article in their food all over the southern
part of the kingdom of Sennaar, which is described, and the figure
of it published, by Prosper Alpinus[42]. At a quarter past eleven
we arrived at Azazo, about a mile and a half distant from the Nile.
The corn seemed here much more forward than that at Sennaar, and in
several places it was in the ear. It rained copiously in the night of
the 14th, but before this there had been a very dry season, and very
great scarcity the preceding year. At ten minutes past four in the
afternoon we left Azazo, our journey, like that of the day before,
partly through thick woods, and partly through plains sown with dora.
Our direction was nearly north, and the river about two miles and a
half distant, nearly parallel to the road we went. At six we came to a
small village called Sidi Ali el Genowi.
On the 16th, at half past six in the morning we left Sidi Ali el
Genowi, and a few minutes after passed two villages on our left along
the river side, not fifty yards from the water, after which we went
through the village of El Mensy. The next to this were two tombs of
Fakirs, nothing different from the former ones. At a quarter past
ten we arrived at Herbagi, a large and pleasant village, but thinly
inhabited, placed on a dry, gravelly soil. The people told us, that
the greatest part of the townsmen were at some distance looking after
their farms. Herbagi is the seat of Wed Ageeb, hereditary prince of
the Arabs, now subject to the government of Sennaar, whose lieutenant
he is according to treaty. He raises the tribute, and pays it to the
Mek, or his ministers, from all those Arabs that live in the distant
parts of the kingdom, as far as the Red Sea, who do not pass by
Sennaar to the sands, in the season of the fly; for these, as I have
mentioned, are taxed by the chief minister, or the person who hath the
command of the troops of that capital. The revenue arising from this
is very large, and more than all the rest put together. The Refaa, one
tribe of Arabs who had compounded at this time with Shekh Adelan, were
said to possess 200,000 she-camels, every one of which, at a medium,
was worth half an ounce of gold, each ounce being about ten crowns.
The tribute then which that Arab paid was 100,000 ounces of gold, or
1,000,000 dollars or 250,000l. There were at least ten of these tribes
with which Adelan was to account, and at least six times that number
that fell to the share of Wed Ageeb, whose composition is the same as
that paid to Sennaar, besides whatever extraordinary sum he imposes
for himself. There is also a tax upon the male camels; but this is
small in comparison of the others, and the young ones pay no duty,
till they are three years old.
Camels flesh is the ordinary food of the Arabs; but there is still
room to inquire what becomes of the prodigious numbers of this animal
annually consumed. The caravan of Mecca requires a large supply,
and vast numbers are employed in the service of Damascus, of Syria
and Persia, and especially of Sudan, whose caravans traverse Africa
from east to west with Indian commodities, which they carry from the
Arabian Gulf to the Atlantic Ocean. These, and this vast inland trade
of which they were masters, the gold, ivory, pearls, and tortoise
shells, that served for returns to India, were the source of the
riches and power of those Shepherds, of which so many things are
recorded in ancient history almost exceeding belief.
Immediately upon entering Herbagi, I went to wait upon Wed Ageeb.
He had a very good house, considered as such, though but a very
indifferent palace for a prince. He seemed to be a man of very gentle
manners; was about 30 years of age; had a thick black beard and
whiskers, large black eyes, and a long thin face, which marked his
constitution not to be a strong one. We found, indeed, afterwards,
that he had been very much addicted to drinking, which he had often
endeavoured in vain to leave off, by substituting opium in its place.
He had never before seen an European, and testified great surprise
at my complexion. He sent us abundance of provisions, two sheep and
two goats, and begged I would give him advice about his health in the
evening. He inquired very particularly about my reception at Sennaar,
which I told him only in part, and, among other circumstances, the
report at Sennaar, that he was gathering his forces to the assistance
of the king against Adelan and Abou Kalec. He answered with a sneer,
"Gehennim el Kafr," _i. e._ _The Pagan may go to hell._ He spoke
contemptuously of the king of Sennaar, but very respectfully of
Adelan and Abou Kalec, any one of whose little fingers, he said, was
sufficient to crush the Mek, and all who adhered to him. I then took
my leave, and went home to rest.
On the 17th, at noon, I observed the meridian altitude of the sun, and
found the latitude of the place to be 14° 30´ N. but this observation
was made with Hadley's quadrant, that I might save time, being willing
to advance to as great a distance as possible from Sennaar, so there
may be perhaps a minute of error, and more there ought not to be, as
it was confirmed by several observations at night. The instrument,
inspected and rectified by day light, was examined, and I found it to
be without alteration before using it at night.
About eight o'clock in the evening I went to see Wed Ageeb, who had
supped, and was drinking sorbet made of tamarinds, I believe rather to
sweeten his breath than from thirst, for he had apparently drunk of
stronger liquor before he took the sorbet. He told me that a servant
of Adelan was arrived that evening from the camp, who had brought him
a letter and messages on my account, and bade me be of good courage,
for I should be safer in my tent than in Adelan's house at Sennaar;
that two men had been executed for attempting to rob Adelan's house;
and that Mahomet, the king's servant, was destined to suffer upon a
stake, as soon as ever Adelan should move at a greater distance from
Shekh Shaddly's tomb, where such executions could not be performed
with decency.
I made him a small present of fine muslin, which I had bought at
Sennaar; and, in the course of conversation, he told me that the
Moorish troops from Ras el Feel had burnt Teawa; that the Daveina
were with them, and had plundered the Jehaina, and forced Fidele
to fly to Beyla. I asked if any Christian troops were among them?
suspecting much Ayto Engedan and Ayto Confu. He said there were none
but the Moors of Ras el Feel, the Ganjar horse of Kuara, and the Arabs
Daveina. As I did not wish to be known in this matter, I pushed my
inquiries no further: I asked him to provide me with one of his men
for fear of the Shukorea Arabs, with which he complied, adding, that
he was himself going out to the Shukorea, and would send a man to
Halfaia, where I was to consider, and acquaint him, whether I was to
pass the Nile at Gerri, and go by the desert of Bahiouda and Dongola,
or by the more unfrequented way of Chendi, Barbar, and the great
desert, the fatigues and dangers of which he thought it impossible
for a European to suffer, but would give me a letter to Sittina his
sister, to whom that country belonged. After Chendi, he assured me
there was no protection to be relied upon but that of Heaven. This
sensible discourse was of great service to me, as it set me all the
rest of the journey upon the inquiry as to the proper steps for
performing this dangerous expedition.
On the 18th, at seven o'clock I left Herbagi, after writing a letter
to Adelan, thanking him for his punctuality and care of me, and giving
the servant that had come on the errand a small present. He told me
it would be ten days before he returned to the camp; with which last
intelligence I was very well pleased, as thereby no information could
arrive where I was, till I was forgot, or out of their power. At ten
minutes past eleven we arrived at Wed el Frook, a small village close
upon the Nile. Nothing could be more beautiful than the country we
passed that day, partly covered with very pleasant woods, and partly
in lawns, with a few fine scattered trees. The Nile is a short quarter
of a mile from the village, and is fully half a mile broad. It runs
smooth, and when in inundation, overflows the small space of ground
between its present banks and Wed el Frook. It was now considerably
lower than it had been, and was confined within its banks.
On the 19th we set out from Wed el Frook at half past five in the
morning, and about four miles from it came to a large village, and the
tomb of a Fakir, the Nile running all the way parallel to our road. At
ten o'clock we came to another village called Abouascar; and a little
way east of it, in the river, there is a large island considerably
above the water, where shrubs and grass grow abundantly. The village
is placed upon a small hill, and there are a great many of the same
size and shape scattered about the country on the banks of the river,
which add greatly to the beauty of it, as we had not yet seen such
since our leaving Sennaar. At three quarters past one we came to the
village of Kamily. The country here is more open, the soil lighter,
the grass short and thin; it is all laid out in pasture, and there
is here plenty of goats, as well as black cattle. This day we met a
caravan from Egypt, last from Chendi, who brought us word that Ali
Bey was deposed, and Mahomet Abou Dahab was made Bey in his place.
They said, one part of the caravan, that went before them, had been
attacked and cut off by the Bishareen under Abou Bertran; that they
had escaped by a few hours only, and that all the road was so infested
with robbers, that it was a miracle if any one could pass.
On the 20th we left Kamily at a quarter past five in the morning,
and at about six miles (the distance between that and Wed Tyrab) we
passed a bare and sandy country, interspersed with small coppices,
and three quarters past ten came to Bishaggara. This is a large
village, something above a mile's distance from the Nile, which space
is entirely taken up with brush-wood, without any timber trees. We
begin now to see the effects of the quantity of rain having failed.
There was little sown, and that so late as to be scarcely above the
ground. It seems the rains begin later as they pass northward. Many
people were here employed in gathering grass seeds[43] to make a very
bad kind of bread. These people appear perfect skeletons, and no
wonder, as they live upon such fare. Nothing increases the danger of
travelling, and prejudice against strangers, more than the scarcity of
provisions in the country through which you are to pass.
At fifty minutes past three in the afternoon we left Bishaggara, and
at seven came to Eltie, a straggling village, about half a mile from
the Nile, in the north of a large, bare plain, all pasture, except
the banks of the river, which are covered with wood. We now no
longer saw any corn sown: The people here were at the same miserable
employment as those we had seen before, that of gathering grass-seeds;
yet, though starving, they brought us plenty of milk in exchange for
tobacco, a commodity very much in request in these parts. At half past
ten we arrived at Gidid; the houses were built of clay, with terrassed
roofs: on our way we passed through several little cantonments of
Nuba. All this country is sand, interspersed with thick coppices and
acacia-trees that seemed not to thrive. On the other side are large,
dead, sandy plains, but both sides of the river are covered with wood.
The ferry over the Nile is here from the west to the east. The country
about Gidid, especially to the westward, is very bare and barren, and
scarcely produces any thing saving grass and bent, of which the poor
people use the seed for bread. This is the case all to the westward
of El-aice; and the country here, for want of rain, is fast dwindling
into a desert, and the soil is changed to sand. There is no corn,
though, from the vicinity of two large rivers, it produces grass
enough for cattle, sheep, and goats, and there is as yet plenty of
milk: but as soon as the sun shines constantly, no herbage will remain
that can be food for any other cattle but goats, and at last the whole
becomes a perfect desert, capable of nourishing nothing but antelopes
and ostriches.
On the 21st, at seven in the morning we left Gidid, and near three
miles further we came to the passage, and descended a long way with
the current before we landed. The manner they pass the camels at this
ferry is by fastening cords under their hind quarters, and then tying
a halter to their heads. Two men sustain these cords, and a third the
halter, so that the camels, by swimming, carry the boat on shore. One
is fastened on each side of the stern, and one along each side of the
stem. These useful beasts suffer much by this rude treatment, and many
die in the passage, with all the care that can be taken, but often
through malice, or out of revenge. These boatmen privately put salt in
the camels ears, which makes the animal desperate and ungovernable,
till, by fretting and plunging his head constantly in the water, he
loses his breath, and is drowned; the boatmen then have gained their
end, and feast upon the flesh. But the Arabs, when they pass their
camels, use a goat's skin, blown with wind like a bladder, which they
tie to the fore part of the camel, and this supports him where he is
heaviest, while the man, sitting behind on his rump, guides him, for
this animal is a very bad swimmer, being heaviest before. The boats
here are larger and better made than in any other part on the river.
All between the Nile and Halifoon is bare ground, interspersed with
acacia-trees. The loss of a camel is very considerable, but the price
of ferrying very moderate; it is only three mahalacs for each camel,
with his merchandise and every thing belonging to him. The river is
something more than a quarter of a mile broad, but is double that
measure in the rainy season, the current very violent, and strong at
all times.
Notwithstanding our boatmen had a very bad character at this time,
we passed with our camels and baggage without loss or accident. They
seemed indeed to shew a very indifferent countenance at first, but
good words, and a promise of recompence, presently rendered them
tractable. By half past twelve we were all safe on the other side,
and at thirty-five minutes past three we arrived at Halifoon, about
five miles from the ferry on the east side of the Nile. One mark of
the boatmen's attention I cannot but mention: The weather was very
hot, and we had plenty of time; the water being clear and tempting, I
proposed swimming over to the other side for the pleasure of bathing;
but they, one and all, opposed my design with great violence, and
would not suffer me to undress. They said there was a multitude of
crocodiles in the river near that place, and although they were not
large enough to kill, or carry off a camel, they very often wounded
them, and it would be a wonder if we passed without seeing them;
indeed the last boat had not reached the shore before two of them rose
in the middle of the stream. I made what haste I could to get a gun,
and fired at the largest, but, as far as I could judge, without effect.
On the 22d, at three o'clock in the afternoon we left Halifoon, and by
ten at night came to Halfaia, a large, handsome, and pleasant town,
although built with clay. The houses are terrassed at the tops, their
inhabitants being no longer afraid of the rains, which have been for
some time here very inconsiderable. The Battaheen were encamped near
Umdoom, a large village on the side of the river, about seven miles
from Halifoon. They are a thievish, pilfering set, and we passed them
early in the morning, before it was light. The road is very pleasant,
through woods of acacia-trees, interspersed with large fields covered
with bent grass. At Umdoom we found troops of women going to their
morning occupation, that of gathering seeds to make bread.
The command of Mahomet Wed Ageeb is very extensive. It reaches from
this passage of the river at Halifoon on the south, as far as Wed
Baal a Nagga on the north, and to the east as far as the Red Sea,
though a great part of those Arabs have been in rebellion, and have
not paid their tax for some years. His command on the westward of the
river reaches to Korti, all over the desert of Bahiouda, though lately
the Beni Gerar, Beni Faisara, and Cubba-beesh, have expelled the
ancient Arabs of Bahiouda, who pretend now only to be the subjects of
Kordofan. He has also the charge of levying the tribute of horses from
Dongola, in which consists the great strength of Sennaar.
Halfaia is the limit of the rains, and is situated upon a large
circular peninsula surrounded by the Nile from S. W. to N. W. that
is, at all the points of W. It is half a mile, or something more,
from the river. This peninsula contains all their sown land, and
is not watered by the river, but by what is raised from the stream
by wheels turned by oxen. Halfaia consists of about three hundred
houses; their principal gain is from a manufacture of very coarse
cotton cloth, called Dimour, which serves for small money through all
the lower parts of Atbara. There are palm-trees at Halfaia, but they
produce no dates. The people here eat cats, also the river-horse and
the crocodile, both of which are in great plenty. Halfaia, by many
altitudes of the sun and stars, was found to be in lat. 15° 45´ 54´´,
and in long. 32° 49´ 15´´ east from the meridian of Greenwich.
On the 29th, at six o'clock in the morning we left Halfaia, and
continued our journey about 3 miles and a half further, when we came
to two villages, a small one to the north and a large one to the
west. The Nile here runs N. E. of us. This whole day was spent in
woods of a very pleasant kind; there were large numbers of birds of
various colours, but none of them, so far as I could hear since we
left Sennaar, endowed with the gift of song. _Sakies_[44] in the
plain, all between the Nile and the road, lift the water from the
stream, and pour it on the land, in hopes that it may produce some
miserable crops of dora; for the river overflows none of this country,
and it is very precariously and scantily watered with rain.
In a little time, continuing our journey, we came to Shekh Atman's,
the tomb of a Fakir on the road. There is a high ridge of mountains on
our left, west of the Nile about five miles, and a low ridge on our
right, about eight miles distant; our direction was straight north.
At half past eight, about five miles further, we came to the village
Wed Hojila. The river Abiad, which is larger than the Nile, joins it
there. Still the Nile preserves the name of Bahar el Azergue, or the
Blue River, which it got at Sennaar. The village was once intended to
be built at the junction of the two rivers, but the Fakir's tomb being
on the side of the Nile, the village likewise was placed there. The
Abiad is a very deep river; it runs dead and with little inclination,
and preserves its stream always undiminished, because rising in
latitudes where there are continual rains, it therefore suffers not
the decrease the Nile does by the six months dry weather. Our whole
journey this day was through woods, with large intervals of sandy
plains producing nothing except some few spots of corn sown in time
of the showers, while the sun returned over the zenith, but still
looking very poorly. At half past twelve we arrived at Suakem, under
trees, near a sakia. At four o'clock in the afternoon we left Suakem,
the mountains of Gerri bearing N. E. of us, and, five miles further,
alighted in a wood near the Arabs Abdelab.
On the 30th, at five o'clock in the morning we left this station, and
after having gone eight miles N. E. we came to a village, which is,
as it were, the suburb of Gerri. The Acaba of Gerri is a low ridge
of rocks that seems first to run from both sides across the bed of
the river, as if designed to stop it; and it is impossible to look
at the gap through which it falls down below, without thinking that
this passage was made by the Nile itself when first it began to flow.
Gerri is built on a rising ground, consisting of white, barren sand
and gravel, intermixed with white alabaster like pebbles, which, in
a bright sun, are extremely disagreeable to the eye. It consists of
about 140 houses, none of them above one storey high, neat, well
built, flat-roofed, and all of one height, composed with the same
coloured earth as that on which it stands, and, for this reason, it is
scarcely visible at a distance. It is immediately at the foot of the
Acaba, something more than a quarter of a mile from the Nile. Gerri is
situated at the end of the tropical rains, in lat. 16° 15´, and the
Acaba seems to answer those mountains of Ptolemy, beyond which (that
is to the N.) he says it is [Greek: diammon kai abrochon chôran][45],
that is, a country full of sand and without rain; it is but a small
spot immediately on the Nile, which is all cultivated, as it enjoys
the double advantage both of the overflowing of the river and the
accidental showers. It is also called Beladullah, or the Country
of God, on account of this double blessing. The dates of Gerri are
sent to the Mek, and are reserved on purpose for him. They are dry,
and never ripen, nor have any of the moist and pulpy substance of
the dates of Barbary. They are firm and smooth in the skin, and of a
golden colour.
On the 1st of October, at half past five in the morning we left Gerri,
the Acaba continuing on the east and west, but the two extremities
curving like a bow or an amphitheatre. This ridge of mountains is
composed of bare, red stone, without any grass. At ten minutes after
eight we changed our road to N. E. endeavouring to turn the point of
the Acaba about three miles off, and at ten o'clock alighted among
green trees to feed our camels. At three o'clock in the afternoon we
left our resting-place in the wood. The mountains, which were then on
our left hand, are those of the Acaba of Gerri; but those on the right
still ran parallel to our course, and ended in the Acaba of Morness:
we were now two miles from the river, its course due north. About
twenty minutes past four we came to the Acaba of Morness, a ridge of
bare, stony hills, and half an hour after we passed it. There is very
little ascent, and the road is only loose, broken stones, which last
about a quarter of an hour.
At six o'clock in the evening we came to Hajar el Assad, or Hajar
Serrareek, the first signifying the Lion's Stone, the next the Stone
of Thieves, a beggarly, straggling village, where there is a sakia,
and small stripes of dora, as if sown in a garden, and watered from
the well at pleasure. Hajar el Assad is the boundary between Wed Ageeb
and the Mek of Chendi; it is a yellow stone set upon a rock, which
they imagine has the figure of a lion. We now alighted near half a
mile from the river, in a small plain, where was only one shepherd
with his cot and flock. At some distance, near the river, there was a
house or two with sakies. September is the seed-time in this country.
When the Nile is at its height, the flat ground along the side of
the water, which is about a quarter of a mile broad, is sown with
dora, as far as water can be conducted in rills to it, but after this
short space, the ground rises immediately; there the harvest-time
is in November; and the seed-time at Sennaar is in July, and their
harvest in September; both regulated by the height of the Nile at the
respective places.
On the 2d of October, at half past five in the morning we left Hajar
el Assad; for the two last days past our journey lay through woods
and desert, without water or villages; we rested upon the Nile,
which soon receded from us. After having gone about two miles we
saw some small houses and sakies, with narrow stripes of corn on
both sides of the river. About a mile further, we began, instead of
the sandy desert, to see large stratums of purple, red and white
marble, and also alabaster. It seems as if those immense quarries,
which run into Upper Egypt 10° N. from this, first take their rise
here. This day we journied through woods of acacia and jujebs. At
twenty minutes past eight we alighted in a wood to feed our camels.
The sun was so immoderately hot that we could not travel. The Nile
from Gerri declines almost insensibly from the E. of N. The whole
country is desert and without inhabitants, saving the banks of the
river; for there are here no regular rains that can be depended upon
at any certain time for the purpose of agriculture; only there fall
violent showers at the time the sun is in the zenith, on his progress
southward from the tropic of Cancer towards the Line, and the grass
grows up very luxuriantly in all the spots watered by these accidental
showers; but all the rest of the country is dry and burnt up.
Near Gerri, a little north, is the large rock Acaba, full of caves,
the first habitations of the builders of Meroë. A little below it is
the ferry over which those who go by the west side of the Nile to
Dongola, through the desert of Bahiouda, must all pass. It is five
days journey before you come to Korti, where travellers arrive the
morning of the sixth, that is, going at the rate of fifteen miles
a-day. Near Korti you again meet the Nile, which has taken a very
unnatural turn from Magiran, or where it meets the Tacazzè from
Angot. The way through this desert, which was that of Poncet, is now
rendered impassable, as I have already said, by the Beni Faisara,
Beni Gerar, and Cubba-beesh Arabs, three powerful clans, which come
from the westward near Kordofan from fear of the black horse there,
and which have taken possession of all the wells in that desert, so
that it is impossible for travellers to avoid them. The Cubba-beesh
are so called, from kebsh[46], a sheep, because they wear the skin
of that animal for cloathing. They are very numerous, and extend far
into the great desert Selima and to the frontiers of Egypt. These
tribes have cut off the last three caravans coming from Dongola and
Egypt. This ferry, and the Acaba beyond it, belongs to Wed Ageeb;
and here all goods, passing to and from Egypt, Dongola, and Chendi,
pay a duty, which is not regulated as to its extent, but is levied
arbitrarily, according to circumstances of the times, and paid to the
Shukorea, or other Arabs, who are in the neighbourhood, which happens
from February to July. The Mek, or prince of the Arabs, passes them
by fair means or force. After the rains become constant, these go
eastward to Mendera and Gooz, and then the road from Sennaar to Suakem
through these places becoming dangerous on account of all the other
Arabs assembling there to avoid the fly, the caravan of Suakem is
obliged to pass through Halfaia to Barbar, and from thence to Suakem,
so that this was the most frequented road in the kingdom. Now, indeed,
the communications on all sides are obstructed by the anarchy that
prevails among the Arabs, so that he who passes to or from Egypt must
depend solely upon his own exertions and the protection of Heaven.
The Acaba of Gerri, and the banks of the Nile there, are inhabited
by tribes of Arabs, called Beni Hamda, and Hassani. They are all
poor and miserable banditti, and would not suffer a man to pass
there at the ferry were it not for the extraordinary dread they have
of fire-arms. The report of a gun, even at a distance, will make a
hundred of them fly and hide themselves. We gave them several vollies
of blunderbusses, and double-barrelled guns, fired in the air, from
the time of our entering their territory till near Wed Baal a Nagga;
we saw them upon the tops of the pointed rocks as far distant as we
could wish, nor did they ever appear nearer us, or descend into the
plain.
At Halfaia and Gerri begins that noble race of horses justly
celebrated all over the world. They are the breed that was introduced
here at the Saracen conquest, and have been preserved unmixed to this
day. They seem to be a distinct animal from the Arabian horse, such
as I have seen in the plains of Arabia Deserta, south of Palmyra
and Damascus, where I take the most excellent of the Arabian breed
to be, in the tribe of Mowalli and Annecy, which is about lat. 36°;
whilst Dongola and the dry country near it seems to be the center of
excellence for this nobler animal, so that the bounds within which the
horse is in its greatest perfection seems to be between the degrees
of lat. 20°, and 36°, and between long. 30° east from the meridian of
Greenwich to the banks of the Euphrates. For this extent Fahrenheit's
thermometer is never below 50° in the night, or in the day below 80°,
though it may rise to 120° at noon in the shade, at which point horses
are not affected by the heat, but will breed as they do at Halfaia,
Gerri, and Dongola, where the thermometer rises to these degrees.
These countries, from what has been said, must of course be a dry,
sandy desert, with little water, producing short, or no grass, but
only roots, which are blanched like our cellery, being always covered
with earth, having no marshes or swamps, fat soapy earth, or mould.
I never heard of wild horses in any of these parts. Arabia Deserta,
where they are said to be, seems very ill calculated to conceal them,
it being flat without wood or cover, they must therefore be constantly
in view; and I never heard any person of veracity say they ever saw
wild horses in Arabia. Wild asses I have frequently seen alive,
but never dead, in neck, head, face, and tail very like ours, only
their skins are streaked, not spotted. The zebra is found nowhere in
Abyssinia, but in the S. W. extremity of Kuara among the Shangalla
and Guba, in Narea and Caffa, and in the mountains of Dyre and Tegla,
and to the southward near as far as the Cape.
What figure the Nubian breed would make in point of fleetness is
very doubtful, their make being so entirely different from that of
the Arabian; but if beautiful and symmetrical parts, great size and
strength, the most agile, nervous, and elastic movements, great
endurance of fatigue, docility of temper, and seeming attachment to
man, beyond any other domestic animal, can promise any thing for a
stallion, the Nubian is, above all comparison, the most eligible in
the world. Few men have seen more horses, or more of the different
places where they are excellent, than I have, and no one ever more
delighted in them, as far as the manly exercise went. What these may
produce for the turf is what I cannot so much as guess, as there is
not, I believe, in the world one more indifferent to, or ignorant of,
that amusement than I am. The experiment would be worth trying in any
view. The expence would not be great, yet there might be some trouble
and application necessary, but, if adroitly managed, not much even of
that.
I could not refrain from attempting a drawing of one of them, which
I since, and but very lately, unfortunately mislaid. It was a horse
of Shekh Adelan, which with some difficulty I had liberty to draw.
It was not quite four years old, was full 16 hands high: I mean this
only as an idea; I know the faults of my drawing, and could correct
many of them; but it is a rule I have invariably adhered to in this,
as well as in description, to correct nothing from recollection when
the object is out of my sight. This horse's name was El Fudda, the
meaning of which I will not pretend to explain. In Egypt this is the
name of a small piece of money clipped into points, otherwise called
a parat; but, very probably, the name of horses in Nubia may have
as little allusion to the quality of the animal as the name which
our race-horses have in England; they are, however, very jealous
in keeping up their pedigree. All noble horses in Nubia are said
to be descended of one of the five upon which Mahomet and his four
immediate successors, Abou Becr, Omar, Atman, and Ali, fled from
Mecca to Medina, the night of the Hegira. From which of these El
Fudda was descended I did not inquire; Shekh Adelan, armed, as he
fought, with his coat of mail and war saddle, iron-chained bridle,
brass cheek-plates, front-plate, breast-plate, large broad-sword, and
battle-ax, did not weigh less upon the horse than 26 stone, horseman's
weight. This horse kneeled to receive his master, armed as he was,
when he mounted, and he kneeled to let him dismount armed likewise,
so that no advantage could be taken of him in those helpless times
when a man is obliged to arm and disarm himself piece by piece on
horseback. Adelan, in war, was a fair-player, and gave every body his
chance. He was the first man always that entered among the enemy,
and the last to leave them, and never changed this horse. The horses
of Halfaia and Gerri do not arrive at the size of those in Dongola,
where few are lower than 16 hands. They are black or white, but a vast
proportion of the former to the latter. I never saw the colour we call
grey, that is, dappled, but there are some bright bays, or inclining
to sorrel. They are all kept monstrously fat upon dora, eat nothing
green but the short roots of grass that are to be found by the side
of the Nile, after the sun has withered it. This they dig out where it
is covered with earth, and appears blanched, which they lay in small
heaps once a-day on the ground before them. They are tethered by the
fetlock joint of the foreleg with a very soft cotton rope made with
a loop and large button. They eat and drink with the bridle in their
mouth, not the bridle they actually use when armed, but a light one
made on purpose to accustom them to eat and drink with it: If you ask
the reason, they tell you of many battles that have been lost by the
troops having been attacked by their enemy when taking off the bridles
to give their horses drink. No Arab ever mounts a stallion; on the
contrary, in Nubia they never ride mares; the reason is plain: The
Arabs are constantly at war with their neighbours, (for so robbery in
that country is called) and always endeavour to take their enemies by
surprise in the grey of the evening, or the dawn of day. A stallion no
sooner smells the stale of the mare in the enemy's quarters, than he
begins to neigh, and that would give the alarm to the party intended
to be surprised. No such thing ever can happen when they ride mares
only; on the contrary, the Funge trust only to superior force. They
are in an open, plain country, must be discovered at many miles
distance, and all such surprises and stratagems are useless to them.
The place where we alighted is called Hajar el Dill, and is a
mile east from where we halted in the wood to feed our camels. We
continued along the Nile at about a mile's distance from it, and,
after advancing near three miles, came in sight of a large village
called Derreira; on the opposite side of the Nile, and beyond that,
about four miles on the same side, is Deleb, a large village, with
the shrine of a famous saint of that name. The country here is more
cultivated and pleasant than that which we had passed; there is a low
ridge of hills in the way. At half past six in the evening of the
2d of October we arrived at Wed Baal a Nagga. The village is a very
large one, belonging to a Fakir, a saint of the first consideration in
the government of Chendi. All this country, except immediately upon
the Nile, is desert and sandy. All along the plain we saw numbers
of people digging pits, and taking out the earth, which they boil
in large earthen vases or pans. This is the only way they procure
themselves salt, of which they send great quantities to Halfaia, where
is a market, and from whence it is sent to Sennaar.
On the 3d, at five o'clock, we left Wed Baal a Nagga, and continued
along the Nile, which is about a quarter of a mile off; and seven
miles further to the N. E. we passed a tomb of the Fakir el Deragi,
close to the road on our left hand. All from Wed Baal a Nagga, on both
sides of the Nile, is picturesque and pleasant, full of verdure, and
varied with houses in different situations till we come to the tomb
of this Fakir. Immediately from this all is bare and desolate, except
one verdant spot by the side of the river, shaded with fine trees, and
full of herbage, and there we alighted at nine o'clock. This place is
called Maia; a few trees appear on the other side, but beyond these
all the country is desert. It is inhabited at present by the Jaheleen
Arabs of Wed el Faal; as they have had violent showers in the high
country, and their pools were still full of water, they staid by them
longer than ordinary feeding their cattle. Idris Wed el Faal, governor
of Chendi, nephew to Wed Ageeb, and son to Sittina his sister, to
whom this country belongs, was then with them, so we did not fear
them, otherwise there is not a worse set of fanatical wretches, or
greater enemies to the name of Christian, than these are.
As we are here speaking of Arabs and their names, I shall once for
all observe, that Wed, a word which I have frequently made use of
in the course of this history, and which in this sense is peculiar
to the kingdom of Sennaar, does not mean river, though that is its
import in Arabic. Here it is an abbreviation of Welled, peculiar to
the inhabitants of this part of Atbara, who seem to have an aversion
to the letter l; Wed el Faal, the son of Faal; Wed Hydar, the son of
Hydar, or _the lion_; Wed Hassan, the son of Hassan, and so of the
rest. For the same reason, Melek Sennaar, the king of Sennaar, called
_Mek_, by throwing out the l; Abd el Mek, the slave of the king,
instead of Abd el Melek. Here also I had the pleasure to find the
language of the Koran that of the whole people in common conversation;
and as this was the book in which I first studied the Arabic, I found
now a propriety and facility of expression I had not been sensible of
before; for that of the Koran, in Arabia, is a kind of dead language,
rarely understood but by men of learning.
At Wed Baal a Nagga there is a ferry for those who go to Dongola by
the desert of Bahiouda. Derreira is the landing-place on the other
side; I suppose it is to avoid these Jaheleen that caravans ferry over
at Gerri rather than come so low as Wed Baal a Nagga. We left Maia at
half past three in the afternoon, and, after going three miles, we
came to Gooz, a small village on our left, where we found plenty of
good food for our camels. At six we alighted at Fakari. Chendi was
now five miles east of us, where we arrived at eight o'clock in the
morning of the 4th of October.
CHAP. XI.
_Reception at Chendi by Sittina--Conversations with her--Enter
the Desert--Pillars of moving Sand--The Simoom--Latitude of
Chiggre._
Chendi, or Chandi, is a large village, the capital of its district,
the government of which belongs to Sittina, (as she is called) which
signifies the Mistress, or the Lady, she being sister to Wed Ageeb,
the principal of the Arabs in this country. She had been married, but
her husband was dead. She had one son, Idris Wed el Faal, who was
to succeed to the government of Chendi upon his mother's death, and
who, in effect, governed all the affairs of his kindred already. The
governor of Chendi is called in discourse Mek el Jaheleen, prince of
the Arabs of Beni Koreish, who are all settled, as I have already
said, about the bottom of Atbara, on both sides of the Magiran.
There is a tradition at Chendi, that a woman, whose name was Hendaqué,
once governed all that country, whence we might imagine that this
was part of the kingdom of Candace; for writing this name in Greek
letters it will come to be no other than Hendaqué, the native, or
mistress, of Chendi, or Chandi. However this may be, Chendi was once
a town of great resort. The caravans of Sennaar, Egypt, Suakem, and
Kordofan, all were in use to rendezvous here, especially since the
Arabs have cut off the road by Dongola, and the desert of Bahiouda;
and though it be not now a place of great plenty, yet every thing here
is at a cheaper rate, and better than at Sennaar; we must except the
article fuel, for wood is much dearer here than in any part of Atbara;
the people all burn camels dung. Indeed, were it not for dressing
victuals, fire in a place so hot as this would be a nuisance. It was
so sultry in the end of August and beginning of September, that many
people dropt down dead with heat, both in the town and villages round
it; but it is now said to be much cooler, though the thermometer at
noon was once so high as 119°.
Chendi has in it about 250 houses, which are not all built contiguous,
some of the best of them being separate, and that of Sittina's is half
a mile from the town. There are two or three tolerable houses, but the
rest of them are miserable hovels, built of clay and reeds. Sittina
gave us one of these houses, which I used for keeping my instruments
and baggage from being pilfered or broken; I slept abroad in the tent,
and it was even there hot enough. The women of Chendi are esteemed
the most beautiful in Atbara, and the men the greatest cowards. This
is the character they bear among their countrymen, but we had little
opportunity of verifying either.
On our arrival at Chendi we found the people very much alarmed at
a phænomenon, which, though it often happens, by some strange
inadvertency had never been observed, even in this serene sky. The
planet Venus appeared shining with undiminished light all day, in
defiance of the brightest sun, from which she was but little distant.
Tho' this phænomenon be visible every four years, it filled all the
people, both in town and country, with alarm. They flocked to me in
crowds from all quarters to be satisfied what it meant, and, when they
saw my telescopes and quadrant, they could not be persuaded but that
the star had become visible by some correspondence and intelligence
with me, and for my use. The bulk of the people in all countries is
the same; they never foretell any thing but evil. The very regular
and natural appearance of this planet was immediately converted,
therefore, into a sign that there would be a bad harvest next year,
and scanty rains; that Abou Kalec with an army would depose the king,
and over-run all Atbara; whilst some threatened me as a principal
operator in bringing about these disasters. On the other hand, without
seeming over-solicitous about my vindication, I insinuated among the
better sort, that this was a lucky and favourable sign, a harbinger of
good fortune, plenty, and peace. The clamour upon this subsided very
much to my advantage, the rather, because Sittina and her son Idris
knew certainly that Mahomet Abou Kalec was not to be in Atbara that
year.
On the 12th of October I waited upon Sittina, who received me behind a
screen, so that it was impossible either to see her figure or face; I
observed, however, that there were apertures so managed in the screen
that she had a perfect view of me. She expressed herself with great
politeness, talked much upon the terms in which Adelan was with the
king, and wondered exceedingly how a white man like me should venture
so far in such an ill-governed country. "Allow me, Madam, said I, to
complain of a breach of hospitality in you, which no Arab has been yet
guilty of towards me."--"Me! said she, that would be strange indeed,
to a man that bears my brother's letter. How can that be!"--"Why, you
tell me, Madam, that I am a white man, by which I know that you see
me, without giving me the like advantage. The queens of Sennaar did
not use me so hardly; I had a full sight of them without having used
any importunity." On this she broke out into a great fit of laughter;
then fell into a conversation about medicines to make her hair grow,
or rather to hinder it from falling off. She desired me to come to
her the next day; that her son Idris would be then at home from the
Howat[47], and that he very much wished to see me. She that day sent
us plenty of provisions from her own table.
On the 13th it was so excessively hot that it was impossible to suffer
the burning sun. The poisonous simoom blew likewise as if it came from
an oven. Our eyes were dim, our lips cracked, our knees tottering,
our throats perfectly dry, and no relief was found from drinking an
immoderate quantity of water. The people advised me to dip a spunge
in vinegar and water, and hold it before my mouth and nose, and this
greatly relieved me. In the evening I went to Sittina. Upon entering
the house, a black slave laid hold of me by the hand, and placed me
in a passage, at the end of which were two opposite doors. I did not
well know the reason of this; but had staid only a few minutes when
I heard one of the doors at the end of the passage open, and Sittina
appeared magnificently dressed, with a kind of round cap of solid gold
upon the crown of her head, all beat very thin, and hung round with
sequins; with a variety of gold chains, solitaires, and necklaces of
the same metal, about her neck. Her hair was plaited in ten or twelve
small divisions like tails, which hung down below her waist, and over
her was thrown a common cotton white garment. She had a purple silk
stole, or scarf, hung very gracefully upon her back, brought again
round her waist, without covering her shoulders or arms. Upon her
wrists she had two bracelets like handcuffs, about half an inch thick,
and two gold manacles of the same at her feet, fully an inch diameter,
the most disagreeable and aukward part of all her dress. I expected
she would have hurried through with some affectation of surprise. On
the contrary, she stopt in the middle of the passage, saying, in a
very grave manner, "Kifhalec,"--how are you? I thought this was an
opportunity of kissing her hand, which I did, without her shewing any
sort of reluctance. "Allow me as a physician, said I, Madam, to say
one word." She bowed with her head, and said, "Go in at that door, and
I will hear you." The slave appeared, and carried me through a door at
the bottom of the passage into a room, while her mistress vanished in
at another door at the top, and there was the screen I had seen the
day before, and the lady sitting behind it.
She was a woman scarcely forty, taller than the middle size, had a
very round, plump face, her mouth rather large, very red lips, the
finest teeth and eyes I have seen, but at the top of her nose,
and between her eye-brows, she had a small speck made of cohol or
antimony, four-corner'd, and of the size of the smallest patches our
women used to wear; another rather longer upon the top of her nose,
and one on the middle of her chin.
_Sittina._ "Tell me what you would say to me as a physician."--_Ya._
"It was, Madam, but in consequence of your discourse yesterday. That
heavy gold cap with which you press your hair will certainly be the
cause of a great part of it falling off." _Sitt._ "I believe so; but
I should catch cold, I am so accustomed to it, if I was to leave it
off. Are you a man of name and family in your own country?" _Ya._
"Of both, Madam." _Sitt._ "Are the women handsome there?" _Ya._ "The
handsomest in the world, Madam; but they are so good, and so excellent
in all other respects, that nobody thinks at all of their beauty, nor
do they value themselves upon it." _Sitt._ "And do they allow you to
kiss their hands?" _Ya._ "I understand you, Madam, though you have
mistaken me. There is no familiarity in kissing hands, it is a mark of
homage, and distant respect paid in my country to our sovereigns, and
to none earthly besides." _Sitt._ "O yes! but the kings." _Ya._ "Yes,
and the queens, too, always on the knee, Madam; I said our sovereigns,
meaning both king and queen. On her part it is a mark of gracious
condescension, in favour of rank, merit, and honourable behaviour;
it is a reward for dangerous and difficult services, above all other
compensation." _Sitt._ "But do you know that no man ever kissed my
hand but you?" _Ya._ "It is impossible I should know that, nor is it
material. Of this I am confident it was meant respectfully, cannot
hurt you, and ought not to offend you." _Sitt._ "It certainly has
done neither, but I wish very much Idris my son would come and see
you, as it is on his account I dressed myself to-day." _Ya._ "I hope,
Madam, when I do see him he will think of some way of forwarding me
safely to Barbar, in my way to Egypt." _Sitt._ "Safely! God forgive
you! you are throwing yourself away wantonly. Idris himself, king of
this country, dares not undertake such a journey. But why did not
you go along with Mahomet Towash? He set out only a few days ago for
Cairo, the same way you are going, and has, I believe, taken all the
Hybeers with him. Go call the porter", says she to her slave. When
the porter came, "Do you know if Mahomet Towash is gone to Egypt?" "I
know he is gone to Barbar, says the porter, the two Mahomets, and Abd
el Jelleel, the Bishareen, are with him." "Why did he take all the
Hybeers?" says Sittina. "The men were tired and discouraged, answered
the porter, by their late ill-usage from the Cubba-beesh, and, being
stripped of every thing, they wanted to be at home." _Sitt._ "Somebody
else will offer, but you must not go without a good man with you; I
will not suffer you. These Bishareen are people known here, and may be
trusted; but while you stay let me see you every day, and if you want
any thing, send by a servant of mine. It is a tax, I know, improperly
laid upon a man like you, to ask for every necessary, but Idris will
be here, and he will provide you better." I went away upon this
conversation, and soon found, that Mahomet Towash had so well followed
the direction of the Mek of Sennaar, as to take all the Hybeers of
note with him on purpose to disappoint me.
This being the first time I have had occasion to mention this useful
set of men, it will be necessary I should here explain their office
and occupation. A Hybeer is a guide, from the Arabic word Hubbar, to
inform, instruct, or direct, because they are used to do this office
to the caravans travelling through the desert in all its directions,
whether to Egypt and back again, the coast of the Red Sea, or the
countries of Sudan, and the western extremities of Africa. They are
men of great consideration, knowing perfectly the situation and
properties of all kinds of water to be met on the route, the distance
of wells, whether occupied by enemies or not, and, if so, the way
to avoid them with the least inconvenience. It is also necessary to
them to know the places occupied by the simoom, and the seasons of
their blowing in those parts of the desert, likewise those occupied
by moving sands. He generally belongs to some powerful tribe of Arabs
inhabiting these deserts, whose protection he makes use of to assist
his caravans, or protect them in time of danger, and handsome rewards
were always in his power to distribute on such occasions; but now
that the Arabs in these deserts are everywhere without government,
the trade between Abyssinia and Cairo given over, that between Sudan
and that metropolis much diminished, the importance of that office of
Hybeer, and its consideration, is fallen in proportion, and with these
the safe conduct; and we shall see presently a caravan cut off by the
treachery of the very Hybeers that conducted them, the first instance
of the kind that ever happened.
One day, sitting in my tent musing upon the very unpromising aspect of
my affairs, an Arab of very ordinary appearance, naked, with only a
cotton cloth around his middle, came up to me, and offered to conduct
me to Barbar and thence to Egypt. He said his house was at Daroo on
the side of the Nile, about twenty miles beyond Syene, or Assouan,
nearer Cairo. I asked him why he had not gone with Mahomet Towash? He
said, he did not like the company, and was very much mistaken if their
journey ended well. Upon pressing him further if this was really the
only reason, he then told me, that he had been sick for some months
at Chendi, contracted debt, and had been obliged to pawn his cloaths,
and that his camel was detained for what still remained unpaid. After
much conversation, repeated several days, I found that Idris (for
that was his name) was a man of some substance in his own country,
and had a daughter married to the Schourbatchie at Assouan. He said
that this was his last journey, for he never would cross the desert
again. A bargain was now soon made. I redeemed his camel and cloak; he
was to shew me the way to Egypt, and he was there to be recompensed,
according to his behaviour.
Chendi, by repeated observations of the sun and stars, made for
several succeeding days and nights, I found to be in lat. 16° 38´
35´´ north, and at the same place, the 13th of October, I observed an
immersion of the first satellite of Jupiter, from which I concluded
its longitude to be 33° 24´ 45´´ east of the meridian of Greenwich.
The highest degree of the thermometer of Fahrenheit in the shade was,
on the 10th of October, at one o'clock P. M. 119°, wind north; the
lowest was on the 11th, at midnight, 87°, wind west, after a small
shower of rain.
I prepared now to leave Chendi, but first returned my benefactress
Sittina thanks for all her favours. She had called for Idris, and
given him very positive instructions, mixt with threats, if he
misbehaved; and hearing what I had done for him, she too gave him an
ounce of gold, and said, at parting, that, for knowledge of the road
through the desert, she believed Idris to be as perfect as any body;
but in case we met with the Bishareen, they would neither shew to him
nor to me any mercy. She gave me, however, a letter to Mahomet Abou
Bertran, Shekh of one of the tribes of Bishareen, on the Tacazzé, near
the Magiran, which she had made her son write from the Howat, it not
being usual, she said, for her to write herself. I begged I might be
again allowed to testify my gratitude by kissing her hand, which she
condescended to in the most gracious manner, laughing all the time,
and saying, "Well, you are an odd man! if Idris my son saw me just
now, he would think me mad."
On the 20th of October, in the evening, we left Chendi, and rested two
miles from the town, and about a mile from the river; and next day,
the 21st, at three quarters past four in the morning we continued our
journey, and passed through five or six villages of the Jaheleen on
our left; at nine we alighted to feed our camels under some trees,
having gone about ten miles. At this place begins a large island in
the Nile several miles long, full of villages, trees, and corn, it is
called Kurgos. Opposite to this is the mountain Gibbainy, where is the
first scene of ruins I have met with since that of Axum in Abyssinia.
We saw here heaps of broken pedestals, like those of Axum, all plainly
designed for the statues of the dog; some pieces of obelisk, likewise,
with hieroglyphics, almost totally obliterated. The Arabs told us
these ruins were very extensive; and that many pieces of statues,
both of men and animals, had been dug up there; the statues of the men
were mostly of black stone. It is impossible to avoid risquing a guess
that this is the ancient city of Meroë, whose latitude should be 16°
26´; and I apprehend further, that in this island was the observatory
of that famous cradle of astronomy. The Ethiopians cannot pronounce
P; there is, indeed, no such letter in their alphabet. Curgos, then,
the name of the island, should probably be Purgos, the tower or
observatory of that city.
There are four remarkable rivers mentioned by the ancients as
contributing to form the island of Meroë. The first is the Astusaspes,
or the river Mareb, so called from hiding itself under ground in the
sand, and again immerging in the time of rain, and running to join the
Tacazzé.
The next is the Tacazzé, as I have said, the Siris of the ancients, by
the natives called Astaboras, which forms, as Pliny has said, the left
channel of Atbara, or, as the Greeks have called it, the island of
Meroë.
On the west, or right hand, is another considerable river, called
by the name of the White River, and by the ancients Astapus, and
which Diodorus Siculus says comes from large lakes to the southward,
which we know to be truth. This river throws itself into the Nile,
and together with it makes the right-hand channel, inclosing Meroë
or Atbara. The Nile here is called the Blue River; and Nil, in the
language of the country, has precisely that signification. This too
was known to the ancients, as the Greeks have called it the Blue
River, and these being all found to inclose Meroë, neither Gojam, nor
any place that is not so limited, can ever be taken for that island.
I will not pretend to say that any positive proof should be founded
upon the astronomical observations of the ancients, unless there
are circumstances that go hand in hand with, and corroborate them;
but we should be at a very great loss indeed, notwithstanding all
the diligence of modern travellers, were we to throw the celestial
observations of the ancients entirely behind us. We have, from various
concurring circumstances, fixed our Meroë at Gerri, or between that
town and Wed Baal a Nagga, that is about lat. 16° 10´ north; and
Ptolemy, from an observation of the Solstice, fixes it at 16° 26´, so
that the error here, if any, seems to be of no consequence, as the
direction of the city might extend to the northward. The observations
mentioned by Pliny are not so accurate, nor do they merit to be put
in competition with those of Ptolemy, for very obvious reasons;
yet still, when strictly examined, they do not fail, inaccurate as
they are, to throw some light upon this subject. He says the sun is
vertical at Meroë twice a-year, once when he enters the 18° of Taurus,
and again when he is in the 14th degree of the Lion.
Here are three impossibilities, which plainly shew that this error is
not that of Pliny, but of an ignorant transcriber; for if the zenith
of Meroë answered to the 18th degree of Taurus, it is impossible that
the same point should answer to the 14th degree of the Lion; and if
Syene was 5000 stadia from the one, it is impossible it could be no
more from the other which was south of it, if they were all three
under the same meridian; let us then confess, as we must, that both
these observations are erroneous.
But let us suppose that the first will make the latitude of Meroë to
be 17° 20´, and the second 16° 40´; taking then a medium of these
two bad observations, as is the practice in all such cases, we shall
find the latitude of Meroë to be 16° 30´, only 4´ difference from the
observation of Ptolemy.
Vosius[48], among a multitude of errors he has committed relating to
the Nile, denies that there are any islands in that river. The reader
will be long ago satisfied from our history, that this is without
foundation, seeing that from the island of Rhoda, where stands the
Mikeas, to the island of Curgos, which we have just now mentioned,
we have described several. He would indeed insinuate, that Meroë, or
Atbara, is not an island, but a peninsula, though it is well known in
history these words are constantly used as synonimous; but were it
not so, Meroë scarcely stands in need of this excuse. If the reader
will cast his eye upon the map, he will see two rivers, the Rahad and
Tocoor, that almost meet in lat. 12° 40´ north. Across the peninsula,
left by these rivers, is a small stripe called Falaty, running in a
contrary direction from the general course of rivers in this country,
that is from east to west, though part of it in dry weather is hid in
the sand, and this river makes Atbara a complete island in time of
rain.
Simonides the Less staid five years in Meroë; after him, Aristocreon,
Bion, and Basilis[49]. It is not then probable that men of their
character omitted to ascertain the fact whether or not the place where
they lived was an island. Diodorus Siculus has said, that Meroë was
in the form of a shield, that is, in the figure of that triangular
shield called Scutum, pointed at the bottom, and growing broader
towards the top where it is square. Nothing can be more exact than
this resemblance of the lower part of Atbara, that is, from Gerri to
the Magiran, the part we suppose Diodorus was acquainted with, and it
is scarcely possible that he could have fixed upon this resemblance
without having seen some figure of it delineated upon paper.
As this must suppose a more than ordinary knowledge in Diodorus,
we shall examine how the measures he has given us of the island
correspond with the truth. He says, that the island is 3000 stadia
long, and 1000 stadia broad. Now taking 8 stadia for a mile, we have
375 miles, and measuring with the compass from the river Falaty,
where, as I have said, Atbara becomes an island by the confluence of
the rivers, I find that distance to be 345 miles, of 60 miles to a
degree, so that without making any allowance for the disadvantages
of the country, it is impossible at this day to have a more accurate
estimation. As for the breadth, it is scarcely possible to guess at
what part Diodorus means it was measured, on account of the figure
of the shield, as I have already observed, as constantly varying.
But suppose, as is most probable, that the breadth of the island was
referred to the place where the city stood, then, in place of 125
miles, the produce of 1000 stadia, I find it measures 145 miles, a
difference as little to be regarded as the other.
Let us now examine what information we can learn from the report
of the centurions sent on purpose by Nero to explore this unknown
country, whose report has been looked upon as decisive of the
distances of places through which they passed.
These travellers pretend, that between Syene and the entrance into
the island of Meroë was 873 miles, and from thence to the city 70
miles; the whole distance then between Syene and the city of Meroë
will be 943 miles, or 15° 43´. Now Syene was very certainly in 24°,
a few minutes more or less; and from this if we take 15°, there will
remain 9° of latitude for the island of Meroë, according to the
report of these centurions, and this would have carried Meroë far
to the southward of the fountains of the Nile, and confounded every
idea of the geography of Africa. The parallel which marks 11° cuts
Gojam very exactly in the middle, and this peninsula may be said to
resemble the shield called Pelta; but very certainly not the Scutum,
to which Diodorus has very properly likened it. Besides, their own
observation condemns them, for it is about Meroë where they first
saw an appearance of verdure; the reason of which is very plain, if
the latitude of that city was in 16°, upon the verge of the tropical
rains, where, as an eye-witness, I who have passed that dreary
distance on foot can testify, those green herbs and shrubs, though
they begin, as is very properly and cautiously expressed, to appear
there, seem neither luxuriant nor abundant.
But had the centurions gone to Gojam, they would have passed a hundred
miles of a more verdant and more beautiful country before arriving
there. The psittaci aves, or the paroquets, which they very properly
observed were first seen in Meroë, that is, in Atbara, would have been
sought for in vain in Gojam, a cold country; whereas the paroquet's
delight is in the low, or hot country, where there is always variety
of fruit; neither could Ptolemy's observation, nor those two just
mentioned by Pliny, be admitted, after any sort of modification
whatever.
Strabo remarks of the situation of Meroë, that it was placed upon the
verge of the tropical rains; and, with his usual accuracy and good
sense, he wonders the regularity of these tropical rains, as to their
coming and duration, was not known earlier, when so many occasions
had offered to observe them at Meroë before his time. The same author
says, that the sun is vertical at Meroë forty-five days before the
summer solstice; so that this too will place that island in lat. 16°
44´, very little different from the latitude that Ptolemy gives it.
From all which circumstances we may venture to maintain, that very
few places in ancient geography have their situations more strictly
defined, or by a greater variety of circumstances, than the island of
Atbara or Meroë. But supposing the case were otherwise, there is not
one of these circumstances that I know of, that could be adduced with
any effect to prove Gojam to be Meroë, as Le Grande and the Jesuits
have vainly asserted.
At half past eleven o'clock in the forenoon of the 21st of October,
having spent the whole day in winding through vallies, and the bare
hills of the Acaba, we alighted in a wood about a mile from the
river. This side of the Nile, along which we travelled to-day, is
quite bare, the other full of trees and corn, where are several large
villages.
On the 22d, in the afternoon, we left this place, which is called
Hor-Gibbaity, and passed through several villages of the Macabrab,
named Dow-Dowa, and three miles further came to Demar, a town
belonging to Fakir Wed Madge Doub, who is a saint of the first
consequence among the Jaheleen. They believe that he works miracles,
and can strike whom he pleases with lameness, blindness, or madness;
for which reason they stand very much in awe of him, so that he
passes the caravans in safety through this nest of robbers, such as
the Macabrab are, and always have been, though there are caravans who
chuse rather to pass unseen under the cloud of night, than trust to
the veneration these Jaheleen may have of Wed Madge Doub's sanctity.
After these are Eliab, their habitation four miles on our left at
Howiah.
On the 25th, at three quarters past six in the morning we left Demar,
and at nine came to the Tacazzè, five short miles distant from Demar,
and two small villages built with canes and plaistered with clay,
called Dubba-beah; these are allies of the Macabrab, as coming from
Demar. They took it in their heads to believe that we were a caravan
going to Mecca, in which they were confirmed by a son of Wed Madge
Doub, whom I brought with me, and it was neither my business nor
inclination to undeceive them, but just the contrary.
The Tacazzé is here about a quarter of a mile broad, exceedingly deep,
and they have chosen the deepest part for the ferry. It is clear as
in Abyssinia, where we had often seen it. It rises in the province of
Angot, in about lat. 9°, but has lost all the beauty of its banks,
and runs here thro' a desert and barren country. I reflected with
much satisfaction upon the many circumstances the sight of this river
recalled to my mind; but still the greatest was, that the scenes
of these were now far distant, and that I was by so much the more
advanced towards home. The water of the Tacazzé is judged by the
Arabs to be lighter, clearer, and wholesomer than that of the Nile.
About half a mile after this ferry it joins with that river. Though
the boats were smaller, the people more brutish, and less expert than
those at Halifoon, yet the supposed sanctity of our characters, and
liberal payment, carried us over without any difficulty. These sons
of Mahomet are very robust and strong, and, in all their operations,
seemed to trust to that rather than to address or flight. We left the
passage at a quarter after three, and at half past four arrived at a
gravelly, waste piece of ground, and all round it planted thick with
large trees without fruit. The river is the boundary between Atbara
and Barbar, in which province we now are. Its inhabitants are the
Jaheleen of the tribe of Mirifab.
On the 26th, at six o'clock, leaving the Nile on our left about a
mile, we continued our journey over gravel and sand, through a wood of
acacia-trees, the colour of whose flowers was now changed to white,
whereas all the rest we had before seen were yellow. At one o'clock
we left the wood, and at 40 minutes past three we came to Gooz, a
small village, which nevertheless is the capital of Barbar. The
village of Gooz is a collection of miserable hovels composed of clay
and canes. There are not in it above 30 houses, but there are six or
seven different villages. The heat seemed here a little abated, but
everybody complained of a disease in their eyes they call Tishash,
which often terminates in blindness. I apprehend it to be owing to the
simoom and fine sand blowing through the desert. Here a misfortune
happened to Idris our Hybeer, who was arrested for debt, and carried
to prison. As we were now upon the very edge of the desert, and
to see no other inhabited place till we should reach Egypt, I was
not displeased to have it in my power to lay him under one other
obligation before we trusted our lives in his hands, which we were
immediately to do. I therefore paid his debt, and reconciled him with
his creditors, who, on their part, behaved very moderately to him.
When trade flourished here, and the caravans went regularly, Gooz was
of some consideration, as being the first place where they stopped,
and therefore got the first offer of the market; but now no commerce
remains, nor is it worth while for stated guides to wait there to
conduct the caravans through the desert, as they did formerly. Gooz is
situated fifteen miles from the junction of the two rivers, the Nile
and Tacazzé. By many observations of the sun and stars, and by a mean
of these, I found it to be in lat. 17° 57´ 22´´; and by an immersion
of the first satellite of Jupiter observed there the 5th of November,
determined its longitude to be 34° 20´ 30´´ east of the meridian of
Greenwich. The greatest height of Fahrenheit's thermometer was, at
Gooz, the 28th day of October, at noon, 111°.
Having received all the assurances possible from Idris that he would
live and die with us, after having repeated the prayer of peace, we
put on the best countenance possible, and committed ourselves to
the desert. There were Ismael the Turk, two Greek servants besides
Georgis, who was almost blind and useless. Two Barbarins, who took
care of the camels, Idris, and a young man, a relation of his, who
joined him at Barbar, to return home; in all nine persons, eight only
of whom were effective. We were all well-armed with blunderbusses,
swords, pistols, and double-barrelled guns, except Idris and his
lad, who had lances, the only arms they could use. Five or six naked
wretches of the Tucorory joined us at the watering place, much
against my will, for I knew that we should probably be reduced to the
disagreeable necessity of seeing them die with thirst before our eyes;
or by assisting them, should any accident happen to our water, we ran
a very great risk of perishing with them.
It was on the 9th of November, at noon, we left Gooz, and set out for
the sakia, or watering-place, which is below a little village called
Hassa. All the west side of the Nile is full of villages down to
Takaki, but they are all Jaheleen, without government, and perpetually
in rebellion. At half past three in the afternoon we came to the
Nile to lay in our store of water. We filled four skins, which might
contain altogether about a hogshead and a half. As for our food, it
consisted in twenty-two large goats skins stuffed with a powder of
bread made of dora here at Gooz, on purpose for such expeditions. It
is about the size and shape of a pancake, but thinner. Being much
dried, rather than toasted at the fire, it is afterwards rubbed
between the hands into a dust or powder, for the sake of package; and
the goat's skin crammed as full as possible, and tied at the mouth
with a leather thong. This bread has a sourish taste, which it imparts
to the water when mingled with it, and swells to six times the space
that it occupied when dry. A handful, as much as you could grasp, put
into a bowl made of a gourd sawed in two, about twice the contents
of a common tea-bason, was the quantity allowed to each man every
day, morning and evening; and another such gourd of water divided,
one half two hours before noon, the other about an hour after. Such
were the regulations we all of us subscribed to; we had not camels
for a greater provision. The Nile at Hassa runs at the foot of a
mountain called Jibbel Ateshan, or the _Mountain of Thirst_; the men,
emphatically enough, considering that those who part from it, entering
the desert, take there the first provisions against thirst, and there
those that come to it from the desert first assuage theirs.
On the 11th, about eleven o'clock in the forenoon we left Hassa. It
required a whole day to fill our skins, and soak them well in the
water, in order to make an experiment, which was of the greatest
consequence of any one we ever made, whether these skins were
water-tight or not. I had taken the greatest care while at Chendi to
dawb them well over with grease and tar, to secure their pores on the
outside; but Idris told us this was not enough, and that soaking the
inside with water, filling them choak-full, and tying their mouths
as hard as possible, was the only way to be certain if they were
water-tight without.
While the camels were loading, I bathed myself with infinite pleasure
for a long half hour in the Nile, and thus took leave of my old
acquaintance, very doubtful if we should ever meet again. We then
turned our face to N. E. leaving the Nile, and entering into a bare
desert of fixed gravel, without trees, and of a very disagreeable
whitish colour, mixed with small pieces of white marble, and pebbles
like alabaster. At a quarter past four we alighted in a spot of high
bent grass, where we let our camels feed till eight o'clock, and at
three quarters past ten we halted for the night in another patch of
grass; the place is called Howeela. Jibbel Ateshan bore S. W. and by
W. of us, the distance about seven miles. I inquired of Idris, if he
knew, to point out to me, precisely where Syene lay, and he shewed me
without difficulty. I set it by the compass, and found it to be N.
and by W. very near the exact bearing it turned out upon observation
afterwards. He said, however, we should not keep this tract, but
should be obliged to vary occasionally in search of water, as we
should find the wells in the desert empty or full.
On the 12th, at seven o'clock in the morning we quitted Howeela,
continuing our journey through the desert in the same direction, that
is to the N. E.; our reason was, to avoid as much as possible the
meeting any Arab that could give intelligence of our being on our
journey, for nothing was so easy for people, such as the Bishareen, to
way-lay and cut us off at the well, where they would be sure we must
of necessity pass. At twenty minutes past eight we came to Waadi el
Haimer, where there are a few trees and some bent grass, for this is
the meaning of the word Waadi in a desert. The Arabs, called Sumgar,
are here on the west of us, by the river side. At half past twelve
we alighted on a spot of grass. Takaki from this distance will be
twenty-four miles, between the points N. W. and N. N. W. and from
Takaki to Dongola ten short days journeys, I suppose 180 miles at
most. We are now in the territory of the Bishareen, but they were all
retired to the mountains, a high even ridge, that is something above
two days distance from us, and runs parallel to our course, on the
right hand of us, all the way into Egypt.
At half past eight we alighted in a sandy plain without trees or
grass. Our camels, we found, were too heavily loaded, but we comforted
ourselves that this fault would be mended every day by the use we
made of our provisions; however, it was very much against them that
they were obliged to pass this whole night without eating. This place
is called Umboia. We left Umboia, still stretching farther into the
desert at N. E. At nine we saw a hill called Assero-baybe, with two
pointed tops N. of us, which may be about twelve or fourteen miles
distant, perhaps more. This is the next Hybeer's mark, by which he
directs his course. On the east is Ebenaat, another sharp-pointed
rock, about ten miles distant. All this day, and the evening before,
our road has been through stony, gravelly ground, without herb or
tree. Large pieces of agate and jasper, mixt with many beautiful
pieces of marble, appear everywhere on the ground.
At two o'clock in the afternoon we came to Waadi Amour, where we
alighted, after we had gone six hours this day with great diligence.
Waadi Amour has a few trees and shrubs, but scarce enough to afford
any shade, or night's provision for our camels. Being now without
fear of the Arabs who live upon the Nile, from which we were at
a sufficient distance, we with the same view to safety, declined
approaching the mountains, but held our course nearly N. to a small
spot of grass and white sand, called Assa-Nagga. Here our misfortunes
began, from a circumstance we had not attended to. Our shoes, that had
needed constant repair, were become at last absolutely useless, and
the hard ground, from the time we passed Amour, had worn the skin off
in several places, so that our feet were very much inflamed by the
burning sand.
About a mile north-west of us is Hambily, a rock not considerable in
size, but, from the plain country in which it is situated, has the
appearance of a great tower or castle, and south of it two hillocks
or little hills. These are all land-marks of the utmost consequence
to caravans in their journey, because they are too considerable in
size to be covered at any time by the moving sands. At Assa Nagga,
Assiro-baybe is square with us, and with the turn which the Nile takes
eastward to Korti and Dongola. The Takaki are the people nearest us,
west of Assa Nagga, and Assero-baybe upon the Nile. After these,
when the Nile has turned E. and W. are the Chaigie, on both sides of
the river, on to Korti, where the territory called the kingdom of
Dongola begins. As the Nile no longer remains on our left, but makes
a remarkable turn, which has been much misrepresented in the maps, I
put my quadrant in order, and by a medium of three observations, one
of Procyon, one of Rigel, and one of the middle star of the belt of
Orion, I found the latitude of Assa Nagga to be 19° 30´, which being
on a parallel with the farthest point of the Nile northward, gives the
latitude of that place where the river turns west by Korti towards
Dongola, and this was of great service to me in fixing some other
material points in my map.
On the 14th, at seven in the morning we left Assa Nagga, our course
being due north. At one o'clock we alighted among some acacia-trees at
Waadi el Halboub, having gone twenty-one miles. We were here at once
surprised and terrified by a sight surely one of the most magnificent
in the world. In that vast expanse of desert, from W. and to N. W.
of us, we saw a number of prodigious pillars of sand at different
distances, at times moving with great celerity, at others stalking on
with a majestic slowness; at intervals we thought they were coming in
a very few minutes to overwhelm us; and small quantities of sand did
actually more than once reach us. Again they would retreat so as to
be almost out of sight, their tops reaching to the very clouds. There
the tops often separated from the bodies; and these, once disjoined,
dispersed in the air, and did not appear more. Sometimes they were
broken near the middle, as if struck with a large cannon shot. About
noon they began to advance with considerable swiftness upon us, the
wind being very strong at north. Eleven of them ranged alongside of
us about the distance of three miles. The greatest diameter of the
largest appeared to me at that distance as if it would measure ten
feet. They retired from us with a wind at S. E. leaving an impression
upon my mind to which I can give no name, though surely one ingredient
in it was fear, with a considerable deal of wonder and astonishment.
It was in vain to think of flying; the swiftest horse, or fastest
sailing ship, could be of no use to carry us out of this danger, and
the full persuasion of this rivetted me as if to the spot where I
stood, and let the camels gain on me so much in my state of lameness,
that it was with some difficulty I could overtake them.
The effect this stupendous sight had upon Idris was to set him to his
prayers, indeed rather to his charms; for, besides the name of God and
Mahomet, all the rest of the words were mere gibberish and nonsense.
This created a violent altercation between him and Ismael the Turk,
who abused him for not praying in the words of the Koran, maintaining,
with apparent great wisdom at the same time, that nobody had charms to
stop these moving sands but the inhabitants of Arabia Deserta.
The Arabs to whom this inhospitable spot belongs are the Adelaia.
They, too, are Jaheleen, or Arabs of Beni Koreish. They are said to
be a harmless race, and to do no hurt to the caravans they meet;
yet I very much doubt, had we fallen in with them they would not
have deserved the good name that was given them. We went very slowly
to-day, our feet being sore and greatly swelled. The whole of our
company were much disheartened, (except Idris) and imagined that they
were advancing into whirlwinds of moving sand, from which they
should never be able to extricate themselves; but before four o'clock
in the afternoon these phantoms of the plain had all of them fallen to
the ground and disappeared. In the evening we came to Waadi Dimokea,
where we passed the night, much disheartened, and our fear more
increased, when we found, upon wakening in the morning, that one side
was perfectly buried in the sand that the wind had blown above us in
the night.
From this day, subordination, though not entirely ceased, was fast
on the decline; all was discontent, murmuring, and fear. Our water
was greatly diminished, and that terrible death by thirst began to
stare us in the face, and this was owing in a great measure to our
own imprudence. Ismael, who had been left centinel over the skins of
water, had slept so soundly, that this had given an opportunity to
a Tucorory to open one of the skins that had not been touched, and
serve himself out of it at his own discretion. I suppose that, hearing
somebody stir, and fearing detection, he had withdrawn himself as
speedily as possible, without taking time to tie the mouth of the
girba, which we found in the morning with scarce a quart of water in
it.
On the 15th, at a quarter past seven in the morning we left Waadi
Dimokea, keeping a little to the westward of north, as far as I could
judge, just upon the line of Syene. The same ridge of hills being on
our right and left as yesterday, in the center of these appeared Del
Aned. At twenty minutes past two o'clock in the afternoon we came
to an opening in the ridge of rocks; the passage is about a mile
broad, through which we continued till we alighted at the foot of the
mountain Del Aned. The place is called Waadi Del Aned.
The same appearance of moving pillars of sand presented themselves to
us this day in form and disposition like those we had seen at Waadi
Halboub, only they seemed to be more in number, and less in size. They
came several times in a direction close upon us; that is, I believe,
within less than two miles. They began, immediately after sun-rise,
like a thick wood, and almost darkened the sun: His rays shining
through them for near an hour, gave them an appearance of pillars of
fire. Our people now became desperate: The Greeks shrieked out, and
said it was the day of judgment. Ismael pronounced it to be hell, and
the Tucorories, that the world was on fire. I asked Idris if ever
he had before seen such a sight? He said he had often seen them as
terrible, though never worse; but what he feared most was that extreme
redness in the air, which was a sure presage of the coming of the
simoom. I begged and entreated Idris that he would not say one word
of that in the hearing of the people, for they had already felt it at
Imhanzara in their way from Ras el Feel to Teawa, and again at the
Acaba of Gerri, before we came to Chendi, and they were already nearly
distracted at the apprehension of finding it here.
At half past four o'clock in the afternoon we left Waadi Del Aned,
our course a little more to the westward than the direction of Syene.
The sands which had disappeared yesterday scarcely shewed themselves
at all this day, and at a great distance from the horizon. This was,
however, a comfort but of short duration. I observed Idris took no
part in it, but only warned me and the servants, that, upon the coming
of the simoom, we should fall upon our faces, with our mouths upon the
earth, so as not to partake of the outward air as long as we could
hold our breath. We alighted at six o'clock at a small rock in the
sandy ground, without trees or herbage, so that our camels fasted all
that night. This place is called Ras el Seah, or, by the Bishareen, El
Mout, which signifies death, a name of bad omen.
On the 16th, at half past ten in the forenoon we left El Mout,
standing in the direction close upon Syene. Our men, if not gay,
were however in better spirits than I had seen them since we left
Gooz. One of our Barbarins had even attempted a song; but Hagi Ismael
very gravely reproved him, by telling him, that singing in such a
situation was a tempting of Providence. There is, indeed, nothing more
different than active and passive courage. Hagi Ismael would fight,
but he had not strength of mind to suffer. At eleven o'clock, while we
contemplated with great pleasure the rugged top of Chiggre, to which
we were fast approaching, and where we were to solace ourselves with
plenty of good water, Idris cried out, with a loud voice, Fall upon
your faces, for here is the simoom. I saw from the S. E. a haze come,
in colour like the purple part of the rainbow, but not so compressed
or thick. It did not occupy twenty yards in breadth, and was about
twelve feet high from the ground. It was a kind of blush upon the
air, and it moved very rapidly, for I scarce could turn to fall upon
the ground with my head to the northward, when I felt the heat of
its current plainly upon my face. We all lay flat on the ground,
as if dead, till Idris told us it was blown over. The meteor, or
purple haze, which I saw, was indeed passed, but the light air that
still blew was of heat to threaten suffocation. For my part, I found
distinctly in my breast that I had imbibed a part of it, nor was I
free of an asthmatic sensation till I had been some months in Italy,
at the baths of Poretta, near two years afterwards.
An universal despondency had taken possession of our people. They
ceased to speak to one another, and when they did, it was in
whispers, by which I easily guessed their discourse was not favourable
to me, or else that they were increasing each others fears, by vain
suggestions calculated to sink each others spirits still further,
but from which no earthly good could possibly result. I called them
together, and both reprimanded and exhorted them in the strongest
manner I could; I bade them attend to me, who had nearly lost my
voice by the simoom, and desired them to look at my face, so swelled
as scarcely to permit me to see; my neck covered with blisters, my
feet swelled and inflamed, and bleeding with many wounds. In answer
to the lamentation that the water was exhausted, and that we were
upon the point of dying with thirst, I ordered each man a gourd full
of water more than he had the preceding day, and shewed them, at no
great distance, the bare, black, and sharp point of the rock Chiggre,
wherein was the well at which we were again to fill our girbas, and
thereby banish the fear of dying by thirst in the desert. I believe I
never was at any time more eloquent, and never had eloquence a more
sudden effect. They all protested and declared their concern chiefly
arose from the situation they saw me in; that they feared not death
or hardship, provided I would submit a little to their direction in
the taking a proper care of myself. They intreated me to use one of
the camels, and throw off the load that it carried, that it would ease
me of the wounds in my feet, by riding at least part of the day. This
I positively refused to do, but recommended to them to be strong of
heart, and to spare the camels for the last resource, if any should be
taken ill and unable to walk any longer.
This phænomenon of the simoom, unexpected by us, though foreseen by
Idris, caused us all to relapse into our former despondency. It still
continued to blow, so as to exhaust us entirely, though the blast
was so weak as scarcely would have raised a leaf from the ground. At
twenty minutes before five the simoom ceased, and a comfortable and
cooling breeze came by starts from the north, blowing five or six
minutes at a time, and then falling calm. We were now come to the
Acaba, the ascent before we arrived at Chiggre, where we intended to
have stopt that night, but we all moved on with tacit consent, nor did
one person pretend to say how far he guessed we were to go.
At thirteen minutes past eight we alighted in a sandy plain absolutely
without herbage, covered with loose stones, a quarter of a mile due
north of the well, which is in the narrow gorge, forming the southern
outlet of this small plain. Though we had travelled thirteen hours
and a quarther this day, it was but at a slow pace, our camels being
famished, as well as tired, and lamed likewise by the sharp stones
with which the ground in all places was covered. The country, for
three days past, had been destitute of herbage of any kind, entirely
desert, and abandoned to moving sands. We saw this day, after passing
Ras el Seah, large blocks and strata of pure white marble, equal to
any in colour that ever came from Paros.
Chiggre is a small narrow valley, closely covered up and surrounded
with barren rocks. The wells are ten in number, and the narrow gorge
which opens to them is not ten yards broad. The springs, however,
are very abundant. Wherever a pit is dug five or six feet deep, it
is immediately filled with water. The principal pool is about forty
yards square and five feet deep; but the best tasted water was in
the cleft of a rock, about 30 yards higher, on the west side of this
narrow outlet. All the water, however, was very foul, with a number
of animals both aquatic and land. It was impossible to drink without
putting a piece of our cotton girdle over our mouths, to keep, by
filtration, the filth of dead animals out of it. We saw a great many
partridges upon the face of the bare rock; but what they fed upon
I could not guess, unless upon insects. We did not dare to shoot
at them, for fear of being heard by the wandering Arabs that might
be somewhere in the neighbourhood; for Chiggre is a haunt of the
Bishareen of the tribe of Abou Bertran, who, though they do not make
it a station, because there is no pasture in the neighbourhood, nor
can any thing grow there, yet it is one of the most valuable places of
refreshment, on account of the great quantity of water, being nearly
half way, when they drive their cattle from the borders of the Red Sea
to the banks of the Nile; as also in their expeditions from south to
north, when they leave their encampments in Barbar, to rob the Ababdé
Arabs on the frontiers of Egypt.
Our first attention was to our camels, to whom we gave that day a
double feed of dora, that they might drink for the rest of their
journey, should the wells in the way prove scant of water. We then
washed in a large pool, the coldest water, I think, I ever felt, on
account of its being in a cave covered with rock, and was inaccessible
to the sun in any direction. All my people seemed to be greatly
recovered by this refrigeration, but from some cause or other, it
fared otherwise with the Tucorory; one of whom died about an hour
after our arrival, and another early the next morning.
Subordination, if now not entirely gone, was expiring, so that I
scarcely expected to have interest enough with my own servants to
help me to set up my large quadrant: Yet I was exceedingly curious to
know the situation of this remarkable place, which Idris the Hybeer
declared to be halfway to Assouan. But it seems their curiosity was
not less than mine; above all, they wanted to prove that Idris was
mistaken, and that we were considerably nearer to Egypt than we were
to Barbar. While Idris and the men filled the skins with water, the
Greeks and I set up the quadrant, and, by observation of the two
bright stars of Orion, I found the latitude of Chiggre to be 20° 58´
30´´ N.; so that, allowing even some small error in the position of
Syene in the French maps, Idris's guess was very near the truth, and
both the latitude and longitude of Chiggre and Syene seemed to require
no further investigation.
During the whole time of the observation, an antelope of a very large
kind, went several times round and round the quadrant; and at the time
when my eyes were fixed upon the star, came so near as to bite a part
of my cotton cloth which I had spread like a carpet to kneel on. Even
when I stirred, it would leap about two or three yards from me, and
then stand and gaze with such attention, that it would have appeared
to by-standers (had there been any) that we had been a long time
acquainted. The first idea was the common one, to kill it. I easily
could have done this with a lance; but it seemed so interested in what
I was doing, that I began to think it might perhaps be my good genius
which had come to visit, protect, and encourage me in the desperate
situation in which I then was.
CHAP. XII.
_Distresses in the Desert--Meet with Arabs--Camels die--Baggage
abandoned--Come to Syene._
On the 17th of November, at half past ten in the forenoon, we
left the valley and pool of Chiggre. Ismael, and Georgis the blind
Greek, had complained of shivering all night, and I began to be very
apprehensive some violent fever was to follow. Their perspiration had
not returned but in small quantity ever since their coming out of
the water, and the night had been excessively cold, the thermometer
standing at 63°. The day, however, was insufferably hot, and their
complaints insensibly wore off to my great comfort. A little before
eleven we were again terrified by an army (as it seemed) of sand
pillars, whose march was constantly south, and the favourite field
which they occupied was that great circular space which the Nile makes
when opposite to Assa Nagga, where it turns west to Korti and Dongola.
At one time a number of these pillars faced to the eastward, and
seemed to be coming directly upon us; but, though they were little
nearer us than two miles, a considerable quantity of sand fell round
us. I began now to be somewhat reconciled to this phænomenon, seeing
it had hitherto done us no harm. The great magnificence it exhibited
in its appearance, seemed, in some measure, to indemnify us for the
panic it had first occasioned: But it was otherwise with the simoom;
we all of us were firmly persuaded that another passage of the purple
meteor over us would be attended with our deaths.
At half past four we alighted in a vast plain, bounded on all sides by
low sandy hills, which seemed to have been transported hither lately.
These hillocks were from seven to thirteen feet high, drawn into
perfect cones, with very sharp points and well-proportioned bases.
The sand was of an inconceivable fineness, having been the sport of
hot winds for thousands of years. There could be no doubt that the
day before, when it was calm, and we suffered so much by the simoom
between El Mout and Chiggre, the wind had been raising pillars of sand
in this place, called Umdoom; marks of the whirling motion of the
pillars were distinctly seen in every heap, so that here again, while
we were repining at the simoom, Providence was busied keeping us out
of the way of another scene, where, if we had advanced a day, we had
all of us been involved in inevitable destruction.
On the 18th we left Umdoom at seven in the morning, our direction N.
a little inclined to W.; at nine o'clock we passed through a sandy
plain, without trees or verdure. About 300 yards out of our way, to
the left, among some sandy hillocks, where the ground seems to be
more elevated than the rest, Idris the Hybeer told me, that one of
the largest caravans which ever came out of Egypt, under the conduct
of the Ababdé and the Bishareen Arabs, was there covered with sand,
to the number of some thousands of camels. There are large rocks of
grey granite scattered through this plain. At ten o'clock we alighted
at a place called Erboygi, where are some trees, to feed our camels.
The trees I have so often mentioned in our journey thro' the desert
are not timber, or tall-growing trees; there are none of these north
of Sennaar, except a few at Chendi. The trees I speak of, which the
camels eat, are a kind of dwarf acacia, growing only to the height of
bushes; and the wood spoken of likewise is only of the desert kind,
ate almost bare by the camels. There are some high trees, indeed, on
the banks of the Nile. At half past one o'clock we left Erboygi, and
came to a large wood of doom (Palma cuciofera). Here, for the first
time, we saw a shrub which very much resembled Spanish broom. The
whole ground is dead sand, with some rocks of reddish granite. Exactly
at five o'clock we alighted in the wood, after having travelled a
moderate pace. The place is called El Cowie, and is a station of the
Bishareen in the summer months; but these people were now east of us,
three days journey, towards the Red Sea, where the rains had fallen,
and there was plenty of pasture. At forty minutes past twelve we left
El Cowie, and at five o'clock in the evening alighted in a wood,
called Terfowey, full of trees and grass. The trees are the tallest
and largest we had seen since leaving the Nile. We had this day
enjoyed, as it were, a holiday, free from the terrors of the sand, or
dreadful influence of the simoom. This poisonous wind had made several
attempts to prevail this day, but was always overpowered by a cool
breeze at north.
On the 19th we left the west end of the wood, or rather continued the
whole length of it, and at a quarter past eight in the evening arrived
at the well. It is about four fathoms deep, but the spring not very
abundant. We drained it several times, and were obliged to wait its
filling again. These last two days, since we were at El Cowie, we had
seen more verdure than we had altogether since we left Barbar. Here,
particularly at Terfowey, the acacia-trees are tall and verdant, but
the mountains on each side appear black and barren beyond imagination.
As soon as we alighted at Terfowey, and had chosen a proper place
where our camels could feed, we unloaded our baggage near them, and
sent the men to clean the well, and wait the filling of the skins. We
had lighted a large fire. The nights were excessively cold, though the
thermometer was at 53°; and that cold occasioned me inexpressible pain
in my feet, now swelled to a monstrous size, and everywhere inflamed
and excoriated. I had taken upon me the charge of the baggage, and
Mahomet, Idris's young man, the care of the camels; but he too was
gone to the well, though expected to return immediately.
A doubt had arisen in my mind by the way, which was then giving me
great uneasiness. If Syene is under the same meridian with Alexandria,
(for so Eratosthenes conceived when he attempted to measure the
circumference of the earth), in this case, Alexandria being supposed
to lye in long. 30°, Syene must be in 30° likewise; but Gooz being
in 34°, it is impossible that Syene can be within a trifle north of
Gooz; and therefore we must have a much greater quantity of westing to
travel than Idris the Hybeer imagines, who places Syene a very little
west of the meridian of Gooz, or immediately under the same meridian,
and due north from it.
Our camels were always chained by the feet, and the chain secured by
a padlock, lest they should wander in the night, or be liable to be
stolen and carried off. Musing then upon the geographical difficulties
just mentioned, and gazing before me, without any particular intention
or suspicion, I heard the chain of the camels clink, as if somebody
was unloosing them, and then, at the end of the gleam made by the
fire, I saw distinctly a man pass swiftly by, stooping as he went
along, his face almost to the ground. A little time after this I
heard another clink of the chain, as if from a pretty sharp blow,
and immediately after a movement among the camels. I then rose, and
cried in a threatening tone, in Arabic, "I charge you on your life,
whoever you are, either come up to me directly, or keep at a distance
till day, but come that way no more; why should you throw your life
away?" In a minute after, he repassed in the shade among the trees,
pretty much in the manner he had done before. As I was on guard
between the baggage and the camels, I was consequently armed, and
advanced deliberately some steps, as far as the light of the fire
shone, on purpose to discover how many they were, and was ready to
fire upon the next I saw. "If you are an honest man, cried I aloud,
and want any thing, come up to the fire and fear not, I am alone;
but if you approach the camels or the baggage again, the world will
not be able to save your life, and your blood be upon your own head."
Mahomet, Idris's nephew, who heard me cry, came running up from the
well to see what was the matter. We went down together to where the
camels were, and, upon examination, found that the links of one of the
chains had been broke, but the opening not large enough to let the
corresponding whole link through to separate it. A hard blue stone
was driven through a link of one of the chains of another camel, and
left sticking there, the chain not being entirely broken through; we
saw, besides, the print of a man's feet on the sand. There was no need
to tell us after this that we were not to sleep that night; we made
therefore another fire on the other side of the camels with branches
of the acacia-tree, which we gathered. I then sent the man back to
Idris at the well, desiring him to fill his skins with water before
it was light, and transport them to the baggage where I was, and to
be all ready armed there by the dawn of day; soon after which, if the
Arabs were sufficiently strong, we were very certain they would attack
us. This agreed perfectly with Idris's ideas also, so that, contenting
themselves with a lesser quantity of water than they first intended
to have taken, they lifted the skins upon the camels I sent them, and
were at the rendezvous, near the baggage, a little after four in the
morning.
The Barbarins, and, in general, all the lower sort of Moors and Turks,
adorn their arms and wrists with amulets; these are charms, and are
some favourite verse of the Koran wrapt in paper, neatly covered with
Turkey leather. The two Barbarins that were with me had procured for
themselves new ones at Sennaar, which were to defend them from the
simoom and the sand, and all the dangers of the desert. That they
might not soil these in filling the water, they had taken them from
their arms, and laid them on the brink of the well before they went
down. Upon looking for these after the girbas were filled, they were
not to be found. This double attempt was an indication of a number of
people being in the neighbourhood, in which case our present situation
was one of the most desperate that could be figured. We were in the
middle of the most barren, inhospitable desert in the world, and it
was with the utmost difficulty that, from day to day, we could carry
wherewithal to assuage our thirst. We had with us the only bread it
was possible to procure for some hundred miles; lances and swords
were not necessary to destroy us, the bursting or tearing of a girba,
the lameness or death of a camel, a thorn or sprain in the foot which
might disable us from walking, were as certain death to us as a shot
from a cannon. There was no staying for one another; to lose time was
to die, because, with the utmost exertion our camels could make, we
scarce could carry along with us a scanty provision of bread and water
sufficient to keep us alive.
That desert, which did not afford inhabitants for the assistance or
relief of travellers, had greatly more than sufficient for destroying
them. Large tribes of Arabs, two or three thousand, encamped together,
were cantoned, as it were, in different places of this desert, where
there was water enough to serve their numerous herds of cattle, and
these, as their occasion required, traversed in parties all that wide
expanse of solitude, from the mountains near the Red Sea east, to the
banks of the Nile on the west, according as their several designs
or necessities required. These were Jaheleen Arabs, those cruel,
barbarous fanatics, that deliberately shed so much blood during the
time they were establishing the Mahometan religion. Their prejudices
had never been removed by any mixture of strangers, or softened by
society, even with their own nation after they were polished; but
buried, as it were, in these wild deserts, if they were not grown
more savage, they had at least preserved, in their full vigour, those
murdering principles which they had brought with them into that
country, under the brutal and inhuman butcher Kaled Ibn el Waalid,
impiously called _The Sword of God_. If it should be our lot to fall
among these people, and it was next to a certainty that we were at
that very instant surrounded by them, death was certain, and our only
comfort was, that we could die but once, and that to die like men was
in our own option. Indeed, without considering the bloody character
which these wretches naturally bear, there could be no reason for
letting us live: We could be of no service to them as slaves; and to
have sent us into Egypt, after having first rifled and destroyed our
goods, could not be done by them but at a great expence, to which
well-inclined people only could have been induced from charity, and
of that last virtue they had not even heard the name. Our only chance
then remaining was, that their number might be so small, that, by
our great superiority in fire-arms and in courage, we might turn the
misfortune upon the aggressors, deprive them of their camels and means
of carrying water, and leave them scattered in the desert, to that
death which either they or we, without alternative, must suffer.
I explained myself to this purpose, briefly to the people, on which
a great cry followed, "God is great! let them come!" Our arms were
perfectly in order, and our old Turk Ismael seemed to move about and
direct with the vigour of a young man. As we had no doubt they would
be mounted on camels, so we placed ourselves a little within the edge
of the trees. The embers of our two fires were on our front; our
tents, baggage, and boxes, on each side of us, between the opening of
the trees; our camels and water behind us, the camels being chained
together behind the water, and ropes at their heads, which were
tied to trees. A skin of water, and two wooden bowls beside it, was
left open for those that should need to drink. We had finished our
breakfast before day-break, and I had given all the men directions to
fire separately, not together, at the same set of people; and those
who had the blunderbusses to fire where they saw a number of camels
and men together, and especially at any camels they saw with girbas
upon them, or where there was the greatest confusion.
The day broke; no Arabs appeared; all was still. The danger which
occurred to our minds then was, left, if they were few, by tarrying
we should give them time to send off messengers to bring assistance.
I then took Ismael and two Barbarins along with me, to see who these
neighbours of ours could be. We soon traced in the sand the footsteps
of the man who had been at our camels; and, following them behind the
point of a rock, which seemed calculated for concealing thieves, we
saw two ragged, old, dirty tents, pitched with grass cords.
The two Barbarins entered one of them, and found a naked woman there.
Ismael and I ran briskly into the largest, where we saw a man and a
woman both perfectly naked, frightful, emaciated figures, not like the
inhabitants of this world. The man was partly sitting on his hams; a
child, seemingly of the age to suck, was on a rag at the corner, and
the woman looked as if she wished to hide herself. I sprung forward
upon the man, and, taking him by the hair of the head, pulled him upon
his back on the floor, setting my foot upon his breast, and pointing
my knife to his throat; I said to him sternly, "If you mean to pray,
pray quickly, for you have but this moment to live." The fellow was so
frightened, he scarce could beg us to spare his life; but the woman,
as it afterwards appeared, the mother of the sucking child, did not
seem to copy the passive disposition of her husband; she ran to the
corner of the tent, where was an old lance, with which, I doubt not,
she would have sufficiently distinguished herself, but it happened
to be entangled with the cloth of the tent, and Ismael felled her
to the ground with the butt-end of his blunderbuss, and wrested the
lance from her. A violent howl was set up by the remaining woman like
the cries of those in torment. "Tie them, said I, Ismael; keep them
separate, and carry them to the baggage till I settle accounts with
this camel-stealer, and then you shall strike their three heads off,
where they intended to leave us miserably to perish with hunger; but
keep them separate." While the Barbarins were tying the woman, the one
that was the nurse of the child turned to her husband, and said, in
a most mournful, despairing tone of voice, "Did I not tell you, you
would never thrive if you hurt that good man? did not I tell you this
would happen for murdering the Aga?"
Our people had come to see what had passed, and I sent the women
away, ordering them to be kept separate, out of the hearing of one
another, to judge if in their answers they did not prevaricate.
The woman desired to have her child with her, which I granted. The
little creature, instead of being frightened, crowed, and held out
its little hands as it passed me. We fastened the Arab with the chain
of the camels, and so far was well; but still we did not know how
near the Bishareen might be, nor who these were, nor whether they
had sent off any intelligence in the night. Until we were informed
of this, our case was little mended. Upon the man's appearing, all
my people declared, with one general voice, that no time was to be
lost, but that they should all be put to death as soon as the camels
were loaded, before we set out on our journey; and, indeed, at first
view of the thing, self-preservation, the first law of nature, seemed
strongly to require it. Hagi Ismael was so determined on the execution
that he was already seeking a knife sharper than his own. "We will
stay, Hagi Ismael, said I, till we see if this thief is a liar also.
If he prevaricates in the answers he gives to my questions, you shall
then cut his head off, and we will consign him with the lie in his
mouth, soul and body to hell, to his master whom he serves." Ismael
answered, "The truth is the truth; if he lies, he can deserve no
better."
The reader will easily understand the necessity of my speaking at
that moment in terms not only unusual for a Christian, but even in
any society or conversation; and if the ferocity and brutality of
the discourse should shock any, especially my fair readers, they will
remember, that these were intended for a good and humane purpose,
to produce fear in those upon whom we had no other tie, and thereby
extort a confession of the truth; which might answer two purposes,
the saving the effusion of their blood, and providing for our own
preservation. "You see, said I, placing the man upon his knees, your
time is short, the sword is now drawn which is to make an end of you,
take time, answer distinctly and deliberately, for the first trip
or lie that you make, is the last word that you will utter in this
world. Your wife shall have her fair chance likewise, and your child;
you and all shall go together, unless you tell me the naked truth.
Here, Ismael, stand by him, and take my sword, it is, I believe, the
sharpest in the company."
"Now I ask you, at your peril, Who was the good man your wife
reproached you with having murdered? where was it, and when, and who
were your accomplices?" He answered trembling, and indistinctly,
through fear, "It was a black, an Aga from Chendi." "Mahomet Towash,
says Ismael; Ullah Kerim! God is merciful!" "The same," says the
Bishareen. He then related the particulars of his death in the manner
in which I shall have occasion to state afterwards. "Where are the
Bishareen? continued I; where is Abou Bertran? how soon will a light
camel and messenger arrive where he now is?" "In less than two days;
perhaps, says he, in a day and a half, if he is very diligent and the
camel good." "Take care, said I, you are in danger. Where did you
and your women come from, and when?" "From Abou Bertran, says he; we
arrived here at noon on the 5th day[50], but the camels were all
she-camels; they are favourite camels of Shekh Seide; we drove them
softly; the two you saw at the tents are lame; besides there were
some others unsound; there were also women and children." "Where did
that party, and their camels, go to from this? and what number of men
was there with them?" "There were about three hundred camels of all
sorts, and about thirty men, all of them servants; some of them had
one lance, and some of them two; they had no shields or other arms."
"What did you intend last night to do with my camels?" "I intended
to have carried them, with the women and child, to join the party at
the Nile." "What must have become of me in that case? we must have
died?" He did not answer. "Take care, said I, the thing is now over,
and you are in my hands; take care what you say." "Why, certainly,
says he, you must have died, you could not live, you could not go
anywhere else." "If another party had found us here, in that case
would they have slain us?" He hesitated a little, then, as if he
recollected himself, said, "Yes, surely, they murdered the Aga, and
would murder any body that had not a Bishareen with them." A violent
cry of condemnation immediately followed. "Now attend and understand
me distinctly, said I, for upon these two questions hangs your life:
Do you know of any party of Bishareen who are soon to pass here, or
any wells to the north, and in what number? and have you sent any
intelligence since last night you saw us here?" He answered, with
more readiness than usual, "We have sent nobody anywhere; our camels
are lame; we were to follow, as soon as they could be able to travel,
to join those at the Nile. The parties of the Bishareen are always
passing here, sometimes more, sometimes less; they will not come till
they hear from the Nile whether the grass is grown. They have with
them two dromedaries, who will carry the news from the Nile in three
days, or they will come in small parties like the last, for they have
no fear in these parts. The wells to the north belong to the Ababdé.
When they pass by them with cattle they are always in great numbers,
and a Shekh along with them; but those wells are now so scanty they
have not water for any number, and they must therefore all pass this
way."
I got up, and called on Ismael. The poor fellow thought he was to die.
Life is sweet even to the most miserable. He was still upon his knees,
holding his hands clasped round the back of his neck, and already, I
suppose, thought he felt the edge of Ismael's knife. He swore that
every word he had spoken was truth; and if his wife was brought she
could not tell another story.
I thereupon left him, and went to his wife, who, when, she saw Hagi
Ismael with a drawn sword in his hand, thought all was over with her
husband, and fell into a violent fit of despair, crying out, "That
all the men were liars and murderers, but that she would have told
the truth if I had asked her first." "Then go, Hagi Ismael, said I,
tell them not to put him to death till I come, and now you have your
chance, which if you do not improve by telling the truth, I will first
slay your child with my own hand before your face, and then order
you all to be cruelly put to death together." She began with great
earnestness to say, "She could not tell who killed Mahomet Towash, for
she only heard it in conversation from her husband, who was there,
after he had come home." I then, word for word, put those questions
to her that I had done to her husband, and had precisely the same
answers. The only difference was, that she believed a party of the
Ababdé would pass Chiggre soon; but seeing me rise to go away, she
burst out into a flood of tears, and tore her hair in the most violent
excess of passion; shrieking out, to have mercy upon her, and pressing
the little child to her breast as if to take leave of it, then laying
it down before me, in great agony and bitterness of heart, she again
shrieked out, "If you are a Turk, make it a slave, but do not kill my
child, and spare my husband."
Though I understood Arabic well, I did not, till that day, know it
had such powers, or that it contained expressions at once so forcible
and so simple. I found myself so much moved, and my tears came so
fast, that it was in vain to endeavour to carry on a farce under such
tragical appearances, "Woman, said I, I am not a Turk, nor do I make
slaves, or kill children. It is your Arabs that force me to this;
it was you that attacked me last night, it was you that murdered
Mahomet Towash, one of your own religion, and busied in his duty. I
am a stranger, seeking my own safety, but you are all murderers and
thieves."--"It is true, says she, they are all murderers and liars,
and my husband, not knowing, may have lied too. Only let me hear what
he told you, and I will tell you whether it is truth or not." Day
was now advancing apace, and no resolution taken, whilst our present
situation was a very unsafe one. We carried the three prisoners
bound, and set George, the Greek, centinal over them. I then called
the people together.
I stated fairly, in a council held among ourselves, the horror of
slaughtering the women and child, or even leaving them to starve
with hunger by killing their camels, from whom they got their only
sustenance; for, though we should not stain our hands with their
blood, it was the same thing to leave them to perish: that we were
strangers, and had fallen upon them by accident, but they were in
their own country. On the contrary, suppose we only slew the man, any
of the women might mount a camel, and, travelling with diligence,
might inform the Bishareen, who would send a party and cut us off at
the next well, where we must pass, and where it would be impossible to
escape them. I must say, there was a considerable majority for sparing
the women and child, and not one but who willingly decreed the death
of the man, who had confessed he was endeavouring to steal our camels,
and that he intended to carry them to his party at the Nile; in which
case the loss of all our lives was certain, as we should have been
starved to death, or murdered by the Arabs.
The very recital of this attempt so enraged Hagi Ismael that he
desired he might have the preference in cutting off his head. The
Barbarins, too, were angry for the loss of their bracelets. Indeed
every one's opinion was, that the Arab should die, and especially
since the account of their behaviour to Mahomet Towash, whose death I,
for my own part, cannot say I thought myself under any obligation to
revenge. "Since you are differing in your opinions, and there is no
time to lose, said I, allow me to give you mine. It has appeared to
me, that often, since we began this journey, we have been preserved
by visible instances of God's protection, when we should have lost
our lives if we had gone by the rules of our own judgment only. We
are, it is true, of different religions, but all worship the same God.
Suppose the present case should be a trial, whether we trust really in
God's protection, or whether we believe our safety owing to our own
foresight and courage. If the man's life be now taken away, to-morrow
we may meet the Bishareen, and then we shall all reflect upon the
folly of our precaution. For my own part, my constant creed is, that
I am in God's hands, whether in the house or in the desert; and not
in those of the Bishareen, or of any lawless spoiler. I have a clear
conscience, and am engaged in no unlawful pursuit, seeking on foot my
way home, feeding on bread and water, and have done, nor design, wrong
to no man. We are well armed, are nine in number, and have twice as
many firelocks, many of these with double-barrels, and others of a
size never before seen by Arabs, armies of whom have been defeated
with fewer: we are ragged and tattered in our clothes, and no prize
to any one, nor do I think we shall be found a party of pleasure for
any set of wild young men, to leave their own homes, with javelins
and lances to way-lay us at the well for sport and diversion, since
gain and profit are out of the question. But this I declare to you,
if ever we meet these Arabs, if the ground is such as has been near
all the wells we have come to, I will fight the Bishareen boldly and
chearfully, without a doubt of beating them with ease. I do not say
my feelings would be the same if my conscience was loaded with that
most heinous and horrid crime, murder in cold blood; and therefore my
determination is to spare the life even of this man, and will oppose
his being put to death by every means in my power."
It was easy to see, that fear of their own lives only, and not
cruelty, was the reason they sought that of the Arab. They answered
me, two or three of them at once, "That it was all very well; what
should they do? should they give themselves up to the Bishareen, and
be murdered like Mahomet Towash? was there any other way of escaping?"
"I will tell you, then, since you ask me what you should do: You shall
follow the duty of self-defence and self-preservation, as far as you
can do it without a crime. You shall leave the women and the child
where they are, and with them the camels, to give them and their child
milk; you shall chain the husband's right hand to the left of some of
yours, and you shall each of you take him by turns till we shall carry
him into Egypt. Perhaps he knows the desert and the wells better than
Idris; and if he should not, still we have two Hybeers instead of one;
and who can foretell what may happen to Idris more than to any other
of us? But as he knows the stations of his people, and their courses
at particular seasons, that day we meet one Bishareen, the man that is
chained with him, and conducts him, shall instantly stab him to the
heart, so that he shall not see, much less triumph in, the success of
his treachery. On the contrary, if he is faithful, and informs Idris
where the danger is, and where we are to avoid it, keeping us rather
by scanty wells than abundant ones, on the day I arrive safely in
Egypt I will cloath him anew, as also his women, give him a good camel
for himself, and a load of dora for them all. As for the camels we
leave here, they are she-ones, and necessary to give the women food.
They are not lame, it is said, but we shall lame them in earnest, so
that they shall not be able to carry a messenger to the Bishareen
before they die with thirst in the way, both they and their riders, if
they should attempt it."
An universal applause followed this speech; Idris, above all, declared
his warmest approbation. The man and the women were sent for, and had
their sentence repeated to them. They all subscribed to the conditions
chearfully; and the woman declared she would as soon see her child die
as be an instrument of any harm befalling us, and that, if a thousand
Bishareen should pass, she knew how to mislead them all, and that none
of them should follow us till we were far out of danger.
I sent two Barbarins to lame the camels effectually, but not so as to
make them past recovery. After which, for the nurse and the child's
sake, I took twelve handfuls of the bread which was our only food,
and indeed we could scarecly spare it, as we saw afterwards, and left
it to this miserable family, with this agreeable reflection, however,
that we should be to them in the end a much greater blessing than in
the beginning we had been an affliction, provided only they kept their
faith, and on their part deserved it.
On the 20th, at eleven o'clock we left the well at Terfowey, after
having warned the women, that their chance of seeing their husband
again depended wholly upon his and their faithful conduct. We took
our prisoner with us, his right hand being chained to the left of one
of the Barbarins. We had no sooner got into the plain than we felt
great symptoms of the simoom, and about a quarter before twelve, our
prisoner first, and then Idris, cried out, The Simoom! the Simoom!
My curiosity would not suffer me to fall down without looking behind
me. About due south, a little to the east, I saw the coloured haze
as before. It seemed now to be rather less compressed, and to have
with it a shade of blue. The edges of it were not defined as those
of the former, but like a very thin smoke, with about a yard in the
middle tinged with those colours. We all fell upon our faces, and
the simoom passed with a gentle rustling wind. It continued to blow
in this manner till near three o'clock, so we were all taken ill
that night, and scarcely strength was left us to load the camels and
arrange the baggage. This day one of our camels died, partly famished,
partly overcome with extreme fatigue, so that, incapable as we were of
labour, we were obliged, for self-preservation's sake, to cut off thin
slices of the fleshy part of the camel, and hang it in so many thongs
upon the trees all night, and after upon the baggage, the sun drying
it immediately, so as to prevent putrefaction.
At half past eight in the evening we alighted at a well called
Naibey, in a bare, sandy plain, where there were a few straggling
acacia-trees. We had all this day seen large blocks of fossile salt
upon the surface of the earth where we trod. This was the cause, I
suppose, that both the spring at Terfowey, and now this of Naibey,
were brackish to the taste, and especially that of Naibey. We found
near the well the corpse of a man and two camels upon the ground. It
was apparently long ago that this accident happened, for the moisture
of the camel was so exhaled that it seemed to weigh but a very few
pounds; no vermin had touched it, as in this whole desert there is
neither worm, fly, nor any thing that has the breath of life.
On the 21st, at six in the morning, having filled the girbas with
water, we set out from Naibey, our direction due north, and, as we
thought, in a course almost straight upon Syene. The first hour of
our journey was through sharp-pointed rocks, which it was very easy
to foresee would very soon finish our camels. About eight we had a
view of the desert to the westward as before, and saw the sands had
already begun to rise in immense twisted pillars, which darkened the
heavens. The rising of these in the morning so early, we began now to
observe, was a sure sign of a hot day, with a brisk wind at north; and
that heat, and the early rising of the sands, was as sure a sign of
its falling calm about mid-day, and its being followed by two hours of
the poisonous wind. That last consideration was what made the greatest
impression, for we had felt its effects; it had filled us with fear,
and absorbed the last remnant of our strength; whereas the sand,
though a destruction to us if it had involved us in its compass, had
as yet done us no other harm than terrifying us the first days we had
seen it.
It was this day more magnificent than any we had as yet seen. The sun
shining through the pillars, which were thicker, and contained more
sand apparently than any of the preceding days, seemed to give those
nearest us an appearance as if spotted with stars of gold. I do not
think at any time they seemed to be nearer than two miles. The most
remarkable circumstance was, that the sand seemed to keep in that vast
circular space surrounded by the Nile on our left, in going round by
Chaigie towards Dongola, and seldom was observed much to the eastward
of a meridian, passing along the Nile through the Magiran, before it
takes that turn; whereas the simoom was always on the opposite side of
our course, coming upon us from the south-east.
A little before twelve our wind at north ceased, and a considerable
quantity of fine sand rained upon us for an hour afterwards. At the
time it appeared, the description of this phænomenon in Syphax's
speech to Cato was perpetually before my mind:--
So, where our wide Numidian wastes extend,
Sudden th' impetuous hurricanes descend,
Wheel through the air, in circling eddies play,
Tear up the sands, and sweep whole plains away.
The helpless traveller, with wild surprise, }
Sees the dry desert all around him rise, }
And smother'd in the dusty whirlwind dies. }
ADDISON.
These lines are capital, and are a fine copy, which can only appear
tame by the original having been before our eyes, painted by the great
master, the Creator and Ruler of the world.
The simoom, with the wind at S. E. immediately follows the wind at
N. and the usual despondency that always accompanied it. The blue
meteor, with which it began, passed over us about twelve, and the
rustling wind that followed it continued till near two. Silence, and a
desperate kind of indifference about life, were the immediate effects
upon us; and I began now, seeing the condition of my camels, to fear
we were all doomed to a sandy grave, and to contemplate it with some
degree of resignation. At half past eight in the evening we alighted
in a sandy flat, where there was great store of bent grass and trees
which had a considerable degree of verdure, a circumstance much in
favour of our camels. We determined to stop here to give them an
opportunity of eating their fill where they could find it.
On the 22d, at six o'clock we set out from the sandy flat, and one of
the Tucorory was seized with a phrenzy or madness. At first I took
it for a fit of the epilepsy, by the distortions of his face, but it
was soon seen to be of a more serious nature. Whether he had been
before afflicted with it I know not. I offered to bleed him, which he
refused; neither, though we gave him water, would he drink, but very
moderately. He rolled upon the ground, and moaned, often repeating two
or three words which I did not understand. He refused to continue his
journey, or rise from where he lay, so that we were obliged to leave
him to his fortune. We went this day very diligently, not remarkably
slow nor fast; but though our camels, as we thought, had fared well
for these two nights, another of them died about four o'clock this
afternoon, when we came to Umarack.
I here began to provide for the worst. I saw the fate of our camels
approaching, and that our men grew weak in proportion; our bread, too,
began to fail us, altho' we had plenty of camels flesh in its stead;
our water, though in all appearance we were to find it more frequently
than in the beginning of our journey, was nevertheless brackish, and
scarce served the purpose to quench our thirst; and, above all, the
dreadful simoom had perfectly exhausted our strength, and brought
upon us a degree of cowardice and languor that we struggled with in
vain; I therefore, as the last effort, began to throw away every thing
weighty I could spare, or that was not absolutely necessary, such as
all shells, fossiles, minerals, and petrefactions that I could get at,
the counter-cases of my quadrant, telescopes, and clock, and several
suchlike things.
Our camels were now reduced to five, and it did not seem that these
were capable of continuing their journey much longer. In that case,
no remedy remained, but that each man should carry his own water and
provisions. Now, as no one man could carry the water he should use
between well and well, and it was more than probable that distance
would be doubled by some of the wells being found dry; and if that
was not the case, yet, as it was impossible for a man to carry his
provisions who could not walk without any burden at all, our situation
seemed to be most desperate.
The Bishareen alone seemed to keep up his strength, and was in
excellent spirits. He had attached himself, in a particular manner,
to me, and with a part of that very scanty rag which he had round
his waist he had made a wrapper, very artificially, according to the
manner his countrymen the Bishareen practice on such occasions. This
had greatly defended my feet in the day, but the pain occasioned by
the cold in the night was really scarce sufferable. I offered to free
him from the confinement of his left hand, which was chained to some
one of the company night and day; but he very sensibly refused it,
saying, "Unchain my hands when you load and unload your camels, I
cannot then run away from you; for tho' you did not shoot me, I should
starve with hunger and thirst; but keep me to the end of the journey
as you began with me, then I cannot misbehave, and lose the reward
which you say you are to give me."
At forty minutes past three o'clock we saw large stratas of fossile
salt everywhere upon the surface of the ground. At five we found the
body of Mahomet Towash, on the spot where he had been murdered, stript
naked, and lying on his face unburied. The wound in the back-sinew of
his leg was apparent; he was, besides, thrust through the back with a
lance, and had two wounds in the head with swords. We followed some
footsteps in the sand to the right, and there saw three other bodies,
whom Idris knew to be his principal servants. These, it seemed, had
taken to their arms upon the Aga's being first wounded, and the
cowardly, treacherous Bishareens had persuaded them to capitulate upon
promise of giving them camels and provision to carry them into Egypt,
after which they had murdered them behind these rocks.
At six o'clock we alighted at Umarack, so called from a number of
rack-trees that grow there, and which seem to affect a saltish soil;
at Raback and Masuah I had seen them growing in the sea. When I
ordered a halt at Umarack, the general cry was, to travel all night,
so that we might be at a distance from that dangerous, unlucky spot.
The sight of the men murdered, and fear of the like fate, had got
the better of their other sensations. In short, there was nothing
more visible, than that their apprehensions were of two sorts, and
produced very different operations. The simoom, the stalking pillars
of sand, and probability of dying with thirst or hunger, brought on a
torpor, or indifference, that made them inactive; but the discovery
of the Arab at Terfowey, the fear of meeting the Bishareen at the
wells, and the dead bodies of the Aga and his unfortunate companions,
produced a degree of activity and irritation that resembled very much
their spirits being elevated by good news. I told them, that, of all
the places in the desert through which they had passed, this was by
far the safest, because fear of being met by troops from Assouan,
seeking the murderers of Mahomet Towash would keep all the Bishareen
at a distance. Our Arab said, that the next well belonged to the
Ababdé, and not the Bishareen, and that the Bishareen had slain the
Aga there, to make men believe it had been done by the Ababdé. Idris
contributed his morsel of comfort, by assuring us, that the wells now,
as far as Egypt, were so scanty of water, that no party above ten men
would trust their provision to them, and none of us had the least
apprehension from marauders of twice that number. The night at Umarack
was excessively cold as to sensation; Fahrenheit's thermometer was
however at 49° an hour before day-light.
On the 23d we left Umarack at six o'clock in the morning, our road
this day being between mountains of blue stones of a very fine and
perfect quality, through the heart of which ran thick veins of
jasper, their strata perpendicular to the horizon. There were other
mountains of marble of the colour called Isabella. In other places
the rock seemed composed of petrified wood, such as we had seen in
the mountains near Cosseir. At a quarter past eleven, going due N. we
entered a narrow valley, in which we passed two wells on our left, and
following the windings through this valley, all of deep sand, we came
to a large pool of excellent water, called Umgwat, sheltered from the
rays of the sun by a large rock which projected over it, the upper
part of which was shaped like a wedge, and was composed all of green
marble, without the smallest variety or spot of other colour in it.
Through this whole valley, to-day, we had seen the bodies of the
Tucorory who had followed Mahomet Towash, and been scattered by
the Bishareen, and left to perish with thirst there. None of them,
however, as far as we could observe, had ever reached this well. In
the water we found a bird of the duck kind called Teal, or Widgeon.
The Turk Ismael was preparing to shoot at it with his blunderbuss, but
I desired him to refrain, being willing, by its flight, to endeavour
to judge something of the nearness of the Nile. We raised it therefore
by sudden repeated cries, which method was likely to make it seek
its home straight, and abandon a place it must have been a stranger
to. The bird flew straight west, rising as he flew, a sure proof
his journey was a long one, till at last, being very high and at a
distance, he vanished from our sight, without descending or seeking to
approach the earth; from which I drew an unpleasant inference that we
were yet far from the Nile, as was really the case.
Here we threw away the brackish water that remained in our girbas,
and filled them with the wholesome element drawn from this pool of
Umgwat. I could not help reproaching Idris with the inaccuracy of the
information he had pretended to give us the day before, that no party
above ten men could meet us at any of these wells, as none of them
could supply water for more; whereas in this pool there was certainly
enough of excellent water to serve a whole tribe of Arabs for a month.
He had little to say, further than that Haimer, though near, was a
scanty well, and perhaps we should not find water there at all. He
trusted, however, if our people would take heart, we were out of all
danger from Arabs, or any thing else.
At a quarter past three we left the well, and continued along a sandy
valley, which is called Waadi Umgwat. This night it was told me that
Georgis, and the Turk Ismael, were both so ill, and so desponding,
that they had resolved to pursue the journey no farther, but submit to
their destiny, as they called it, and stay behind and die. It was with
the utmost difficulty I could get them to lay aside this resolution,
and the next morning I promised they should ride by turns upon one
of the camels, a thing that none of us had yet attempted. They had,
indeed, often desired me to do so, but I well knew, if I had set them
that example, besides destroying the camels, it would have had the
very worst effect upon their dastardly spirits; and, indeed, we very
soon saw the bad effects of this humane consideration for the two
invalids.
On the 24th, at half past six in the morning we left Umgwat, following
the windings of sandy valleys between stony hills. At half past nine
we found Mahomet Aga's horse dead. The poor creature seemed, without
a guide, to have followed exactly enough the tract of the wells and
way to Egypt, and had survived all his fellow-travellers. At eleven
o'clock we came to some plains of loose, moving sand, and saw some
pillars in motion, which had not wind to sustain them for any time,
and which gave us, therefore, little concern. At one we alighted near
the well Mour, which was to the N. E. of us. At four we left the well
Mour: At forty minutes after four passed the well itself, which was
then dry; and at a quarter past six we found a dead man, whose corpse
was quite dry, and had been so a considerable time. At seven o'clock
in the evening we alighted at El Haimer, where are the two wells in a
large plain of sand. The water is good. There is another well to the
west of us, but it is bitter and saltish, though more abundant than
either of the other two, which, by filling our skins, we had several
times drained.
On the 25th, at half past seven in the morning we left the well El
Haimer, and at ten o'clock alighted among some acacia-trees, our
camels having ate nothing all night, except the dry bitter roots of
that drug, the senna. While we were attending the camels, and resting
ourselves on the grass, we were surprised at the appearance of a troop
of Arabs all upon camels, who looked like a caravan, each camel having
a small loading behind him. They had two gentle ascents before they
could arrive at the place where we were. The road is between two sandy
hills, at the back of which our camels were feeding in a wood; and
near the road was the well El Haimer, where our skins were lying full
of water. It was necessary then to understand one another before we
allowed them to pass between the sandy hills. Upon the first alarm,
my people all repaired to me, bringing their arms in their hands,
as well those that they carried upon them, as the spare arms, all of
which were primed and charged.
The first question was, what to do with the Bishareen? None of us had
any suspicion of him. We unchained him from the Barbarin, and fastened
his other hand, then gave him to the Tucorory, and made them stand
behind to increase the appearance of our number. I then advanced to
the edge of the hill, and cried out with a loud voice, "Stop! for
you cannot pass here." Whether they understood it I do not know, but
they still persisted in mounting the hill. I again cried, shewing
my firelock, "Advance a step farther and I'll fire." After a short
pause they all dismounted from their camels, and one of them, with
his lance in his hand, came forward till within twenty yards, upon
which Idris immediately knew them, and said, they were Ababdé. "Ababdé
or not, said I, they are seventeen men, and Arabs, and I am not of a
disposition, without further surety, to put myself in their hands as
Mahomet Aga did. I am sure they are perfectly in our power now, as
long as they stand where they are." Idris then told me that he was
married to one of the Ababdè of Shekh Ammer, and he would go and get
a sure word from them. Tell them from me, said I, that I, too, am the
friend of Nimmer their Shekh, and his two sons, and of Shekh Hammam
of Furshout; that I am going into Egypt, have been followed by the
Bishareen, and trust nobody; have twenty men armed with firelocks, and
will do them no harm, provided they consent to pass, one by one, and
give a man for a hostage.
Idris, without arms, having joined the man who had advanced towards
us, went down with him to the body of strangers, and the treaty was
soon agreed to. Two of the principal men among them approaching me
without their lances, and the compliment of peace, "Salam Alicum! and
Alicum Salam!" was given and returned by both sides. They seemed,
however, startled at seeing the Bishareen with both his hands chained;
but I told them, that had no regard to them, and desired Idris to
order their camels to go on; and one of the Barbarins in the meantime
brought them a gourd full of water, and bread, for eating together is
like pledging your faith. They had not heard of the fate of Mahomet
Aga, and seemed very ill-pleased at it, saying, that Abou Bertran
was a thief and a murderer. All the camels being past, I asked them
whither they were going? They said to Atbieh, west of Terfowey, to
gather senna for the government of Cairo. I would very fain have had
them to sell or exchange with me a couple of camels. They said theirs
were not strong; that before they could reach home they would be much
in the same condition with our own; that they were obliged to load
them very heavily, as indeed the bags they had behind them to carry
the senna seemed to indicate their profit was but small, so that the
death of one camel was a most serious loss.
I thought myself obliged in humanity to introduce our prisoner to the
two Ababdé that had remained with us. They said, they intended to take
water at Terfowey, and we told them briefly the accident by which we
came in company with the Bishareen. They, on the contrary, thought
that we had been a party of soldiers from Assouan who apprehended the
Arab. Immediately after which they conversed in the language of Beja,
which is that of the Habab, Suakem, and Masuah. I told them plainly,
that, though I knew that language, I would not suffer them to speak
any but Arabic, understood by us all. They immediately complied, and
then inquired about the position of Abou Bertran and his tribe of
Bishareen. This, too, I would not suffer the Arab to inform them of,
but charged them, as he did also, to tell his wives that he was well,
and ate and drank as we had done, and was within two days of arriving
at Assouan, whence he should be returned to them with the rewards
promised. I then desired him to lay a lance in a manner that the point
should be towards Syene, which they accordingly did, and with a long
needle of 12 inches in a brass box, having an arch of a few degrees
marked on it, I, with the utmost attention, took the direction from
Haimer to Syene N. N. W. or more northerly. I would very willingly
have had it in my power to have made an observation of latitude, but
noon was past; I contented myself, therefore, with keeping my route as
distinctly as possible till the evening.
At 40 minutes past one o'clock we left Haimer, and our friends, the
Ababdé, continued their route, after giving us great praise, as well
for our civility, as our keeping the watch like men, as they expressed
it. At half past eight we alighted at Abou Ferege, a place where there
was very little verdure of any kind. Here, for the first time on our
journey, we met with a cloudy sky, which effectually disappointed my
observation of latitude; but every noon and night I described, in a
rough manner, my course through the day, carrying always a compass,
with a needle about five inches radius, round my neck, by a lace, and
resting in my pocket. I thus found that we had kept the line directly
upon Syene, which the Ababdé Arab had shewed us.
On the 26th, at half after six in the morning we set out from Abou
Ferege, continuing nearly in the same direction upon Syene till eleven
o'clock, when, for the purpose of observation only, I alighted at
a place called Abou Heregi, without water, grass, or food for our
camels. We were exceedingly averse to exertions, and became so weak
and spiritless, that it was not possible to prevail upon our people
to take the large quadrant out of its chest to put it together, and
prepare it for observation. I therefore took a Hadley's quadrant, with
a mixture I had made, which served me better than quick-silver, and
made my observation by reflection at Abou Heregi, and found it in lat.
23°, from which I inferred, with some degree of comfort to myself,
that the longitude of Syene in the French maps is ill laid down, and
that we were now in the direction upon Syene, had no westing to run
down, but the journey must finish in a very few days.
At two o'clock in the afternoon we left Abou Heregi, and at four had
an unexpected entertainment, which filled our hearts with a very
short-lived joy. The whole plain before us seemed thick-covered with
green grass and yellow daisies. We advanced to the place with as
much speed as our lame condition would suffer us, but how terrible
was our disappointment, when we found the whole of that verdure to
consist in senna and coloquintida, the most nauseous of plants, and
the most incapable of being substituted as food for man or beast.
At nine o'clock in the evening we alighted at Saffieha, which is a
ridge of craggy mountains to the S. E. and N. W. The night here
was immoderately cold, and the wind north. We were now very near a
crisis, one way or the other. Our bread was consumed, so that we had
not sufficient for one day more; and though we had camels flesh, yet,
by living so long on bread and water, an invincible repugnance arose
either to smell or taste it. As our camels were at their last gasp, we
had taken so sparingly of water, that, when we came to divide it, we
found it insufficient for our necessities, if Syene was even so near
as we conceived it to be.
Georgis had lost one eye, and was nearly blind in the other. Ismael
and he had both become so stiff by being carried, that they could
not bear to set their feet to the ground; and I may say for myself,
that, though I had supported the wounds in my feet with a patience
very uncommon, yet they were arrived at that height as to be perfectly
intolerable, and, as I apprehended, on the point of mortification. The
bandage, which the Bishareen had tied about the hollow of my foot, was
now almost hidden by the flesh swelling over it. Three large wounds on
the right foot, and two on the left, continued open, whence a quantity
of lymph oozed continually. It was also with the utmost difficulty
we could get out the rag, by cutting it to shreds with scissars. The
tale is both unpleasant and irksome. Two soles which remained from
our sandals, the upper leathers of which had gone to pieces in the
sand near Gooz, were tied with a cotton cloth very adroitly by the
Bishareen. But it seemed impossible that I could walk further, even
with this assistance, and therefore we determined to throw away the
quadrant, telescopes, and time-keeper, and save our lives, by riding
the camels alternately. But Providence had already decreed that
we should not terminate this dangerous journey by our own ordinary
foresight and contrivance, but owe it entirely to his visible support
and interposition.
On the 27th, at half past five in the morning we attempted to raise
our camels at Saffieha by every method that we could devise, but all
in vain, only one of them could get upon his legs, and that one did
not stand two minutes till he kneeled down, and could never be raised
afterwards. This the Arabs all declared to be the effects of cold;
and yet Fahrenheit's thermometer, an hour before day, stood at 42°.
Every way we turned ourselves death now stared us in the face. We had
neither time nor strength to waste, nor provisions to support us. We
then took the small skins that had contained our water, and filled
them as far as we thought a man could carry them with ease; but after
all these shifts, there was not enough to serve us three days, at
which I had estimated our journey to Syene, which still however was
uncertain. Finding, therefore, the camels would not rise, we killed
two of them, and took so much flesh as might serve for the deficiency
of bread, and, from the stomach of each of the camels, got about
four gallons of water, which the Bishareen Arab managed with great
dexterity. It is known to people conversant with natural history,
that the camel has within him reservoirs in which he can preserve
drink for any number of days he is used to. In those caravans, of long
course, which come from the Niger across the desert of Selima, it is
said that each camel, by drinking, lays in a store of water that will
support him for forty days. I will by no means be a voucher of this
account, which carries with it an air of exaggeration; but fourteen
or sixteen days, it is well known, an ordinary camel will live, though
he hath no fresh supply of water. When he chews the cud, or when he
eats, you constantly see him throw, from this repository, mouthfuls
of water to dilute his food; and nature has contrived this vessel
with such properties, that the water within it never putrifies, nor
turns unwholesome. It was indeed vapid, and of a bluish cast, but had
neither taste nor smell.
The small remains of our miserable stock of black bread and dirty
water, the only support we had hitherto lived on amidst the burning
sands, and our spirits likewise, were exhausted by an uncertainty
of our journey's end. We were surrounded among those terrible and
unusual phænomena of nature which Providence, in mercy to the
weakness of his creatures, has concealed far from their sight in
deserts almost inaccessible to them. Nothing but death was before
our eyes; and, in these terrible moments of pain, suffering, and
despair, honour, instead of relieving me, suggested still what was to
be an augmentation to my misfortune; the feeling this produced fell
directly upon me alone, and every other individual of the company was
unconscious of it.
The drawings made at Palmyra and Baalbec for the king, were, in
many parts of them, not advanced farther than the outlines, which I
had carried with me, that, if leisure or confinement should happen,
I might finish them during my travels in case of failure of other
employment, so far at least, that, on my return through Italy, they
might be in a state of receiving further improvement, which might
carry them to that perfection I have since been enabled to conduct
them. These were all to be thrown away, with other not less valuable
papers, and, with my quadrant, telescopes, and time-keeper, abandoned
to the rude and ignorant hands of robbers, or to be buried in the
sands. Every memorandum, every description, sketch, or observation
since I departed from Badjoura and passed the desert to Cosseir, till
I reached the present spot, were left in an undigested heap, with our
carrion-camels, at Saffieha, while there remained with me, in lieu of
all my memoranda, but this mournful consideration, that I was now to
maintain the reality of these my tedious perils, with those who either
did, or might affect, from malice and envy, to doubt my veracity upon
my _ipse dixit_ alone, or abandon the reputation of the travels which
I had made with so much courage, labour, danger, and difficulty, and
which had been considered as desperate and impracticable to accomplish
for more than 2000 years.
I would be understood not to mean by this, that my thoughts were at
such a time in the least disturbed with any reflection on the paltry
lies that might be propagated in malignant circles, which has each
its idol, and who, meeting, as they say, for the advancement of
learning, employ themselves in blasting the fame of those who must be
allowed to have surpassed them in every circumstance of intrepidity,
forethought, and fair achievement. The censure of these lion-faced and
chicken-hearted critics never entered as an ingredient in my sorrows
on that occasion in the sadness of my heart; if I had not possessed
a share of spirit enough to despise these, the smallest trouble that
occurred in my travels must have overcome a mind so feebly armed. My
sorrows were of another kind, that I should, of course, be deprived
of a considerable part of an offering I meant as a mark of duty to
my sovereign, that, with those that knew and esteemed me, I should
be obliged to run in debt for the credit of a whole narrative of
circumstances, which ought, from their importance to history and
geography, to have a better foundation than the mere memory of any
man, considering the time and variety of events which they embraced;
and, above all, I may be allowed to say, I felt for my country, that
chance alone, in this age of discovery, had robbed her of the fairest
garland of this kind she ever was to wear, which all her fleets, full
of heroes and men of science, in all the oceans they might be destined
to explore, were incapable of replacing upon her brow. These sad
reflections were mine, and confined to myself. Luckily my companions
were no sharers in them; they had already, in their own sufferings,
much more than their little stock of fortitude, philosophy, or
education enabled them to bear.
About three o'clock in the afternoon of the 27th we saw two kites, or
what are called Haddaya, very numerous in Egypt; about a quarter of an
hour afterwards, another of the same sort, known to be carrion-birds,
probably going in search of the dead camels. I could not conceal my
joy at what I regarded as a happy omen. We went five hours and a half
this day, and at night came to Waadi el Arab, where are the first
trees we had seen since we left El Haimer.
On the 28th, at half past seven in the morning we left Waadi el
Arab, and entered into a narrow defile, with rugged, but not high
mountains on each side. About twelve o'clock we came to a few trees
in the bed of a torrent. Ill as I was, after refreshing myself with
my last bread and water, I set out in the afternoon to gain a rising
ground, that I might see, if possible, what was to the westward; for
the mountains seemed now rocky and high like those of the Kennouss
near Syene. I arrived, with great difficulty and pain, on the top of
a moderate hill, but was exceedingly disappointed at not seeing the
river to the westward; however, the vicinity of the Nile was very
evident, by the high, uniform mountains that confine its torrent when
it comes out of Nubia. The evening was still, so that sitting down
and covering my eyes with my hands, not to be diverted by external
objects, I listened and heard distinctly the noise of waters, which I
supposed to be the cataract, but it seemed to the southward of us, as
if we had passed it. I was, however, fully satisfied that it was the
Nile.
Just before I left my station the sun was already low, when I saw a
flock of birds, which, in Syria, where they are plenty, are called
the Cow Bird. In Egypt they are also numerous upon the Nile, but I
do not know their name. They are a small species of the heron, about
a third of the size of the common one, milk-white, having a tuft of
flesh-coloured feathers upon their breast, of a coarser, stronger,
and more hairy-like quality than the shorter feathers. A flock of
these birds was flying in a straight line, very low, evidently seeking
food along the banks of the river. It was not an hour for birds to
go far from their home, nor does this bird feed at a distance from
its accustomed haunt at any time. Satisfied then that, continuing our
course N. W. we should arrive at or below Syene, I returned to join my
companions, but it was now dark, and I found Idris and the Barbarins
in some pain, endeavouring to trace me by my footsteps.
I communicated to them this joyful news, which was confirmed by Idris,
though he did not himself know the just distance from this place (Abou
Seielat) as his usual way had been to Daroo, not to Assouan, which he
did not choose to approach, for fear of the vexations from the Turkish
garrison. A cry of joy followed this annunciation. Christians, Moors,
and Turks, all burst into floods of tears, kissing and embracing one
another, and thanking God for his mercy in this deliverance, and
unanimously in token of their gratitude, and acknowledgment of my
constant attention to them in the whole of this long journey; saluting
me with the name of Abou Ferege, Father Foresight, the only reward it
was in their power to give.
On the 29th, at seven o'clock in the morning we left Abou Seielat;
about nine, we saw the palm trees at Assouan, and a quarter before ten
arrived in a grove of palm-trees on the north of that city.
CHAP. XIII.
_Kind reception at Assouan--Arrival at Cairo--Transactions with
the Bey there--Land at Marseilles._
Without congratulating one another on their escape and safe arrival,
as they had the night before at Abou Seielat, my companions with
one accord ran to the Nile to drink; though they had already seen,
in the course of the journey, two or three tragical instances, the
consequences of intemperance in drinking water. I sat myself down
under the shade of the palm-trees, to recollect myself. It was very
hot, and I fell into a profound sleep. But Hagi Ismael, who was
neither sleepy nor thirsty, but exceedingly hungry, had gone into the
town in search of somebody that would give him food. He was not gone
far before his green turban and ragged appearance struck some brethren
janizaries, who met him; one of whom asked him the reason of his being
there, and whence he came? Ismael, in a violent passion, and broken
Arabic, said, that he was a janizary of Cairo, was last come from
hell, where there was not one devil, but thousands, from a country of
Kafrs that called themselves Mussulmen; that he had walked through a
desert where the earth was on fire and the wind was flame, and in fear
of dying every day with thirst and hunger.
The soldier who heard him talk in this disjointed, raving manner,
desired him to go with him to the Aga. This was the very thing that
Ismael wanted. He only desired time to acquaint his companions. "Have
you companions, says the soldier, from such a country?"--"Companions!
says Ismael; what the devil! do you imagine I came this journey
alone?"--"If the journey, says the man, is such as you describe
it, I do not think many would go with you; well, go along with my
companions, and I will seek yours, but how shall I find them?"--"Go,
says Ismael, to the palm-trees, and when you find the tallest man
you ever saw in your life, more ragged and dirty than I am, call him
Yagoube, and desire him to come along with you to the Aga."
The soldier accordingly found me still sitting at the root of the
palm-tree. The servants, who had now satisfied their thirst, and were
uncertain what was next to be done, were sitting together at some
distance from me. They began to feel their own weariness, and were
inclined to leave me to a little repose, which they hoped might enable
me to overcome mine. For my own part, a dullness and insensibility,
an universal relaxation of spirits which I cannot describe, a kind
of stupor, or palsy of the mind, had overtaken me, almost to a
deprivation of understanding. I found in myself a kind of stupidity,
and want of power to reflect upon what had passed. I seemed to be,
as if awakened from a dream when the senses are yet half asleep, and
we only begin to doubt whether what has before passed in thoughts is
real or not. The dangers that I was just now delivered from made no
impression upon my mind, and what more and more convinces me I was
for a time not in my perfect senses, is, that I found in myself a
hard-heartedness, without the least inclination to be thankful for
that signal deliverance which I had just now experienced.
From this stupor I was awakened by the arrival of the soldier, who
cried out to us at some distance, "You must come to the Aga to the
castle, all of you, as fast as you can, the Turk is gone before you."
"It will not be very fast, if we even should do that, said I; the Turk
has ridden two days on a camel, and I have walked on foot, and do not
know at present if I can walk at all." I endeavoured, at the same
time, to rise and stand upright, which I did not succeed in, after
several attempts, without great pain and difficulty. I observed the
soldier was in a prodigious astonishment at my appearance, habit, and
above all, at my distress. "We shall get people in town, says he, to
assist you, and if you cannot walk, the Aga will send you a mule."
The Turk and the Greeks were cloathed much in the same manner; Ismael
and Michael had in their hands two monstrous blunderbusses. The whole
town crowded after us while we walked to the castle, and could not
satiate themselves with admiring a company of such an extraordinary
appearance. The Aga was struck dumb upon our entering the room, and
told me afterwards, that he thought me a full foot taller than any
man he had ever seen in his life. I saw he was embarrassed whether
he should desire me to sit down or not, so that I saved him the
deliberation, by saying, immediately after saluting him, "Sir, you
will excuse me, I must sit." He bowed, and made a sign, complacently
asking me, "Are you a Turk? Are you a Mussulman?" "I am not a Turk,
said I, nor am I a Mussulman; I am an Englishman, and bearer of the
grand signior's firman to all his subjects, and of letters from the
regency of Cairo, and from the Porte of Janizaries, to you." "Caz
Dangli, says Ismael, they are the same as Turks, they came first from
Anatolia, I have been at the place." Upon my mentioning the grand
signior, the Aga got upon his feet, and, without heeding Ismael's
speech, said, very politely, "Do you choose to have your servants
sit?" "In such a disastrous journey as I have made, Sir, said I, our
servants must be our companions; besides, they have a strong excuse
for sitting, neither they nor I have a foot to stand upon."
_Aga._ "Where are those letters and firman?" _Ya._ "Where they may
be now I know not, we left them at Saffieha with all the rest of our
baggage; our camels died, our provisions and water were exhausted, we
therefore left every thing behind us, and made this one effort to save
our lives. It is the first favour I am to ask of you, when I shall
have rested myself two days, to allow me to get fresh camels, to go in
search of my letters and baggage." _Aga._ "God forbid I should ever
suffer you to do so mad an action. You are come hither by a thousand
miracles, and after this, will you tempt God and go back? we shall
take it for granted what those papers contain. You will have no need
of a firman between this and Cairo." _Ya._ "We shall leave it upon
that footing for the present, allow me only to say, I am a servant
of the king of England, travelling, by his order, and for my own and
my countrymen's information; that I had rather risk my life twenty
times, than lose the papers I have left in the desert." _Aga._ "Go
in peace, and eat and sleep. Carry them, says he, speaking to his
attendants, to the house of the Schourbatchie." Thus ended our first
interview with the Aga, who put us in possession of a very good house,
and it happened to be the very man to whom I was recommended by my
correspondents at Cairo when I was first here, who had absolutely
forgotten, but soon remembered me, as did many others, but my old
friend the Aga had been changed, and was then at Cairo.
We were not long arrived before we received from the Aga about fifty
loaves of fine wheat bread, and several large dishes of drest meat.
But the smell of these last no sooner reached me than I fainted upon
the floor. I made several trials afterwards, with no better success,
for the first two days, nor could I reconcile myself to any sort of
food but toasted bread and coffee. My servants had none of these
qualms, for they partook largely and greedily of the Aga's bounty.
I had kept the house five or six days after my arrival, during which
I corresponded with the Aga only by messages, and from my servant who
had passed between us he had learned the whole of our adventures. I
then went to the castle for an audience, and intreated the Aga that he
would procure six or eight camels to mount my men upon, and bring my
baggage from Saffieha. He gave a start at the first request, and would
not by any means hear of that proposal; he called it tempting God,
and assured me I should be cut off by the very men that had murdered
Mahomet Aga; that, having seen the cases and things which I had thrown
away at Umarack, they would follow my tract on to Saffieha, would
have taken every thing that I had left, and would be now pursuing me
up to the gates of Assouan. All this was extremely probable, but it
was not to such reasoning that I could be a convert. I had insinuated
that the well-fare of mankind was concerned in the recovery of
those papers; that there was among them recipes, which, if they did
not totally prevent the plague, and the small-pox, would at least
greatly lessen their violence and duration. This, and perhaps a more
forcible insinuation, that he should not be without a recompence for
any trouble that he gave himself on my account, brought him at last to
consent to my request, and we arranged our expedition accordingly.
Our first step was to send for Idris and the Arab from Daroo, for
neither of them would enter the town with us, for fear some story
should be trumped up against them regarding Mahomet Towash's murder,
which would not have failed to have been the case had not we been with
them; but upon the Aga sending a man of confidence for them, they both
came without delay, and were lodged in my house, under my protection.
The night following, everything being ready, we set out after it was
dark from the castle, all upon dromedaries. The gates of the town were
open for us, and were immediately shut upon our passing through them;
the Aga fearing his own people as much as the Bishareen; and saying
always, by way of proverb, "Every body is an enemy in the desert." The
Aga had sent four servants belonging to his stables to accompany us;
active, lively, and good-humoured fellows. Our people too, were all
recruited. Ismael, and blind Georgis, were left to take care of the
house in my absence. About twelve o'clock we got into a valley, and
hid ourselves in the lowest part of it, under a bank, for the night
was exceeding cold; but we had spirits with us, which we drank with
moderation. We there refreshed our beasts about half an hour, and
again stopt in a valley among trees. I was afraid that we had passed
our baggage in the dark, as none of us were perfectly sure of the
place; but as soon as light came, we recovered our tract as fresh and
entire as when we made it. After having gone about half an hour in
our former footsteps, we had the unspeakable satisfaction to find our
quadrant and whole baggage; and by them the bodies of our slaughtered
camels, a small part of one of them having been torn by the haddaya,
or kite.
It was agreed we should not stay here, but load and depart
immediately; this was done in an instant; five camels easily carried
the loads, with a man upon them besides; and there were three more
camels, upon which we rode by turns. We made a brisk retreat from
Saffieha to Syene, which is about forty miles. At a little past four
in the afternoon we entered the town again, without any accident
whatever, or without having seen one man in our journey.
Here then we were to close our travels through the desert, by
discharging the debts contracted in it. We had now got our credit and
letters, which furnished us with money. I began by recompensing Idris
Welled Hamran, the Hybeer, for his faithful services. The next thing
was to keep our faith with our prisoner. I had made Idris chuse him a
good camel, cloathed him anew, and gave him dresses for his two wives,
with a load of dora. I then dispatched him with the Aga's protection,
wondering what men we were, who, without compulsion or subterfuge,
kept our words so exactly. Though rich beyond his hopes, and so very
lately our enemy, the poor fellow, with tears in his eyes, declared,
if I would permit him, he would only go back and deliver up what I had
given him to his family, and return to me at Syene, and follow me as
my servant wherever I should go.
Although we had wherewithal to have bought proper dresses, I thought
it better to do this when we should come to Cairo. We got each of
us a coarse barracan, for cleanliness only, and a pair of trowsers.
I furnished Ismael with a green turban, to give us some weight with
the vulgar during our voyage down the Nile. I then went to my friend
the Aga, to concert the measures that remained necessary for leaving
Assouan and beginning our journey. He testified the greatest joy at
seeing us again. He had been informed of our whole expedition by his
servants the night before, and praised us, in the presence of his
attendants, for our alacrity, steadiness, and courage under the great
fatigues of travelling. Ismael had told him of the trees and plants
which I painted, and he expressed great curiosity to see them when
I should find it convenient. From the known disposition of those
people, that what they desire must be granted instantly, I asked him
whether he was at leisure or not to see them? He said, "By all means;
it was a good time." I then sent Michael my servant for a book of
trees, and one of fishes.
In the interim arrived one of their priests, or an Imam, who are
esteemed the most learned of their clergy. Ill-humour and ill-breeding
is the characteristic of violent people of all religions; a Christian
fanatic is not one bit more charitable towards those that differ from
him than a Turkish saint; the greatest difference between them is the
turban. Though I was the only reason of his coming there at that time,
he passed me with the most contemptible indifference, his eyes half
shut and lifted up to heaven, full of that exalted pride by which his
great master fell from happiness. "I wish to know, (says he to the
Aga, regardless of me) if that Kafr saw any thing of Mahomet Towash in
the desert." The Aga asked me, I saw, with some degree of shame, and I
answered him:--"I saw Mahomet Towash alive at Chendi, richly cloathed
as if he had been at Mecca. He had twelve or fourteen men armed with
firelocks, and about fourscore Tucorory, each with a lance in his
hand, to whom he was to give food and water in crossing the desert.
There were three Hybeers, all Bishareen, who had come from Suakem
with the caravan, and were carrying back senna to the neighbourhood
of Syene. I offered to join company with them; and though one Hybeer
was enough for him, yet, to distress me as being a Christian, he took
the whole three along with him. In vain Sittina, Wed Ageeb's sister,
and Wed el Faal's mother, desired him to leave one of the Bishareen
Hybeers for me, or rather to join our companies together, for the
Bishareen were not to be trusted. Contrary to the desire of the chief
of the Arabs, he took away the three Hybeers, to disappoint me; he
found them three murderers, and left me the only honest man whom he
did not know. God punished the presumption and pride of which he was
full, just as this Moullah, who last came in, and sits before you,
appears to be."
The Aga then asked me, if I saw him afterwards? "You know, I suppose,
the story. One of the three Hybeers went to Abou Bertran, a principal
Shekh of the Bishareen, and prepared a party to meet them on the
road at the next station, while the other two Hybeers, their guides,
took care to deceive him by lies, and carried him directly upon the
road where the plot was laid. About twenty men on camels, armed with
lances, and as many young men on foot, with swords, came to meet him,
and those upon camels made their beasts kneel down at some distance
from him, as out of respect coming to kiss his hands, as of a holy
person belonging to the Caaba, their sanctuary at Mecca.
"The vain, imprudent man dismounted from his camel to give them a
more easy opportunity of paying him their respects, and when one of
them held him by the hand in token of friendship, another cut him
across the hams with a broad-sword, and a third run him through the
back with a lance. He endeavoured to put his hands to his pistols,
but it was too late. They afterwards persuaded his servants, who
had fire-arms in their hands, and, like fools, did not use them, to
capitulate; and, after they had disarmed them, they carried them aside
and murdered them also, then took away all the water and camels,
and left the Tucorory to die with thirst. You asked me when I saw
him after his leaving Chendi? I tell you it was at a station of the
Bishareen, two hours before you come to Umarack; his body lay upon the
sand withered and dried, but not corrupted; his hough of the right
leg, and back-sinew of the left, just above the heel, were cut asunder
by a sword. The wounds through his body were apparent. The lance, I
apprehend, had some crooks below the head of it, as is their custom,
because a considerable quantity of his bowels were drawn out at the
back. He had two wounds upon his head, which I suppose were given him
after he was dead, for they had cut through the skull entirely, and
any one of them would have been mortal in a moment. Ismael and the
Barbarin threw sand over him. For my part, I paid no sort of respect
to the carcase of a man, who, when living, had shewed so little for
my preservation. We went to the right, and followed some footsteps;
we saw three men dead, all big and corpulent; they were all thrust
through with three lances; each of them had his throat cut, and one
his jaw broken.
"All the next day the road was strewed with the bodies of the
Tucorory, and the day after, at nine o'clock in the morning, we found
his horse dead; the day following we found dead bodies of people, who
had perished with thirst, scattered here and there like the tract
of a pursuit after a battle; their dry bottles, made of gourds,
were grasped in their hands, and some held them to their mouths as
if sucking them. God, as I say, punished this man, by allowing his
pride and presumption to blind him; for, had we joined our companies,
there could not have been a better place imagined to have fought
the Bishareen than that spot, had they dared to attack, which is not
probable. It was a narrow, deep, sandy strait, and rugged on each
side of it. We could have put our camels, with our water, in perfect
security behind us, while our fire-arms, safely from the rock, would,
with the first discharge, have destroyed the best men among them, and
scattered the herd of them into the desert. The Tucorory would have
seized their camels and water, of which they had but a small quantity,
or we should have shot the skins through, or the Aga's horse would
have overtaken them. In either case, as they were two days journey
from Abou Bertran, the greatest part of them would have died with
thirst; and if they had chosen to follow us, which after this rude
treatment they would not have done, they could never have reached us
till we had got out of their territory into those of the Ababdé, where
they were as much strangers, and in as great danger as we, and the
wells not capable of filling their girbas, so that they would have
brought themselves both into distress and dispute. This is all that I
know of Mahomet Towash."
The Aga said to himself, "Ullah Akbar;" and several of the company
made their private ejaculations. The Imam had not yet spoke, but
addressing himself to the Aga, "True it is, says he, God is great, and
does what seems to him best; or who would have thought that a servant
of the Caaba should be forsaken, while Kafrs like them, a thousand of
them not of the account of one hair of that man's head, were protected
by him, and arrived safe and unhurt!"
I was exceedingly angry, but weak in health and spirits; besides,
I despised the Imam heartily, and was determined to be silent. But
directly addressing himself to me, which he hitherto had not done,
"I wonder, says he, how a Kafr like you, a man of no more worth
than the dust under a mussulman's feet, should dare to wear a white
turban, which none are permitted to do but true believers, and men of
consideration in learning, or in the law!" I could hold no longer.
"Kafr! said I, do you call me? You are a Kafr yourself. I worship
God as you do, and Jesus Christ, whom Mahomet calls Rouch Ullah, the
Spirit of God. Kafrs worship stones and trees, are ill-bred, and rude
in manners, such as you are. Sir, said I to the Aga, I demand of you
if the grand signior, whose firman you have in your hand, when writing
of me, calls me Kafr? Does Ali Bey, and the Porte of Janizaries, use
such opprobrious expressions? If they do not, you suffer me to be
affronted in contempt of their orders, in a fortress which you command
in the grand signior's name, which is not to your credit either as a
mussulman or a soldier."--"He is right," says an old man, who seemed
to be a secretary. "Moullah, says the Aga, I did not expect this
from you; I did not think you could be so absurd as to ask any man,
returning from so dangerous a journey as his, the reason of the colour
of his turban."--"I do not refer that to his discretion, said I, there
is my firman; I insist upon its being read at the divan, and I will
afterwards dress my head and my body in any colour that is permitted
me therein, and that I know is every sort of colour[51], and I insist
that my firman may be read in the Divan."
"Moullah, says Hagi Ismael, addressing himself to the Imam, who had
twice attempted to speak but could not get permission, you put me in
mind of these liars and thieves at Teawa; all their turbans were white
or green; they call themselves mussulmen, and sheraffe, and men of
learning like you; but I swear, greater Kafrs than they were never in
hell. I wish you may not be something of that kind." Hagi Ismael was
standing behind. He had a barracan like us, a red cap and no turban,
and the Moullah, I believe, did not know he was a Turk, and still less
that he was a sherriffe; I fancy he rather took him for a Greek, from
the bad manner in which he pronounced the Arabic. "Friend, said the
priest, take this piece of advice from me, and speak more reverently
of your betters, or you may have a chance to get your tongue scraped."
Hagi Ismael was never blessed with much temper. He was very honest,
but, though seventy years old, was as passionate as a child, and the
more so, as he did not understand the language. He was an officer in
the Porte of Janizaries, besides being a sherriffe; had been sent,
as I have already said, by the Bey to escort the Abuna to Abyssinia.
Unluckily at this time he understood what was said distinctly, and
came up close to the Moullah, saying, in a violent passion, "Kafr
Meloun Ibn kelb, _i. e._ Pagan accursed, and race of a dog! Do you
threaten me, a sherriffe, with a grey beard? Who are my betters? The
Aga is not my superior, were he a sherriffe, which he is not. He is
an officer of the janizaries as I am; he commands me to-day, and I
command him to-morrow; but, if it was not for his presence, I would
not leave that beard of yours till I had shaken your head from your
shoulders."
All now was confusion. I cried, "Hagi Ismael, for God's sake forbear."
Every body spoke, no body heard. The Moullah had crossed the room and
sat down beside the Aga, who said to him very sternly, "What Yagoube
may do, and what he may not do, in Syene, has never been confided to
you, though it has been to me, and I have not thought it necessary
to take your advice upon it. This man is the servant of a king. Were
you to insult him in Constantinople, his complaint would cost a much
greater man than you his life, even this day before sun-set. Who
taught you to call him Kafr whom you had never before seen, and then
abuse the janizary, who, besides, is a sherriffe, and an aged man,
whose hand better men than you kiss when they meet him in the street?
Go home and learn wisdom, since you cannot teach it; at least, don't
make the grand signior's castle the scene of your abuse and folly."
The Moullah upon this rebuke departed, very much humbled.
As Michael had brought the drawings, I turned to the trees and
flowers. The Aga was greatly pleased with them, and laughed, putting
them up to his nose as if smelling them. They did not offend him, as
they were not the likeness of any thing that had life. I then shewed
him a fish, and reached the book to an old man with a long beard,
but who had a very chearful countenance. He looked at it with great
surprise. The Aga had several times called him his father. "Do not be
angry, says he to me, if I ask you a question. I am not such a man
as the Moullah that is gone." "I will answer all your questions with
pleasure, said I, and, in your turn, you must not take the answer
ill." "No, no, said two or three of them, Hagi Soliman knows better."
_Soliman._ "Do you not believe, says he, that that fish will rise
against you at the day of judgment?" _Ya._ "I do not know, but I shall
be very much surprised if it does." "I assure you he will, says Hagi
Soliman." _Ya._ "Be it so, it is a matter of indifference to me."
_Sol._ "Do you know what God will say to you about that fish? Shall
I tell you?" _Ya._ "I have not the least idea, and you will oblige
me." _Sol._ "God will say to you, Did you make that fish? What will
you answer?" _Ya._ "I will answer, I did." _Sol._ "He will say to you
again, Make a soul to it." _Ya._ "I will answer, I cannot." _Sol._ "He
will say, Why did you make that fish's body, when you was not capable
to give it a soul? What can you answer then?" _Ya._ "I made that body,
because thou gavest me talents and capacity to do it. I do not make
the soul, because thou hast denied me power and ability, and reserved
that to thyself only." _Sol._ "Do you think he will be contented with
that answer?" _Ya._ "I do most certainly think so. It is truth, and I
do not think a more direct one can be given." _Sol._ "Aha! the Moullah
would tell you that will not do; painting things that have life is
idolatry, and the punishment is hell-fire." _Ya._ "Patience, then, my
case is desperate, for it is not a sin I intend to repent of." Thus
ended this curious discussion, and we went away in perfect good humour
one with the other. A number of the better sort drank coffee with me
in the evening. The Aga sent me two sheep, and, observing my feet much
inflamed and wounded, made me likewise a present of a pair of slippers
of soft Turkey leather to defend them from the inclemency of the
weather.
It was the 11th of December when we left Syene; we cannot say sailed,
for our mast being down, we went with the current and the oars, when
the wind was against us. In our voyage down the Nile we had but very
indifferent weather, clear throughout the day, exceedingly cold in the
night and morning; but, being better cloathed, better fed than in the
desert, and under cover, we were not so sensible of it, though the
thermometer shewed the same degrees. Above all, we had a good decent
provision of brandy on board, part of which I had procured from the
Aga, part from the Schourbatchie my landlord, neither of whom knew the
other had given me any, and both of them pretended to each other, and
to the world, that they never tasted fermented liquors of any kind,
nor kept them in their custody.
I had given to each of my servants, to Soliman and to the Greeks
likewise, a common blanket called a barracan, of the warmest and
coarsest kind, with a waistcoat and trowsers of the same, and all
of us, I believe, had consigned to the Nile the clothes in which we
passed the desert. The meanness of our appearance did not at all shock
us, since nothing contributes more to safety in a country like this.
I passed Shekh Nimmer not without regret, but it was night, and I was
very ill.
On the 19th we arrived at How, where the intermitting fever, which I
had at Syene, again returned, with unusual violence, and, what was
most unlucky, my stock of bark was almost exhausted, and the Rais had
business that obliged him to lie by for a day. As we were within a
small distance of Furshout, I dispatched one of the Barbarins, with a
camel, to the fathers at the monastery of Furshout informing them of
my arrival and very bad state of health, and requesting them to send
me some wheat bread, as mine was all consumed, and likewise some
rice, if they had any. Upon the Arab's first delivering his message
the fathers treated him as an impostor, declaring that they knew
from good authority that I was drowned in the Red Sea, which another
of them contradicted, being equally positive, from the same good
authority, that my death had happened from robbers in Abyssinia. The
Barbarin (a shrewd fellow) desired the fathers to observe, that, if I
had been drowned in the Red Sea, it was not possible I could be slain
by robbers on land two years afterwards; therefore, as one report
was certainly false, both might be so, and he assured them this was
the case, and that I was at How; but they laughed him to scorn, and
threatened to carry him to Shekh Hamam to punish him. The poor fellow
answered very pertinently, "If I had come in Yagoube's name for gold
or silver, then you might have distrusted me; but sure it is not worth
my while to hire a camel to come here from How, and go back again to
cheat you out of two loaves of bread and a pound of rice, which I
never tasted myself till I was with Yagoube, who made us partake of
every thing that he ate as long as it lasted, and fasted with us when
our meat was exhausted." They continued to ask him, where he had found
me? The fellow said, At Ras el Feel; and not being able to describe
where that was, a fresh altercation began, in which it was concluded
betwixt the two reverend disputants, that I had been drowned three
years before in the Red Sea, and therefore all the story of Ras el
Feel must be a lie.
It happened, as indeed was often the case in these matters, that my
Greek servant Michael had been more provident than I. He had thought
something of this kind might be possible, and therefore had desired
the Barbarin, if so it happened, to call at Shekh Ismael's at
Badjoura, and inquire of him in my name for a loaf or two of wheat
bread and some rice. This the Barbarin did with some diffidence, after
the refusal received from the fathers, and was very much surprised at
the chearful reception Shekh Ismael gave him. The bread and rice were
sent; he too had heard of my death, but was much easier convinced that
I was still alive than the reverend fathers had been, because more
desirous that it should be so.
Next day, the 20th, we arrived at Furshout, though Hagi Ismael's
invitation, and the unkindness of the fathers, had strongly tempted me
to take up my quarters at Badjoura to guard him against the pleurisy,
and the mistaking again the month of Ramadan. Some aukward apologies
passed at meeting; and if these fathers, the sole object of whose
mission was the conversion of Ethiopia and Nubia, were averse before
to the undertaking their mission, they did not seem to increase in
keenness from the circumstances which they learned from me.
On the 27th we sailed for Cairo. At a small village before we came to
Achmim we were hailed by a person, who, though meanly dressed, spoke
with the tone of authority, and asked for a passage to Cairo, which I
would have denied him if I could have had my own will; but the Rais
readily promised it him upon his first application. He afterwards told
me he was a Copht and a Christian, employed to gather the Bey's taxes
in such villages as were only inhabited by Christians, to which the
Bey did not permit his Turks to go. "I heard, says he, you was coming
down the Nile, and I way-laid you for a passage; the Rais knows who I
am, and that I shall not be troublesome to you; but I have a large sum
of money, and do not chuse to have it known, I hope, however, you will
give me your protection for the sake of my master."--"Indeed, friend,
said I, I have but seven shillings in the whole world, and my cloaths,
I believe, are not worth much above that sum, and it is but a few days
ago I was rejoicing at this as one of my greatest securities. But
since Providence has, I hope for your good, thrown you and your money
in my way, I will do the best for you that is in my power, the same as
if it was my own."
On the 10th of January 1773 we arrived at the convent of St George,
all of us, as I thought, worse in health and spirits than the day
we came out of the desert. Nobody knew us at the convent, either
by our face or our language, and it was by a kind of force that we
entered. Ismael, and the Copht went straight to the Bey, and I, with
great difficulty, had interest enough to send to the patriarch and
my merchants at Cairo, by employing the two only piastres I had in
my pocket. If the capuchins at Furshout received us coldly, these
Caloyeros of St George kept us still at a greater distance. It was
half by violence that we got admittance into the convent. But this
difficulty was to be but of short duration; the morning was to end it,
and give us a sight of our friends, and in the meantime we were to
sleep soundly. We had nothing else to do, having no victuals, and the
Caloyeros nothing to give us, even if they had been inclined, of which
we had not seen yet the smallest token.
This we thought, and this, in the common view of things, we were
intitled to think; but we forgot that we were at Cairo, no longer to
depend upon the ordinary or rational course of events, but upon the
arbitrary, oppressive will of irrational tyrants. Accordingly I had,
for about an hour, lost myself in the very uncommon enjoyment of a
most profound sleep, when I was awakened by the noise of a number of
strange tongues; and, before I could recollect myself sufficiently to
account what this strange tumult might be, eleven or twelve soldiers,
very like the worst of banditti, surrounded the carpet whereon I was
asleep. I had presence of mind sufficient to recollect this was not
a place where people were robbed and murdered without cause; and,
convinced in my own mind that I had given none, from that alone I
inferred I was not to be robbed or murdered at that instant. Without
this, the appearance of the strangers, their dress, language, and
behaviour, all joined to persuade me of the contrary. I asked them,
with some surprise, "What is the matter, Sirs? What is the meaning of
this freedom?" The answer was in Turkish, "Aya! Aya! Get up! the Bey
calls you."--"The Bey, says I, certainly calls at a very unseasonable
hour." The answer was, "Get up, or we will carry you by force."--"I
fancy friends, said I, you have mistaken me for some other person, I
have not been here above two hours, and since that time have never
been out of the convent. It is impossible the Bey should know that
I am here."--"What signifies it to us, says one in lingua Franca,
whether he knows you are here or not? he has sent us for you, and we
are come, Aya! Aya! get up!" He put his hand forward to take me by the
arm. "Keep your distance, you insolent blackguard, said I, remember I
am an Englishman; do not lay your hands upon me. If the Bey calls me,
he is master in his own country, and I will wait upon him; But hands
off: though I have not seen Mahomet Bey these three years, he knows
what is owing to his own character better than to suffer a slave like
you to lay his filthy hands on a stranger like me."--"No! No! Mallem,
says the man that spoke Italian, we will do you no harm. Ismael, that
you brought from Habesh, has been with the Bey, and he wants to see
you; and that is all."--"Then stay without, said I, till I am ready,
and I will come to you presently."
Out they went: I heard them crying to the Caloyeros for drink, but
they never in their lives were in a place where they could address
themselves worse for either meat or liquors; on the other hand, I did
not keep them long in dressing. I had no shirt on, nor had I been
master of one for fourteen months past. I had a waistcoat of coarse,
brown, woollen blanket, trowsers of the same, and an upper blanket of
the same wrapt about me, and in these I was lying. I had cut off my
long beard at Furshout, but still wore prodigious mustachoes. I had
a thin, white, muslin cloth round a red Turkish cap, which served me
for a night-cap, a girdle of coarse woollen cloth that wrapt round my
waist eight or ten times, and swaddled me up from the middle to the
pit of my stomach, but without either shoes or stockings. In the left
of my girdle I had two English pistols mounted with silver, and on
the right hand a common crooked Abyssinian knife, with a handle of a
rhinoceros horn. Thus equipt, I was ushered by the banditti, in a dark
and very windy night, to the door of the convent.
The Sarach, or commander of the party, rode upon a mule, and, as a
mark of extreme consideration, he had brought an ass for me, with
sods, or a carsaddle upon his back, the only animal that, to the shame
of our Christian rulers, any of our faith is suffered to ride on in
Cairo. The beast had not a light load, but was strong enough. The
difficulty was, his having no saddle, and there were no stirrups, so
that my feet would have touched the ground had I not held them up,
which I did with the utmost pain and difficulty, as they were all
inflamed and sore, and full of holes from the inflammation in the
desert. Nobody can ever know, from a more particular description, the
hundredth part of the pain I suffered that night. I was happy that it
was all external. I had hardened my heart; it was strong, vigorous,
and whole, from the near prospect I had of leaving this most accursed
country, and being again restored to the conversation of men.
The mule on which the Sarach rode went at a very brisk pace; my animal
did her best, but she could not keep up with the mule. Each man of
the soldiers, besides the rest of his arms, had a quarter-staff like
a watchman's pole, about nine feet long, with which every one in his
turn laid heartily on the ass to make her keep up with the Sarach's
mule. I had every reason to sympathize with the beast for the severity
of the blows, of which I was a perfect judge, as whether through
malice or heedlessness, every fourth stroke landed upon my back or
haunches, so that my flesh was discoloured for more than two months
afterwards. Speaking was in vain; you might as well have cried to the
wind not to blow. Few people walk in the streets of Cairo at night;
some we did meet who made us way, only observing to each other, when
we passed, that I was some thief the Janizary Aga had apprehended. In
this most disagreeable manner, I had rode near three miles, when I
arrived at the Bey's palace. There all was light and all was bustle,
as if it had been noon-day. I alighted with great difficulty from my
disconsolate ass, but with much greater pleasure than ever I mounted
the finest horse in the world. None of the people there knew what I
came for, but thought I was some Arab from the country. At last I saw
a Copht who had been a servant of Ali Bey. I told him who I was, and
he immediately knew me, but had not heard that I was arrived, and
still less that I was sent for; but he went in to the Bey's secretary,
who ordered my immediate admission.
In the mean time, my Sarach and company, who had used me so tenderly,
came round me, desiring the Bacsish, or money to drink. "Look you,
friend, said I, your master knows me well, and you shall see what is
the Bacsish he will give you." A number of Turks standing by asked,
"What did he do to you? Did he use you ill? Tell the Bey, and he will
do for him." My friend seemed to be sensible he was in a scrape, and,
though the order of the Bey came for my being admitted, he would not
allow me to pass, but put his back against the door till I promised to
say nothing to the Bey.
I was introduced to Mahomet Bey Abou Dahab. He was son-in-law to Ali
Bey my friend, whom he had betrayed, and forced to fly into Syria,
where he still was at the head of a small army. He had been present
with him the day I had my last audience, when he was plainly dressed
as a soldier. A large sofa, or rather two large sofas furnished with
cushions, took up a great part of a spacious saloon. They were of the
richest crimson and gold, excepting a small yellow and gold one like
a pillow, upon which he was leaning, supporting his head with his
left hand, and sitting just in the corner of the two sofas. Though it
was late, he was in full dress, his girdle, turban, and handle of his
dagger, all shining with the finest brilliants, and a finer sprig of
diamonds upon his turban than what I had seen his father-in-law wear
once when I was with him.
The room was light as day, with a number of wax-torches or candles. I
found myself humbled at the sight of so much greatness and affluence.
My bare feet were so dirty, I had a scruple to set them upon the rich
Persian carpets with which the whole floor was covered, and the pain
that walking at all occasioned gave me altogether so crouching and
cringing a look, that the Bey, upon seeing me come in, cried out,
"What's that? Who is that? From whence is he come?" His secretary
told him, and immediately upon that I said to him in Arabic, with a
low bow, "Mahomet Bey, I am Yagoube, an Englishman, better known to
your father-in-law than to you, very unfit to appear before you in
the condition I am, having been forced out of my bed by your soldiers
in the middle of the only sound sleep I have had for many years." He
seemed to be exceedingly shocked at this, and said to his attendants
in Turkish, "My people! who dares do this? it is impossible." Those
that were privy to the message reminded him of his sending for me, and
the cause, which he had forgot. They told him what Ismael had said,
and what the Copht, the tax-gatherer, had mentioned, all very much
in my favour. He turned himself with great violence on the sofa, and
said, "I remember the man well, but it was not a man like this, this
is bad payment indeed. I was going to ask you, Yagoube, says he, who
those were that had brought you out in such distress, and I find that
I have done it myself; but take my word, as I am a mussulman, I did
not intend it, I did not know you was ill."
My feet at that time gave me such violent pain that I was like to
faint, and could not answer, but as there were two flowered velvet
cushions upon one of the steps above the floor, I was obliged to kneel
down upon one of them, as I did not know how sitting might be taken.
The Bey immediately saw this, and cried out, "What now? what is the
matter?" I saw he thought I had some complaint to make, or something
to ask. I shewed him my feet in a terrible situation, the effects, I
told him, of my passing through the desert. He desired me immediately
to sit down on the cushion. "It is the coldness of the night, and
hanging upon the ass, said I, occasions this; the pain will be over
presently." "You are an unfortunate man, says the Bey, whatever I
mean to do for your good, turns to your misfortune." "I hope not,
Sir, said I; the pain is now over, and I am able to hear what may be
your commands." "I have many questions to ask you, says the Bey. You
have been very kind to poor old Ismael, who is a sherriffe, and to my
Christian servant likewise; and I wanted to see what I could do for
you; but this is not the time, go home and sleep, and I will send for
you. Eat and drink, and fear nothing. My father-in-law is gone, but,
by the grace of God, I am here in his place; that is enough." I bowed,
and took my leave.
The Bey had spoken several times to his servant in Turkish; but these
interruptions are too common at such audiences to be taken notice of.
I went out to the anti-chamber attended by five or six people, and
then into another room, the door of which opened to the lobby where
his soldiers or servants were. There was a slave very richly dressed,
who had a small basket with oranges in his hand, who came out at
another door, as if from the Bey, and said to me, "Here, Yagoube, here
is some fruit for you."
In that country it is not the value of the present, but the character
and power of the person that sends it, that creates the value; 20,000
men that slept in Cairo that night would have thought the day the Bey
gave them at an audience the worst orange in that basket the happiest
one in their life. It is a mark of friendship and protection, and the
best of all assurances. Well accustomed to ceremonies of this kind,
I took a single orange, bowing low to the man that gave it me, who
whispered me, "Put your hand to the bottom, the best fruit is there,
the whole is for you, it is from the Bey." A purse was exceedingly
visible. It was a large crimson one wrought with gold, not netted or
transparent as ours are, but liker a stocking. I lifted it out; there
were a considerable number of sequins in it; I put it to my mouth
and kissed it, in respect from whence it came, and said to the young
man that held the basket, "This is, indeed, the best fruit, at least
commonly thought so, but it is forbidden fruit for me. The Bey's
protection and favour is more agreeable to me than a thousand such
purses would be."
The servant shewed a prodigious surprise. In short, nothing can be
more incredible to a Turk, whatever his quality may be, than to think
that any man can refuse money offered him. Although I expressed myself
with the utmost gratitude and humility, finding it impossible to
prevail upon me, the thing appeared so extraordinary, that a beggar
in a barracan, dressed like those slaves who carry water, and wash the
stairs, should refuse a purse of gold, he could no longer consent to
my going away, but carried me back to where the Bey was still sitting.
He was looking at a large piece of yellow sattin. He asked the usual
question, "How, now? What is the matter?" To which his slave gave him
a long answer in Turkish. He laid down the sattin, turned to me, and
said, "Why, what is this? You must surely want money; that is not your
usual dress? What! does this proceed from your pride?"
"Sir, answered I, may I beg leave to say two words to you? There is
not a man to whom you ever gave money more grateful, or more sensible
of your generosity in offering it me, than I am at this present.
The reason of my waiting upon you in this dress was, because it is
only a few hours ago since I left the boat. I am not however a needy
man, or one that is distressed for money; that being the case, and
as you have already my prayers for your charity, I would not deprive
you of those of the widow and the orphan, whom that money may very
materially relieve. Julian and Rosa, the first house in Cairo, will
furnish me with what money I require; besides, I am in the service
of the greatest king in Europe, who would not fail to supply me
abundantly if my necessities required it, as I am travelling for
his service."--"This being so, says the Bey, with great looks of
complacency, what is in my power to do for you? You are a stranger
now where I command; you are my father's stranger likewise, and that
is a double obligation upon me: What shall I do?"--"There are, said
I, things that you could do, and you only, if it were not too great
presumption for me to name them."--"By no means, if I can I will do
it; if not, I will tell you so."
I saw by the Bey's manner of speaking that I had risen considerably
in character in his opinion since my refusal of the money. "I have,
Sir, said I, a number of countrymen, brave, rich, and honest, that
trade in India, where my king has great dominions." He said, as half
to himself, "True, we know that." "Now there are many of these that
come to Jidda. I left there eleven large ships belonging to them, who,
according to treaty, pay high duties to the customhouse, and, from
the dictates of their own generosity and magnificence, give large
presents to the prince and to his servants for protection; but the
sherriffe of Mecca has of late laid duty upon duty, and extortion
upon extortion, till the English are at the point of giving up the
trade altogether." "Ibn Cahaba, says he, (which is, son of a wh--re,)
he paid for that when I was at Mecca." "The Bey took Mecca," says a
man at my shoulder. "Why, says the Bey, when they say you are such
a brave nation, why don't you beat down Jidda about his ears? Have
you no guns in your ships?" "Our ships, Sir, said I, are all armed
for war; stout vessels, full of brave officers and skilful seamen:
Jidda, and much stronger places than Jidda, could not resist one of
them an hour. But Jidda is no part of our dominions; and, in countries
belonging to stranger princes we carry ourselves lowly, and trade in
peace, and never use force till obliged to it in our own defence."
"And what would you have me to do?" says he. "Our people, replied
I, have taken a thing into their head which I am satisfied they are
well founded in: They say, that if you would permit them to bring
their ships and merchandize to Suez, and not to Jidda, they might
then depend upon your word, that, if they were punctual in fulfilling
their engagements, they should never find you failing in yours."
"That they shall never have to say of me, says the Bey; all this is
to my advantage. But you do not tell me what I am to do for you?"
"Be steady, Sir, said I, in your promise; it is now late, but I will
come again to settle the duties with you; and be assured, that when
it is known at home what, at my private desire, you have done for
my country in general, it will be the greatest honour that ever a
prince conferred on me in my life." "Why, let it be so, says he, bring
coffee; see you admit him whenever he calls; bring a caftan[52]."
Coffee was accordingly brought, and I was cloathed in my caftan. I
went down stairs with my barracan hid under it, and was received with
greater respect by the bye-standers than when I came up; the man was
the same, but it was the caftan that made the difference. My friend
the Sarach and his banditti were ready at the door with a mule, which
had gilt stirrups, and was finely caparisoned.
I went back with full as much speed as I came, but free from those
salutations of the quarter-staff, which I still felt upon my haunches.
The scale of politeness was now turned in my favour; and to shew their
respect for me, the soldiers knocked down every person they overtook
in the streets, giving him first a blow with the quarter-staff upon
the head, then asking him, why he did not get out of the way? All my
people at St George had given me over for lost, or thought I had gone
home to the French merchants, and taken my bed there.
I was twice after this with Mahomet Bey, in which time I concluded
the agreement in favour of the English merchants. Instead of 14 per
cent, and an enormous present, the Bey agreed for 8, and no present
at all, and at his own expence sent the firman to Mocha, together
with my letter, a copy of which, and instructions given in India in
consequence, I have here subjoined.
Mr Greig, capt, Thornhill's lieutenant, whom I have mentioned as
having seen at Jidda, was the first who came down the Gulf to Suez in
the Minerva, and in the whole voyage, both by sea and after at Cairo,
behaved in a manner that did honour to his country.
In the two subsequent visits which I paid to Mahomet Bey, I received
the firman, and had a conversation before the Bey with the man that
was to go express to Mocha; not that I thought my recommendation was
of any consequence after his receiving orders from the Bey, but I
knew very well, as diligence was recommended to him, that it might
be secured by a small gratuity given unknown to the Bey. Two other
similar presents, of no great value, were likewise given to the two
servants who had assisted me in procuring the firman, the original of
which I left with the Venetian consul. I thought it was unbecoming
of me to starve a cause that promised to be both a private emolument
and public benefit; and, as I never expected, so I never received the
smallest return or acknowledgement either public or private.
It may be said, that the trade carried on there by Suez and the
Isthmus would not be of any advantage to the India Company, but rather
a detriment to it. Such was the answer I got from Lord North upon my
first interview with his Lordship after my return, and upon which I
shall not pretend to decide. But this I shall submit to the public,
whether, when a great object, such as that was, is unexpectedly in the
power of an individual, he is not obliged, as a good citizen, to avail
himself of the occasion that offers, and leave it to that part of the
public concerned, to determine whether they can make it of service to
them or not.
I have read, either in Abbé Prevot or M. de Maillet, (the reader will
assist me, as neither of these books are in my hands at present) that
the French, in the beginning of this century, offered a very large
sum of money to the government of Cairo, to be allowed to send only
an advice-boat to Suez, to carry and bring back their dispatches from
their settlements in India, but they were constantly refused; both
the India Company and British Government are, by my means, now in
possession of that privilege, and I am informed it has already been of
use, both in public and private dispatches.
I must further be permitted to say, that, independent of these
particulars, it seemed very strange that, considering the immense
empire which belonged to Britain in the East Indies, the Company
and their servants should be, to a man, so perfectly ignorant of
the Red Sea and ports in it, and so indifferent as to the means
of being better informed; a sea which washed the shores of their
conquests, and came, at the same time, within two days journey of the
Mediterranean. To my endeavours it is owing that so many ingenious
gentlemen have had an opportunity of lending their hands to perfect
the chart of that sea, which I hope is now in great forwardness.
It would perhaps, too, have been more generous and liberal-minded
in them, had they honoured the author of the liberty and safety
they enjoyed, with at least a word of their approbation. Prisons
and chains, ransoms, torments, and perhaps death itself, were the
calamities they escaped by my preparing their way, and to this would
have been added the miscarriage of their design and their undertaking
likewise[53].
Copy of Mr BRUCE'S Letter to the Gentlemen trading to
the Red Sea from the British Settlements BOMBAY and
BENGAL.
"CAIRO, _1st February, 1773_.
GENTLEMEN,
At the desire of several of the gentlemen trading to Jidda in
the year 1769, I have spoken to the Bey of Cairo (Mahomet Bey,)
that he would give permission for bringing the India ships
directly to Suez, without stopping at Jidda, where they were
constantly ill-treated by the sherriffe, and neither payments
punctual nor their effects in safety. Mahomet Bey expressed
all the desire possible to have this speedily executed. He
dispatched this express, in which I inclose you the terms of
agreement, with a translation from the Arabic original. You will
see he renounces all presents, which, however, it will be always
prudent to give. Moderate ones will serve, provided he behaves
faithfully and generously, as I believe firmly he will. He seeks
8 per cent. customs, and leaves it in your option to pay this in
goods or money, and 50 patackas anchorage for each vessel; this
is for the captain of the port of Suez.
"Arrived at Suez, you will do well to give notice to any of
the houses you chuse to address yourselves to. There are three
French houses of note here; Mess. Napollon and Co. Mess. Rosa
and Co. and Mess. l'Anglade and Co.; and these three are rich
houses, in great credit, and with whom you are very safe. There
is also an Italian house of credit equal to these, but not so
rich; it is Pini and Co. It will always be your interest, if
more than one ship comes, to address yourselves to separate
houses, for by this means you will be sooner dispatched, have
more friends, less risk, and more intelligence.
"As I have no view in this but your advantage, so I will not
take upon myself to answer for any consequences. You know what
Turks are. I never saw one of them to be trusted in money
affairs. You must keep your eyes open, and deal for ready money.
You will, however, be much safer, be better used, have better
markets, and be sooner dispatched; and if any of your cargo
remains unsold, you may leave it here in great security, with a
certainty of its selling in winter; and the money will be either
remitted to England, or ready for you here at your return, as
you direct.
"Cairo is in lat. 30° 2´ 45´´; two days and a half easy journey
from it is Suez, in lat. 29° 57´ 15´´. Ras Mahomet, the Cape
that forms the eastern shore of the entrance into the Gulf of
Suez, is in lat. 27° 54´ 10´´. You should make this Cape while
it bears N. E. or N. E. by E. at farthest, for farther east is
the entrance of a gulf which has often been mistaken for that
of Suez. Lastly, Tor, the first inhabited place after passing
the Cape, is in lat. 28° 12´ 4´´; here you may have provisions,
water, and a pilot.
"There are no English merchants at Cairo; but there comes, from
time to time, a wandering sort of sharpers under that name,
either from Mahon, the Greek islands, or Leghorn; and after
an establishment of one year, break and disappear. Be careful
of having any thing to do with these, for they will either rob
you themselves, or betray you to the government, or both. There
is no safety but with the three French and one Italian house,
before mentioned. If you address yourself to the government, in
your affairs of tariffs and firmans, you may do it through means
of the Venetian consul, immediately upon your arrival, putting
yourselves under his protection. He is a man of honour and
credit, and is a colonel in the service of his state. Let him
send you the tariff of the Bey before you come to Cairo, or land
an ounce of cargo, and you will satisfy him for his trouble. He
does not trade, but is very well-affected to our nation, and
there is no consul here but the French and Venetian.
"In a word, Gentlemen, I have seen your trade to Jidda, and it
is a ruinous one, and the sherriffe, now poor and hungry, will
every day rob you more and more. After the sealing up the house,
and exacting part of the effects of the captains who died at
Jidda, there is no safety for you but either at Mocha or Suez.
I am always,
GENTLEMEN,
Your most obedient and most humble serv^t.
JAMES BRUCE."
"_To Captain_ Thornhill _of the_ Bengal Merch^t, _Captain_
Thomas Price _of the_ Lion, _or any other of the_ English
_vessels trading to_ Jidda."
_P. S._ "I send you a copy of the firman; also letters for the
governors of Bombay and Bengal, inclosing the same; you will
see the translator be a person of trust, and have no interest
in deceiving you. If I did not think you very safe at Suez I
would not write you. You are to bring no coffee, or any produce
of Arabia, at least the first voyage, till you make your terms
here. I inclose you a letter from the chief of the customhouse.
J. B."
Copy of Instructions from the Managers of the Suez Adventure, to
Mr JOHN SHAW, and Captain WILLIAM GREIG.
"GENTLEMEN,
The proprietors of the Suez Adventure having made choice of
you to conduct the undertaking, it is our duty as managers to
give you the necessary instructions. Inclosed you will receive
invoice and bills of loading of the cargo, and likewise of the
freight loading on the Bengal Merchant, on account and risk of
the concerned, which you are to dispose of in the gulf of Mocha,
Jidda, or Suez, on the most advantageous terms, observing at the
same time, as nearly as possible, the following instructions:
"As many unforeseen accidents may happen that we cannot guard
against, and as the proprietors have placed in us an implicit
confidence, we now delegate to you, Gentlemen, full power and
authority to conduct and manage this new undertaking, for which
your credit, as well as ours, is engaged; and though we hope it
is unnecessary to recommend to you as an object of the greatest
importance, and on which the success of all undertakings
depends, a good understanding and harmony between those who are
to execute, we are satisfied that your attention to the interest
of the proprietors, and your own reputation, will outweigh
every other consideration, and that nothing will interrupt that
union which is so absolutely necessary to insure success in new
undertakings like the present.
"You are to draw a commission of 5 per cent. on the sales.
Mr Shaw, as chief supercargo, will draw 3, and Capt. Greig 2
per cent. and on all freight in the same proportion as the
cargo. Passengers, or other emoluments that are customary, are
to be equally divided between you, and no separate interest
to be allowed. As it is usual in all voyages from this port,
where there is a supercargo, to allow one-sixth of the cargo
as privilege, in lieu of which 12,000 rupees will be divided
between you and the officers on return of the vessel.
"Mr Shaw, as chief supercargo, is to have the sole management
and disposal of the cargo, and Captain Greig to have the entire
management of the navigation of the vessels employed. At the
same time, we recommend and desire, that, in all points which
require advice in either of the departments, you consult with
each other, and that no material step be taken without such
advice and consultation; and, should there be a difference in
opinion, we expect a minute be made, and the reason for such
difference fully set forth, in order to be laid before the
proprietors at your return. To prevent any misunderstanding of
the general instructions, we shall separate, in the latter
part, the two branches of the naval and mercantile, and be more
clear and explicit in each particular department.
"The vessels to be employed in the voyage are the Bengal
Merchant, on board of which the cargo is shipped. The Cuddalore
schooner, Captain Wedderburn, is granted by the governor[54] to
the proprietors as a tender, to assist in the discovery of the
passage to Suez, and the proprietors are to pay half the sailing
charges. On her Mr Cunningham, a surveyor, is appointed, and
both he and the vessel are entirely under your direction, and
they are to receive, from time to time, such instructions as
you may judge necessary. The Suez pacquet is a small schooner
equipped for the purpose of attending the Bengal Merchant in the
most difficult parts of the navigation; and as she cannot be
further useful after your return from Suez to Mocha, we desire
she may be sold there, where frequently small vessels sell to
advantage.
"On your leaving the pilot you will make the best of your way,
with the other two vessels under your charge, to the Malabar
coast, and touch at Anjango and Cochin, taking in there coir,
hawsers, and water, or any thing you may stand in need of, and
without loss of time proceed direct to Mocha. On your arrival
there you must make inquiry if any pilots are come down from
Suez; should none be arrived, lose as little time as possible,
and proceed up above Jidda to Yambo, provided you hear no
unfavourable accounts from Suez, such as war, or any commotions
at Cairo, which you might think may endanger the success of the
voyage.
"If such accounts are rumoured at Mocha, trace them so as to
be fully satisfied there is foundation for them, and if you
have good authority to credit the reports propagated, and are
certain they are not spread with a view to discourage your
proceeding, in that case we advise your proceeding to Jidda
as most for the interest of the concerned. At Jidda you will
deliver the customary letters to the basha and sherriffe, and,
without taking notice of any further project, dispose of your
cargo, as the articles are all of the proper assortment for that
market, and we desire, in that case, you collect your returns
as expeditiously as possible; and if you find any considerable
freight for Bombay, and the season will admit your going there
from Mocha, so as to arrive in Bengal by the middle of October,
in that case you will purchase a cargo of cotton, and proceed
here directly. Whatever silver you may have after the purchase
of the cotton, you will pay into the Company's treasury for
bills on this presidency. If you cannot procure a good freight
at Jidda for Bombay, we desire you will proceed from Mocha to
the coast of Coromandel, and touch at Negapatnam, where letters
will be lodged for you.
"On your arrival at Mocha, should you hear no unfavourable
accounts of war, or any disturbances at Cairo, you will proceed
to Yambo, where you will again inquire if there are any pilots
acquainted with the passage to Suez. If you meet with any who,
upon examination, appear capable of conducing the vessel, we
recommend your taking them on board, but still be very cautious
how you trust them; order them to conduct you up the common
tract, and keep the two vessels with you till you are satisfied
of their abilities, then we advise your dispatching the
Cuddalore the outward passage, in order to survey it up to Suez,
and give them orders to join you there. But should you be so
unlucky as not to meet with pilots, there will be no alternative
but to proceed with the greatest care and caution the outward
passage, with your two tenders a-head both day and night, till
you reach Tor, where you will meet with pilots and water; and
as we have reason to believe the danger of the passage is then
over, if you find it to be the case, you will dispatch back the
Cuddalore to make a correct survey as far down as Jidda, in
the lat. of 21° 30´. As it cannot be supposed you will be able
to make an exact survey in going up in mid-channel, you will
instruct Captain Wedderburn to follow the surveyor's order,
but at the same time to make all necessary remarks himself, as
also his officers, and to finish the survey as expeditiously
as possible, and to return to the ship at Suez; but should
more time be taken up, and he finds it impracticable, he must
endeavour to go to Yambo, and there wait for the dispatches, if
he can do it with safety; if not, to return to Mocha, and remain
there to supply himself with such necessaries as he may stand in
need of, to be ready to make the best of his way to Bengal, as
soon as he receives your dispatches, and the monsoon will allow
him to proceed.
"On your arrival at Suez you will inquire of the master of
the port, or governor, whether or not he has any letters,
&c. from his master the Bey, respecting you? Should he have
none, you will desire him to forward the short letter from the
governor, informing him of the arrival of the ship at his
port. You must not land a piece of goods, or enter into any
agreement or contract, &c. till you hear from the Bey, and,
from the answer you receive, consult how to act; but let it be
with great caution, till you are perfectly satisfied of the
friendly disposition of the Bey towards you, as we have reason
to expect the Bey's answer will be polite and favourable, and
an invitation to visit Cairo. Mr Shaw will then proceed with
the purser, and any other of the officers you may think proper,
with a few lascars and servants, properly equipped, to make
the embassy brilliant and respectable. The letters, presents,
and musters of the cargo should go at the same time; and we
recommend that, on Mr Shaw's arrival at Cairo, after he retires
from the Bey, he makes a visit to the Venetian Consul, whom
Mr Bruce has mentioned very particularly in his letter. If he
finds him the same person he has described, he will receive from
him such necessary information as may be useful in his future
transactions, and will put himself under his protection in
preference to the French houses; but he will act with extreme
caution, till he discovers such connection is not disagreeable
to the Bey, with whom he must appear to be, on all occasions,
perfectly satisfied. We furnish you with a copy of Mr Bruce's
letter, to whom we consider ourselves much obliged for the
information he has given us. His letters you will find of great
service in conducting your business there, and to which we
advise your paying strict attention.
"We desire that Captain Greig may remain on board the ship
till all the cargo is dispatched and landed, in order to give
every necessary advice in transporting the same, and when that
is finished, Captain Greig is to proceed to Cairo, and afford
Mr Shaw any assistance he may require; and we desire, and
particularly recommend, that, as soon as the cargo is sold, and
Mr Shaw has made the necessary observations and remarks on the
reception he has met with, the goods that have sold to most
advantage, and of the sorts that will best answer in future,
and other occurrences, that you dispatch such accounts, by the
first conveyance you may have to Jidda, to Captain Anderson of
the Success galley, and duplicate, by the Suez pacquet to Mocha,
to Captain Wedderburn of the Cuddalore schooner, with orders for
him to proceed to Bengal without delay; and we desire that these
dispatches may be directed in a large pacquet to the governor
for his perusal, with draughts and remarks on the passage.
"As we think it of great consequence that you use all possible
dispatch in finishing your business at Grand Cairo, so as
to leave Suez as early as the season will permit, if the
Cuddalore[55] has been able to join you after the survey, you
will then proceed down the channel she has discovered; but if,
on the contrary, she has not joined you, and that the Suez
pacquet is likewise gone with the dispatches, you must then
procure good pilots, and, if possible, a small vessel for fear
of accidents, and go down the usual tract of the Suez vessels;
making particular remarks on that passage, proceed on to Mocha,
and you will attend to the former part of your instructions
respecting the destination of the vessel.
"Having now finished our general instructions, we think
it necessary to be more particular in each branch of your
departments.
{CUDBERT THORNHILL.
(Signed) {ROBERT HOLFORD.
{DAVID KILLICAN."
TO CAPTAIN GREIG.
"SIR,
"We rely on your knowledge, experience, and good conduct for
the navigating part of the voyage, which is entirely intrusted
to you; and though we have desired that you advise with Mr Shaw
on all difficult points, yet we give you a latitude to follow
your own opinion, though contrary to Mr Shaw's, but we expect
you both enter a minute, and set forth your reasons for being
of different opinions. Should it be a point of consequence,
we advise that you consult with all the officers, and their
opinions are to be recorded.
"We desire that a fair log-book be kept, signed by the officer
who leaves the deck at noon, in which book every remark and
transaction during the voyage is to be inserted, and no erasures
must be made, or leaves torn out. Inclosed is a letter from us
to Captain Wedderburn of the Cuddalore, directing him to follow
such orders as he may from time to time receive from you.
"At Ingerlee you will give him written orders to keep you
company, with such proper signals for day and night as may be
necessary; and should he, by stress of weather or any other
accident, part company, you will inform him of your first place
of rendezvous, Anjango and Cochin; should he arrive first, he
must remain till you come: Should you arrive and finish your
business before the arrival of the Cuddalore, you will wait two
or three days, and then proceed to Mocha, leaving orders for his
joining you there. If by any accident he should not join you
there, and you have got pilots for Suez, you must not lose time,
but proceed without him, leaving him instructions to proceed
on the survey: but should it so happen that you meet with no
pilots at Mocha, and the Cuddalore should not arrive, we still
recommend your waiting at Mocha as long as you think it prudent;
and if you have the Suez pacquet with you, you will proceed to
Suez if possible, and endeavour to make the island to the S. W.
of Cape Ras Mahomet, that you may not make any mistake and get
into the false gulf: but should you find it impracticable after
making every prudent attempt, you will then have a consultation
with Mr Shaw and your officers, and bear away for Jidda,
following the directions in your general instructions.
"The concerned has been at an immense expence to equip the
vessels with additional stores, which in any other voyage than
the present would be superfluous, we therefore desire (should
your voyage terminate at Jidda) that you endeavour to dispose of
such articles of stores as you are not in want of; but should
you arrive at Suez, let them remain till your return to Mocha,
and there, if you have an opportunity to dispose of them for
the advantage of the concerned, we desire it may be done.
"Should any of the officers be good draughts-men, we desire you
will encourage them to make draughts of every thing remarkable
in the Red Sea, and we will make them an acknowledgement for
their trouble; but we recommend that every remark, draught,
or drawing of the passage, may be collected together for the
governor's[56] perusal; and we hope you will take proper care
that, on your return, nothing transpire till the governor's
sentiments are known. Should Mr Shaw be obliged to stay with
the goods at Cairo, you are to let him keep an officer, and any
number of lascars he may require, and that you can spare them.
{CUDBERT THORNHILL.
(Signed) {ROBERT HOLFORD.
{DAVID KILLICAN."
Mahomet Bey being about to depart to give battle to his father-in-law,
I thought it was no longer convenient for me to stay at Cairo; I went
therefore the last time to the Bey, who pressed me very much to go to
the camp with him. I was sufficiently cured, however, of any more Don
Quixotte undertakings. I excused myself with every mark of gratitude
and profession of attachment; and I shall never forget his last words,
as the handsomest thing ever said to me, and in the politest manner.
"You won't go, says he, and be a soldier: What will you do at home?
You are not an India merchant?" I said, "No." "Have you no other
trade nor occupation but that of travelling?" I said, "that was my
occupation." "Ali Bey, my father-in-law, replied he, often observed
there was never such a people as the English; no other nation on earth
could be compared to them, and none had so many great men in all
professions by sea and land: I never understood this till now, that
I see it must be so, when your king cannot find other employment for
such a man as you, but sending him to perish by hunger and thirst in
the sands, or to have his throat cut by the lawless barbarians of the
desert."
I saw that the march of the Bey was a signal for all Egypt's being
presently in disorder, and I did not delay a moment to set out for
Alexandria, where I arrived without any thing remarkable. There I
found my ship ready; and the day after, walking on the key, I was
accosted by a friend of mine, a Turk, a man of some consequence. He
told me it was whispered that the Beys had met, and that Ali Bey had
been totally defeated, wounded, and taken. "We are friends, says
he; you are a Christian; and this connection of the Bey with the
Russians has exasperated the lower sort of people greatly against you
all. What is a day or two to you, now you are going at any rate? Be
advised; go on board your ship early in the afternoon, and make your
captain haul out beyond the Diamond[57], for mischief is at hand."
My captain was as ready as I; and we accordingly hauled out beyond
the Diamond. The weather was so clear, and the wind so directly fair,
that, contrary to custom, we set sail that very night, after being
witnesses that the mischief had begun, by the number of lights and
repeated firings of muskets we heard from the town.
Our vessel sprung a leak off Derna on the coast, where I was once
before shipwrecked. The wind being contrary, we put about ship, and
stood before it for Cyprus, our vessel filled apace, and we were
intending to put a cable round her waist when the leak was found. A
violent storm overtook us the night after. I apprehend our ship was
old, and the captain was again much alarmed, but the wind calmed next
day. I was exceedingly distressed with the Guinea-worm in my leg,
when the captain came and sat down by my bed-side. "Now the matter
is over, says he, will you tell me one thing? it is mere curiosity;
I will not let any one know." "Before I tell you, said I, I dare say
you will not; what is it?" "How many of those things, you know, says
he, winking, have you on board?" "Upon the word of a man, said I, I do
not know what you mean." "Ces morts! these dead men! how many have you
in these trunks? for last night the crew was going to throw all your
boxes overboard." "I can tell you, captain, said I, that you and
they had better been in bed sick of a fever, than been guilty of that
unprovoked violence. 'Brutal comme un Provençal,' is a proverb even in
your own country; I would not wish to have such a confirmation of the
truth of it. But there are my keys, in case another gale should come,
choose out of my trunks the one that, according to your idea, and
theirs, is likeliest to have a dead man in it, and then take another;
and the first one you find, throw them all overboard." I forced him
to open two of the chests, and, lucky it was, as I believe, for off
the island of Malta we had another violent gale, but which did us
no damage. At last, after a passage of about three weeks, we landed
happily at Marseilles.
_Nullum numen abest si sit prudentia; sed Te,
Nos facimus, Fortuna Deum, cæloque locamus._
JUVEN.
REGISTER
OF THE
BAROMETER AND THERMOMETER
in
Abyssinia, 1770.
+-------+------+----------+-----+-------+------------------------------+
|Months.|Hours.|Barometer.|Ther.| Winds.| Remarks on the Weather. |
+-------+------+----------+-----+-------+------------------------------+
| JAN. | | ° ´ ´´ | ° | | |
| 1 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 63½ | N E {A few streaky clouds at the |
| | | | | { horizon, at S and S W. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 6 | 72 | W S W {Great white clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the whole air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 72½ | ditto.|Ditto. Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 8 | 69 | W |Clouds near the whole horizon.|
| 2 | 7 M.| 22 4 2 | 56 | N W |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 22 3 0 | 64½ | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 22 2 6 | 65 | N |Ditto. |
| 3 | 7 M.| 22 4 1 | 56 | ----- |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 22 2 9 | 65½ | S |Perfectly clear. |
| | 2¾ E.| 22 2 0 | 67½ | N {A violent turn of wind which |
| | | | | { lasted six minutes. |
| | 6 E.| 22 3 4 | 65½ | N |Clear and calm. |
| 4 | 6 M.| 22 4 0 | 57 | ----- |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 22 4 5 | 54 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 22 3 1 | 66 | N |Clear with a good breeze. |
| | 6 E.| 22 5 8 | 66 | N {Calm. Misty in the east, |
| | | | | { flying clouds thro' the sky.|
| 5 | 7 M.| 22 4 5 | 56½ | N E |Clear and calm. |
| |12 N.| 22 3 2 | 66½ | N W |A light breeze. |
| | 6 E.| 22 3 0 | 65½ | S b E |Clear. |
| 6 | 7 M.| 22 4 6 | 57 | E S E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 22 3 5 | 66 | S |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 22 3 2 | 66 | W |Ditto, and calm. |
| | 7 E.| 22 3 6 | 65 | S |Ditto, with a small breeze. |
| 7 | 6 M.| 22 4 6 | 56 | N |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 22 3 2 | 67 | S |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 22 3 0 | 64½ | N |Ditto. |
| 8 | 6 M.| 22 4 3 | 55½ | N |Misty in the east, and calm. |
| |12 N.| 22 2 9 | 68½ | N E |Clear and a light breeze. |
| | 6 E.| 22 2 9 | 66 | N {A few clouds at N. and E. but |
| | | | | { very thin. |
| 9 | 7 M.| 22 2 4 | 56 | N W {Clear, with very few thin |
| | | | | { clouds near the horizon. |
| |12 N.| 22 2 9 | 65½ | S {A small breeze, with thin |
| | | | | { white clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { sky. |
| | 6 E.| 22 3 2 | 65 | N N E | |
| 10 | 7 M.| 22 4 6 | 55 | N {A few clouds at the horizon |
| | | | | { at N. E. |
| |12 N.| 22 3 4 | 67 | W S W |Clear. |
| | 6 E.| 22 3 2 | 65 | N by W|Calm and clear. |
| 11 | 7 M.| 22 5 2 | 56 | N E {Calm, and a little hazy in |
| | | | | { the east. |
| |12 N.| 22 2 3 | 66 | S W |Clear and a light breeze. |
| | 6 E.| 22 3 4 | 65 | N {Light clouds to the south, |
| | | | | { everywhere is clear. |
| 12 | 7 M.| 22 4 6 | 59 | N N E |Clear and calm. |
| |12 N.| 22 3 1 | 67 | E S E {Clear, but the wind variable |
| | | | | { from E. to E. S. E. and |
| | | | | { S. E. |
| | 6 E.| 22 5 3 | 67 | S b E |A brisk wind and clear. |
| 13 | 7 M.| 22 4 5 | 61 | N |Clear weather. |
| |12 N.| 22 3 3 | 67 | S W |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 22 3 1 | 66 | N E |Ditto. |
| | | | | | |
| | | | | | The Observations that follow,|
| | | | | | made while passing the high |
| | | | | | Mountain of Lamalmon. |
| FEB. | | | | | |
| 7 | 5 M.| 22 5 0 | 58 | N W {Star-light and clear.--We are |
| | | | | { at Taguzait, the foot of the|
| | | | | { Mountain of Lamalmon. |
| 13 | 5 M.| 19 8 8 | 42 | N b E {Hoar cold, clear star-light. |
| | | | | {We are at the top of the |
| | | | | { Mountain. |
| |12 N.| 19 7 0 | 74 | N W {Fresh breeze. No dew fell last|
| | | | | { night on Lamalmon. |
| | 6 E.| 19 10 0 | 56 | N |Hazy in the horizon. |
| 14 | 6 M.| 19 10 0 | 32 | W N W {Near calm, hoar-frost, never |
| | | | | { before seen. |
| |12 N.| 19 9 0 | 78 | ditto.{A cool breeze, and white |
| | | | | { flying clouds. |
| | 6 E.| 19 9 0 | 64 | N W {A small breeze, perfectly |
| | | | | { clear, and without clouds. |
| | | | | | |
| | | | | | GONDAR. |
| | | | | | |
| 19 | 6½ M.| 21 7 2 | 61 | N |Heavy clouds all over the sky.|
| |12 N.| 21 6 0 | 76 | S E |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 6 | 72 | N N E |Heavy clouds all over the sky.|
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 0 | 73 | N E |Ditto. |
| 20 | 6½ M.| 21 6 8 | 63½ | ----- |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 9 | 72 | S W |White clouds flying. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 6 | 72 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 7 | 71 | N W |Little wind, clear. |
| 21 | 6½ M.| 21 6 3 | 67 | S {A few white clouds flying, but|
| | | | | { seem very light. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 2 | 71 | N W {The whole sky covered with |
| | | | | { light flying clouds. |
| | 2 E.| 21 7 6 | 72 | ditto.{White flying clouds, little |
| | | | | {wind. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 71 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| 22 | 6½ M.| 21 6 6 | 67 | E |Little wind, and clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 0 | 71 | W |White flying clouds. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 0 | 72 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 71 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| 23 | 6½ M.| 21 6 1 | 68 | E |Clear, and nearly calm. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 9 | 72 | W {A light breeze, and white |
| | | | | { flying clouds. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 7 | 72 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 7 | 72 | ditto.{The clouds becoming a little |
| | | | | { heavier. |
| 24 | 6½ M.| 21 6 2 | 67 | S by W{The sky covered with flying |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 0 | 72 | W |Light white clouds scattered. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 7 | 72 | S W {Little wind, the weather |
| | | | | { overcast. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 7 | 71 | N W |Ditto. |
| 25 | 6½ M.| 21 6 0 | 57 | S E |Clear and calm. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 8 | 72 | W {Small white light clouds in |
| | | | | { the S. W. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 8 | 72 | N W {All the sky clear, excepting |
| | | | | { four small clouds in the |
| | | | | { South. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 7 | 71 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| 26 | 6½ M.| 21 5 9 | 65 | S E |Clear and calm. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 9 | 72 | W {White flying clouds in |
| | | | | { considerable numbers. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 7 | 72 | S W {Light white clouds flying to |
| | | | | { the East. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 7 | 71 | W |Weather clear. |
| 27 | 6½ M.| 21 6 1 | 65 | S E {Little wind, clear and |
| | | | | { cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 0 | 72 | S S E |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 7 | 72 | W b S {A few white clouds flying to |
| | | | | { the south-west. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 7 | 71 | N W |Clear. |
| 28 | 6½ M.| 21 6 3 | 68 | E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 9 | 72 | W N W {All the sky is covered with |
| | | | | { darkish clouds. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 8 | 73 | S {The clouds are still turned |
| | | | | { heavier and thicker. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 9 | 73 | S {The clouds are a little |
| | | | | { broken. |
| March | | | | | |
| 1 | 7 M.| 21 6 3 | 68 | E |The sky perfectly clear. |
| |11½ M.| 21 6 1 | 73 | S {White heavy clouds, the sun |
| | | | | { entirely covered. A few big |
| | | | | { drops of rain. |
| | 2½ E.| 21 6 0 | 73 | N E { White clouds which cover the |
| | | | | { sun. |
| | 6¾ E.| 21 6 0 | 71 | ditto.{ Thick clouds at the horizon |
| | | | | { at north and west. |
| 2 | 6 M.| 21 6 0 | 68 | E b S |Clear, and little wind. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 8 | 72 | S W {The whole heavens full of |
| | | | | { white thick clouds. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 8 | 72 | N W {A good breeze, and heavy |
| | | | | { clouds throughout the sky. |
| | | | | { Lightning at north. |
| 3 | 5½ M.| 21 6 0 | 69 | E S E |Clear and cloudless. |
| | 6½ M.| 21 6 3 | 65 | E b N |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 8 | 73 | S S W {White flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { all the sky. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 9 | 74 | W {The day all overcast, so is |
| | | | | { the sun. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 3 | 73 | W {Very cloudless everywhere but |
| | | | | { at the horizon and |
| | | | | { south-west. |
| 4 | 6½ M.| 21 6 1 | 68 | S b E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 8 | 73 | S W {A quantity of white thick |
| | | | | { clouds fill all the air. |
| | 2½ E.| 21 4 7 | 82 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 4 | 74 | W |Clear. |
| 5 | 5 M.| 21 6 3 | 63 | E |Ditto. |
| | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 63 | E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 1 | 82 | S b W {All the air is full of white |
| | | | | { flying clouds, the sun |
| | | | | { appears faintly. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 78 | W {Many clouds. The sun is hid |
| | | | | { only a little at west. |
| | | | | { Clear. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 4 | 71 | S {Many clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { whole sky. |
| 6 | 6½ M.| 21 6 3 | 62 | E |Calm and Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 2 | 80 | S |Clouds fill the whole air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 8 | 78 | S {Overcast, with thick clouds |
| | | | | { and thunder. |
| | 2¾ E.| 21 5 2 | 73 | S E {Clouds cover the whole air, |
| | | | | { and the sun hid. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 2 | 69 | S W |Small rain. |
| 7 | 6½ M.| 21 6 9 | 60 | E b S {Overcast with clouds, all but |
| | | | | { at north. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 7 | 78 | W {White clouds thro' the whole |
| | | | | { sky, the sun not seen. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 3 | 78 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 8 | 72 | N {A few clouds and high, but |
| | | | | { clear in the horizon. |
| 8 | 6½ M.| 21 7 3 | 59 | S {The sky is clear, with very |
| | | | | { white thin clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 0 | 79 | S S W |Great white flying clouds. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 6 | 79 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 6 | 73 | W N W |Clear and cloudless. |
| 9 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 61 | ditto.|Perfectly clear and cloudless.|
| |12 N.| 21 5 6 | 81 | S S E {Large white clouds flying all |
| | | | | { through the sky. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 3 | 80 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 3 | 73 | ditto.{Large white clouds flying all |
| | | | | { through the sky. |
| 10 | 5 M.| 21 6 3 | 60½ | W |Clear. |
| | 6 M.| 21 6 3 | 60 | W {Small white clouds flying to |
| | | | | { the south. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 5 | 80 | W {The white clouds are become |
| | | | | { much larger. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 1 | 80 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 0 | 75 | N W {Light clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, but heavy at N. W. |
| 11 | 6 M.| 21 5 7 | 68 | N |Ditto. |
| |11½ M.| 21 6 2 | 62 | N |Very clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 79 | N W {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { very thin clouds, but large |
| | | | | { white clouds in the horizon |
| | | | | { to the south. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 80 | W {White clouds flying throughout|
| | | | | { the sky. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 2 | 74 | W N W {Clear small clouds at the |
| | | | | { horizon in the north. |
| 12 | 6 M.| 21 6 2 | 65 | N E {The sky is covered with thin |
| | | | | { clouds like a veil. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 3 | 79 | N W {A few light flying clouds |
| | | | | { throughout the sky. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 80 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 4 | 73 | N W |Clear and cloudless. |
| 13 | 6 M.| 21 6 7 | 60 | W |Clear and calm. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 0 | 81 | N W {Clear, only a few light clouds|
| | | | | { to the south-east. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 5 | 74 | ditto.{Clear, and a few small clouds |
| | | | | { near the horizon. |
| 14 | 6 M.| 21 6 6 | 63 | N E |Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 0 | 79 | W {Large flying clouds, the sun |
| | | | | { is covered. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 79 | S {The whole sky is covered with |
| | | | | { heavy clouds, only a small |
| | | | | { part of the horizon clear at|
| | | | | { north, a small shower of |
| | | | | { rain for a few minutes. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 6 | 72 | S {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| 16 | 6 M.| 21 6 5 | 62 | S S E {A few clouds at east, the rest|
| | | | | { clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 4 | 80 | W {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, a sudden violent wind |
| | | | | { from the west which lasted |
| | | | | { 5 min. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 5 | 72 | N W |Clear. |
| | 7½ E.| 21 6 0 | 70 | W |Clear and cloudless. |
| 17 | 6 M.| 21 6 5 | 63 | S E |Clear. |
| | 2 N.| 21 5 2 | 80 | S W {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| | | | | | |
| | | | | {_N. B._ Thermometer exposed to|
| | | | | { the sun, and in half a |
| | | | | { minute mounted to 106°. |
| | | | | | |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 9 | 80 | W b S {Ditto. Thermometer exposed to |
| | | | | { the sun, in half a minute |
| | | | | { mounted to 110°. |
| | | | | { |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 2 | 72 | W {Clear, only a few clouds to |
| | | | | { the west. |
| 18 | 4 M.| 21 6 4 | 60 | S |Calm and hazy. |
| | 6 M.| 21 6 8 | 58 | S {Calm, all the air covered with|
| | | | | { thin clouds like a veil. |
| | | | | {----Thermometer exposed to the|
| | | | | { sun, mounted to 100°. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 81 | W {A few light clouds in the |
| | | | | { east. |
| | | | | {----Thermometer exposed to the|
| | | | | { sun, mounted to 107°. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 5 | 72 | W |Clear. |
| 19 | 6 M.| 21 6 8 | 58 | W N W |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 5 | 80 | S {Ditto,----Thermometer exposed |
| | | | | { to the sun, 105°. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 81 | N W {Ditto,----Thermometer |
| | | | | { Do.-----------113°.|
| | 6 E.| 21 5 6 | 73 | W N W |Ditto.---- |
| 20 | 6 M.| 21 6 8 | 62 | E |Ditto.---- |
| |12 N.| 21 5 6 | 79 | W {Large heavy clouds to the |
| | | | | {south and to the east, the sun|
| | | | | { hid. |
| | | | | {Thermometer exposed to the |
| | | | | { sun, 105°. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 80 | N W { Ditto,----Ditto,--------|
| | | | | { ----in half a minute mounted|
| | | | | { to 101°. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 6 | 73 | ditto.{Heavy clouds to the east and |
| | | | | {west. |
| 21 | 6 M.| 21 6 7 | 62 | E |Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 3 | 80 | N W {Thin clouds like a veil cover |
| | | | | { the sky.----Thermometer |
| | | | | { exposed to the sun, 106°. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 9 | 80 | W {Clear, only a few thin clouds |
| | | | | { to the north.----In half a |
| | | | | { minute the thermometer |
| | | | | { exposed to the sun, mounted |
| | | | | { to 106°. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 0 | 74 | N {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { thin clouds like a veil. |
| | | | | | |
| | | | | | EQUINOX. |
| 22 | 6 M.| 21 6 7 | 62 | E |Clear. |
| | 1 E.| 21 5 2 | 81 | W b N {A few light clouds flying in |
| | | | | { the south.----Thermometer, |
| | | | | { in half a minute, rose to |
| | | | | { 110°. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 7 | 81 | N N E {Clear, thermometer in half a |
| | | | | { minute rose to 111°. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 0 | 74 | N N W {A few streaky clouds like a |
| | | | | { veil to the eastward. |
| 23 | 6 M.| 21 6 4 | 62 | E |Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 3 | 81 | W b N {Large white clouds, the sun |
| | | | | { covered.----Thermometer 88°.|
| | 2 E.| 21 4 6 | 85 | S S W {All the sky is covered with |
| | | | | { white heavy clouds.---- |
| | | | | { Thermometer exposed to the |
| | | | | { sun, rose to 106°. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 3 | 75 | S |Ditto. |
| 24 |12 N.| 21 4 7 | 83 | W {Heavy clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, the sun covered. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 6 | 81 | W N W |Ditto----Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 3 | 73 | N W |Clouds at the W. and N. W. |
| | | | | { towards the horizon. |
| 25 | 6 M.| 21 6 3 | 63 | W {Clouds to W. and N. W. towards|
| | | | | { the horizon. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 7 | 81 | W N W {White flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { all the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 3 4 | 81 | W {Short claps of thunder, with a|
| | | | | { small shower of rain for a |
| | | | | { few minutes at different |
| | | | | { times. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 2 | 68 | W {Heavy clouds, with a violent |
| | | | | { wind. |
| 26 | 4 M.| 21 6 0 | 63 | W {Clouds and lightning, very |
| | | | | { pale towards the south. |
| | 6 M.| 21 6 3 | 63 | W {All the sky covered with |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| | 1¾ E.| 21 5 2 | 77 | S {Violent showers of hail, |
| | | | | { without any mixture of rain |
| | | | | { for 15´, the hail as big as |
| | | | | { a meddling cherry. Thunder, |
| | | | | { but not loud, and of short |
| | | | | { duration. |
| | 3¾ E.| 21 5 5 | 72 | S {Hail and rain, mixed in |
| | | | | { showers, with short |
| | | | | { intervals, that may have |
| | | | | { lasted an hour. |
| 27 | 6 M.| 21 6 3 | 56 | W |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 1 | 76 | S {Flying clouds all throughout |
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 5 | 77 | W N W |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 8 | 70 | N W {Violent wind in blasts, which |
| | | | | { lasted for 5 or 6´ at a |
| | | | | { time. All the sky is covered|
| | | | | { with large heavy clouds, |
| | | | | { especially at north; |
| | | | | { thunder, with violent blasts|
| | | | | { of wind alternately every 8 |
| | | | | { minutes. |
| 28 | 6 M.| 21 6 6 | 58 | E {Clear till ten o'clock, and |
| | | | | { the sky obscured with white |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 6 | 81 | W {Large clouds over the sky, |
| | | | | { going violently to the |
| | | | | { south-west. |
| | 2½ E.| 21 4 4 | 83 | S b E |Large clouds, and the sun |
| | | | | { covered. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 7 | 71 | S |Small clouds to the eastward. |
| 29 | 6 M.| 21 6 7 | 59 | E {Clear till nine, when the sky |
| | | | | { is covered with white |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 2 | 80 | N {Clouds through all the sky, |
| | | | | { and the sun covered. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 8 | 80 | W {All the air is full of small |
| | | | | { white clouds. |
| 30 | 6 M.| 21 6 4 | 63 | E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 3 | 80 | W {Small white clouds flying |
| | | | | { throughout the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 8 | 80 | W |Wind varying to the north. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 2 | 72 | W |Clouds toward the horizon. |
| 31 | 6 M.| 21 6 1 | 61 | W {A few clouds in the south |
| | | | | { towards the horizon. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 6 | 83 | W {White flying clouds scattered |
| | | | | { thro' all the air.---- |
| | | | | { Thermometer exposed to the |
| | | | | { sun, in half a minute rose |
| | | | | { to 101°. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 82 | N W {Clouds as above, but thinner |
| | | | | { and smaller.----Thermometer |
| | | | | { exposed to the sun, in half |
| | | | | { a minute rose to 113°. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 0 | 73 | W |Clear. |
| April | | | | | |
| 1 | 6 M.| 21 6 0 | 59 | S b E |Perfectly clear and cloudless.|
| |12 N.| 21 4 0 | 84 | S W {All the air covered with white|
| | | | | { flying clouds. |
| | 2 E.| 21 3 8 | 84 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 4 8 | 75 | W {Frequent clouds throughout the|
| | | | | { air, which come from the |
| | | | | { east against the wind. |
| 2 | 6 M.| 21 6 2 | 64 | W by S|Clouds throughout the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 6 | 85 | S E |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 6 | 80 | W |Ditto.---- the sun is covered.|
| | 6 E.| 21 4 9 | 75 | N by E|A few flying clouds. |
| 3 | 6 M.| 21 6 4 | 63 | E by S|Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 1 | 82½ | S E {A few flying clouds, |
| | | | | { especially at the west and |
| | | | | { north. |
| | 3 E.| 21 4 7 | 82 | E |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 3 | 75 | S E |Ditto. |
| 8 | 6½ M.| 22 2 0 | 72 | ----- {A few clouds through all the |
| | | | | { air. |
| |10¼ M.| 22 0 0 | 74½ | S W {Rain, the drops large and |
| | | | | { distant, that lasted a |
| | | | | { quarter of an hour. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 8 | 75½ | N W {Thunder, and very thick clouds|
| | | | | { at north-west, sudden blasts|
| | | | | { of wind which lasted with |
| | | | | { intervals about a quarter of|
| | | | | { an hour at a time. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 4 | 74 | ditto.{The clouds a little lighter, |
| | | | | { but the wind still strong |
| | | | | { with intervals. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 2 | 76 | ditto.{Thunder at the east |
| | | | | { south-east, the clouds are |
| | | | | { very thick at east and |
| | | | | { north-west. |
| | 6¾ E.| -------- | -- | N N E {The wind blows like a tempest,|
| | | | | { with lightening at east and |
| | | | | { north, black clouds at |
| | | | | { north-west and north. |
| | 7 E.| 21 11 5 | 74½ | N E {There begins a small shower, |
| | | | | { then comes thunder, the rain|
| | | | | { increases with a strong wind|
| | | | | { for 2 hours. |
| 9 | 6 M.| 22 0 0 | 72 | ----- |Clouds all thro' the air, |
| | | | | { especially at N. W. and |
| | | | | { S. W. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 6 | 76 | N W {Great heavy clouds all over |
| | | | | { the horizon, especially at |
| | | | | { north-west. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 3 | 77½ | W |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 2 | 77½ | N W {Heavy clouds at north-west, |
| | | | | { and thunder for half an |
| | | | | { hour. |
| 10 | 6 M.| 21 11 8 | 70 | ----- |Clear. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 4 | 78 | N {Small clouds in the horizon at|
| | | | | { north-west. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 2 | 76 | W |Clear. |
| 11 | 6 M.| 22 0 0 | 68 | ----- |Ditto, and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 5 | 76 | N W {All the air is covered with a |
| | | | | { light veil. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 3 | 76½ | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 1 | 74½ | N |Ditto. |
| 12 | 6 M.| 22 0 0 | 67 | ----- |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 6 | 75½ | N {A few clouds towards the |
| | | | | { horizon. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 4 | 77 | N W {White clouds all flying over |
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 2 | 71 | ----- {Clouds towards the horizon at |
| | | | | { west and south-west. |
| 13 | 6 M.| 21 11 8 | 68 | ----- |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 5 | 75½ | W {Clouds towards the horizon at |
| | | | | { north. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 4 | 76 | W |Small clouds at east. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 3 | 74 | N W {A thin veil has covered the |
| | | | | { heavens. |
| 14 | 6 M.| 22 0 2 | 68½ | N E |A light veil over the sky. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 8 | 76½ | W N W |White clouds in the east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 5 | 76 | N W |Ditto, lighter in the south. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 5 | 76 | N {A veil of white clouds cover |
| | | | | { the whole air. |
| 15 | 2 M.| 21 11 6 | 66 | N N E |Clear and cloudless. |
| | 7½ M.| 22 3 0 | 69 | ditto.{White clouds like a veil |
| | | | | { flying through the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 7 | 76½ | N W {Clouds as above, but more |
| | | | | { united. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 4 | 79 | ditto.{Clouds at north-west, clear at|
| | | | | { south-east. |
| | 3 E.| 21 11 4 | 80 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 4 | 76½ | N |Clear. |
| 16 | 7 M.| 22 0 0 | 70 | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 8 | 77½ | N W {White light clouds at |
| | | | | { north-west north and |
| | | | | { north-east, all the rest |
| | | | | { clear. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 5 | 77½ | W {White flying clouds through |
| | | | | { all the air, the sun is |
| | | | | { covered. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 4 | 78 | W {Heavy clouds all over the air,|
| | | | | { but clear at west. |
| 17 | 6 M.| 22 0 0 | 73 | N |Clear. |
| | 1½ E.| 21 11 7 | 76½ | N W {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 5 | 79 | ditto.{------ Ditto. ------ A small |
| | | | | { part clear towards the |
| | | | | { zenith at south-east. |
| | 4¾ E.| 21 11 4 | 79¼ | ditto.{Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, especially at north |
| | | | | { north-west and north east. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 3 | 76 | ditto.{Heavy clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| 18 | 1 M.| 21 11 8 | 75½ | E by S{Heavy rain for 10 min. thunder|
| | | | | { in the north, and lightning |
| | | | | { in the north and south. |
| |12 N.| 22 0 1 | 75 | N W {Large white clouds scattered |
| | | | | { throughout the sky. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 8 | 77 | ditto.{Clouds as above, but very |
| | | | | { heavy to the eastward. |
| | 3¾ E.| 21 11 5 | 77 | ditto.{Heavy thick clouds at the |
| | | | | { north, lighter at east and |
| | | | | { west, the south clear |
| | | | | { towards the zenith, but |
| | | | | { heavy clouds in the horizon,|
| | | | | { the wind very violent. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 5 | 76 | N N W {Clouds thro' all the air, and |
| | | | | { great appearance of rain. |
| 19 | 6 M.| 22 0 6 | 64 | N {At seven o'clock there was at |
| | | | | { the S. S. E. a small white |
| | | | | { cloud, from which came a |
| | | | | { great quantity of lightning.|
| | | | | { Thunder thro' the night, but|
| | | | | | no rain. |
| |12 N.| ---- | 91 | W N W | |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 3 | 78 | N W {Small flying clouds through |
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 1 | 77 | ditto.|Clear. |
| 20 | 6 M.| 22 0 5 | 64½ | N |Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 9 | 77¼ | N W {The sky covered with a very |
| | | | | { light veil. |
| | 3 E.| 21 11 3 | 78 | W |Small flying clouds. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 3 | 77 | N E {Clear, at four o'clock, the |
| | | | | { wind changed to east. |
| | 8 E.| 21 11 3 | 77 | E N E |Clear and cloudless. |
| 21 | 6 M.| 21 0 0 | 65 | S E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 22 0 2 | 77 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 1 E.| 21 11 6 | 79 | W {Clear, only three small clouds|
| | | | | { near the zenith. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 3 | 78 | S E {Calm and a very few light |
| | | | | {clouds. |
| | 8¼ E.| 21 11 7 | 75 | E |Clear for three nights past. |
| 22 | 6 M.| 22 0 7 | 63 | N E {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { thin clouds like a veil. |
| |12 N.| 22 0 0 | 77½ | W |Clear. |
| | 1 E.| 21 11 6 | 79 | W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 3 | 79 | W N W |Ditto. |
| | 3 E.| 21 11 2 | 79 | W |Ditto. |
| | 4 E.| 21 11 1 | 80 | W |Ditto. |
| | 5 E.| 21 11 0 | 80 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 1 | 78 | N W {Clouds all over the horizon |
| | | | | { especially at west and north|
| | | | | { west. |
| | 7 E.| 21 11 5 | 76 | N E {Great clouds towards the |
| | | | | { horizon and black at north |
| | | | | { west. |
| | 8 E.| 21 11 6 | 75 | N |Ditto. |
| | 9 E.| 21 11 6 | 74 | N E |Clear and cloudless. |
| |10 E.| 22 0 0 | 74 | S E |Ditto. |
| |11 E.| 22 0 0 | 73 | E N E |Ditto. |
| |12 E.| 22 0 0 | 73 | N E |Ditto. |
| 23 | 1 M.| 22 0 0 | 70 | E S E {Small light clouds in the |
| | | | | { east. |
| | 2 M.| 22 0 0 | 66 | S E |Clear. |
| | 3 M.| 22 0 0 | 68 | E |Ditto. |
| | 4 M.| 22 0 0 | 66 | S E |Ditto. |
| | 5 M.| 22 0 2 | 65 | E N E |Ditto. |
| | 6 M.| 22 0 2 | 66½ | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 7 M.| 22 0 2 | 70 | E S E |Clear and cloudless. |
| | 8 M.| 21 11 9 | 79 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 9 M.| 22 0 2 | 76 | W N W |Ditto. |
| |10 M.| 22 0 2 | 77 | N W |Ditto. |
| |11 M.| 22 0 0 | 78 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 6 | 79 | W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 0 | 82 | N E {Clear, only a few clouds at |
| | | | | { the north-west. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 2 | 77 | ditto.{Clouds all throughout the |
| | | | | { horizon except at |
| | | | | { north-west. |
| 24 | 6 M.| 22 0 2 | 65 | S E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 7 | 79 | S W {A few clouds to the north and |
| | | | | { south. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 2 | 81 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 2 | 78 | N {Clouds all over the horizon, |
| | | | | { and a veil all over the sky.|
| 25 | 6 M.| 22 0 0 | 64 | E S E |Clear. |
| | 2½ E.| 21 11 0 | 82 | W {Clouds throughout the air, but|
| | | | | { clear at south-west. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 0 | 79 | N {Flying clouds throughout all |
| | | | | { the horizon. |
| 26 | 6 M.| 22 0 1 | 64 | S E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 6 | 79¼ | W N W {Flying clouds all over the sky|
| | | | | { especially at north-west. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 2 | 79 | ditto.{All the air covered, the sun |
| | | | | { likewise covered. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 2 | 78 | N {Flying clouds all over the sky|
| | | | | { especially at north-west. |
| 27 |12½ M.| 22 0 2 | 66 | N |Clear. |
| | 6 M.| 22 0 4 | 63 | N E {Small clouds through the |
| | | | | { horizon. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 10 | 78 | W N W {White clouds in the north and |
| | | | | { east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 3 | 80 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 5 | 77 | ditto.{All the sky is covered with |
| | | | | { heavy clouds, which go |
| | | | | { against the wind, that is to|
| | | | | { the north-west, a few drops |
| | | | | { of rain fall. |
| 28 | 6 M.| 22 0 6 | 65 | E {Clouds in the horizon, and a |
| | | | | { thin veil covering all the |
| | | | | { sky at north-east and south |
| | | | | { up to the zenith. |
| |12 N.| 22 0 2 | 78 | N W {White and hoary clouds flying |
| | | | | { all over the sky. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 10 | 77½ | N b E {Flying clouds throughout all |
| | | | | { the air, they go towards the|
| | | | | { west, a violent wind about |
| | | | | { midnight from the east. |
| 29 | 5½ M.| 22 0 6 | 67 | E N E |Clear. |
| | 6½ M.| 22 11 9 | 69 | S {Mostly clear, with some part |
| | | | | { of the heavens covered with |
| | | | | { a thin veil. |
| |12 N.| 22 0 3 | 79 | E {Light clouds flying in the |
| | | | | { sky. |
| | 2 E.| 22 0 0 | 80 | N E {Strong blasts of wind from |
| | | | | { time to time. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 9 | 78 | N by W|Clouds throughout the horizon.|
| 30 | 6 M.| 22 0 7 | 65 | E {Clouds flying to the north and|
| | | | | { east. |
| |12 N.| 22 0 0 | 81 | N W {Large white clouds all over |
| | | | | { the horizon, especially at |
| | | | | { north-east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 5 | 81 | W N W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 6 | 81½ | ditto.{Large white clouds all over |
| | | | | { the horizon. |
| MAY | | | | | |
| 1 | 1 M.| 22 0 3 | 68 | E {Flying clouds much united all |
| | | | | { over the sky, the east |
| | | | | { is the part that is freest. |
| | 6 M.| 21 0 4 | 65 | N E {Heavy clouds towards the |
| | | | | { north, the rest clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 5 | 80¼ | N W {Flying clouds at north and |
| | | | | { north-east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 1 | 81¾ | ditto.{Clouds as above, and also at |
| | | | | { the horizon. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 3 | 78 | E N E {Thick clouds all over the |
| | | | | { horizon, and the sky almost |
| | | | | { covered as with a veil. |
| | 8½ E.| 21 11 7 | 77 | W {Rain, thunder, and lightning, |
| | | | | { but in no great quantity, |
| | | | | { all the sky is covered |
| | | | | { excepting at south-east. |
| 2 | 6 M.| 22 0 5 | 65½ | S E {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { thick clouds, a few drops of|
| | | | | { rain; at half past six a |
| | | | | { very light rain began which |
| | | | | { lasted for a few minutes, |
| | | | | { and begins again. |
| | 7½ M.| 22 0 8 | 67 | ditto.{It has begun a light shower, |
| | | | | { which ceases and begins |
| | | | | { again at intervals. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 7 | 77 | N N W {Large white clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air, the sun covered. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 9 | 75 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| 3 |12 N.| 22 0 1 | 77½ | N W {Large moving clouds, the sun |
| | | | | { is covered. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 3 | 80 | N E |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 5 | 76¼ | N {Clouds everywhere joined, and |
| | | | | { cover the whole air. |
| 4 | 6½ M.| 22 0 7 | 64¾ | E |Light flying clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 9 | 79 | N W |Small white flying clouds. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 3 | 80 | N N E {Small white clouds in the |
| | | | | { horizon. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 4 | 77½ | N W {Clouds throughout the air, |
| | | | | { they come from south-east, |
| | | | | { and go against the wind. |
| 5 | 6 M.| 22 0 4 | 71 | N by E{Small light clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the horizon. |
| |12 N.| 22 0 0 | 80 | N N E |Clouds at east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 3 | 81 | ditto.{Heavy moving clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 4 | 77¼ | N N W {United clouds through the air,|
| | | | | { appearance of rain. |
| 6 | 6 M.| 22 0 8 | 66½ | N E {Great clouds which cover all |
| | | | | { the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 8 | 80 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 4½ E.| 22 0 0 | 76¾ | S E {All the air covered with white|
| | | | | { clouds, it begins to rain. |
| | 5¾ E.| 22 0 6 | 71¼ | ditto.{Ditto----Ditto;----it begins |
| | | | | { to thunder. |
| | 6½ E.| 22 0 7 | 71 | ---- |A light shower, which ceases |
| | | | | | in a few minutes. |
| 7 | 6 M.| 22 0 8 | 71 | ---- {Clouds at the horizon |
| | | | | { especially at E. and N. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 2 | 75¼ | N W {Great white flying clouds, |
| | | | | { nothing clear but the |
| | | | | { zenith. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 5 | 77¼ | N |Clouds cover the whole air. |
| | 6¼ E.| 21 11 6 | 72½ | N {It has begun to rain a little,|
| | | | | { all the air is covered with |
| | | | | { heavy clouds. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 7 | 72¼ | N {The rain has ceased, clouds |
| | | | | { throughout the air. |
| 8 | 6 M.| 22 0 0 | 65½ | ----- {Clouds throughout the whole |
| | | | | { air. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 6 | 74 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 3 | 76 | ditto.{All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 6 | 74 | N E |Ditto. |
| | 7½ E.| 22 0 1 | 73 | S S E {Clouds as above, it begins to |
| | | | | { rain lightly at eight. |
| 9 | 6 M.| 22 0 6 | 74 | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 22 0 0 | 73 | N W {White clouds at the horizon at|
| | | | | { north and east, a light veil|
| | | | | { covers the sky. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 5 | 75 | ditto.|Thunder in short claps. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 7 | 73¼ | N {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| 10 | 6½ M.| 22 0 6 | 62¼ | N E {Light clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { whole air. |
| |12 N.| 22 0 0 | 75¼ | N W {Large clouds flying throughout|
| | | | | { the air, especially at north|
| | | | | { and east, thunder. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 3 | 75 | ditto.{Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, the sun is covered, a |
| | | | | { small shower which lasted |
| | | | | { for a few minutes. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 6 | 72¼ | E S E {Thick clouds throughout all |
| | | | | { the air. |
| 11 | 6½ M.| 22 0 6 | 62 | E b S {White light clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air, dark towards the |
| | | | | { horizon, especially in the |
| | | | | { east. |
| |12 N.| 22 0 7 | 73½ | N W {Great masses of white clouds, |
| | | | | { with clear intervals. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 5 | 75¾ | W {Thick clouds in every part, |
| | | | | { the zenith only clear. |
| | 3¼ E.| 22 0 0 | 73¾ | E {Violent rain, with clouds, |
| | | | | { thunder and lightning. |
| | 6½ E.| 22 0 0 | 67¾ | N E {It rains a little, all the |
| | | | | { heavens covered, but darkest|
| | | | | { at north-west and |
| | | | | { south-east. |
| 12 | 6½ M.| 22 0 4 | 62¼ | S E |Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 22 0 0 | 73 | S by E{Great masses of white clouds |
| | | | | { throughout the horizon; |
| | | | | { zenith clear. |
| | 2 E.| 22 0 3 | 74½ | N E |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 22 0 3 | 71½ | E {The sky covered with black |
| | | | | { clouds, it begins to rain |
| | | | | { smartly. |
| | 6½ E.| 22 0 8 | 69¾ | N E {Black clouds, and rains |
| | | | | { violently, but without |
| | | | | { thunder. |
| 13 | 6½ M.| 22 0 3 | 64¼ | ditto.{A light veil covers the sun, |
| | | | | { which does not hinder it |
| | | | | { from being warm. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 6 | 74¼ | W |Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | | air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 1 1 | 76 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 2 | 74 | N E |Ditto. |
| 14 | 6 M.| 22 0 4 | 66½ | ditto.{All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { thick clouds, which threaten|
| | | | | { rain. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 4 | 74 | N N E |Ditto. |
| | 2¾ E.| 21 11 0 | 75 | N E {Scattered clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 4½ E.| 21 10 5 | 77 | N N W {Flying showers for ten |
| | | | | { minutes, the sun clear. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 10 9 | 73¾ | N E {Thick black clouds, thunder at|
| | | | | { south-east and violent |
| | | | | { lightning. |
| 15 | 4¾ M.| 22 0 1 | 62¼ | S E {A large thick cloud at west, |
| | | | | { all the rest clear. |
| | 6 M.| 22 0 2 | 64¾ | ditto.|Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 6 | 75 | N W {Great clouds flying to north |
| | | | | { and east, zenith clear. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 0 | 76¼ | ditto.{White clouds towards the |
| | | | | { horizon, zenith clear. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 2 | 74¼ | N E {One single cloud covers the |
| | | | | { whole sky equally. |
| 16 | 5¼ M.| 22 0 0 | 66½ | ditto.{Clear, only a very few white |
| | | | | { clouds at the horizon. |
| | 6½ M.| 22 0 2 | 63 | ditto.{Clear, only a few white clouds|
| | | | | { at west. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 6 | 76¾ | SSE {Large clouds at N. N. W. all |
| | | | |varying{ the heavens covered as with |
| | | | |to S W { a veil, wind changing to |
| | | | | { N. N. W. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 2 | 77 | N {A great cloud covers the |
| | | | | { zenith. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 1 | 73¼ | E N E {United clouds cover the whole |
| | | | | { air. |
| 17 | 6 M.| 22 0 4 | 62 | ditto.|Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 7 | 74 | W N W {Thick clouds to the |
| | | | | { north-west, and thunder from|
| | | | | { the same quarter, and the |
| | | | | { other part of the sky, |
| | | | | { clouds flying against the |
| | | | | { wind. |
| | 2 E.| 21 11 4 | 74¼ | N E {All the sky is covered with |
| | | | | { clouds, it threatens rain. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 11 6 | 70¼ | N N W {All the sky is covered with |
| | | | | { black clouds, it lightens |
| | | | | { also, and threatens rain. |
| JUNE | | | | | |
| 1 | 6 M.| 21 6 5 | 63 | W {The west is all full of heavy |
| | | | | { clouds, which reaches from |
| | | | | { the horizon to the zenith. |
| |12 N.| 21 3 6 | 69 | N {It begins to rain heavily, and|
| | | | | { large drops. |
| | 2 E.| 21 3 1 | 68 | N N W {All the air covered with thick|
| | | | | { clouds, especially at the |
| | | | | { south and west. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 3 8 | 65 | N {Between this and the last |
| | | | | { observation three or four |
| | | | | { small showers, and the whole|
| | | | | { sky covered with thick |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| 2 | 6 M.| 21 5 8 | 63½ | N {Flying clouds through the |
| | | | | { whole air especially at |
| | | | | { north and north-west. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 2 | 67½ | N |Flying clouds through the air.|
| | 2 E.| 21 3 8 | 68½ | N N E {---- Ditto; all this afternoon|
| | | | | { have fallen small showers, |
| | | | | { which lasted for five or six|
| | | | | { minutes at a time. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 0 | 67½ | N {The sky at present is all |
| | | | | { clouded. |
| 3 | 6 M.| 21 5 8 | 62 | S W {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { thick clouds, at the E. and |
| | | | | { N. E. the air a little |
| | | | | { thinner. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 4 | 68 | N N E {All the air covered as above |
| | | | | { with thick clouds, and the |
| | | | | { sun not seen. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 0 | 67½ | N {Scattered clouds through all |
| | | | | { the sky. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 8 | 66 | N N E {Black clouds at N. and W. the |
| | | | | { S. perfectly clear. |
| 4 | 6 M.| 21 5 8 | 62 | N {Clouds united all over the |
| | | | | { heavens, it rained a little |
| | | | | { in the morning. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 8 | 67½ | N N E {The south covered with a thick|
| | | | | { cloud, the rest of the |
| | | | | { heavens covered with flying |
| | | | | { clouds, but pretty heavy; at|
| | | | | { half past twelve it rained |
| | | | | { violently. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 0 | 67 | N {The south covered with very |
| | | | | { thick clouds, with some |
| | | | | { thunder. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 0 | 67½ | N N E {Thick clouds at north and west|
| | | | | { the rest of the heavens |
| | | | | { clear. |
| 5 | 6 M.| 21 5 7 | 61 | N |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 3 | 67½ | N N E {There has fallen a little rain|
| | | | | { for about ten minutes. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 0 | 68½ | N {Thick clouds but the sun |
| | | | | { appears. |
| | 7 E.| 21 4 0 | 67½ | N {Clouds in the horizon to north|
| | | | | { and west, very small clouds |
| | | | | { in the rest of the air. |
| 10 |12 M.| 21 5 0 | 66 | N N E {Cloudy, all the heavens are |
| | | | | { perfectly covered. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 6 | 66½ | S {Very heavy clouds cover the |
| | | | | { whole air, coming first from|
| | | | | { the south, it rains very |
| | | | | { violently. |
| 11 | 6 M.| 21 5 0 | 65½ | ---- {Flying clouds thro' the whole |
| | | | | { air, especially at the |
| | | | | { horizon. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 6 | 66 | N N E {Heavy clouds through the whole|
| | | | | { air, it has rained very |
| | | | | { heavily two or three times. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 6 | 66 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| 12 | 6 M.| 21 5 2 | 64½ | ---- {Scattered clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air, especially to the |
| | | | | { S. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 1 | 65½ | S E {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { heavy thick clouds, and it |
| | | | | { begins to rain with great |
| | | | | { violence. |
| |12¾ E.| 21 5 2 | 64 | N W {It has continued to rain every|
| | | | | { half minute, to six o'clock,|
| | | | | { with violent claps of |
| | | | | { thunder. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 9 | 65 | N N E {It still continues to rain |
| | | | | { moderately for three hours |
| | | | | { in the night. |
| 13 | 6 M.| 21 5 2 | 64½ | ---- {Clouds in the horizon at S. |
| | | | | { and E. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 9 | 66 | N W {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { thick clouds. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 6 | 66 | N N E {---- Ditto, but the sun |
| | | | | { appears. |
| | 4 E.| 21 4 1 | 66 | S E {The south is covered with |
| | | | |varying{ thick black clouds, it has |
| | | | | to S W{ rained several times between|
| | | | | { four and five. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 6 | 64½ | S E {Small rain for about an hour, |
| | | | | { clouds flying through the |
| | | | | { air very heavy in the |
| | | | | { horizon to the S. |
| 14 | 6 M.| 21 4 9 | 65 | ---- {Heavy clouds from the |
| | | | | { south-east to the west. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 3 | 65 | N N E {Black clouds to the south and |
| | | | | { west. |
| 15 | 6 M.| 21 4 9 | 64½ | ---- {Clouds in the south and in the|
| | | | | { east, towards the horizon. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 7 | 65½ | ditto.{Clouds throughout the whole |
| | | | | { air, it thunders with long |
| | | | | { intervals. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 4 | 66 | ditto.{---- Ditto; and great |
| | | | | { appearances of rain, it |
| | | | | { lightens at south. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 1 | 66 | N E {Thick clouds to the south, |
| | | | | { thinner through the rest of |
| | | | | { the air. |
| 16 | 6 M.| 21 4 9 | 64 | ---- {Dark mist on every side, which|
| | | | | { lasted only half an hour. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 5 | 66½ | N N E {Heavy clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air especially to the S. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 5 | 66½ | N {Clouds throughout the air, it |
| | | | | { has rained for three times |
| | | | | { violently, but of short |
| | | | | { duration. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 2 | 66 | N E {Black clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, with violent lightning.|
| 17 | 7 M.| 21 4 6 | 65 | ---- {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, especially in the E. |
| 18 | 7 M.| 21 4 8 | 63¼ | N E {Light clouds, but closely |
| | | | | { united all over the sky like|
| | | | | { a veil, and something |
| | | | | { blacker to the S. S. W. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 4 | 66 | ditto.{Black clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, a violent rain has |
| | | | | { fallen for a quarter of an |
| | | | | { hour the wind S. S. W. and |
| | | | | { N. N. E. alternately. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 2 | 65 | N W {About half past one, a most |
| | | | | { violent rain which lasted a |
| | | | | { quarter of an hour, violent |
| | | | | { and constant thunder with |
| | | | | { lightning the whole |
| | | | | { afternoon. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 4 | 63¾ | S E {Sky covered with dark clouds, |
| | | | | { and a violent rain begun |
| | | | | { which lasted two hours. |
| 19 | 7 M.| 21 4 6 | 65 | E {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air but heaviest towards the|
| | | | | { south. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 6 | 66 | N E {Heavy scattered clouds |
| | | | | { throughout the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 3 | 65 | ditto.{Clouds as above, only the |
| | | | | { horizon at S. S. W. is |
| | | | | { clear. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 4 | 64 | ditto.{Thick black clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air especially at south |
| | | | | { south-west. |
| 20 | 7 M.| 21 5 1 | 64 | ---- {Clouds scattered every where |
| | | | | { throughout the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 8 | 65½ | N {Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. The highest current |
| | | | | { from the south, the lowest |
| | | | | { comes from the north with |
| | | | | { great rapidity, rain and |
| | | | | { thunder. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 6 | 64¾ | S E |Clouds as above. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 1 | 63¾ | E {Rain and violent thunder, |
| | | | | { which began at five in the |
| | | | | { evening and lasted till |
| | | | | { midnight without |
| | | | | { intermission. |
| 21 | 7 M.| 21 5 1 | 63¾ | ---- {Clear, only a very few clouds |
| | | | | { in the horizon to the |
| | | | | { south-west. |
| |11½ M.| 21 5 0 | 66 | N E {Clouds thick and heavy at the |
| | | | | { east and north, violent |
| | | | | { rain. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 9 | 65¾ | W {Thick clouds to the north and |
| | | | | { west, at east south-east |
| | | | | { clear. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 6 | 64 | N N E {Clouds scattered throughout |
| | | | | { the whole air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 6 | 63¾ | ditto.{Many thick clouds to the north|
| | | | | { and east, wind changing from|
| | | | | { that to S. W. |
| 22 | 7 M.| 21 4 8 | 63 | N E {Clear, only a few clouds to |
| | | | | { the horizon, and a thick |
| | | | | { mist to the north. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 8 | 64¾ | ditto.{Clouds throughout the whole |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 5 | 64 | N N W {It is clear near the horizon |
| | | | | { to the S. W. a current of |
| | | | | { air is seen coming from the |
| | | | | { N. W. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 4 | 63 | N {Clouds throughout the whole |
| | | | | { air, with mist and rain, a |
| | | | | { violent wind in the night. |
| 23 | 7 M.| 21 5 2 | 61 | W N W {Flying clouds through the air,|
| | | | | { especially north-west, west |
| | | | | { and south-west. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 1 | 64 | W {---- Ditto; to the west of |
| | | | | { north it has rained often. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 9 | 62¾ | N N E {All the heavens covered with |
| | | | | { very thick clouds, it |
| | | | | { threatens rain. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 0 | 63 | N E {Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, which come from |
| | | | | { north-west, there is a |
| | | | | { current thinner which comes |
| | | | | { from the south-west. |
| 24 | 6½ M.| 21 4 9 | 63 | S {Clouds throughout the whole |
| | | | | { air, a great quantity of |
| | | | | { mist going southward, |
| | | | | { thunder likewise. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 7 | 65 | N E {Clouds through all the air, |
| | | | | { and thunder. |
| | 7 E.| 21 4 4 | 63 | N {Heavy clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| 25 | 7 M.| 21 5 0 | 61¼ | ---- |Ditto.--the sun covered. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 6 | 64 | N {Clouds as above, the highest |
| | | | | { current of clouds come from |
| | | | | { the south. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 3 | 64 | ditto.{The sky overcast, it rains |
| | | | | { violently. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 6 | 63¾ | N E {Ditto.--It begins to rain |
| | | | | { small rain. |
| 26 | 6½ M.| 21 4 8 | 62¾ | N {Clouds throughout the whole |
| | | | | { air, and so heavy they |
| | | | | { scarcely move. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 8 | 65¼ | N E |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 3 | 64 | S S E {Black clouds at south |
| | | | | { south-west, lighter flying |
| | | | | { clouds to the east. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 6 | 63 | W {Heavy clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { whole air. |
| 27 | 7 M.| 21 5 7 | 60½ | N E |Light flying clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 4 | 63¾ | W {Very cloudy, sometimes there |
| | | | | { comes a blast from the east |
| | | | | { with a little rain. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 1 | 63 | N {Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, it rains. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 8 | 62½ | N N E {Thick clouds to the north-east|
| | | | | { and north, clear in the west|
| | | | | { and south, quite clear in |
| | | | | { the zenith. |
| 28 | 6½ M.| 21 5 7 | 61¼ | E N E {Light clouds all over the sky,|
| | | | | { but in the south a little |
| | | | | { heavier. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 3 | 63¾ | N E {Heavy clouds, the higher |
| | | | | { current of wind south-west |
| | | | | { the lower north-east, it |
| | | | | { threatens rain and violent |
| | | | | { thunder and lightning. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 9 | 62 | N N E |Small rain and thunder. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 3 | 61½ | ditto.{Thick clouds through all the |
| | | | | { air. There are currents of |
| | | | | { air which carry the clouds |
| | | | | { some to the W. and others |
| | | | | { to N. the lower current |
| | | | | { N. N. E. |
| 29 | 6½ M.| 21 5 4 | 61¼ | ---- {Clear, there are a few streaky|
| | | | | { clouds in the horizon to the|
| | | | | { south. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 0 | 63¾ | N E {Light flying clouds, thicker |
| | | | | { towards the horizon in the |
| | | | | { south-west. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 8 | 63½ | ditto.|The air quite overcast. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 6 | 62¾ | N {Clear only a few clouds at the|
| | | | | { horizon. |
| 30 | 7 M.| 21 5 3 | 62 | ---- {Light flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the horizon especially to |
| | | | | { the south-east and |
| | | | | { south-west. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 2 | 62¾ | N E {Heavy clouds through all the |
| | | | | { air, it rains; two currents |
| | | | | { of wind from the N. W. and |
| | | | | { N. E. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 7 | 63 | ---- {Clear, excepting a few clouds |
| | | | | { in the horizon towards the |
| | | | | { south-east, it thunders. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 4 9 | 62½ | S E {Heavy clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, great appearance of |
| | | | | { rain. |
| JULY | | | | | |
| 1 | 6½ M.| 21 5 2 | 61¼ | S S W {Many clouds flying throughout |
| | | | | { the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 1 | 63 | N |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 9 | 62¾ | S W |Ditto.--Especially at |
| | | | | | south-east. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 6 | 58¾ | W N W {Thick heavy clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air. |
| 2 | 6 M.| 21 6 6 | 57 | S {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 7 | 65½ | N W {White flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | | the air, they seem higher |
| | | | | { towards the horizon, the low|
| | | | | { clouds covering the |
| | | | | { north-east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 7 | 65½ | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 63 | N b W {Thick clouds to the north and |
| | | | | { north-west, lighter in all |
| | | | | { other places. |
| 4 | 5½ M.| 21 6 9 | 57¼ | ditto.{Many small clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 9 | 59 | N b E {Rain and very thick clouds |
| | | | | { throughout the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 62½ | N {Frequent clouds throughout the|
| | | | |varying{ air. |
| | | | | to | |
| | | | | E & W | |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 9 | 59 | N |Ditto. |
| 5 | 5½ M.| 21 6 7 | 58 | N W {Light flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { all the air, and darker |
| | | | | { towards the horizon. |
| |12 N.| 21 7 1 | 60 | N b E {Thick clouds with violent |
| | | | | { rain. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 8 | 62 | N N W {The clouds are scattering, but|
| | | | | { remain thick at W. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 7 | 59 | N N E {Very thick clouds to north |
| | | | | { north-west and north-east, |
| | | | | { the rest clear. |
| 6 | 5½ M.| 21 7 2 | 56¾ | N {White clouds flying throughout|
| | | | | { all the air seeming to unite|
| | | | | { in south. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 8 | 62 | N N W {Very thick clouds, thunder and|
| | | | | { lightning in the S. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 6 | 59 | N {Clouds uniting throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| 7 | 5½ M.| 21 7 1 | 57 | N E {Clear, only a very few small |
| | | | | { clouds in the horizon |
| | | | | { towards the east. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 7 | 54¾ | W {Violent rain, the wind change |
| | | | | { first from north then to |
| | | | | { west. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 7 | 59¾ | N N W {Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, rather clear in the |
| | | | | { east. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 5 | 57¾ | N {Clouds through the whole air, |
| | | | | { but especially in the |
| | | | | { horizon to the north. |
| 8 | 5½ M.| 21 7 2 | 55½ | N {Dark clouds in the horizon, |
| | | | | { everywhere but in the north |
| | | | | { is clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 8 | 63¾ | N N W {White clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { whole air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 6 | 63½ | N |Ditto. |
| | | | |varying| |
| | | | | by S | |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 7 | 59 | N {Thick clouds in the horizon, |
| | | | | { everywhere but in the north,|
| | | | | { where they are very black. |
| 9 | 5½ M.| 21 7 0 | 57¼ | N by E{Clouds united all through the |
| | | | | { air, the north only clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 6 | 66 | N {Clouds all over the horizon, |
| | | | |varying{ they seem to cross one |
| | | | | S { another in the zenith, which|
| | | | | { as yet is clear. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 66¼ | N {Thick clouds over the horizon,|
| | | | |varying{ these from north-east and |
| | | | | to N W{ north cross one another in |
| | | | | { the south. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 5 | 58 | N {Thick clouds unite in the |
| | | | |varying{ south. |
| | | | | to N W{ |
| 10 | 5½ M.| 21 6 7 | 57 | W {The north, the south, |
| | | | | { south-east and south-west |
| | | | | { are covered with clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 65 | N {White clouds in great masses |
| | | | | { all over the horizon, the |
| | | | | { zenith clear. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 1 | 65½ | N |Great thick clouds throughout.|
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 1 | 59 | N {White flying clouds throughout|
| | | | |varying{ the air, only black at west |
| | | | | to { near the horizon. |
| | | | | E & W { |
| 11 | 5½ M.| 21 6 3 | 61½ | W {Clouds united through all the |
| | | | | { air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 61½ | W {Thick black clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air, thunder at a |
| | | | | { distance, with some drops of|
| | | | | { rain. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 59¾ | W {Thick black clouds cover the |
| | | | | { sky, there has fallen a |
| | | | | { small shower. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 5 | 59½ | N {Thick black clouds through all|
| | | | | { the air, they come from the |
| | | | | { north above the Mountain of |
| | | | | { Koscam. |
| 12 | 5½ M.| 21 7 0 | 57¼ | N |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 7 0 | 59¾ | N |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 7 | 59½ | N N E |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 7 | 59½ | N E {Clouds throughout the whole |
| | | | | { air, excepting the west |
| | | | | { which is clear. |
| 13 | 5½ M.| 21 7 2 | 56½ | ditto.{Clear, only a small cloud in |
| | | | | { the west. |
| |12 N.| 21 7 0 | 58 | W {Rain, and the whole air |
| | | | |varying{ covered with clouds. |
| | | | | to N { |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 7 | 60 | N {Moderate rain, the air covered|
| | | | |varying{ as above. |
| | | | | to { |
| | | | | E & W { |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 9 | 58¾ | N {Large masses of clouds cover |
| | | | | { the whole air. |
| 14 | 5½ M.| 21 7 3 | 56 | N N E {Clear, only two very small |
| | | | | { clouds visible in the |
| | | | | { horizon to the east. |
| |12 N.| 21 7 0 | 60 | W {Very thick clouds through all |
| | | | | { the air, excepting in the |
| | | | | { east, which is clear. |
| | 3 E.| 21 6 7 | 60 | N N W {The clouds intercept one |
| | | | | { another from the south-east |
| | | | | { and south-west. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 7 | 59½ | N E |Rain. |
| 15 | 5½ M.| 21 7 2 | 57 | N N E {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { very thick clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 9 | 60¾ | W |Ditto.----With rain. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 8 | 59½ | N {Very thick black clouds come |
| | | | |varying{ from north-east, and |
| | | | | to { south-east, a thick mist at |
| | | | | N N E { north which is very low. |
| 26 | 5½ M.| 21 7 2 | 57 | N {Thick clouds at north, and |
| | | | | { very low. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 8 | 65¾ | N {White clouds flying throughout|
| | | | | { the air, heavy at S. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 7 | 64 | N {Thick clouds united throughout|
| | | | | { the air, heavier at south |
| | | | | { and north-east. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 8 | 61 | N |Very thick mist to the north. |
| 27 | 6 M.| 21 7 0 | 59 | N W {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { clouds joined together. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 7 | 64½ | N {Thick flat clouds through all |
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 6 | 59¾ | N |Ditto. |
| 28 | 6 M.| 21 7 1 | 57¾ | N {Flying but scattered clouds |
| | | | | { through all the air, they |
| | | | | { come from east and south. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 7 | 63 | S W {Thick clouds through all the |
| | | | | { air, especially at S. W. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 63¾ | W by N{Clouds throughout all the air,|
| | | | | { but blackest towards |
| | | | | { north-east, and north. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 61 | N {Thick clouds, which come in |
| | | | | { great quantities from the |
| | | | | { north. |
| 29 | 6 M.| 21 6 7 | 57¾ | W N W {Clouds throughout all the air,|
| | | | | { but thickest towards west |
| | | | | { and north-west. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 63½ | N {Large flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { all the air, two currents of|
| | | | | { wind, one from S. the other |
| | | | | { from N. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 1 | 65 | N N W {Clouds closely united |
| | | | | { throughout all the air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 61 | N {Clouds come from north-east |
| | | | | { are very low and heavy. |
| 30 | 6 M.| 21 6 6 | 58 | N {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { clouds closely united. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 6 | 61½ | W {Large clouds flying through |
| | | | | { all the air, they come from |
| | | | | { north-west and north-east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 0 | 63 | N {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 59½ | N {The clouds come from |
| | | | | { north-east, and are very |
| | | | | { thick. |
| 31 | 6½ M.| 21 6 6 | 58 | N W {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 2 | 61 | W N W {Thick united clouds through |
| | | | | { all the air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 59 | N N E {Large flying clouds very black|
| | | | | { especially in the horizon at|
| | | | | { south and north, loud |
| | | | | { thunder and the sun covered.|
| AUG. | | | | | |
| 1 | 6 M.| 21 6 6 | 58 | N N E {Clouds flying throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 2 | 63 | W S W {Thick flying clouds from the |
| | | | | { east, likewise some come to |
| | | | | { meet them from the west. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 9 | 64 | W |Rain for a few minutes. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 9 | 60¾ | N {Thick clouds at north they |
| | | | |varying{ come from north-east. |
| | | | | to { |
| | | | | N N E { |
| 2 | 6 M.| 21 6 4 | 57¾ | W N W {Thick flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { all the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 6 | 61½ | N N E |Rain. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 9 | 61½ | N N W {Great masses of clouds at |
| | | | | { north-west. |
| 3 | 6 M.| 21 6 3 | 58 |S W b N{All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 6 | 59 | N |It rained for some minutes. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 1 | 59½ | N {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 59 | N N E {Rain, with clouds united all |
| | | | | { over the air. |
| 4 | 6 M.| 21 6 5 | 58 | N W {The clouds are joined all over|
| | | | | { the air, and a mist comes |
| | | | | { from south. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 7 | 59 | N E {Heavy clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, it rains. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 58 | N {The whole sky is covered with |
| | | | | { clouds, it rains. |
| 5 | 6 M.| 21 6 7 | 56 | N by E{All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 60½ | W {Moderate rain, the clouds |
| | | | | { cross from north-west north |
| | | | | { and south-east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 2 | 58¾ | N N E {Large flying clouds at north |
| | | | | { which come from east. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 1 | 58¾ | ditto.{Large clouds remain in the |
| | | | | { horizon. |
| 6 | 5½ M.| 21 6 4 | 58 | ditto.{Flying clouds, they come |
| | | | | { frequent all over the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 59½ | S W |Large clouds all over the air.|
| | 2 E.| 21 6 1 | 59 | N W {United clouds through all the |
| | | | | { air, and are very low, a |
| | | | | { stream of mist goes |
| | | | | { constantly to the S. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 1 | 59 | N {All the sky is covered with |
| | | | | { thick clouds, the lowest |
| | | | | { come from south very |
| | | | | { quickly. |
| 7 | 6 M.| 21 7 0 | 54¾ | S W {A thick mist covers the whole |
| | | | | { air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 58 | W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 2 | 61 | S W {The clouds heavier to the |
| | | | | { south. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 56 | N b W {The clouds are all joined |
| | | | | { throughout the air, there is|
| | | | | { a stream of mist coming from|
| | | | | { the north. |
| 8 | 6 M.| 21 6 7 | 55½ | N N W {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { clouds, it rains. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 60 | W {Thick clouds through all the |
| | | | |varying{ air, they come from |
| | | | | to { south-east, and north-east. |
| | | | | W S W { |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 2 | 62 | S {Ditto. |
| | | | |varying{ |
| | | | | to { |
| | | | | S S W { |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 57¾ | N by W{Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air especially at north, |
| | | | | { they come from south-east, |
| | | | | { small rain. |
| 9 | 6 M.| 21 6 5 | 57 | N E {Thick clouds in great masses |
| | | | | { through all the horizon. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 60¾ | N W {Clouds flying throughout all |
| | | | | { the air, they come from |
| | | | | { north and south. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 1 | 61¾ | W S W {Rain from the north, and very |
| | | | | { thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, they come from north |
| | | | | { and south. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 1 | 58½ | N {Rain and thick clouds |
| | | | |varying{ throughout the air. Two |
| | | | | to N W{ currents of wind, the one |
| | | | | { from the south the other |
| | | | | { from the north. |
| 10 | 6 M.| 21 6 9 | 56¾ | N E {Thick clouds cover all the |
| | | | | { air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 60½ | W {Clouds mixed with large spaces|
| | | | | { of clear. The clouds come |
| | | | | { from the east with great |
| | | | | { violence against the wind. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 2 | 60 | N N E {Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, two currents of wind, |
| | | | | { one from north-east the |
| | | | | { other from north-west, cross|
| | | | | { one another. Thunder in |
| | | | | { the W. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 58 | N {All the sky is covered with |
| | | | | { thick clouds. The upper |
| | | | | { current from the east, the |
| | | | | { next from north, and the |
| | | | | { last so low as to touch the |
| | | | | { earth. They cross with great|
| | | | | { velocity and force. |
| 11 | 6 M.| 21 6 6 | 56 | N E {Clouds cover the whole face of|
| | | | | { the sky. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 61 | S E {Clouds throughout the air, the|
| | | | | { wind in two currents north |
| | | | | { and south. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 59 | N by E{ Moderate rain the whole sky |
| | | | | { overcast with clouds. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 59 | N {Very thick clouds throughout |
| | | | |varying{ the air. Two currents of |
| | | | | to N E{ wind, the highest from |
| | | | | { north, the lowest from |
| | | | | { north-east. |
| 12 | 6½ M.| 21 6 9 | 56½ | N N E {Light clouds cover the sky |
| | | | | { like a veil. |
| 13 |12 N.| 21 6 6 | 61¼ | W {Large clouds near the horizon,|
| | | | | { especially at north |
| | | | | { north-east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 62 | N W {The sky is overcast with thick|
| | | | | { clouds and closely united at|
| | | | | { south. |
| | 7½ E.| 21 6 2 | 60 | N {Black clouds, and very low in |
| | | | | { the horizon. Two currents of|
| | | | | { wind, the one east |
| | | | | { south-east the other north, |
| | | | | { which cross each other. |
| 14 | 6½ M.| 21 6 9 | 55½ | N E {Clouds blowing about the |
| | | | | { horizon, the zenith clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 61½ | ditto.{A current of clouds from north|
| | | | | { and south, thunder and |
| | | | | { lightning through all the |
| | | | | { sky. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 60 | W {Violent rain, it has thundered|
| | | | |varying{ two hours without interval. |
| | | | | to N { |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 58 | N N E {Large flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| 15 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 56 | W |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 61½ | N {Clouds through all the air, |
| | | | | { and it begins to rain. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 60¾ | N N E {Black clouds. Two currents of |
| | | | | { air come from the N. and S.|
| | | | | { along the Mountain of the |
| | | | | { Sun. It has thundered and |
| | | | | { lightned [sic] all |
| | | | | { afternoon, and the lightning|
| | | | | { runs in sheets upon the |
| | | | | { earth like water. |
| 16 | 6½ M.| 21 6 7 | 57 | ditto.{The sky overcast with thick |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 6 | 58 | N |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 2 | 61¼ | N N E {The sky overcast with clouds, |
| | | | | { excepting in the south, west|
| | | | | { clear. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 60 | ditto.{Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| 17 | 6 M.| 21 6 8 | 56¼ | ditto.{Thin clouds like a veil cover |
| | | | | { the sky. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 61¾ | N {Thick black clouds cover the |
| | | | | { sky, and come from N. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 61½ | N {Clouds as above but thickest |
| | | | |varying{ at south. |
| | | | | to | |
| | | | | N N E | |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 60 |N by E {Black clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, especially at north |
| | | | | { west. |
| 18 | 6 M.| 21 6 9 | 55¾ | N E {Thin clouds cover the air like|
| | | | | { a veil. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 61¾ | N W {Very thick clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air, it rains, clouds |
| | | | | { come from north and south. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 61¾ | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 57¾ | N N E |Black clouds all over the air.|
| 19 | 6½ M.| 21 6 8 | 56½ | ditto.{Small light clouds fly |
| | | | | { throughout the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 61½ | ditto.|Rain, thunder, and lightning. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 58 | N by E|Black clouds all over the sky.|
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 60 | N N E |Ditto. |
| 20 | 6 M.| 21 6 9 | 56½ | ditto.{Flying clouds cover the whole |
| | | | | { air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 61 | N N W {It begins to rain, clouds very|
| | | | | { heavy, they come from north |
| | | | | { and south, and meet in the |
| | | | | { zenith. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 62½ | N {Great clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, the S. W. is clear. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 59 | N N E {Clouds throughout the air, |
| | | | | { they come from the N. |
| 21 | 6 M.| 21 6 9 | 55¼ | ditto.|Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 63½ | N {Thick clouds come from the |
| | | | |varying{ south, some small ones from |
| | | | | to { the north. |
| | | | | N N E { |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 64 | N N W {Thick clouds cover the whole |
| | | | | { air, they come with great |
| | | | | { violence from the north. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 5 | 59¾ | N {Thick clouds and very low from|
| | | | | { the north, thunder and rain |
| | | | | { without ceasing. |
| 22 |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 63 | N {Clouds with violent rain |
| | | | | { thunder and lightning. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 58¾ | N {Broken clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, but black ones come |
| | | | | { from the north. |
| 23 | 6 M.| 21 6 8 | 58 | N |Flying clouds cover the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 59¼ | N {Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, but thickest at north. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 61¾ | N by E{Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, rain in the S. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 60¾ | N N E |Rain and thick clouds. |
| 24 | 7 M.| 21 6 7 | 57 | N E {Clear, except a little hazy at|
| | | | | { S. S. W. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 59½ | N {Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, it rains at north. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 6 | 59½ | N |It rains at east. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 58¾ | N {Rain and thick clouds |
| | | | | { throughout the air, |
| | | | | { especially in the west. |
| 25 | 7 M.| 21 7 0 | 56½ | N E {Great clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, especially at south and|
| | | | | { north, a stream of dark mist|
| | | | | { comes from the south very |
| | | | | { low. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 6 | 62 | W S W {Great and thick clouds |
| | | | | { throughout the sky, |
| | | | | { especially at south and |
| | | | | { north. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 5 | 59½ | ditto.{Moderate rain, thick clouds |
| | | | | { throughout the sky. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 6 | 57 | N {Dark clouds very low |
| | | | | { throughout the air, it is |
| | | | | { very cold. |
| 26 | 6½ M.| 21 7 0 | 55½ | N N E {Light clouds, but frequent |
| | | | | { throughout the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 7 | 58¾ | W {It rains violently especially |
| | | | | { from the south-west. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 59 | N W {Very thick clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air, a low stream comes |
| | | | | { from north. |
| 27 | 6¼ M.| 21 6 8 | 56 | N {Light clouds fly throughout |
| | | | | { the air, they come from east|
| | | | | { and west. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 61½ | W by S{Large thick clouds especially |
| | | | | { at north, the lowest come |
| | | | | { from the west. |
| | 2½ E.| 21 6 4 | 61½ | N {Thick clouds in the horizon, |
| | | | | { it rains hard, the air is |
| | | | | { all covered. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 59½ | N {Thick clouds, all the air is |
| | | | | { covered especially at south |
| | | | | { and north. |
| 28 | 6 M.| 21 6 8 | 57 | N E |All the air is cloudy. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 61 | N {Clouds as above a stormy rain |
| | | | | { at north-west. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 58 | N |Thick clouds in the horizon. |
| 29 | 6 M.| 21 7 0 | 57 | N E {Large clouds flying throughout|
| | | | | { the air, especially at |
| | | | | { south. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 62 | W {Wandering clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 62 | N N W |Clouds as above, but thicker. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 59 | N {Large masses of clouds from |
| | | | | { the N. W. |
| 30 | 6 M.| 21 6 6 | 56¾ | N {Both east and west are covered|
| | | | | { with thick clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 59 | N {Great clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, violent rain, thunder, |
| | | | | { and lightning. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 63 | N N E {Large clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, and a moderate rain. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 58¾ | N {Very thick clouds through the |
| | | | | { whole horizon, these go in |
| | | | | { currents to the south-west |
| | | | | { and north-east, but leave |
| | | | | { the zenith clear. |
| 31 | 6 M.| 21 6 5 | 57 | N {Light clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 62 | N {Flying clouds, but dark to the|
| | | | | { south. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 64 | N {Large clouds especially at |
| | | | | { south and north. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 61 | N N E {Very thick black clouds cover |
| | | | | { the air. |
|SEPT. | | | | | |
| 1 | 6 M.| 21 6 8 | 56½ | N E |Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 62¾ | N {Thick clouds cover the air, |
| | | | | { they come from north and |
| | | | | } south. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 63 | N N E |Thunder at south-west. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 60 | N {Dark clouds in the horizon, |
| | | | | { especially at S. W. |
| 2 | 6 M.| 21 6 9 | 57 | N E |Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 64 | N {Thick broken clouds, they |
| | | | | { stream from north and south.|
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 65¼ | N |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 61¾ | ---- {Clear small clouds in the |
| | | | | { horizon at N. W. and S. |
| 3 | 6 M.| 21 6 6 | 58¾ | N N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 63¾ | N {Clouds throughout the air |
| | | | | { especially at north, thunder|
| | | | | { in the east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 63¾ | N {Moderate but constant rain, |
| | | | |varying{ coming from the north-west. |
| | | | | to N E{ |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 60 | N N E {Clouds in the horizon to the |
| | | | | { north and north-west. |
| 4 | 6 M.| 21 6 9 | 56½ | N by E|Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 7 | 61 | E N E {Clouds throughout the air |
| | | | | { especially at west, violent |
| | | | | { thunder and lightning. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 60 | N E {Clouds throughout the air, and|
| | | | | { rain which seems to be |
| | | | | { violent to the westward. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 7 | 58¾ | N {Very thick clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air, especially at east,|
| | | | | { south, and south-west. |
| 5 | 6 M.| 21 7 3 | 58 | N N E {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { light clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 7 0 | 62 | N {Clouds which have overcast all|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 5 | 63 | N N W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 7 0 | 60¾ | N N E {Violent rain and clouds |
| | | | | { everywhere especially at N. |
| 6 | 6 M.| 21 7 1 | 57 | N E {Small clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, they come from the |
| | | | | { south and north. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 6 | 63½ | N N E {Large clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { horizon. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 66 | ditto.{Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 61 | N {Large dark clouds from the |
| | | | | { north and east. |
| 7 | 6 M.| 21 6 8 | 57½ | N E {Light clouds flying throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 7 | 61½ | W {A most violent rain, which |
| | | | | { began with north-east winds,|
| | | | | { but changed to west, and |
| | | | | { ended in a hail shower. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 0 | 62 | N E {Rain and thick clouds, the |
| | | | | { rain comes most violently |
| | | | | { from north-west. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 60 | N {The clouds are united through |
| | | | | { the whole air. |
| 8 | 6 M.| 21 7 2 | 67 | N E |Light clouds in the horizon. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 6 | 65 | W N W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 67 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 5 | 63½ | N {Low dark clouds in the |
| | | | | { north-west and south-west. |
| 9 | 6½ M.| 21 7 3 | 58¾ | N E {Small white clouds scattered |
| | | | | { through the horizon. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 7 | 67½ | S E {Light small clouds through the|
| | | | | { air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 5 | 68½ | N E {Great clouds through all the |
| | | | | { horizon. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 5 | 66 | N N E {Black clouds in the horizon to|
| | | | | { the W. N. W. and S. W. |
| 10 | 6 M.| 21 7 2 | 58¼ | N W {Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 6 | 68½ | E {Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | |varying{ air. |
| | | | | to N E{ |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 5 | 69 | N N E {Small flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 6 | 64 | ditto.{Large clouds occupy the air. |
| 11 | 6 M.| 21 7 0 | 60¾ | N |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 66½ | N N E |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 65 | N E {Violent rain from N. E. and |
| | | | | { the whole sky overcast. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 5 | 69¼ | N {Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | |varying{ air. |
| | | | | to N E{ |
| 12 | 6½ M.| 21 7 0 | 57½ | N {Light clouds cover the sky |
| | | | | { like a veil. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 65 | N {Clouds cover the air which |
| | | | | { come from the north-east. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 5 | 61 | N by E{Light clouds towards the |
| | | | | { zenith, heavy ones towards |
| | | | | { the horizon at north and |
| | | | | { west, lightning at west. |
| 13 | 6 M.| 21 6 9 | 67 | N N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 65¾ | W S W {White clouds fly throughout |
| | | | | { the air, which come from |
| | | | | { north-east and south-west. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 65 | N {Clouds as above but more |
| | | | | { frequent. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 62 | N {Large black clouds in the |
| | | | | { horizon at south. |
| 14 | 6 M.| 21 6 9 | 58¾ | N N E |Clouds cover the whole air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 65 | N N W {Large clouds from N. W. and |
| | | | | { S. E. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 65 | ditto.{Large clouds thro' the whole |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 63 | N {Black clouds in the horizon at|
| | | | |varying{ north. |
| | | | | to W { |
| 15 | 6¼ M.| 21 6 8 | 59 | N N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 66 | S {Ditto. |
| | | | |varying{ |
| | | | | to S E{ |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 66 | N |The clouds are lighter. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 5 | 61 | N {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { thick clouds, lightning at |
| | | | | { north-west. |
| 16 | 6½ M.| 21 7 2 | 59 | N N E {The whole air is covered with |
| | | | | { thick clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 7 | 61¾ | W S W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 65 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 5 | 61 | N {It rains violently, the sky |
| | | | | { all overcast. |
| 17 | 6 M.| 21 7 2 | 58¼ | N N E {The sky clear, except a small |
| | | | | { cloud in the horizon at |
| | | | | { west. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 6 | 65 | N W {Great clouds cover the air, |
| | | | | { which come north-east and |
| | | | | { south-west. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 62 | N |Thick clouds to the horizon. |
| 18 | 6 M.| 21 7 0 | 58¼ | N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 67 | E |Clouds fly through the air. |
| | 2½ E.| 21 6 4 | 67 | N {Ditto. |
| | | | |varying{ |
| | | | | to { |
| | | | | N N W { |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 62 | N |Ditto. |
| 19 | 6 M.| 21 6 8 | 58½ | N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 66 | N by E{Many clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 64¾ | ditto.{Large clouds darken the whole |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 63 | ditto.{All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| 20 | 6 M.| 21 6 8 | 59 | N E {Light clouds cover the air |
| | | | | { thicker towards the horizon.|
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 66 | N W {Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, they come from west. |
| | 6¼ E.| 21 6 6 | 60½ | N E |Ditto. |
| 21 | 6 M.| 21 7 0 | 57 | N by E|Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 60¾ | N W {A quantity of black clouds |
| | | | | { throughout the horizon, they|
| | | | | { move from the north-east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 64 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 5 | 64 | N E {Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, the lower current comes|
| | | | | { from the south the other |
| | | | | { from north-east. |
| 22 | 6 M.| 21 6 7 | 57½ | N E {Clear everywhere, excepting |
| | | | | { one cloud in the horizon to |
| | | | | { the west. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 67 | S {A dark cloud is split into |
| | | | | { many and covers the whole |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 68 | N N E {Flying white clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 63½ | N E {Small rain, the clouds are |
| | | | | { thick and heavy, they come |
| | | | | { with the wind from |
| | | | | { north-east. |
| 23 | 6 M.| 21 6 4 | 58 | ditto.{Clear small clouds to the |
| | | | | { horizon at west. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 67 | ditto.{Thick heavy clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air, which come from |
| | | | | { north-east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 65 | N W {Thick clouds and thunder at |
| | | | | { west. |
| | 6¼ E.| 21 6 3 | 61 | N E {Thick black clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air. |
| 24 | 6 M.| 21 6 8 | 58 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 65¾ | S E |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 65¼ | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6¼ E.| 21 6 3 | 63 | N {Thick heavy clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air, especially at south|
| | | | | { and west. |
| 25 | 6 M.| 21 6 4 | 59 | N E {Thin clouds cover the whole |
| | | | | { air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 66½ | E N E |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 2 | 68 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 62 | N |The clouds are heavier. |
| 26 | 6¼ M.| 21 6 6 | 59 | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 68 | E by N{Strong squalls of wind come in|
| | | | | { starts, white clouds through|
| | | | | { the air, coming from |
| | | | | { north-east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 2 | 68¾ | N E |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 65 | N |Clear. |
| 27 | 6 M.| 21 6 8 | 69¼ | N N E|Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 68 | E by N{Ditto.--But a few flying |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 2 | 69¾ | N E {Thick clouds scattered about |
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 63 | W N W |Black clouds in the horizon to|
| | | | | { the S. and W. |
| 28 | 6 M.| 21 7 1 | 57¾ | N E |Small black clouds flying in |
| | | | | { the west. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 68 | ditto.{Small white clouds in the |
| | | | | { north, north-east and |
| | | | | { north-west. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 70 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 64 | N {Clear, excepting a few small |
| | | | | { clouds to the W. |
| 29 | 6 M.| 21 7 0 | 58 | N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 67¾ | E S E |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 69 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 66½ | N {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, they come from the |
| | | | | { E. N. E. and S. E. |
| 30 | 6 M.| 21 6 7 | 58¾ | N E |Clear. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 70 | E S E {White clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 66 | N {Clear except a few small |
| | | | | { clouds in the horizon to the|
| | | | | { west. |
| OCT. | | | | | |
| 1 | 6 M.| 21 6 9 | 58 | N E {Clear, only a few small clouds|
| | | | | { at south-west. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 69 | W |Clouds cover the whole air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 66 | N by W|Clear. |
| 2 | 6 M.| 21 6 8 | 59½ | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 69½ | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 69 | N {Clouds throughout the whole |
| | | | | { air, clear in the E. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 66 | N {Clear, excepting a very few |
| | | | | { small clouds at south-east |
| | | | | { and south-west. |
| 3 | 6 M.| 21 6 6 | 60 | N N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 69½ | N E |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 67½ | N |Ditto. |
| 4 | 6 M.| 21 6 4 | 60 | N E {Clear till mid-day, it then |
| | | | | { overcast and rained an hour |
| | | | | { with violent thunder and |
| | | | | { lightning. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 64 | N {Thick clouds near the horizon |
| | | | |varying{ at north-west and |
| | | | | to N W{ south-west. |
| 5 | 6 M.| 21 6 7 | 60 | N {Light clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 64 | N {Small rain, the whole sky |
| | | | | { overcast; it thunders. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 63 | N {Clouds throughout the air, a |
| | | | | { little rain at S. W. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 61½ | N |Clouds throughout the air. |
| 6 | 6 M.| 21 6 9 | 58 | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 2 | 68 | E |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 64 | N by E|Ditto. |
| 7 | 6 M.| 21 6 6 | 59 | ditto.|Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 2 | 68½ | N E |Clouds flying through the air.|
| | 2 E.| 21 6 1 | 67 | N by E{The sky is overcast, but the |
| | | | | { sun appears sometimes. |
| | 3½ E.| 21 6 1 | 67 | N E {Rain and violent large hail, |
| | | | | { it lasted about half an |
| | | | | { hour, and came from the |
| | | | | { south against the wind, some|
| | | | | { of the hail nearly half an |
| | | | | { inch round. It lay upon the |
| | | | | { Mountain of the Sun near one|
| | | | | { hour without melting. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 2 | 61¾ | N |Many clouds through the air. |
| 8 | 6 M.| 21 6 7 | 58½ | N {Light clouds flying through |
| | | | | { the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 2 | 65½ | N E |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 1 | 67 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 0 | 61½ | N {Clear, unless some clouds in |
| | | | | { the east and west near the |
| | | | | { horizon. |
| 9 | 6½ M.| 21 6 8 | 58 | N {Small clouds scattered thro' |
| | | | | { the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 0 | 66 | S {Large clouds come from |
| | | | | {south-west. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 1 | 60 | N E {Dark clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| 10 | 6½ M.| 21 6 6 | 57¾ | ditto.|Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 2 | 64 | ditto.{Clouds flying throughout the |
| | | | | { air, the sun covered. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 61 | ditto.{Violent rain thunder and |
| | | | | { lightning. |
| 11 | 6½ M.| 21 6 6 | 57¾ | ditto.{Clear, only some small clouds |
| | | | | { in the horizon at N. W. |
| | | | | { south and south-west. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 63 | S W {White flying clouds from the |
| | | | | { S. E. and south-west. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 1 | 60¾ | N {The sky is overcast, and there|
| | | | | { is appearance of rain. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 3 | 60 | N {The air overcast with thick |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| 12 | 6½ M.| 21 6 8 | 56 | N E {Thin flying clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 2 | 63¾ | W S W {Thin white clouds to the west |
| | | | | { and to the north. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 0 | 65¾ | N {Large moving clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 1 | 63½ | N E |Ditto. |
| 13 |12 N.| 21 6 1 | 64¾ | N by W|Ditto, the sun covered. |
| 14 | 6½ E.| 21 6 0 | 63 | N {All the air is covered with |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| 15 | 6½ M.| 21 6 2 | 58¾ | N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 1 | 66 | ditto.{Light flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 0 | 65 | N |Clear. |
| 16 | 6½ M.| 21 6 5 | 58¾ | N N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 2 | 66¾ | N W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 0 | 69½ | W {White clouds flying throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 0 | 66 | N {Ditto.--They come from |
| | | | | { south-east. |
| 17 | 6½ M.| 21 6 9 | 59 | N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 1 | 67 | S W |Cloudy. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 1 | 69 | N {White clouds come from the |
| | | | | { south-east. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 1 | 66 | W |Clear. |
| 18 | 6½ M.| 21 6 3 | 59 | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 1 | 67 | N W |Clouds throughout the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 0 | 67¾ | N by W|Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 0 | 65 | N |Clear. |
| 19 | 6½ M.| 21 6 1 | 59¾ | N by E{Thin clouds like a veil cover |
| | | | | { the whole sky. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 1 | 67¼ | ditto.{White flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 0 | 69½ | S W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 0 | 65¾ | N W |Ditto. |
| 20 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 58¾ | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 1 | 67 | N N E {Small flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 0 | 67½ | N by E|Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 1 | 65 | N by E|Ditto. |
| 21 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 59½ | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 0 | 67¾ | N N E |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 0 | 69¾ | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 1 | 67 | N |Ditto. |
| 22 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 61 | N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 0 | 68¾ | S S W {White flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the air, the sun is |
| | | | | { sometimes darkened. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 0 | 70 | N |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 0 | 67 | N |Clear. |
| 23 | 6½ M.| 21 6 1 | 61 | N by E|Ditto. |
| |½ P.M.| 21 6 0 | 69 | S W {White clouds flying throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 9 | 69¼ | W S W {There has fallen three or four|
| | | | | { small showers. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 0 | 66¾ | N {Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| 24 | 6½ M.| 21 6 2 | 61 | N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 0 | 66¼ | N {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, they come from N. E. |
| | | | | { and S. E. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 8 | 66¾ | N W {The sky overcast, small |
| | | | | { showers and thunder. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 0 | 65 | N |Clear. |
| NOV. | | | | | |
| 20 |12 M.| 21 4 9 | 71 |N b N W{Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 5 | 72 | N N W |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 5 | 69½ | N |Black clouds near the horizon.|
| 21 | 6 M.| 21 6 6 | 60 | N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 7 | 71 | W {Ditto. |
| | | | |varying{ |
| | | | | to S W{ |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 1 | 73 | W {Little clouds flying |
| | | | | { throughout the air, they |
| | | | | { come from north-east. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 7 | 69½ | N |Clear. |
| 22 | 6 M.| 21 6 7 | 61 | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 5 | 71 | W {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 9 | 74 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 7 | 69 | N E {Black clouds in the horizon at|
| | | | | { west. |
| 23 | 6 M.| 21 6 5 | 61 | ditto.|Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 4 | 71 | W {Light clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 8 | 74 | N by W|Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 4 | 69 | N W |Clear. |
| 24 | 6 M.| 21 6 2 | 61 | N by E|Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 9 | 72 | W S W {White clouds flying throughout|
| | | | | { the air, they come from |
| | | | | { north-east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 7 | 71 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 3 | 70 | N N W {All the south is covered with |
| | | | | { thick clouds. |
| 25 | 6 M.| 21 6 3 | 60½ | N E {Clear, only a thin veil covers|
| | | | | { the sky south. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 2 | 70 | N N E |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 8 | 71 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 8 | 64½ | S S W {All the sky is covered with |
| | | | | { very thick clouds, which |
| | | | | { come from north-east. |
| 26 | 6½ M.| 21 6 3 | 59 | N {Small spotted clouds near the |
| | | | | { horizon, all the rest clear.|
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 68 | N N W {The air is covered with clouds|
| | | | | { which come from the south. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 70½ | N E {Small white clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the horizon. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 5 | 66 | N N W {Clear, only small clouds in |
| | | | | { the horizon, at north. |
| 27 | 6½ M.| 21 6 2 | 59½ | N |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 6 | 60 | W S W {A quantity of clouds thro' the|
| | | | | { whole air, especially at |
| | | | | { south. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 2 | 69 | N W {Clouds as above, there have |
| | | | | { been three blasts of wind |
| | | | | { which lasted for about half |
| | | | | { a minute each, then calmed. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 5 | 67 | N N W |Clear. |
| 28 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 60½ | N {Clear, except a few small |
| | | | | { clouds to the W. S. W. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 8 | 69 | N b W {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, the sun is covered. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 2 | 71 | ditto.|Flying clouds from the south. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 7 | 67 | N N W |Light clouds like a veil. |
| 29 | 6½ M.| 21 6 8 | 59 | N N E |Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 8 | 69 | N W {Clouds flying throughout the |
| | | | | { air, especially at south, |
| | | | | { the sun is covered. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 8 | 65½ | ditto.|Clear and cloudless. |
| 30 | 6½ M.| 21 6 9 | 59 | W N W {Thin clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 0 | 69½ | N {Thick clouds throughout the |
| | | | |varying{ air, which come from |
| | | | | to N W{ east, the sun covered. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 4 | 71 | N W {Thin clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 7 | 67 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| DEC. | | | | | |
| 1 | 6½ M.| 21 6 8 | 59½ | N |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 9 | 69 | N W {White flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 2 | 72 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| 2 | 6½ M.| 21 6 2 | 59½ | N b E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 7 | 69 | N W {Thin white clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 0 | 68 | N b E |Clear. |
| 3 | 6 M.| 21 6 3 | 59½ | N E |Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 4 | 70½ | N W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 4 | 73 | N b W |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 3 | 69 | N N E |Ditto. |
| 4 | 6 M.| 21 6 4 | 59 | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 8 | 69½ | N W {Clear, excepting some small |
| | | | | { streaks in the horizon to |
| | | | | { the west. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 73½ | N {Ditto. |
| | | | |varying{ |
| | | | | to N W{ |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 6 | 69½ | N W {Clear, except some small |
| | | | | { clouds to the south. |
| 5 | 6 M.| 21 6 4 | 59 | N N E |Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 5 | 69½ | N W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 9 | 73 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 4 | 67½ | N |Ditto. |
| 6 | 6 M.| 21 6 3 | 59½ | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 4 | 70 | W by N{Small flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 8 | 71½ | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 3 | 68 | N W {Thick heavy clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air, they come from the |
| | | | | { south-east. |
| 7 | 6½ M.| 21 6 3 | 60½ | N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 6 | 69 | W N W {Small clouds scattered like a |
| | | | | { veil about the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 2 | 70½ | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 0 | 65½ | ditto.{Clear, except some small |
| | | | | { streaks in the horizon, at |
| | | | | { west and south-west. |
| 8 | 6½ M.| 21 6 6 | 60 | N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 7 | 70 | S W {Large clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, which come from |
| | | | | { north-east, the sun is |
| | | | | { covered. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 2 | 71½ | N |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 1 | 66 | N W {Large dark clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air, they come from the |
| | | | | { north-east. |
| 9 | 6½ M.| 21 6 8 | 60 | N E |Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 7 | 70 | ditto.{Flying clouds come from the |
| | | | | { north-west. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 72 | N W {The clouds are increased in |
| | | | | { number. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 8 | 67½ | N {Large clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, they come from |
| | | | | { north-west. |
| 10 | 6½ M.| 21 6 6 | 59½ | N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 1 | 67 | ditto.{Heavy clouds cover the air |
| | | | | { from the north-east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 7 | 68 | N |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 0 | 67 | N by W{Clouds in the south-east and |
| | | | | { south. |
| 11 | 6½ M.| 21 6 8 | 60½ | N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 1 | 69 | N W {Clouds throughout the air, the|
| | | | | { sun covered. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 0 | 67½ | N {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, especially at S. W. |
| 12 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 60½ | N by E|Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 8 | 69 | N N W {Small flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 8 | 67½ | N |Ditto. |
| 13 | 7 M.| 21 6 4 | 60 | N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 9 | 69 | W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 2 | 70½ | N W {Small clouds flying through |
| | | | | { the south. |
| | 7 E.| 21 5 7 | 67 | N N W |Clear. |
| 14 | 7 M.| 21 6 3 | 60 | N by W|Ditto. |
| | 7 E.| 21 5 5 | 67 | W |Ditto. |
| 15 | 7 M.| 21 6 7 | 59 | N N E |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 3 | 70½ | N by W|Ditto. |
| | 7 E.| 21 5 9 | 66½ | N {Ditto.--Only a small white |
| | | | | { streak of clouds in the |
| | | | | { horizon, to the south-west. |
| 16 | 7 M.| 21 6 7 | 59½ | N E |Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 0 | 69½ | W |Small clouds, near the zenith.|
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 0 | 69 | W {Clear, only some small streaks|
| | | | | { of clouds in the horizon, to|
| | | | | { the S. W. |
| 17 | 6½ M.| 21 6 5 | 59½ | N E {Light clouds like a veil cover|
| | | | | { the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 69½ | W {Small clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 7 | 72 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 4 | 68 | N W {Dark clouds in the horizon to |
| | | | | { the W. and S. W. |
| 18 | 6½ M.| 21 6 3 | 60 | N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 2 | 70 | W {Light clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 6 | 72 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 2 | 69 | N {Large black clouds cover the |
| | | | |varying{ whole sky, they come from the|
| | | | | to N W{ east. |
| 19 | 6½ M.| 21 6 3 | 62 | N E {Clear, only small streaks of |
| | | | | { black clouds to the W. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 3 | 70 | N W {White clouds through the air, |
| | | | | { they come from N. E. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 69½ | W |Ditto. |
| | 5½ E.| 21 5 2 | 70 | N W {Great clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air, a small rain for seven |
| | | | | { minutes, the sky cloudy to |
| | | | | { the N. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 3 | 69 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| 20 | 6½ M.| 21 6 2 | 63½ | N E {Clear, except a few streaks of|
| | | | | { clouds at the horizon. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 3 | 71 | ditto.{Many clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { sky, the sun is covered. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 1 | 70 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 4 | 70 | N N E |Clear. |
| 21 | 6½ M.| 21 6 6 | 62 | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 8 | 71 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 3 | 70 | N N E |Clear and cloudless. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 0 | 71 | N E {Clear, but some streaky clouds|
| | | | | { in the horizon at south and |
| | | | | { south-west. |
| 22 | 6½ M.| 21 7 0 | 63 | ditto.|Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 8 | 72 | W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 2 | 74 | N E |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 1 | 70½ | W |Ditto. |
| 23 | 6½ M.| 21 7 2 | 61½ | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 7 | 71 | W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 73 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 6 | 71 | W {Ditto.--Only a few streaks in |
| | | | | { the horizon to the south. |
| 24 | 6 M.| 21 6 6 | 60 | N E |Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 3 | 71 | W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 73 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 5 | 71 | W |Ditto. |
| 25 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 61½ | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 3 | 71½ | W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 7 | 71 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 6 | 70½ | W |Ditto. |
| 26 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 62 | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 6 | 70½ | W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 73 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 9 | 71½ | W |Ditto. |
| 27 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 62 | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 6 | 70½ | W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 73 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 9 | 71½ | W |Ditto. |
| 28 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 63 | N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 4 | 71 | W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 9 | 73 | W {Small flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 2 | 71 | W {Small streaky clouds in the |
| | | | | { horizon; at west south-west,|
| | | | | { about ten at night, there |
| | | | | { came violent blasts of wind |
| | | | | { which lasted only a few |
| | | | | { minutes. |
| 29 | 6½ M.| 21 6 2 | 63 | N E {Small thin clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 4 | 71 | W S W |Small flying clouds. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 7 | 73½ | W {The clouds increase, and the |
| | | | | { sun covered. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 3 | 70 | W {Streaky clouds to the west and|
| | | | | { south-west. |
| 30 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 62½ | N E { Light flying clouds |
| | | | | { throughout the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 4 | 70 | W |The clouds are turned heavier.|
| | 2 E.| 21 4 2 | 72 | W {Heavier still and the sun |
| | | | | { covered. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 2 | 70 | W {Large clouds in the horizon to|
| | | | | { the south. |
| 31 | 6½ M.| 21 6 0 | 63½ | N E {Thick clouds flying throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 7 | 71½ | W {The clouds are larger and more|
| | | | | { united, the sun is covered, |
| | | | | { and the south only clear. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 6 | 72 | W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 7 | 69½ | W N W {Many clouds at the south |
| | | | | { south-east and east. |
| | | | | | |
| | | | | | |
| | | | | | Gondar, 1771. |
| | | | | | |
| | | | | | |
| JAN. | | | | | |
| 1 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 63½ | N E {Small streaks of clouds in the|
| | | | | { horizon at south-west. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 6 | 72 | W S W {Great white clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air, the sun covered. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 72½ | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 8 | 69 | W |Clouds near the horizon. |
| 2 | 6½ M.| 21 6 3 | 62¼ | N E {Streaky clouds in the horizon |
| | | | | { at west. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 7 | 69 | W |Small white flying clouds. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 0 | 72½ | W S W {Small flying clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| |¾ P.M.| 21 5 0 | 71 | W {A violent storm of wind |
| | | | | { changing to all points of |
| | | | | { the compass. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 8 | 71 | W |Great clouds to the south. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 6 | 68 | N E |Clear. |
| 4 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 61 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 4 | 70 | W N W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 9 | 71 | W {Small white clouds flying |
| | | | | { about the air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 6 | 68½ | W {Clear, only a small streak of |
| | | | | { clouds at south and |
| | | | | { south-west. |
| 5 | 6½ M.| 21 6 5 | 62 | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 6 | 70 | W S W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 9 | 72 | W |Clouds flying to the north. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 6 | 69 | W {Clouds flying to the |
| | | | | { south-east. |
| 6 | 2 E.| 21 4 9 | 72 | W |Flying clouds in the north. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 5 | 70 | W {Flying clouds to the |
| | | | | { south-east. |
| 7 | 6½ M.| 21 6 6 | 62½ | W S W |Clouds throughout the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 6 | 73 | W {Overcast and the sun is |
| | | | | { covered. |
| | 1½ E.| 21 5 3 | 72 | W by N{Ditto.--A violent storm of |
| | | | | { wind, which lasted four |
| | | | | { minutes. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 1 | 73 | W |Clouds cover the whole air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 7 | 69½ | N {Clear, but a black streak of |
| | | | | { clouds to south and S. W. |
| 8 | 6½ M.| 21 6 4 | 64 | W |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 5 | 71 | W {Flying clouds through the air |
| | | | | { and the sun covered. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 8 | 74½ | W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 7 | 69½ | W |Clear. |
| 9 |12 M.| 21 6 3 | 63½ | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 3 | 71 | S S W {Small clouds flying through |
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 7 | 72½ | W N W |Ditto.--The sun covered. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 4 | 70 | W {A very few small clouds in the|
| | | | | { air. |
| 10 | 6½ M.| 21 6 0 | 66 | N E |All the air is overcast. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 9 | 73½ | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 4 6 | 72½ | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 5 0 | 72½ | W {Small but black flying clouds |
| | | | | { through the air. |
| 11 | 6½ M.| 21 6 1 | 64 | N N E {Clouds flying through the |
| | | | | { horizon. |
| 29 |12 N.| 21 5 5 | 75 | S W {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 5 4 | 74 | W S W |Ditto. |
| 30 | 6½ M.| 21 7 3 | 66½ | ---- {A little thicker at the |
| | | | | { horizon. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 70 | N W {Ditto.--With appearance of |
| | | | | { rain. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 3 | 70 | ditto.|Overcast. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 6 | 69 | ditto.{A little clearer, the clouds |
| | | | | { come from south-west. |
| 31 | 6½ M.| 21 7 4 | 65 | ---- {Overcast, especially at east |
| | | | | { and north-east, the clouds |
| | | | | { coming from the north-west. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 8 | 70½ | S S W {White clouds come from the |
| | | | | { north-east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 73 | N N W {Light white clouds from the |
| | | | | { south-west. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 9 | 70 | N W {Clear, except a few clouds |
| | | | | { from the north-east. |
| FEB. | | | | | |
| 1 | 6½ M.| 21 7 4 | 65 | S S W {All overcast, and the sun |
| | | | | { covered. |
| |12 N.| 21 7 0 | 69 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 5 | 72 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 7 0 | 68 | N |Ditto. |
| 2 | 6½ M.| 21 7 2 | 65 | N by E|Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 8 | 72 | N {White clouds in the south and |
| | | | | { east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 74 | N W |Ditto--But a violent wind. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 9 | 68 | N N W |Clear. |
| 3 | 6½ M.| 21 6 8 | 65 | N N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 6 | 73 | W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 1 | 74 | W {White clouds flying throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 4 | 69 | N N W {Clear, but a violent storm of |
| | | | | { wind. |
| 4 | 6½ M.| 21 7 1 | 65 | N |Clouds throughout the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 7 0 | 72 | S W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 7 | 72½ | N W |Ditto.--But the sun covered. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 7 0 | 70 | N {Clouds flying throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| 5 | 6½ M.| 21 7 5 | 64 | N {Clouds like a veil cover the |
| | | | | { sky. |
| |12 N.| 21 7 0 | 70½ | N {Flying clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air especially at north. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 8 | 71 | N W {Clouds at south south-east and|
| | | | | { south. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 7 2 | 68 | ditto.{Clouds flying through all the |
| | | | | { horizon. |
| 6 | 6½ M.| 21 7 6 | 63½ | N {Small white clouds flying from|
| | | | | { north, the rest clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 7 0 | 71 | N |Scattered clouds. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 8 | 71½ | N W |Light clouds. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 7 1 | 68 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| 7 | 6½ M.| 21 7 4 | 64½ | N {White clouds at south and |
| | | | | { south-east, towards the |
| | | | | { horizon. |
| |12 N.| 21 7 0 | 73 | N W {White clouds at east, north, |
| | | | | { and north-east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 5 | 74 | N |Clear. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 7 | 69½ | N |Ditto. |
| 8 | 6½ M.| 21 7 2 | 66 | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 8 | 73 | N {White clouds from the east, |
| | | | | { north, and south-east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 5 | 75 | N W |Clear. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 7 0 | 70 | N by W|Clear and cloudless. |
| 9 | 6½ M.| 21 7 3 | 63 | N by E|Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 7 0 | 72 | N W {White clouds flying in the |
| | | | | { south and east. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 5 | 74 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 7 1 | 69½ | ditto.|Clear. |
| 10 | 6½ M.| 21 7 4 | 63½ | N N E |Clear and cloudless. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 8 | 72 | S W {Light clouds like a veil cover|
| | | | | { the sky. |
| 11 |12 N.| 21 6 7 | 73 | N W |Clear. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 5 | 75 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 6 | 70 | N |Ditto. |
| 12 |12 N.| 21 6 7 | 72 | S {Small clouds in the north-east|
| | | | | { near the horizon. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 5 | 75 | W |White clouds in the east. |
| | 6½ E.| 21 6 8 | 70 | N W |Clear. |
| 14 |12 N.| 21 6 8 | 72½ | S W {Large white clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 7 | 75 | N W |Ditto. |
| 15 | 6 M.| 21 6 8 | 70 | S W |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 7 | 72 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 5 | 75 | W {White broken clouds at east, |
| | | | | { the rest clear. |
| 16 | 6 M.| 21 7 4 | 63½ | N |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 8 | 72¼ | N W |Ditto. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 5 | 75 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 8 | 70 | W |Ditto. |
| 17 | 6 M.| 21 7 6 | 63½ | N {All the horizon is black and |
| | | | | { covered with clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 7 0 | 71 | N {White broken clouds throughout|
| | | | | { the air. |
| | 2 E.| 21 6 4 | 74 | N |High white clouds. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 2 | 69 | N |Ditto. |
| 23 | 6 M.| 21 6 4 | 70 | N |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 8 | 70 | N W |Ditto. |
| 26 | 6 M.| 21 7 4 | 64 | N |Clouds at the west and east. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 8 | 73 | N {A violent storm of winds from |
| | | | | { the south, which lasted five|
| | | | | { minutes. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 6 | 70 | N {Clouds and rain for about |
| | | | | { three quarters of an hour. |
| | | | | { Violent thunder, the clouds |
| | | | | { come from the east. |
| 27 | 6 M.| 21 6 6 | 67 | N by E{It rained in the night for |
| | | | | { about an hour and a quarter.|
| |12 N.| 21 6 5 | 76 | N by W{Large thick clouds, but the |
| | | | | { sun shines. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 1 | 71 | ditto.|Clouds throughout the air. |
| 28 | 6 M.| 21 6 4 | 69½ | N {The heavens are covered with a|
| | | | | { light veil; it rained half |
| | | | | { an hour in the night. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 70¼ | N W {Ditto.--Clouds come from N. E.|
| | | | | { and S. W. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 1 | 71 | N by W{Clouds all over the sky, but |
| | | | | { most at south and west. |
| March | | | | | |
| 1 | 6 M.| 21 6 5 | 75 | N {A thin veil covers the sky, |
| | | | | { but the sun shines thro' it.|
| 2 | 6 M.| 21 6 4 | 64 | N |Flying clouds in the south. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 1 | 73½ | S {White flying clouds, the sun |
| | | | | { is covered. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 2 | 72 | S E |Ditto. |
| 3 | 6 M.| 21 6 4 | 69½ | E S E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 8 | 74 | S S W {Thick heavy clouds cover the |
| | | | | { whole air. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 3 | 75½ | W |Ditto. |
| 4 | 6 M.| 21 6 5 | 68½ | S by E{It rained two hours in the |
| | | | | { night. |
| 5 | 6 M.| 21 6 2 | 65 | N E {The sky is covered with a |
| | | | | { light veil. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 8 | 79½ | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 4 | 72 | W |Ditto. |
| 6 | 6 M.| 21 6 5 | 63 | W {Thick clouds cover the air, it|
| | | | | { has rained about half an |
| | | | | { hour in the night. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 0 | 77 | S {Thick dark clouds, and |
| | | | | { appearance of rain. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 8 | 70 | S {Thick clouds in the south, it |
| | | | | { has rained and hailed about |
| | | | | { an hour. |
| 7 | 6 M.| 21 6 3 | 63 | W |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 4 7 | 80 | W by N{Thick clouds in the south, but|
| | | | | { clear in the zenith. |
| | 3½ E.| 21 4 4 | 80 | W {Overcast with thick clouds in |
| | | | | { the south and west, it |
| | | | | { rained and hailed with |
| | | | | { thunder and lightning. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 4 | 80 | W {Thick and flat clouds, with |
| | | | | { frequent lightning. |
| 8 | 6 M.| 21 6 5 | 63 | S E {Clear, but has rained twice in|
| | | | | { the night half and hour at a|
| | | | | { time. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 2 | 81 | S W {White clouds throughout the |
| | | | | { air. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 4 | 71 | W |Ditto. |
| 9 | 6 M.| 21 6 3 | 64 | N N E |Clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 2 | 80 | W {White thin clouds very hot in |
| | | | | { the sun. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 6 | 74 | N W |Clear. |
| 10 | 6 M.| 21 6 2 | 74 | N N E {White thin clouds throughout |
| | | | | { the air. |
| |12 N.| 21 5 0 | 82 | W N W |Clear. |
| | 6 E.| 21 5 4 | 76 | N W |Ditto. |
| 11 | 6 M.| 21 6 9 | 67¾ | N by E{Sky is covered with a thin |
| | | | | { veil. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 76¼ | N W {Clear, only small clouds |
| | | | | { appear in the air. |
| 12 | 6 M.| 21 6 7 | 69¼ | N {The sky is covered with a thin|
| | | | | { veil. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 70¼ | N W {Overcast with thick clouds, |
| | | | | { which come from north-east |
| | | | | { and south-west, it is likely|
| | | | | { to rain, cold and |
| | | | | { unpleasant. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 1 | 71 | N {Cloudy to the north and warm. |
| | | | | { It rained hard for three |
| | | | | { quarters of an hour |
| | | | | { immediately after noon. |
| 13 | 6 M.| 21 6 7 | 69¼ | N |Cloudy everywhere. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 3 | 70 | N |Cloudy and cold. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 0 | 71 | N N W {A thick veil covers the sky, |
| | | | | { clouds in the horizon to |
| | | | | { the south. |
| 14 | 6 M.| 21 7 0 | 67¾ | N |Overcast all round. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 9 | 70 | N W {Clouds all round, with small |
| | | | | { drops of rain. |
| | 6 E.| 21 7 0 | 69½ | N by W{Cloudy everywhere except in |
| | | | | { the zenith. |
| 15 | 6 M.| 21 7 5 | 66½ | N {A thin veil covers the sky, |
| | | | | { faint sun-shine. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 9 | 70¼ | N W {Cloudy all round, and a few |
| | | | | { drops of rain. |
| | 6 E.| 21 7 0 | 69½ | N b W {Cloudy everywhere except in |
| | | | | { the zenith. |
| 16 | 6 M.| 21 7 4 | 65½ |N W b N{Small white clouds united all |
| | | | | { over head, high wind all |
| | | | | { night. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 9 | 75 | N W {Large white clouds in the |
| | | | | { east. |
| | 6 E.| 21 7 0 | 69¼ |N W b N|Clear. |
| 17 | 6 M.| 21 6 9 | 56 | N |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 7 | 77 | N W |Ditto. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 1 | 71 | N b W {Cloudy, but the sun sets |
| | | | | { clear. |
| 18 | 6 M.| 21 7 0 | 65¾ | N N W |A thin veil covers the sky. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 0 | 77 | N W {Light flying clouds, but a |
| | | | | { clear sun-shine. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 3 | 73 | ditto.{Clear all above, and without |
| | | | | { clouds, but hazy in the |
| | | | | { horizon. |
| 19 | 6 M.| 21 7 0 | 67½ | N |Perfectly clear everywhere. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 76 | N W |Cloudy, but sun-shine. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 3 | 72¾ | ditto.|Clear and serene. |
| 20 | 6 M.| 21 7 0 | 77¾ | N {Clear above, but hazy in the |
| | | | | { horizon at north-east, and |
| | | | | { south. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 6 | 77¾ | N b E {Large white flying clouds, but|
| | | | | { clear sun-shine. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 3 | 73½ | N N W |Clear and serene. |
| 21 | 6 M.| 21 6 9 | 70¼ | N |A thin veil covers the sky. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 4 | 75½ | N W {Clear, but large white clouds |
| | | | | { to the south-east. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 0 | 73½ | ditto.{Clear above, and hazy in the |
| | | | | { horizon at north east and |
| | | | | { south. |
| 22 | 6 M.| 21 6 8 | 69¾ | N {Overcast with small broken |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 6 0 | 77 | N |Cloudy. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 2 | 75 | N W |Cloudy all over and close. |
| 23 | 6 M.| 21 6 9 | 70¼ | N {Cloudy, especially at south, |
| | | | | { close. |
| |12 N.| 21 7 0 | 73¾ | N N W {Large heavy white clouds and |
| | | | | { close. |
| | 6 E.| 21 6 4 | 73¼ | ditto.{Cloudy to the south, a violent|
| | | | | { shower of hail and rain |
| | | | | { which lasted 18 minutes. |
| 24 |12 N.| 21 7 6 | 76 | ditto.|Cloudy and warm. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 0 | 75 | ditto.|Ditto. |
| 27 | 6 M.| 21 1 3 | 70¼ | ditto.|Cloudy and close. |
| 28 | 6 M.| 21 0 7 | 70¼ | ditto.{Ditto.--Heavy towards the |
| | | | | { south. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 2 | 76¾ | S {Sun-shine, with large white |
| | | | | { clouds. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 0 | 75¾ | N E {Rains, overcast with dark |
| | | | | { heavy clouds. The first |
| | | | | { violent lightning and |
| | | | | { thunder. |
| 29 | 6 M.| 21 0 4 | 69 | ditto.{All overcast, heavy and dark |
| | | | | { clouds come from west, loud |
| | | | | { thunder in the night. |
| |12 N.| 21 11 9 | 73¾ | S E {Cloudy and close, wind varying|
| | | | | { to south, clouds come from |
| | | | | { north-west and west. |
| | 2¾ N.| 20 11 5 | 75 | E {A violent blast which lasted a|
| | | | | { few minutes. Loud thunder in|
| | | | | { the zenith and south, |
| | | | | { clouds, with rain, drive |
| | | | | { from east and south-west. |
| | 4½ E.| 20 11 6 | 71¾ | N E {It has rained till now and |
| | | | | { cleared, with the wind at |
| | | | | { north-east, thunder and |
| | | | | { cloudy still in the south, |
| | | | | { clouds drive from |
| | | | | { north-west. |
| | 5¾ E.| 20 11 5 | 72¼ | E {Clear sun-shine, clouds fly |
| | | | | { swiftly from west. |
| | 6 E.| 21 11 5 | 72 | N E {Lightning, clouds from west |
| | | | | { and north, close. |
| 30 | 2¾ M.| 21 0 0 | 68¼ | ditto.{It has thundered, lightned, |
| | | | | { and rained violently all |
| | | | | { night; clouds from west and |
| | | | | { east fly moderately. |
| | 6 M.| 21 0 9 | 67¼ | E {Constant heavy rain, clouds |
| | | | | { fly all round. |
| | 8 M.| 21 1 0 | 69½ | N {It has ceased raining with |
| | | | | { wind at north varying to |
| | | | | { north-west. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 5 | 74¼ | S {Heavy white clouds from |
| | | | | { north-west, faint sun-shine.|
| 31 | 6 M.| 21 0 0 | 67¾ | N W {Cloudy, the clouds come from |
| | | | | { north-west, faint sun-shine.|
| |12 N.| 21 0 7 | 71 | N b E {Cloudy all round, clouds come |
| | | | | { from north, dark in the |
| | | | | | east. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 4 | 70¼ | N N W {Cloudy, the clouds come from |
| | | | | { north and south-east. |
| April | | | | | |
| 1 | 6 M.| 21 1 0 | 68¼ | E {Faint sun-shine with a light |
| | | | | { veil over the sky. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 5 | 72¼ | N E {Cloudy and dark, stormy like |
| | | | | { to the south. |
| | 3½ N.| 21 0 0 | 72¼ | N N E {A violent shower of hail which|
| | | | | { lasted nine minutes, and |
| | | | | { cleared with wind at north |
| | | | | { north-east. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 3 | 71 | ditto.{Cloudy and close, dark and |
| | | | | { stormy like to south. |
| 2 | 6 M.| 21 1 0 | 66½ | N {Clear sun-shine, with large |
| | | | | { white clouds, lightning and |
| | | | | { rain all the night. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 9 | 69¼ | N W |Cloudy all over. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 4 | 70¾ | N N E {Cloudy in most parts, which |
| | | | | { fly swiftly from east and |
| | | | | { west. |
| 3 | 6 M.| 21 1 0 | 67½ | ditto.{Cloudy to the south and dark, |
| | | | | { clear to the northward. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 9 | 72 | ditto.{Cloudy, they cross from west |
| | | | | { and east. |
| | 3¼ E.| 21 0 5 | 72½ | S S E {Rain and cloudy all over. |
| | | | |varying{ |
| | | | | to { |
| | | | | N N E { |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 4 | 70½ | N N E |Cloudy throughout. |
| 4 | 6 M.| 21 1 5 | 67 | N E {Clear and serene everywhere, |
| | | | | { no rain last night. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 8 | 73¼ | N b W {Cloudy, the clouds drive from |
| | | | |varying{ east and west. |
| | | | | to | |
| | | | | N N E | |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 8 | 71¼ | N { Cloudy, with a violent high |
| | | | | { wind, clouds cross the |
| | | | | { zenith swiftly from west. |
| 5 | 6 M.| 21 0 0 | 69½ |N E b E|High wind, but clear. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 4 | 73 | N W {Large white clouds, but clear |
| | | | | { sun-shine. |
| | ½ E.| 21 0 4 | 73½ | N {Heavy rain, thunder in the |
| | | | | { south, clouds from east and |
| | | | | { west. |
| | 2½ E.| 21 0 7 | 69 | N W {It is all overcast, and |
| | | | | { thunders in the zenith; it |
| | | | | { has rained till now, there |
| | | | | { has been a strong wind which|
| | | | | { lasted 25 minutes. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 7 | 70 | N E {Clear, with a few clouds in |
| | | | | { the horizon at north and |
| | | | | { south. |
| 6 | 6 M.| 21 0 8 | 68¼ |N E b E{Cloudy, high white clouds cool|
| | | | | { and fresh. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 7 | 73 | E {Cloudy, dark and rainy like in|
| | | | | { the south. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 4 | 73¼ | N N E {Large clouds chiefly to the |
| | | | | { north and close. |
| 8 | 3 E.| 21 0 7 | 72¾ | S E {Clouds with small rain. |
| | | | |varying{ |
| | | | | to S { |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 4 | 73¾ | S E {High light white clouds close |
| | | | | { and warm. |
| 9 | 6 M.| 21 1 7 | 71 | E {Dappled sky, and faint |
| | | | | { sun-shine. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 0 | 73 | S E {It has thundered all day, but |
| | | | | { no rain. |
| | 6 E.| 21 1 0 | 71¾ | N E {Varying to east and north, |
| | | | | { dark and stormy like all |
| | | | | { round. |
| 10 | 6 M.| 21 1 7 | 68¼ | N N E {Cloudy all over, it rained in |
| | | | | { the night one hour. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 4 | 67½ | N E {Faint sun-shine, with some |
| | | | | { high white clouds, it rained|
| | | | | { half an hour in the night, |
| | | | | { and thundered. |
| | 6 E.| 21 1 3 | 67½ | N {Cloud and stormy-like, dark |
| | | | | { clouds fly from E. to W. |
| 11 | 6 M.| 21 1 4 | 67½ | N E {Faint sun-shine, with some |
| | | | | { high white clouds, it rained|
| | | | | { a little. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 0 | 72½ | W S W |Heavy white clouds. |
| | 6 E.| 21 1 0 | 71¾ | N {Close clouds flying from east |
| | | | | { and west. |
| 26 | 6 M.| 21 1 4 | 67 | N E |Sun-shine and cloudy by turns.|
| |12 N.| 21 1 0 | 73 | S E {Sun-shine, but faint large |
| | | | | { white clouds. |
| 27 | 6 M.| 21 1 5 | 67 | N E |Clear and serene. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 8 | 71¼ | N {High wind, and clouds from |
| | | | | { north-east. |
| 28 | 6 M.| 21 1 4 | 67 | N E |Clear, but cold and windy. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 7 | 72 | S S E {Cloudy and dark both in the |
| | | | | { south and west. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 8 | 70 | N |High wind since noon. |
| 29 | 6 M.| 21 1 7 | 68¼ | N N E {Cloudy, windy, and stormy |
| | | | | { like, it begins to rain. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 4 | 67 | N |Cloudy to the south and north.|
| | 6 E.| 21 1 0 | 70 | N |Wind cold bleak, but clear. |
| 30 | 6 M.| 21 1 7 | 69 | N {Cloudy, it rained in the |
| | | | | { night. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 8 | 73 | N W |Cloudy and windy. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 8 | 71 | N {High wind, bleak and cool, |
| | | | | { cloudy in the south. |
| 31 | 6 M.| 21 0 7 | 70 | N E |Cloudy and heavy to the south.|
| |12 N.| 21 0 2 | 75¾ | ditto.{Rain, heavy and dark clouds to|
| | | | | { the west. |
| MAY | | | | | |
| 1 | 6 M.| 21 1 4 | 73½ | N |Heavy rain, with intervals. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 7 | 65 | N N E |Cloudy in the west. |
| | 6 E.| 21 1 3 | 69¼ | N E {Cloudy all over, it thunders |
| | | | | { in the south. |
| 2 | 6 M.| 21 1 6 | 63 | S E {Cloudy, and like to rain, the |
| | | | | { clouds come from north-east.|
| | 6 E.| 21 0 9 | 78 | N W {Cloudy and heavy in south and |
| | | | | { west. |
| 3 | 6 M.| 21 1 1 | 75 | ditto.{All overcast, cloudy in |
| | | | | { north-east, it rained hard |
| | | | | { in the night. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 7 | 78 | N N E |Cloudy, but not like rain. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 8 | 74½ | N E {Cloudy all over head, but |
| | | | | { high. |
| 4 | 6 M.| 21 0 9 | 63 | ditto.{Clear and serene, but hazy in |
| | | | | { the horizon to the S. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 7 | 77 | N W |Clear, and without clouds. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 7 | 75¼ | ditto.{All overcast, it lightens |
| | | | | { violently. |
| 5 | 6 M.| 21 1 7 | 69½ | N E {Clear, and serene, it rained a|
| | | | | { few drops in the night. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 4 | 78 | N W {Clear a few white clouds come |
| | | | | { swiftly from east. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 6 | 74¼ | ditto.{Cloudy and dark in the south, |
| | | | | { clouds come from south-east |
| | | | | { and south-west. |
| 6 | 6 M.| 21 1 9 | 65 | N E |Heavy clouds in the south. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 8 | 79 | N W {All overcast, clouds come from|
| | | | | { south-east, and east. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 8 | 70 | S E {It has rained violently since |
| | | | | { three, overcast all round. |
| 7 | 6 M.| 21 1 9 | 59 | E {Clear, though there are still |
| | | | | { clouds to the south, it |
| | | | | { rained heavily in the night,|
| | | | | { wind varying all round from |
| | | | | { south to north. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 2 | 74 | N W {Cloudy to windward and to |
| | | | | { S. E. clouds fly rapidly |
| | | | | { different ways, but chiefly |
| | | | | { from south-west. |
| | 6 E.| 21 1 4 | 71½ | ditto.{Cloudy and warm, heavy to the |
| | | | | { south, lightning and small |
| | | | | { rain. |
| 8 | 6 M.| 21 1 0 | 64½ | N {Clear and pleasant light, |
| | | | | { white clouds from east. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 5 | 73 | N E {Cloudy, clouds fly from |
| | | | | { north-west, north-east, |
| | | | | { south-west and south. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 6 | 72¼ | ditto.{Small rain, wind varying to |
| | | | | { south-east, south |
| | | | | { south-east, dark in the |
| | | | | { south. |
| 10 | 6½ M.| 21 1 7 | 62 | E N E {Clear sun-shine, a few thin |
| | | | | { clouds to the east. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 0 | 78 | N E {Light clouds in the |
| | | | | { south-east. |
| | 6 E.| 21 1 7 | 70¾ | ditto.{Thin narrow streaks of red |
| | | | | { clouds to the W. |
| 11 | 6 M.| 21 1 7 | 61½ | N W |Clear everywhere, and warm. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 0 | 74 | N by W{A heavy cloud rises in the |
| | | | | { south, light clouds at N. W.|
| | 6 E.| 21 1 0 | 71½ | N W {It has rained small rain by |
| | | | | { intervals, but is very dark.|
| 14 | 6 M.| 21 1 4 | 63 | ditto.{Cloudy everywhere but in the |
| | | | | { zenith. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 5 | 74 | ditto.{Overcast clouds come slowly |
| | | | | { from south and north. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 6 | 66 | N E {Clear, only a few light clouds|
| | | | | { to the south. |
| 15 | 6 M.| 21 1 0 | 66 | N E |Ditto. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 5 | 78 | N W {Cloudy in the south and north,|
| | | | | { but the zenith clear. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 7 | 73½ | S W {Cloudy all round, and likely |
| | | | | { to rain, close and warm. |
| 16 | 6 M.| 21 1 0 | 63 | N E |Clear, bright sun-shine. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 4 | 75¼ | S W {Cloudy and dark to the south |
| | | | | { and north-west. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 0 | 74 | E S E {Cloudy, it has rained a few |
| | | | | { drops. |
| 19 | 6 M.| 21 1 6 | 63 | N W {Clear, unless in the |
| | | | | { south-east a few clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 0 | 72 | S S E {High white clouds, but no |
| | | | | { rain. |
| 21 | 6 M.| 21 1 7 | 62 | N E {Clear, with a few white clouds|
| | | | | { to the north and east. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 0 | 73 | N by W|Ditto.--They seem stationary. |
| | 6 E.| 21 1 1 | 73 |N W b W{Cloudy, it lightens; thunders |
| | | | | { heavily in the south. |
| 22 | 6 M.| 21 1 7 | 62 | N W |Clear and serene, but warm. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 0 | 76 | W {A small black cloud ascends |
| | | | | { from the east, turning round|
| | | | | { like a wheel upon its axis, |
| | | | | { quicker as it approaches the|
| | | | | { zenith. |
| | 6 E.| 21 1 0 | 74 | S E {Heavy and cloudy, it lightens |
| | | | | { greatly. |
| 23 | 6 M.| 21 1 9 | 61 | N W {Large heavy white clouds all |
| | | | | { round. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 2 | 73 | ditto.|Cloudy and bleak. |
| | 6 E.| 21 1 3 | 67 | ditto.|Cloudy and close. |
| 25 | 6 M.| 21 1 6 | 63 | ditto.{Some white heavy clouds to the|
| | | | | { south-east and east, they |
| | | | | { fly swiftly, and turn as a |
| | | | | { wheel as before; at ten |
| | | | | { o'clock heavy clouds. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 3 | 75 | ditto.{Cloudy, the sun covered, dark |
| | | | | { in the north-west. |
| | 6 E.| 21 0 4 | 70 | N {It began to rain, thunder and |
| | | | |varying{ lightning about three, and |
| | | | | to { so continues dark every |
| | | | | E & S { where. |
| 26 | 6 M.| 21 0 8 | 62 | N {It has rained heavily all |
| | | | | { night, the sun at times |
| | | | | { overcast. |
| |12 N.| 21 0 5 | 73 | N W {Cloudy, it has rained several |
| | | | | { times this forenoon. |
| | 6 E.| 21 1 0 | 72 | N W {It has rained heavily since |
| | | | |varying{ two, dark and cloudy; when |
| | | | | to S { the wind comes south it |
| | | | | { falls calm, and then is the |
| | | | | { heaviest rains. |
| 29 | 6 M.| 21 1 4 | 63 | N {High white large clouds to the|
| | | | | { west and east, it rained all|
| | | | | { night. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 6 | 75 | N W {Large white clouds all round |
| | | | | { the horizon. |
| | 6 E.| 21 1 4 | 70½ | N E |Ditto. |
| 30 | 6 M.| 21 1 7 | 64 | ditto.{Cloudy to the south, but the |
| | | | | { sun clear and pleasant. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 4 | 75 | ditto.|Cloudy. |
| | 6 E.| 21 1 6 | 70½ | E N E {Cloudy in the south, but clear|
| | | | | { everywhere else. |
| 31 | 6 M.| 21 1 6 | 61½ | N E {Clouds very high, they come |
| | | | | { from the east towards the |
| | | | | { zenith. |
| |12 N.| 21 1 0 | 73 | N W {Cloudy all round, clouds |
| | | | | { crossing from south and |
| | | | | { east, and north-west. |
| | 6 E.| 21 1 4 | 70 | N {It has rained a few drops, and|
| | | | | { thundered. |
+-------+------+----------+-----+-------+------------------------------+
_END OF THE FOURTH VOLUME_.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] I suppose this to be the animal called Lupus Aureus; it is near as
large as a wolf, and lives upon moles.
[2] The 1st of Ginbot is the 26th of our April.
[3] This was Francisco, who was sick.
[4] See my last journey to the fountains of the Nile.
[5] The same whose foot was hurt by Strates's mule in the campaign of
Maitsha.
[6] It was reported, when I was at Sennaar, that the king had been
defeated and slain. I have no other authority, only think, all things
considered, it was most probable.
[7] Suspicion of familiarity with the Ras her grandfather.
[8] Conquetes des Portugais, liv. 1. p. 46. Lafitan.
[9] Serbraxos, abbreviation for Serba Christos, the Cross of Christ.
[10] These are leather coats quilted with cotton, used instead of
coats of mail: both man and horse are covered with them, and they give
to both a monstrous appearance.
[11] He meant, from the instigation of Ozoro Esther.
[12] Captain Thomas Price of the Lyon of Bombay.
[13] Her daughter was married to Powussen.
[14] Servant of the Holy Ghost.
[15] For extinguishing fire.
[16] See a chart of the Arabian Gulf published at London in 1781 by L.
S. Dela Rochette.
[17] See the article Waalia in the Appendix.
[18] See the article Rhinoceros in the Appendix.
[19] Welled Sidi Boogannim at Hydra. See Shaw's Travels.
[20] See the article Erkoom in the Appendix.
[21] See the article Wooginoos in the Appendix.
[22] Ras el Feel signifies the head of an elephant.
[23] Jibbel Achdar.
[24] The word signifies the Well of Caravans: I suppose of those
which, like ours, bring salt into Atbara, for there is no other trade
between the two nations.
[25] It is the custom, in all places where the governor is invested
with supreme power, to have an arm-chair left empty in the middle
of the hall where justice is administered, which represents the
sovereign, and to which obeisance is made.
[26] The house where they keep their women.
[27] El coom, that is, all his servants.
[28] By this they mean Gog and Magog. We shall after see their belief
concerning them.
[29] Which means a slave.
[30] A noble and free Arab.
[31] This is a very horrid oath, full of nonsense, and vows of
friendship and secrecy.
[32] El'asser is four o'clock.
[33] The Hakim, or wise man knows.
[34] He is indeed wise.
[35] God is great.
[36] This refusal among the Arabs is a declaration of the most deadly
enmity.
[37] Vid. Marmol, tom. I p. 274.
[38] Vid. Consul Maillet's letter to the French ambassador published
by Le Grande in his History of Abyssinia.
[39] Bear, like the Turk, no brother near the throne. POPE.
[40] Ounce of gold is here meant.
[41] Nigritia, or the black countries on both sides of the Niger.
[42] Vid. Prosper Alpin. cap. 27. page 44. tom. 2.
[43] We had seen this practised too by the Agows at the source of the
Nile.
[44] A machine for raising water from the Nile, otherwise called the
Persian wheel.
[45] Ptol. Geograph. lib. iv. cap. 8.
[46] Kebsh, a sheep; pl. Cubba-beesh, sheep.
[47] The farm where he kept the flocks belonging to himself.
[48] De. orig. flum. cap. xvi. p. 57.
[49] Plin. lib. vi. c. 30.
[50] It is not here to be understood that the Arab described the day
by the 5th, but by an interval of time which we knew corresponded to
the 5th.
[51] It is always the part of a firman from the Porte, that the bearer
is at liberty to wear what colour, dress, or arms he pleases.
[52] It is a loose garment like a night-gown; it is a gift of
ceremony, and mark of favour.
[53] Not one ship has ever yet entered the Red Sea, as I am informed,
without a copy of my letter and firman.
[54] Warren Hastings, Esq.
[55] The Cuddalore was lost in a storm in the bay of Bengal, and
Captain Wedderburn drowned before the commencement of the voyage. A
small vessel, called a Gallevat, was substituted, commanded by Captain
Moffat, who made the voyage.
[56] Mr Hastings, here alluded to, with these memorandums and
informations, dispatched the Swallow packet to the Red Sea.
[57] The Diamond is a small rock, just without the harbour of
Alexandria; when ships arrive there, they are cleared out, and never
molested further by the customhouse.
Transcriber's Notes:
1. Obvious spelling and punctuation errors corrected.
2. Obsolete forms of spelling and use of hyphens has been retained.
3. Italics are shown as _text_.
4. Superscripts are represented using the caret character, e.g. D^r.
5. The many decorative images separating chapters have not been
indicated.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, Volume IV (of 5) - In the years 1769, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772 and 1773" ***
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